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Colectivo (Venezuela)

Colectivos ([ko.lek'ti.βos], "collectives") are far-left


Colectivos
Venezuelan groups that support Nicolás Maduro, the
Bolivarian government, the Great Patriotic Pole (GPP)
political alliance and the ruling party, the United Socialist
Party of Venezuela (PSUV).[3][4][5] Colectivo has
become an umbrella term for armed paramilitary groups
that operate in poverty-stricken areas and attack
individuals,[2][3] engaging in "extortion, kidnapping, drug
trafficking and murder".[5] They commit extrajudicial
killings and terrorize those who disagree with them with
Colectivos gathered during the Mother of All
impunity.[3]
Marches in 2017
The term may also refer to a community organization Country Venezuela
with any shared purpose, such as a neighborhood group
Ideology Bolivarianism
that organizes social events.[2] Some colectivos began by
Chavismo
doing community work or helping with social programs
Socialism
in barrios,[3][6] and their members said they promoted
democracy, political activism and culture.[4] Political position Far-left
Major actions Drug, arms, food and
As of 2019, there are dozens of colectivos in medicine trafficking;
Venezuela.[3] In 2018, InSight Crime reported 46 groups murder, theft,
in one barrio (slum), 23 de Enero, alone.[7] They operate
extortion[1][2]
in 16  Venezuelan states,[5] controlling about 10% of
Venezuelan cities.[1] Some personnel of Venezuela's Means of Bolivarian Government
intelligence agencies, including the Directorate General revenue of Venezuela
of Military Counterintelligence and the Bolivarian
United Socialist Party
Intelligence Service, are also members of colectivos.[8]
of Venezuela (PSUV)
Colectivos have both legal and illegal funding sources.[7]
They were initially funded by the Bolivarian Great Patriotic Pole
government;[8] some receive funds to distribute (GPP)
government food packages[7] and have access to
government "slush funds".[2] They are also funded by Crime
extortion, black-market food and the drug trade.[1][9]
Drug, food, medicine
Human Rights Watch described colectivos as "armed trafficking, and
gangs who use violence with impunity" to harass political extortion
opponents of the Venezuelan government.[10][11]
Amnesty International calls them "armed pro-government supporters who are tolerated or supported by the
authorities".[12] They have attacked anti-government protesters[3] and Venezuelan opposition television
staff, sent death threats to journalists, and once tear-gassed the Vatican envoy.[10] Through violence and
intimidation, in 2019 they have increasingly become a means of quashing the opposition and maintaining
political power;[9][13] Maduro called on them during the 2019 Venezuelan blackouts saying, "The time has
come for active resistance",[14] and asking them "to defend the peace of every barrio, of every block".[15]
An Organization of American States report on human rights violations in Venezuela stated that colectivos
murdered at least 131 individuals between 2014 and 2017 during anti-government protests.[16]

The National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their "violence,
paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes," declaring their acts as state-sponsored
terrorism.[17]

Contents
Description and history
Activity
2002–13
2014–16
Robert Serra's murder
2017–18
2019
2020–22
Prominent groups
La Piedrita
Tupamaros
Funding and resources
Monetary
Weapons
Social effects
Crime
Education
See also
Notes
References

Description and history


Colectivos emerged during the 1960s from guerrilla warfare in urban Venezuela, and made a return during
the presidency of Hugo Chávez,[6][18] when Chávez created their parent organizations, known as
Bolivarian Circles.[19] InSight Crime says their power began to increase in 2002, when Chávez decided he
needed a security force independent of the military to counteract opposition demonstrators.[7] In 2006, they
received arms and funding from the state when they were brought under the government's community
councils.[7] Chávez eliminated the Metropolitan Police in 2011, turning security over to the colectivos in
some Caracas barrios.[7]

Bloomberg says that when he created the Bolivarian Circles, Chávez "brought the former outlaws into the
socialist fold", where some also gained access to weapons through government jobs.[3] Stratfor says that
Diosdado Cabello—president of the 2017 Constituent National Assembly but then serving as chief of staff
for Chávez—was instrumental in the founding of the Bolivarian Circles, and maintains close ties to the
colectivos.[19] According to Joseph Humire, executive director of the Center for a Secure Free Society,
colectivos were modeled after the Iranian Basij militia; Humire noted that Chávez had personal meetings
with Iranian officials that included the commander of Basij, Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Nadqi.[20]
Chávez assigned colectivos to be "the armed wing of the Bolivarian Revolution" for the Venezuelan
government, giving them weapons, communication systems, motorcycles and surveillance equipment to
exercise control in the hills of Caracas where police are forbidden entry.[4] Some weapons given to the
groups include assault rifles, submachine guns and grenades.[4]

Colectivos were historically aligned with far-left politics in Venezuela, and act as "enforcers for the
government", working with the Venezuelan armed forces and the ruling political party, PSUV.[21][22] New
York University Latin American Studies professor Alejandro Velasco said in 2019, "They have all the
trappings of a paramilitary repressive force."[3] Velasco, who studies colectivos, describes a change in the
allegiance of colectivos, saying it has become more about power than supporting chavismo or a leftist
ideology.[9] The Economist says they bring money into slums, punish criminals and intimidate political
opponents.[23] Some colectivos partake in drug trafficking, control access to the supply of food and
medicine,[7] and commit acts of extortion.[23]

In 2008, some colectivos helped with after-school programs, child care centers, puppet shows, drug
rehabilitation, and sports programs; they also encouraged voting by going door to door and protect
communities from criminals.[6] Every member of a colectivo is required to bring ten individuals to vote at
polls during elections.[24] Over time, colectivos became more heavily armed and their criminal activity
increased.[5] A small number of groups maintain community and cultural functions; most are "criminal
gangs with immense social control", who "work alongside the security forces, often doing their dirty work
for them", according to InSight Crime.[7] Members can be difficult to identify because they often wear
masks and do not have license plates on their motorcycles.[9]

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has described colectivos as "pro-
Government armed groups" that "decide who receives government assistance and perform surveillance and
intelligence activities for the authorities [and have] intimidated, threatened and attacked people perceived as
opposed to the Government".[25]

In 2019, the National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their
"violence paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes", declaring their acts as state-
sponsored terrorism.[17]

Activity

2002–13

When Chávez was briefly ousted in 2002, colectivos helped lead demonstrations supporting him, and
worked with the military to help return him as president.[26]

On 7 November 2007, masked gunmen riding motorcycles opened fire on students returning from a march
in Caracas. At the Central University of Venezuela, eight people were injured, including one by gunfire.[27]

In 2009, several dozen motorcyclists with red berets surrounded the entrance of the offices of television
station Globovisión and subdued the security guards, entering the facility by force while tossing two tear
gas canisters into the building. Chávez condemned the attack and pro-government leader Lina Rón was
jailed for three months following the incident.[28][29] Colectivos tear-gassed the Vatican envoy in 2009 after
Chávez accused the Roman Catholic Church of interfering with his government.[30][31]
During the 2012 presidential election, at a visit by opposition
candidate Henrique Capriles to the San José de Cotiza
neighbourhood in Caracas, a group of armed PSUV members
began firing guns "in an apparent effort to break up the
rally".[32][33] Five people were injured, including the son of an
opposition member of the National Assembly of Venezuela.
Capriles was subsequently taken safely from the scene. Journalists
for television channel Globovisión that were covering the rally
(reporter Sasha Ackerman, cameraman Frank Fernández and
assistant Esteban Navas) were threatened by the armed men, who Two students of the Central
confiscated their equipment and footage of the shootings.[32] A University of Venezuela wrestle with
two government supporters, one of
Globovisión statement the next day identified the armed men as
them armed, on 7 November 2007.
PSUV supporters, saying "These groups wore red shirts identifying
One of the students, Gerardo
them with a political tendency. More importantly, it was an armed
Olivares (at the right), was shot in
and organized group that fired weapons against people".[33]
the leg.
During the 2013 presidential election, Reuters said colectivos were
"a key part of the government's electoral machinery" that "help[ed]
sway close races and are sometimes tarred by critics as poll station thugs who intimidate opponents".[10]
The Carter Center said that during the elections, voting centers had an "intimidating climate" when
motorcyclists "associated with the governing party" surrounded them.[34]

2014–16

The Venezuelan Prison Minister, Iris Varela, said that


colectivos were a "fundamental pillar in the defense of
the homeland".[36][37] During the 2014 Venezuelan
protests against new president Nicolás Maduro,
colectivos acted with impunity against the opposition
protesters.[38] When armed groups threatened to rape 0:00
individuals in an apartment complex in Maracaibo, the
National Guard did not intervene.[39] The Civil
Association for Citizen Control said that more than half Colectivos fire toward the protest where Genesis
of those killed during the protests were killed by Carmona was killed during a protest.
colectivos.[40]

During the 2014 protests, armed colectivos attacked and


burned a large portion of Fermín Toro University after "President Maduro himself has on multiple
occasions called on civilian groups loyal to
intimidating student protesters and shooting one.[41][42]
The colectivos broke into the facility, looted, and the government to 'extinguish the flame' of
what he characterized as 'fascist' protesters.
damaged 40% of the university.[43] Armed groups
...  [saying] 'These groups of guarimberos,
reported to be colectivos attacked the University of Los
fascists and violent [people], and today now
Andes in the city of Mérida in March 2015, supposedly
other sectors of the country’s population as
to intimidate the protesters, shooting guns at students
well have gone out on the streets, I call on
and faculty, holding the students hostage and stealing
the UBCh, on the communal councils, on
belongings of students.[44][45]
communities, on colectivos: flame that is lit,
President Maduro thanked some groups of motorcyclists flame that is extinguished'."
for their help against what he viewed as a "fascist coup
d'etat... being waged by the extreme right"; at the same
time, he distanced himself from armed groups by stating
that they "had no place in the revolution".[46] Jorge Human Rights Watch[35]
Arreaza, Venezuela's vice president at the time, also
praised them saying, "If there has been exemplary
behavior it has been the behavior of the motorcycle
colectivos that are with the Bolivarian revolution."[47] In 2014, Arreaza promised that the government
would disarm all irregular armed groups in Venezuela.[48]

The European Parliament asked the Venezuelan government to "immediately disarm and dissolve the
uncontrolled armed pro-government groups and end their impunity".[47][49] United States Secretary of
State John Kerry accused the Venezuelan government of using "armed vigilantes" against those who
opposed it.[47]

In a report titled "Punished for Protesting", Human Rights Watch (HRW) stated that government forces
allowed colectivos "to attack protesters, journalists, students, or people they believed to be opponents of the
government with security forces just meters away" and that "in some cases, the security forces openly
collaborated with the pro-government attackers". HRW also stated that they "found compelling evidence of
uniformed security forces and pro-government gangs attacking protesters side by side",[35] and that the
government tolerated this activity.[50]

Robert Serra's murder

Rising PSUV member and colectivo mediator Robert Serra was stabbed more than 30 times, killing him, in
his "heavily guarded home" on 1 October 2014.[51][52][53][54] The Venezuelan government blamed the
opposition for Serra's death; Foreign Policy said others considered his murder "inside job" because the
government was "more factionalized since the death of Hugo Chávez" with different "ideological strains
and interests [clashing] beneath the party’s surface".[51]

A week after Serra's death, clashes between Venezuelan police and colectivos began when police raided the
headquarters of the Shield of the Revolution group and according to José Odreman, "a close associate of
Serra" and leader of the 5 de Marzo group, a colectivo member was "shot dead in his sleep" during the
raid.[55] Three officers were allegedly taken hostage.[55][56]

Right before he was shot, Odreman had made statements hinting at government involvement in Serra's
death, saying to Minister Miguel Rodríguez Torres, “I lay full responsibility on you of what might happen
to me. Enough comrades have been sacrificed”.[55][57][58] A little over an hour after his statements,
photographs emerged showing the 5 de Marzo colectivo leader Odreman being held captive by Venezuelan
authorities, followed by videos which showed his dead body lying in a pool of blood.[55][57]

The Venezuelan government denied any relationship to Serra's death and stated that the clashes between
colectivos and authorities were due to a murder investigation.[55][57] The director of CICPC, José Gregorio
Sierralta, stated that officers were allegedly fired upon and responded with deadly force that killed the
colectivo members including Odreman.[58] Residents of the building denied Sierralta's statements, stating
that there was no confrontation or hostages, that Venezuelan authorities first raided the building allegedly
killing one member in his sleep then raided the building once more supposedly capturing and executing the
other four colectivo members, altered nearby evidence and stole items from the scene.[59][60] Maduro stated
that the five men who were killed in the incident were allegedly a gang of former police officers led by
Odreman.[61] Runrunes noted in an investigative article that the police and bodyguards arrested by
Venezuelan authorities involved with Serra's death were also members of colectivos.[62]
Following the clashes, Humberto López ("El Ché"), a colectivo leader, stated that all colectivos were on
"war footing" and that the colectivos "did not bet on death, we are committed to war. All colectivos are up
in arms." Noting that the Venezuelan Housing Mission buildings are in the hills of Caracas, El Ché assured
that "the people would come down from the hills" if needed.[63][64] Colectivos protested against the
incidents and demanded the dismissal of then Ministry of Popular Power for Interior, Justice and Peace,
Miguel Rodríguez Torres.[56] Weeks later, on 24 October, Rodríguez Torres was replaced by Carmen
Meléndez, with one of the reasons allegedly being the pressure colectivos placed on the government.[65]
Maduro also called on Freddy Bernal, a government leader with close ties to colectivos, to "reform" the
police after the incident.[23] Following the dismissal of Rodríguez Torres, the 5 de Marzo colectivo also
called for the dismissal of Diosdado Cabello.[66]

2017–18

During the 2017 Venezuelan protests against Maduro, The New


York Times stated that colectivos "appear to be playing a key role in
repressing dissent";[1] they fight alongside officials and "engage in
fiercer and often deadly intimidation".[1] Bloomberg News said
Maduro "unleashed the gangs on a large scale" during the
protests.[3] Days before the Mother of All Marches, Diosdado
Cabello, a high-level PSUV official loyal to the Bolivarian Body of Paola Ramírez
government, stated that 60,000  motorized colectivos and the
Bolivarian Militia would be spread throughout Caracas on 19 April
to deter the opposition's march, calling the protest terrorism.[67] During that march, Carlos Moreno, a 17-
year-old boy, and 23-year-old Paola Ramírez, were killed by members of colectivos.[68][69]

Colectivos also attacked Venezuela's opposition-majority National Assembly in 2017.[3] Taking over the
building where the legislature meets, they beat deputies and protesters with clubs and batons, splitting open
the head of one deputy.[3]

As the 2017 protests intensified, during the 11 May United States


Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Worldwide Threats
Hearing (SH-216), Senator Marco Rubio discussed with Director
of the Central Intelligence Agency Mike Pompeo the role and
actions of colectivos in Venezuela. Rubio asked if there was a "real
threat" of colectivos selling advanced weaponry to the FARC, drug
cartels or terrorists on the black market, to which Director Pompeo
replied, "it is a real threat ... Maduro gets more desperate by the United States Senator Marco Rubio
hour, the risk of these colectivos acting in a way that is not under discussing colectivos with Director of
his control increases as time goes on as well", mentioning that there the Central Intelligence Agency, Mike
has not been evidence of major arms deals taking place, though Pompeo
"stockpiles exist".[70][71]

Colectivos were involved in the 2018 operation to kill Venezuelan rebel Óscar Alberto Pérez, working
alongside Venezuelan troops during the El Junquito raid. Heiker Leobaldo Vásquez Ferrera of a colectivo
located in 23 de Enero was killed during the operation, with Bellingcat and Forensic Architecture
highlighting that such cooperation between colectivos and Venezuelan authorities showed there was little
separation between them.[72][73][74]

In early 2018, Voice of America said members of colectivos in Aragua state appeared on a Colombian radio
show and explained that they were paid by the government to violently prevent opposition marches and
that some of their colleagues had "murdered several people".[75]
Russian government has supplied "specialists" who were allegedly involved in training of colectivos back
in 2018.[76][Note 1]

2019

InSight Crime says that colectivos provided strong support for Maduro when he assumed the presidency in
his disputed second term.[5] With National Assembly-designated acting President of Venezuela, Juan
Guaidó, challenging Maduro's claim to the office, and amid an international effort to convince Maduro to
step down and allow humanitarian aid into the country, Bloomberg News reported that colectivos "led the
charge" against the opposition to Maduro.[3] Because Guaidó offered an amnesty law to officials and
military officers who disavow Maduro, and the colectivos have "nothing to lose", the "government may be
using colectivos to relieve pressure on the military" during the 2019 Venezuelan protests, according to
Velasco.[3]

As tens of thousands of protesters marched in support on the day that Guaidó took the oath to serve as
president, The Guardian reported that Maduro "allies threatened the use of armed pro-government militias–
known as colectivos—to quell disturbances".[77] Rafael Uzcátegui—Director of Venezuela's human rights
organization, PROVEA—said there were 43 deaths at the protests as of 6 February; he believed most could
be attributed to Venezuela's Special Action Force (FAES), followed by the colectivos.[78] InSight Crime
said that it is likely that Maduro "recruited (...) FAES members from the colectivos for their callousness and
bloodthirstiness".[5] The Washington Post said colectivos are increasingly made up of government or police
personnel.[9]

Over the weekend of 23–24 February, as Guaidó and the opposition sought to bring humanitarian aid
across Venezuela's borders and into the country, colectivos attacked people at both the Colombian and
Brazilian borders.[3] Bloomberg said "within a block of an international bridge where food and medicine
were waiting" for aid to enter, "colectivos terrorized thousands".[3] They fired weapons from speeding
motorcycles, and one protester stated that masked men stepped from behind a row of Venezuelan National
Guard and fired on the crowd at the Venezuelan border, while a doctor said that colectivos terrorized with
weapons medics who were volunteering to help the wounded.[3] At the Brazilian border, Bloomberg
reported that observers said "colectivos ran rampant"; four died and hundreds were wounded.[3] Humberto
Prado, the director of the Venezuelan Prison Observatory, "accused the Maduro government of releasing
prison inmates to fill the colectivos' ranks in their repression efforts", according to InSight Crime.[5] As
many military personnel defected into Colombia during the border clashes, InSight Crime suggested that
"many of those who fled (...) did so because they were forced to work with the colectivos".[5]

The South Florida Sun reported that "colectivos have escalated attacks (...) opening fire on civilians and
terrorizing communities."[79] InSight Crime says that, as a result of the crisis in Venezuela, some colectivo
members "are beginning to waver in their allegiance to the government because they have not been
receiving the economic benefits they once did", but that "they fear persecution should they abandon the
government’s revolution".[5] The Washington Post said that Maduro relies on them and they help him stay
in power in spite of a crumbling economy;[9] Chávez was more popular and not as dependent on
colectivos, while Maduro is unpopular because of the economic conditions in the country, and has resorted
to violence and intimidation for power.[9] Public Radio International stated that opposition demonstrations
"are routinely broken up by masked motorcyclists who open fire onto crowds" and that the government
relies on the "loyalty of these irregular paramilitary groups to deal with the public heavy-handedly rather
than the military, which could potentially disobey uncomfortable orders and cause a government-military
rupture".[13]
During the 2019 Venezuelan blackouts in March, Maduro called on the armed paramilitary gangs, saying,
"The time has come for active resistance".[14] US State Department special envoy to Venezuela Elliot
Abrams labeled this a "breakdown in law and order", and said, "That's calling for armed gangs to take over
the streets (...) Perhaps it is a sign of Maduro's lack of confidence in his own security forces."[80] As
blackouts continued, on 31 March, citizens protested the lack of electricity and water in Caracas and other
cities; some of the protests occurred close to the presidential palace.[81] Maduro called again on the
colectivos, asking them "to defend the peace of every barrio, of every block".[15] Videos circulated on
social media showing colectivos threatening protesters and shooting in the streets;[81] two protesters were
shot.[15]

In 2019, the National Assembly of Venezuela designated the colectivos as terrorist groups due to their
"violence paramilitary actions, intimidation, murders and other crimes", declaring their acts as state-
sponsored terrorism.[17][82]

2020–22

On 29 February 2020, shot at the Speaker of the National Assembly of Venezuela Juan Guaidó mobilized a
march against Nicolás Maduro in the Juan de Villegas parish, Barquisimeto, Lara state. Colectivos shot at
Guaido's supporters and him, who was in a van at the time, leaving ten injured.[83][84]

On 3 November 2022, colectivos attacked and denailed four female students of the University of the Andes
that were protesting against the visit in Mérida state of Diosdado Cabello, vice-president of the United
Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).[85]

Prominent groups
There were between 20 and 100 different colectivo groups in Venezuela as of 2014, with the most
prominent groups being the Tupamaros, La Piedrita, Tres Raices, Frente Francisco de Miranda, Alexis
Vive, and Ciudad Socialista Frente 5 de Marzo,[7][21][86][87] In 2018, InSight Crime reported 46 groups in
the 23 de Enero barrio alone.[7] They control about 10% of Venezuelan cities,[1] and operate in
16  Venezuelan states;[5] Velasco says they number 5,000 to 7,000 individuals nationwide as of 2019.[9]
InSight Crime says that Tres Raíces and Frente 5 de Marzo are closely linked with Venezuela's security
forces.[7] Tres Raíces is also "one of the better armed" with members also working government jobs for
SEBIN (Intelligence), DGCIM (military counterintelligence), FAES (police special action force) or
municipal police.[7]

La Piedrita

La Piedrita colectivo is one of the most influential in Caracas,[21] specifically in 23 de Enero barrio where it
has its roots dating to 1985 with founders Carlos Ramírez and Valentín Santana.[88] La Piedrita formally
organized when Bolivarian Circles were established by Chávez in Venezuela,[19] and since then, has been
described as a colectivo that is one of "the most violent in the country".[88] La Piedrita was also headed by
Lina Ron, who at the time of her leadership stated that thousands of Bolivarian Circles such as her own
were "armed to the teeth".[19][89] Ron
allegedly had a connection with Diosdado
Cabello from as early as 2002 when Cabello
was allegedly the key supporter of Ron.[19]
Also, Cabello had supposedly mediated
between La Piedrita and the Tupamaros when
they had a conflict in 2010.[19]

Tupamaros

The Revolutionary Tupamaro Movement


(Tupamaro) is a far left Marxist-Leninist Location of prominent colectivos in the Capital District.
colectivo and political organization in
Venezuela. Several Tupamaros participate in
peaceful movements while some believe the "idea of armed struggle as a means to gain power".[90]
Chávez's government had an "ambiguous" relationship with the Tupamaros, who helped manage social
programs, such as child care and drug rehabilitation centers, and promoted political participation; however,
the Tupamaros' involvement in vigilante justice in high crime areas that the police force often avoided led to
rifts with the federal government, which resorted on occasions to using the military to deal with the groups
when they clashed with police.[91] The Tupamaros are known to "cleanse" neighborhoods of criminals: if
repeated warnings to criminals to leave an area fail, they often resort to murder using "death
squads",[90][91] though some claim that these measures are taken to remove competition in the area.[92] It
was alleged that during the 2014 Venezuelan protests, Tupamaros worked with the Venezuelan National
Guard to attack protesters, with videos and pictures uploaded to social networks purporting this to be
true.[93]

Funding and resources

Monetary

Colectivos were initially funded by the Bolivarian government,[8] but became less dependent on the
government, by funding themselves through crimes such as drug trafficking and extortion.[8] Gunson states
that some funding for colectivos comes from demanding payment for protection and requiring members to
pay fees.[2] According to The New York Times, colectivos "control vast territory across Venezuela, financed
in some cases by extortion, black-market food and parts of the drug trade as the government turns a blind
eye in exchange for loyalty".[1] The Washington Post says some colectivos "have been put in charge of the
distribution of government food packages in poor areas—giving them control over hungry
neighborhoods.[9]

In 2018, InSight Crime reported that the colectivos have diverse income sources—both legal and illegal.[7]
Some run legal, profitable businesses, but also receive government funds, largely through the profitable
venture of distributing food through government concessions.[7] One Tupamaro leader told InSight Crime
that trafficking food and medicine is as profitable as drug-running, while less risky.[7] InSight Crime also
learned that colectivos are running "clandestine casinos".[7]

Some colectivos, such as the Tupamaros, have formal links with the Venezuelan government and politics,
with over 7,000 individuals on the Caracas payroll since 2008.[2] Stratfor says that Diosdado Cabello,
Freddy Bernal and Eliezer Otaiza, have been implicated in directing colectivos or helping fund them.[19]
Colectivos also receive funds from government funding for community projects.[2] Velasco states that
colectivos "receive government funding through both formal and informal channels, including slush funds
the government doles out to different sectors" and also have "personal ties between members and
government officials to access resources".[2]

Weapons

El Pais stated that the Venezuelan government directly arms colectivos with weapons.[4] Velasco believes
that the same formal and informal methods of receiving funds is used for weapons.[2] These methods
include being armed and trained in formal government militias or working as security and bodyguards.[2]
Despite the Venezuelan government's statements saying that only official authorities can carry weapons for
the defense of Venezuela, colectivos are armed with automatic rifles such as AK-47s, submachine guns,
fragmentation grenades, and tear gas.[2][24]

Social effects
In a March 2014 interview, Reinaldo Iturriza, the Minister of Communes in Venezuela, condemned what he
perceived as a campaign to demonize the 'colectivos' by attributing recent violence to them and defining
them as armed paramilitary groups. He insisted that "the collectives are not synonymous with guns and
violence, but with popular participation, organization, and mobilization, [...] with working together with the
Bolivarian government to solve specific problems in the communities."[94]

Crime

Colectivos sometimes provide protection from crime in some neighborhoods they are committed to,[23]
though some neighborhoods report that colectivos attack neighbors themselves.[21] As colectivos attempted
to gain independence from the government, they began "controlling organized crime like drug trafficking in
Caracas barrios.[1] Some colectivos patrol the 23 de Enero barrio on motorcycles, masked and armed,
supposedly to protect the neighborhood from criminals such as drug dealers.[24] According to ABC News,
"it is widely believed that colectivos kill drug traffickers who do not obey their orders".[24]

According to the International Crisis Group, colectivos may be involved in drug trafficking, arms dealing,
and car theft.[2] Phil Gunson, a freelance reporter for foreign media, states that, "It's no secret that many
colectivos engage in criminal activities."[2] Gunson reported that colectivos combat criminal gangs in
neighborhoods and take over the previous gang's business in crime and also take over buildings already
owned by individuals and collect rent from the owners.[2] Colectivos are thought to be partially responsible
for the increase in the Venezuelan murder rate, according to the Metropolitan Observatory on Citizen
Security.[95]

An Organization of American States report on human rights violations in Venezuela stated that colectivos
murdered at least 131 individuals between 2014 and 2017 during anti-government protests.[96]

Education

As of 2013, colectivos ran education initiatives.[24] According to Ennio Cardozo, a professor of political
science at the Central University of Venezuela, colectivos "do talks, forums and they indoctrinate very
young kids into Marxism. The government finances all this. But if you don't agree with them they will shut
you out from most of the social programs until you give allegiance to the (socialist) party."[24] The
president of the School of Teachers in Tachira, Javier Tarazona,
stated that the Venezuelan government encouraged the participation
of guerrillas and colectivos in schools and that their involvement
allegedly "promotes violence, confrontation and, if necessary,
war".[97]

The president of the Venezuelan Chamber of Private Education,


María Teresa Hernández, declared in 2014 that Resolution 058
passed in 2012 by the government was unconstitutional and that it Children of the La Piedrita colectivo
"seeks for colectivos with political projects of the ruling party to be receiving awards at the Palacio
directly involved in public and private schools". She stated that Municipal de Caracas.
schoolchildren are "very easy to manipulate" and need to develop
political beliefs on their own.[98] Article 102, for example, states
that "Education, is a public service, and is grounded on the respect for all currents of thought".[99]

See also
La Piedrita
Units of Battle Hugo Chávez
Immediate Mobilization Networks
Dignity Battalions
Committees for the Defense of the Revolution
Red Guards (China)
Tonton Macoute
Titushky
List of designated terrorist groups

Notes
1. At the time Vladimir Putin was in charge of President.

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