216 MYRIAM ROSEN-A YALON
The long and narrow genre of amulet is quite typical of this kind of charm or
talisman in Islam, and other civilizations as well.23 Jt is evident that it belonged to the
category of talismans, written on paper, that must have been folded, as the tear
probably indicates (see above). In this case the amulet was apparently not rolled but
rather folded.24
Throughout ancient times amulets were written in just such a way, on long and
narrow strips, whether on metal - silver, copper - or parchment or clay.2s
The zodiac as such is a clear indication of a cyclic concept of the world, as opposed to
a linear one. Such a way of viewing the world was well known in the Orient, as early as
the ancient Babylonians, the Jews and later amongst the Muslims. As found in
Senard's study on the zodiac ... "In all countries and at all periods explored by
historical sciences, the zodiac can be found with more or less similar specifications.
Round, of circular shape, its twelve subdivisions, 12 signs carrying the same names . ..
Everywhere it is associated with the most important of human moments - stelae,
temples, sites of celebrations of mysteres and initiations ... ''26
No wonder, therefore, that we can find in our amulet the very similar interpretation
of the zodiac, though the Vital Power (the Sun) is interpreted here by the text.
This amulet, concerned with the husband(?), uses both the basic zodiac in its magic
power as well as the metaphor of the "oridegroom" through the text.
Though it is not dated, it has to be associated in all probability with the nineteenth
century or the beginning of the twentieth century.
In his introduction to the translation of the Horoscope of Asadulliih Mirza, L.P.
Elwell-Sutton has an interesting comment: "The cloud of dispute that has enveloped
the ancient art of Astrology in the West ever since the dawn of the Age of Reason
during the eighteenth century has meant not merely that it has disappeared from
scientific studies, but also that serious scholars have almost entirely ignored its
manifestations in the fields of literature and the arts".27
This may be perhaps some correction to this complaint, but it proves at the same
time, that the implications may go far beyond, into the Islamic World, into the
Christian World, the Jewish World and the Pagan World as well. But above all, it
provides here an additional link to the Judeo-Persian tradition.
Many more questions can be raised about superstitions and beliefs, charms and
amulets, interaction between Jewish and Islamic customs. Not less interesting would
be the investigation of the various traditions in other Jewish communities with regard
to such amulets.
At this point, however, the purpose was to introduce a most exciting case of
symbiosis of an Irano-Judaica form of art.
23 For instance, Ethiopian amulets, D'Axoum a Gondar, Paris, 1988, Talismans 30, 32.
24 E.A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Talismans, Oxford, 1930, reprint New-York, 1970, p. 34.
25 Joseph N11-veh and Shaul Shaked, Amulets and Magic Bowls, Jerusalem, 1987, passim.
26 Senard, in Dictionnaire des Symboles, ed. Jean Chevalier et Alain Cheerbrant,Paris, 1969, p. 1038.
27 The Horoscope ofAsadullah Mirza, A specimen of XIX th century Persian Astrology, Translated and
annoted by L.P. Elwell-Sutton, Brill, 1977, p. 2.
lrano-Judaica II, Jerusalem 1990
A Brief History of the Parsi Priesthood
DASTUR DR. FIROZE M. KOTW AL, HIGH PRIEST,
H.B. WADIA AT ASH BAHRAM, BOMBAY
The Sasanian empire came to a formal end with the murder of Yazdegird III at Merv in
651 C.E.; but it was not until 200 years or more had passed that a group of devout
Zoroastrians from Kohistan in the north-east of Iran found the ever-increasing religious
persecution growing too much to bear, and resolved to seek freedom of worship
elsewhere. They travelled south to the port of Hormuz on the Persian Gulf, also known
as Moghistiin 'place of the magi, i.e. Zoroastrian priests; and eventually secured a ship
and sailed eastward, men, women and children. Their first halt was at the port of Diu in
Kiithiiiwiid, where they are said to have stayed for 19 years. From there they sailed
again towards the southern part of Gujarat, but met with a dreadful hurricane in the
middle of the sea. The faithful devotees of Ahura Mazda stood up and prayed to Him
to deliver them from this calamity. If they reached unhurt the shores of Gujarat, they
vowed that they would consecrate a sacred fire in honour of Bahriim, the god of
victory, who helps and protects the devout in perilous journeys. Their sincere prayers
were speedily answered, and the violent storm subsided. The founding fathers of the
Parsi community reached the shores of southern Gujarat in Vikram Samvat 992, i.e.
936 C.E. They named their newly-founded colony after Sanjan, a town in the Khwiif
district of Kohistan, from where they originally came.
In fulfilment of the vow taken on the high seas, the Parsi settlers began to make
preparations for installing a sacred fire on the soil of their new haven, Sanjan. They
sent two priests overland to Khorasan to undergo the purificatory ablutions
(barashnom) and to bring back with them the ritual implements (iiliit)l necessary for
consecrating a sacred fire. Other Khoriisiinipriests, well-versed in executing such holy
works, accompanied them on their return to Sanjan where, in accordance with the
dictates of the religio!J., they consecrated the sacred fire and installed it in about the
middle of the tenth century C.E. 2For about three centuries, the Parsis lived together in
In a general sense, the term 'iiliit (Arabic pl.) means any ceremonially consecrated object used in high
liturgies. Specifically, it denotes the fire-ash of an Atash Bahram, consecrated bull's urine (nfrangdfn)
and the hair of a sacred unblemished white bull. The plural use of the term for a single object is due to
the honour conferred on it for its sacredness.
2 The Qissa-e sanjiin "The story of Sanjan", which is the main source for the traditions about the
founding of the Parsi community, records neither the day nor year of the consecration of the Sanjan
218 FIROZE M. KOTW AL
Sanjan. When their numbers grew, members of both the clergy and laity began to move
away towards the northern part of Gujarat, and to establish colonies there.
Origin of the Parsi priesthood
Priests naturally formed the backbone of the group of Parsis who came to India in 936
C.E. Their early history down to the time of Shlipur Shahriyar, the common ancestor
of almost all Parsi priests, is irretrievable. Besides Shlipur Shahriyar, the ancient
commemorative list of departed worthies contains the names of Hormazdyar Ramyar
and Neryosang Dhaval, his grandsons, from whom the priests of four major groups
trace their lineage.3 Of these two grandsons of Shapur Shahriyar, Neryosang Dhaval4
is celebrated as a Sanskrit scholar who lived in Sanjan in the latter part of the twelfth
century.
Among the Parsis who migrated northwards from Sanjan, there was a band who
settled in the little town ofNavsari in about 1275 C.E.; Zarthosht Mobad, a grandson
of Hormazdyar Ramyar, accompanied them together with his two sons, Kamdin and
Mobad, to cater for their religious needs. 5 Afterwards, Zarthosht's younger brother,
Bahram Mobad, left Sanjan for Bharuch (Broach) with another batch of Parsis, to
become eventually the ancestor of the Bharucha priests. In N avsari, Pahlan Mo bad, a
fire. The popular legend of later times fixes this on the day Adur of the month Adur; according to some
writings, the sacred fire was installed on day Ashtiid of the month Ardibehesht. It must, however, be
noted that the practice of celebrating the anniversaries of sacred fires dates back no more than 150
years. When the fashion of celebrating anniversaries of fires became popular, the anniversaries of old
fires whose dates of consecration were not known were usually observed on the day Adur of the month
Adur, being associated evidently with the great festival of fires (Jashan-e Adurgan).
3 Of the five groups of priests in India, the one which settled in and around Khambiit (Cambay) seems to
have descended from another line of priests, whose genealogy has not been preserved.
4 A later legend mistakenly regards Neryosang Dhaval as the leader of the group who consecrated the
Atash Bahram in Sanjan, although Bahman Kekobad, the learned Sanjana priest who wrote the
Qissa-e sanjiin in Navsari in 1599 C.E., does not mention him at all when he describes the installation
of the Sanjan Atash Bahram.
Erroneously considering Neryosang to have been the leader of the group, the Parsi priests remember
his name in ceremonies by prefixing the old Persian title 'Mobad' to it. (The same practice is followed
in the case of Neryosang's cousin Hormazdyar Ramyar and his grandfather Shiipur Shahriyar,
although this may be due to Hormazdyar and Neryosang both having a son named Mobad.) It is worth
noting that, instead, old manuscripts listing the names of deceased persons prefix the title of'Ervad' to
these three names of Parsi priests, thereby following the regular Parsi practice of prefixing 'Ervad' to
the names of the initiated members of the priestly class, 'Ostii' to those of the uninitiated and 'Dastur'
to those of high priests.
5 Zarthosht Mo bad 'first established a dar-i mihr in a small, modest house which, in course of time,
became well-known as the Great Dar-i Mihr (VadI Dar-i Mihr). Priests of all denominations took
pride in being initiated there. They also use the 'iiliit consecrated in this oldest and most prestigious
dar-i mihr of India. That the dwelling of the first Dastur Meherji Rana was in the vicinity of the VadI
Dar-i Mihr is borne out by a document dated 1534. For more than 600 years, it remained without an
everburning consecrated fire until 1907, when one was installed and endowed by a scion of the Desai
family, Mrs. MotTuai KavasjI ErachjI Desai.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PARSI PRIESTHOOD 219
grandson of Zarthosht Mobad, chose to go to Surat and eventually became the
ancestor of the Godavra6 priests. At the end of the fourteenth century, the Parsi
population of Navsari increased considerably, and the descendants of Kamdin
Zarthosht had to employ another priest, named Hom Bahmanyar, from Sanjan. Hom
Bahmanyar came to Navsari with his only son Faredun as an employee of the
descendants of Kamdin Zarthosht, but continued also to serve the Sanjan Atash
Bahram, with his son. After some years, the descendants of his brother Hormazdyar
Bahmanyar in Sanjan objected to their earning a livelihood in two places, and asked
Faredun and his two sons7 to work eitherin Navsari or in Sanjan. Faredun and his sons
referred their case to their employers and indicated their willingness to settle
permanently in Navsari and forgo their right to serve the Atash Bahram in Sanjan,
provided that the descendants of Mo bad Kamdin,headed by Pahlan A.nna8 and Kakli
Dhanpal,9 agreed to divide the share from the proceeds of ceremonies equally between
themselves and the three sonsto of Faredun in perpetuity. The family members of
Pahlan Anna and Kaka Dhanpal agreed to this proposal, and the three sons of
Faredun Hom became equal partners with them, to be called thereafter the Bhagaria
or Bhagarsath, 11 i.e. the co-sharers. These five priests became the lineal ancestors of all
Bhagaria priests, forming, as it were, five family groups or stocks, called pols (Guj. pol:
'a street, a lane'). A leading member from each of the five pols held an important
religious office conferred on him by the Bhagarsath Anjoman. The five offices are:
1. The head of the Kaka Pahlan stock made the heir of a deceased person recite the
formula of s6sh12 on the third day after death, in the presence of an assembly.
6 The region between the river Tapi and Narmada is generally known as the glidiirii, and the priests
living in it are called glidiivrii. The term glidiivrii is derived from glidiiriiviirii "those living in the
glidiirii/ glidiirii''. The region of glidiivrii consists of two parts: Marv ad (the region between the river
Tap! and Kim) and Sukhrnbad (the region between the river Kim and Narmada), with Ankleshwar as
its headquarters.
7 Faredun Hom had three sons: Asha, Mahyar and Chanda. The youngest of them, Chanda, was not
initiated into the priesthood, and hence was not eligible to serve the Sanjan Atash Bahram.
8 The honorific title of 'Kaka' was applied to Pahlan Anna who lived long and was a much respected
man in his time. He is therefore better known as Kaka Pahlan.
9 The father of the famous scholar-priest Asdin Kaka. Kaka is here a proper name.
10 By taking into account the share of Chanda Faredun, the rights of his descendants were duly
recognised and safeguarded.
11 In former times the sacred breads (drlin) were brought to the VadI Dar-i Mihr and the priests
consecrated them according to their turns. As wage for the act of consecration, they took out one
sacred bread from each of the drlin offerings. This act of taking out drlin from each offering is called
bhagar kiidhvf(Guj.) "to take out the bhagar or drlin", and those priests who perform this act are
called bhagar kiidhniirii (Guj.) or bhagariii. This practice of sharing from the offerings thereafter
. applied to all other ceremonies, and is the origin of the term bhagariii.
12 After the uthamnii ceremony on the third day after death, the senior priest used formerly to recite a
short formula named slish (a shortened form of srlish), exhorting the eldest son to have the Srosh
ceremonies performed for the benefit of the departed soul. The priest also declared to the assembly the
number of Ahunwars the devout had undertaken to recite during the first year after the death and the
gifts given to the deserving in cash and kind. It was enjoined that the eldest son of the deceased, or his
220 FIROZE M. KOTW AL
2. The head of the Kaka Dhanpal stock acted as custodian of the consecrated bull's
urine (nfrangdfn).13
3. The head of the Asha Faredun stock conducted the penitentiary prayer (patet)l 4 in
an assembly gathered to honour the departed soul on the third day after death.
4. The head of the Mahyar Faredun stock gave permission for initiations into
priesthood, called Nawar and Maratab, is and amember of his family was entitled
to conduct the first day of the Nawar ceremony.
5. The head of the Chanda Faredun stock maintained records and preserved
documents for the Anjoman's archives.16
These five offices seem to have been allocated in about the middle of the fifteenth
century and remained in this way until 1579 C.E., when the whole Anjoman of N avsari
appointed Meherji Rana11 as the first high priest (Vada Dastur) of India.
By the middle of the fifteenth century the priests seem to have settled comfortably in
groups within different regions of Gujarat. In order to safeguard the interests of each
group, the elders met together in conference in Sanjan and established five priestly
jurisdictions, called panthaks, is demarcated by rivers. They all agreed that no priest
would ever perform any ceremony, even for himself, in a panthak that did not belong
to him. The five divisions of the panthak were made in the following way:
1. Sanjana priests: from the river Dantora to the river Par.
2. Bhagaria priests: from the river Par to the river TapI.
3. Godavra priests: from the river TapI to the river Narmada.
4. Bharvcha priests: from the river Narmada to the river Mahl
5. Khambata priests: from the river MahI to the river Sabarmafi.19
Neither the original covenant sign~d by the elders of the five priestly groups nor its
copy exists today. The agreements made in subsequent centuries between different
groups of priests bear out that the priests in general fully respected the covenant and
nearest male relative, should repeat this formula after the priest. The sash formula, expressed in
corrupt Gujarati and Persian, is now seldom said.
13 At the appointment of Meherji Riinii as high priest, the Kotwal family belonging to the Ashii Farediin
stock was given the charge of the nfrangdfn by the Bhagarsiith Anjoman.
14 As it is the prerogative of a high priest to conduct the pat et, this right was transferred to Meherji Riinii
on his appointment as high priest.
15 A priest's son is initiated into the priesthood by the ceremony of Niiwar, and becomes qualified to
perform high liturgies through the Mariitab ceremony.
16 Since Chiindii Farediin was not initiated into the priesthood, the Bhagarsiith Anjoman allotted him a
non-ecclesiastical function.
17 Meherji, the son of Riinii, was adopted by his uncle Viichhii in his life-time. Hence, his name is
remembered in Zoroastrian ceremonies with his adoptive father as Dastur_Meherji Ervad Viichhii.
18 Priestly jurisdictions or panthaks are of two types: the original one demarcated by rivers and those that
developed in later times with shiftings of the Parsi population. In the latter type, a priest belonging to
any of the five groups may be employed by the laity to perform ceremonies. Bombay is a good example
of the latter type, since there priests of all five groups have their own places for ceremonies.
19 Although descended from a different priestly line, the Khambiitii priests seem to have taken part in the
Sanjan conference to determine the priestly jurisdictions.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PARSI PRIESTHOOD 221
regarded it as sacrosanct. The oldest existing document which reflects this state of
affairs is dated 1543 C.E. It is an agreement between the whole Anjoman (which
included both the Bhagaria priests and laymen) of N avsari and the Sanjana Anjoman,
and it spells out the priestly jurisdictions of two major groups of priests, the Sanjanas
and Bhagarias.
In the latter half of the fifteenth century, Sanjan fell on evil days on account of the
devastating attack by the armies of Sultan Mahmud Begada of Gujarat in 1465 C.E. In
order to protect the sacred fire against possible sacrilege by the Muslim conquerors,
the valiant Sanjana priests carried their most precious possession to the mountain
fastness of Bahrot about fourteen miles to the south of Sanjan, and hid the fire in a
cave-dwelling with windows, doors and pillars, already carved out of the steep rocks.
After a brief stay in the Bahrot hill, the Atash Bahram was taken to Bansda, and then,
through the good offices of Changa Asha, a wealthy layman of N avsari, it was carried
thence to N avsari in about 1479. The three courageous priests who brought the sacred
fire to N avsari were Khiirshed Kamdin, Nagan Ram and Chaiyyan Shaer, from whom
the nine existing families of Sanjana priests are descended. They still enjoy the
exclusive right to serve the sacred fire.
With the enthronement of the sacred fire in N avsari, both the Sanjana and Bhagaria
priests began to live amicably, helping each other in the affairs of the religion and
respecting the covenant entered into by their elders more than a century before. The
presence of the sacred fire, housed in a building provided by the Bhagarsath Anjoman,
added lustre to the fair name of Navsari, which now became, in its own right, the
headquarters of both the Sanjanas and Bhagarias. Because of the calamities which had
befallen the Sanjana priests in Sanjan and its vicinity, their economic condition
became straitened. They asked the Bhagarsath Anjoman to help them by giving them
the diocese of the town (not the whole region) ofBulsar. The Bhagaria priests came to
their rescue at this difficult time and granted them the diocese of Bulsar. The Sanjana
Anjoman ofN avsari sent Shapur Rana to serve the Parsi community there. Because of
a quarrel between two groups oflaity, another dar-i mihr seems to have been established
in Bulsar under the charge of Jamasp BhaijI, a Sanjana priest. In course of time, the
descendants of Shapur Rana and Jamasp BhaijI began to manage the affairs of Bulsar
independently from the Sanjana Anjoman, refusing to pay the ecclesiastical dues, and
consequently they lost their right to serve the sacred fire.
In the last quarter of the seventeenth century, there arose in Navsari a deadly feud
between the Bhagarias and a few lay members of the Parsi community called the
Behdins ("those of the Good Religion"). For the sake of supervision and equitable
distribution of religious works amongst the priests, the Bhagarsath Anjoman of
Navsari passed a resolution in 1672 C.E. directing the priests to perform certain major
ceremonies according to their turns in and around N avsari, as also in other distant
parishes such as Bombay20 and the nearby Parsi settlements like Chaul, Kalyan,
20 According to an old manuscript (p.56) of short obituary notices in my possession, the priest in charge
222 FIROZE M. KOTW AL
Bhimardi and Thanii. The Behdins of N avsari did not approve of the mandate issued
by the Bhagarsiith Anjoman to the priests and resolved in a meeting in 1673 C.E. that
they would have ceremonies of their households performed by priests of their own
choice. This stance of the Behdins infuriated the Bhagariiis, and in course of time it
took an ugly turn culminating in the murder of two Bhagariii priests 21 in 1686 at a
public place called Tarotii. This dastardly act of murder agitated the Bhagariiis so
much that they, in their agony, killed six Behdins22 in retaliation. The influential
Behdins convicted twelve Bhagariiis on charges of murder and had them imprisoned in
Surat. Later on, they were released from gaol through the good offices of Kunverji
Niiniibhiii Modi,23 the great leader of the Parsi community at Surat, and were sent
back home safely to N avsari. In order to implement effectively their resolution of 1673,
the Behdins won over to their side a dissident Bhagariii priest, Minocheher Homji, 24
who began to act as a family priest of the Behdins, with the help of his three sons. In
order to earn a living with ease and comfort, three more Bhagariii priests, viz. Meherji
Chiindna,2s Diidii Chiindji26 and Peshotan Sohriib,21 followed suit and joined with the
Minocheher Homji fold, which now began to be called the Chahiiro Siith (Guj.), i.e.
the United Four.2s
of the clientele of Bombay was named Ervad (E.) Darab E. Faramroze E. Bahman Osta(O.) Meherji
0. Farediin E. ChandnaE. Kamdin who died in Samvat 1717 (1661 C.E.). He was nicknamed Dada
Chicha and he belonged to the Lashkari family within the Asha Farediin stock. He seems to be the first
priest in charge of the Parsi community of the then tiny village of Bombay.
21 The murder of two priests, viz. Maneck Behram of the Nariman family and Rustam Shapur of the
Antia family, took place on the day Rashn of the month Bahman, Samvat 1742 (September 7, 1686).
After some decades, the Bhagarsath Anjoman endowed a public memorial worship (Jashan) in honour
of their martyrdom which continues to this day.
22 The six Behdins killed in the skirmish were Nahna Meherji, Kuka Aspu (father of Manaji Kukaji
Talati), Nahna Chanji, Meherji Sukhla, Behman Peshutan and Rustam Shapur.
23 In appreciation of the great favour shown by Kunverji Nanabhai to the imprisoned Bhagaria priests,
the Bhagarsath Anjoman performed two Uthamna ceremonies in honour of the two deceased relatives
of Kunverji in the Vadi Dar-i Mihr in 1690 C.E. Pahlan Farediin, the father of the celebrated priest
Darab Pahlan, who was one of the twelve imprisoned priests, made arrangements for the ceremonies.
The Anjoman took the responsibility of reciting twenty-two lakhs of Ahunawar prayer in behalf of the
soul of the first relative and twenty-five lakhs for the other during the first year of demise.
24 Minocheher Homji belonged to the Bajan family within the Chanda Farediin stock. He was the
son-in-law of Manaji Kukaji Talati, leading Behdin opposed to the Bhagarias. His youngest son Adar
surreptitiously performed a Nawar ceremony with a Sanjana priest, named Jamasp Bhiiiji of Bulsar, at
Bhagva-Dandi, a village near Navsari. This and other anti-group activities created a commotion
among the traditionalist priests of N avsari which eventually resulted in the expulsion of Minocheher
Homji and his three sons from the Bhagarsath Anjoman.
25 Meherji Chandna, surnamed Kakalia, belonged to the Kaka Pahlan stock. He joined the Minocheher
Homji fold in 1699 C.E. together with his four sons.
26 Dada Chiindji, surnamed Dadachanji, beli>nged to the Asha Farediin stock. He joined the Minocheher
Homji fold with his seven sons.
27 Peshotan Sohrab, surnamed Rabadi, belonged to the Asha Farediin stock. He joined the Minocheher
Homji fold with his two sons.
28 After the formation of the Chaharo Sath by c. 1700 C.E., a priest named Kausji, the youngest son of
Jamasp Bhaiji Sanjana, who was adopted by his maternal grandfather Aspandyar Ranji, a Bhagaria
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PARSI PRIESTHOOD 223
Despite the unstinted support and lucrative help offered by the Behdins to the
United Four, the Bhagariiis were successful in 1731 in getting a charter from Gangiiji
Riio, the governor ofNavsari, and Pilaji Rao Gaekwad (1730-1732 C.E.),29 the ruler
of Gujarat. The charter upheld the legitimate and sole right of the Bhagariiis to
perform marriage and other ceremonies of their clientele within their own jurisdiction.
This gave a serious jolt to the priests aligned to the United Four, who, after much
deliberation, resolved to merge with their original fold in 1732. The Bhagariiis
welcomed the merger bid by the priests of the United Four, and with their characteristic
magnanimity, admitted them into the Bhagarsiith Anjoman through a mutual
agreement made in the VadI Dar-i Mihr on April 16, 1732. Jo The Behdfns of Navsari
did not like the reunion of priests, and they instigated the priests of the United Four to
break up the covenant, which they gladly did in 1734 C.E. In order to safeguard their
privileges with honour, the Bhagariiis made a petition to Gangiiji Riio for preventing
the priests of the United Four from encroaching upon their traditional rights. The
leading Behdrns took up the gauntlet and acted as defendants on behalf of the
secessionists. In order to arrive at an amicable solution, Ganjiiji Riio pursuaded the
leaders of both parties to appoint an arbitration court, comprised of ten respectable
Hindu citizens, to probe thoroughly into the matter. They all agreed to abide by the
decision given by the court. The committee of ten gave its verdict largely in favour of
the Bhagariiis, although the secessionists were recognised as an independent group and
the dar-i mihr set up by the Behdins for the use of priests of the United Four was
accorded validity.JI
For a couple of centuries, all went on well in Navsari between the Sanjiiniis and
Bhagariiis. Then, because of an increase in their numbers and disruptive support and
encouragement by the Behdins of Navsari, the less-disciplined among the Sanjiinii
priests began to break the covenant made by their elders by performing the ceremonies
of their own households and of those of the laity who supported their cause and were
priest, seceded from the Bhagarsath Anjoman and joined the Chaharo Sath assuming the surname
Bhandari.
29 Pilaji Rao founded the Gaekwad dynasty in Gujarat in 1730 C.E.
30 The Behdins became desperate and dissatisfied with the reunion of priests. They convened a meeting of
all Behdins in 1734 C.E. and resolved not to increase fees for ceremonies. They further reiterated their
support for the 1686 resolution. If the priests would demand more fees than what was then stipulated,
the Behdins would have no recourse but to perform all necessary ceremonies themselves. If the priests
would refuse to perform the nuptials, the Behdins would recite the prayer for health (tan-dorostf) and
escort the couple home. If they refused to perform the sacred bread (dron) ceremony, the Behdins
would remember the departed souls by offering incense to the fire and be satisfied with it. If the priests
refused to do the funeral ceremony, the Behdins would do it by reciting srosh biij, khurshed and mihr
niyiiyesh, and patet. The Behdins further resolved that the dar-i mihr set up in 1686 C.E. for the
exclusive use of the priests· of the United Four would doubtless continue to work.
31 The second half of the twentieth century has witnessed an unprecedented shortage of priests. In order
to tide over this appalling situation, the Bhagarsath Anjoman unanimously resolved in an historic
meeting held in the Vadi Dar-i Mihr on January 3, 1982, to admit to its fold ~ll priestly groups who had
seceded from it in the past.
224 FIROZE M. KOTW AL A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE PARSI PRIESTHOOD 225

inimical to the Bhagarias. The Bhagaria priests protested, and asked to have an equal
share in the proceeds of the Atash Bahram if the Sanjanas wished to persist in
GENEALOGY OF PARSI PRIESTS
performing ceremonies within the priestly jurisdiction of the Bhagarias. The Sanjana
priests filed a suit against the Bhagarias in the court of the Gaekwad of Baroda, the
B, Shapur son of E. Shahriyar
then ruling authority, who was camping at Songarh near Surat at the time. After a few (ancestor of almost all Parsi prieete)

hearings of both sides, the Gaekwad gave his verdict in favour of the Bhagarias. The
B, R~ar E. Dhaval
Sanjana priests, who owned some 25 to 30 houses in Navsari, left the town with the I
E. Hormasdylr -
(grandaon of Shapur s., I
E, Niiry!11an9 (Sanokril echolar,
sacred fire in 1740 C.E. and took shelter in Bulsar. Not finding themselves at ease there, I c. 12th cent, A.c.>
I c. 12th cent,A,C.)
E. MObad E, MObad
they ultimately established a permanent home for their sacred fire within their own
B, larthoaht (one of the s. Bahram I -
E. Khushmasta
panthak at Udvada in 1742. ancestor• of the Bhaqaria (ancestor of the Bharuchia,
I -
priest• of Nawari, c. 13th cent. A,C,) E, Khu1aat:
To sum up, the KhorasanI group who came to Sanjan in 936 C.E. included priests c, 13th cent, A.C.)
E, Bahmanyar
who established the first Atash Bahr am in India with ritual implements (' iiliit) brought E; MObad
E. l<hii1shed
s. Kamdin I_
from Khorasan. After centuries, their descendants dispersed to different parts of I E. Pahlan I -
E. Bahmanyar
(ancestor of_ t\!e l?riests Of
Gujarat and founded five well-defined ecclesiastical regions. All the Zoroastrian E, MObad Surat and Godavra, c. l4th cent.A.C.)

priests of India, except those from Khambat (Cambay), trace their descent from a 1. Kamdln E, Lakhmldhar
L - _I ( 1.1451
common ancestor, Shapur Shahriyar (see the genealogical tree provided). The priests E. Rana (l.1416 A.C.) O, Bama A.C,)
1
from Broach, GOdavra (including those from Surat), and N avsari (only those priests s. chnc1na O, Lakhmidhar

B.
_I -
Anna (1.1478 A.C.) E, I -
Dhanpal
who belong to the pols of Kaka Pahlan and Kaka Dhanpal) are descended from
£, P.},lan (l, 1516 A,C,) - l 1543 A.C.)
E. Kaka(l,
Hormazdyar Ramyar, the grandson of Shapur Shahriyar; whereas the priests of !Sounder of the EE! of Kikii (founder of the .eg! of l<likli Dhanpiil,
Pahlan, a.15th cent. A.C.) c.15th cent.A.C.)
Navsari who belong to the other three pols and also those surnamed 'Sanjana',32 and
E.HOm (one of the ancestors of E. Hormazdyar lo, 14th cent.A.C,)
the priests of Bulsar and Udvada are all descended from Neryosang Dhaval, another the Bhagaria priests of
Navsari, c.14th cent.A.C.)
grandson of Shapur Shahriyar. The spiritual link (silsila) with the Kh6rasan1 fire E, FaredUn E. Dhanpal .E. Kim
through the consecrated fire-ash, ciiliit and priests has been maintained unbroken in
India. Although the monarchy of Iranian kings is ended, the spiritual kingship of Iran
11. iioha
(founder of the
E, Mihyir
(founder of the EE!
O.Chinda
(founder of the
I I -
.eg! of Aohii of M"ahylir FarMnn, ~Of Ch'!ndll E, Nfgoj E, Hamjiyar
FaridUn, a.15th a.15th cent.A,C.) Farid tin, c. lSth
still lives on through Zoroastrian ceremonies. It is hoped that it will be preserved till cent.A1C.) cent. A.C.) E, Kllmdln
I E. Rim E. Shier
the time of the resurrection. May Ahura Mazda's blessings be on those who work for E, Kh urahed*
E. Nagan
I_ •
B.Chaiyyan
! -•
•(Three Sanjinii priests who brought from Bii~roda
the religion. Amen. the Sanjan fire to Navaari in c, 1419 A.C.)

E, Jisdfo E, Chindli s, Jiaang

I
E. Cri~yan (1.1516 A.C.)

E. Kamdin ( 1, 1543 l\,c,)

E, l\sha E. Bahram E. Brman

I (The venerable teacher
E uOs~ang of Bah man K~~obad, the author of
'• ._ Oissa-c San1an. 1.1601 A.C.)
I I E. T~ii
B, shiipur E, Narsang E, Khurshed (the Shapur
E,
(l, 1645 A.C.) 'I _ _ _ third son of lloshang (first Sanjana priest who came
E, l<ekobad lishii was adopted by to eulsar in the 17th century)
his nephew E,KekilbM)
Kanji Hirji
(N, 1637 A.C,) (N ..1644 A,C,)
32 It is the practice among the Bhagariiis that a priest from any other group may become a Bhagariii if he
E. B~aiji (N,1636 A.c.) E,Erach (1,1664 A.C,)
is adopted by a Bhagariii priest and is ordained a priest in the Vadr Dar-i Mihr of Navsari. In the
sixteenth century a Sanjiinii priest named Peshotan was adopted by his maternal grandfather, Jivii · E, Jamiisp (1,1684 A.c.)
(Sanjona priest who came to
Shaer Chiindii Asdrn, who was a Bhagariii priest belonging to the Miihyiir Farediin stock (pol). In a Bulear and est.iblished a rival
document of 1580 C.E., Peshotan appended his signature as Peshrtan Jrva, presumably with his dar-1 rnlhr at the behest of the
filty filthe 17th cent.)
adoptive father's name. The first five high priests of the H.B. Wadia Atash Bahriim, Bombay, viz.
Edalji, Bahriimji, PeshOtan, Diiriib and Rustam, all surnamed 'Sanjiinii', belonged to the Bhagarsiith Index1 c. • circa 'about• 1 l "" 11 ving: d • died; N • Nawar1 E a Ervad1 0 • Osti
group and were descended from Peshotan Jivii.
226 FIROZE M. KOTW AL
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bajan, B.E. and an 'Athornan', Piirsf dfn iifn ane tawiirfkhffarhang (="A lexicon of
terms relating to Parsi religion, custom and history"), I, Bombay 1908 (Guj.).
Hodivala, S.H., Studies in Parsi history, Bombay 1920.
Hodivala, S.K., Pak lriinshiihnf tawiirfkh (="The History of the holy Iranshah"),
Bombay 1927 (Guj.)
Kanga, P.R., Bhagarsiith anjumannf tawiirfkh (="The History of the Bhagarsath
Anjoman"), Bombay 1932 (Guj.).
Kotwal, F.M., "Some observations on the history of the Parsi dar-i mihrs'', BS OAS,
XXXVII, 3, 1974, 664-69.
Kotwal, F.M. and Boyd J.W., A guide to the Zoroastrian religion, Chico. 1982.
Kutar, M.N., Navsiirfnf vadf daremehermiin thaylii niiwaronf fehrest (="A list of
niiwars ordained in the Vadi Dar-i Mihr ofNavsari"), I & II, Bombay 1929 (Guj.).
Meherjirana, D.S., Dasturiin-dastur meherjfriinii yiidgiirfgranth ( ="Dasturan-Dastur
MeherjI Rana memorial volume"), I & II, Bombay 1947 (Guj.).
Meherjirana, D.S., Nondh ane nuktechfnf(="Notes and criticism"), Bombay 1939
(Guj.).
Meherjirana, D.S., Dfsii-pothf(="A book of anniversary days of the dead") Bombay
1932 (Guj.).
Meherjirana, R.J., The genealogy of the Naosari Parsi priests, London (undated),
publ. by N aoroz M. Parveez.
Meherjirana, S.R., Navsiirfnfnavf darehmeherne lagtii keshno navsiirfnfmunsafkort,
jadj kort ane vadodriinfvarisht korte iipelo chukiido (="Judgement of the suit
concerning the new dar-i mihr of N avsari given by the munsiff and judge courts of
Navsari and the high court of Baroda"), Navsari 1914 (Guj.).
Modi, J.J., The religious ceremonies and customs ofthe Parsis, Bombay 1986 (reprint).
Navsiirfnf pahelii dastur meherjfriinii library madheno. .. asal dastiivejonf nakalono
hastalekh (=A manuscript copy of old documents ... depositedin, the first Da~tur
MeherjI Rana library of N avsari "), publ. by the trustees of the Parsi Punchayet of
Bombay, Bombay 1933 (Guj.).
For a learned critique on the documents, see above "Notes and criticism" by D.S.
Meherjirana. , century, there was a mini Parsi renaissance. Outstanding individuals contributed
Patell, B.B., Piirsf dharma-sthalo (="Religious places of the Parsis''· Bombay 1906
(Guj.).
Patell, B.B.,Piirsfprakiish (="Parsi lustre"), I, Bombay 1878 (Guj.).
Irano-Judaica II, Jerusalem 1990
The Breakdown of the Zoroastrian Tradition
as Viewed from a Contemporary Perspective
KHOJESTE MISTREE
I would like to thank the organizers of this Irano-Judaica Seminar and Prof. Shaked in
particular for inviting me to this prestigious conference, in Jerusalem. My work is
primarily in the field of socio-religious and educational awareness within the
community, hence the title of my address. I believe that a contemporary perspective is
relevant and important in order to get an overview of the socio-religious development
of the Parsi community in India, over the last 170 years. I plan to discuss some of the
factors contributing to the breakdown of the Zoroastrian tradition in my talk which I
hope you will find of interest. Analysing the breakdown of the tradition necessitates
naming those responsible for this state of affairs and painful as this may be to the
memory of those departed and to those living, it must be done for the sake of
scholarship. Thus, my intention is not to besmirch the memory or reputation of those
whom I have named in this paper, but in my humble opinion is one of intellectual
discovery.
I see four basic "watersheds" in the community's religious history over this period.
The first clearly begins when the Scottish missionary, the Rev. Dr. John Wilson and,
later, the German indologist, Mr Martin Haug came to India, and played havoc with
the religious beliefs and practices of the Parsis in the mid-19th century. Both these men
were erudite individuals who used their scholarship to the fullest in picking holes in the
beliefs and practices of the Zoroastrian tradition.
The second watershed, as I see it, is the advent of Western education in the Parsi
community in British India. During this period from the mid-19th to the early 20th
significantly in practically every sphere of human endeavour making the community
economically and socially very prominent. Alas, this renaissance also brought with it
an unexpected problem. Western education based upon secular pursuits created an
imbalance between the priests and the laity. It also brought about a breakdown of
beliefs and practices amongst a newly educated laity and their commitment to the
religion itself.
Thirdly, as a result of greater education, travel and trade, the horizons of the
community widened in terms of its members making greater contact with those of
other religions, cults and/ or syncretic faiths. This often happened at the expense of
 Yad /zhak Ben-Zvi and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem
The Ben-Zvi Institute for the Study of Jewish Communities in the East
r
!

IRANO-JUDAICA II
STUDIES RELATING TO
JEWISH CONTACTS WITH
PERSIAN CULTURE
THROUGHOUT THE AGES

Edited by SHA UL SHAKED

and AMNON NETZER

JERUSALEM 1990
 r
!

CONTENTS

Preface 7
Introduction 9
BEZALEL PORTEN, Jerusalem
The Calendar ofAramaic Texts from Achaemenid and Ptolemaic
Egypt 13
JAMES R. RUSSELL, New York
Zoroastrian Elements in the Book of Esther 33
SHLOMO PINES, Jerusalem ['"T]
A Parallel between Two Iranian and Jewish Themes 41
ROBERT BRODY, Jerusalem
Judaism in the Sasanian Empire: A Case Study in Religious
Coexistence 52
ISAIAH M. GAFNI, Jerusalem
Expressions and Types of'Local Patriotism' among the Jews of
Sasanian Babylonia 63
PHILIPPE GIGNOUX, Paris
Hexaemeron et Millenarisme: Quelques motifs de comparaison
entre Mazdeisme et Judai'sme 72
SHAUL SHAKED, Jerusalem
Zoroastrian Polemics against Jews in the Sasanian and Early
Islamic Period 85
AMNON NETZER, Jerusalem
A Midrash on the Ascension of Moses in Judea-Persian 105
Published with the aid of VERA BASCH MOREEN, Philadelphia
The Center for Integration of the Oriental Jewish Heritage Salmiin-i Fiirisf and the Jews: An Anti-Jewish Shi'f Hadfth
in the Israel Ministry of Education and Culture
and the Iranian Jewish Cultural Organization of California from the Seventeenth Century? 144
EZRA SPICEHANDLER, Cincinnati
Printed in Israel
© Copyright by the Ben-Zvi Institute, Jerusalem 1990 · Shiihfn '.s Influence on Biibaf hen Lotf: The Abraham-Nimrod
Typesetting and printing: Graph-Chen Press Ltd., Jerusalem Legend 158
ISBN 965-235-032-X
SOROUR s. SOROUDI, Jerusalem
Judea-Persian Religious Oath Formulas as Compared with Non-
167
Jewish Iranian Traditions
GILBERT LAZARD, Paris
Lumieres nouvelles sur la formation de la langue persane: une Preface
traduction du Coran en persan dialectal et ses affinites avec le
184
judeo-persan This is a second collection of studies under the general heading of "Irano-Judaica". In
MYRIAM ROSEN-AYALON, Jerusalem this case, unlike the preceding volume, it is essentially based on the papers read at a
199 conference held in Jerusalem in 1987 under the auspices of the Ben-Zvi Institute, in
A Judea- Persian Amulet
which the authors of these articles took part. The conference revealed the existence of a
FIROZE M. KOTWAL, Bombay group of people who were actively involved in studying different aspects of this vast
A Brief History of the Parsi Priesthood 217
area - vast in terms of chronological diffusion, from antiquity to the threshold of the
KHOJESTE MISTREE, Bombay modern world, as well as in terms of the several disciplines involved, from history and
The Breakdown of the Zoroastrian Tradition as Viewed from a archaeology to the history of religions, philology and linguistics, and including aspects
227 of the history of art. It gave scope for a meeting of specialists in Jewish studies,
Contemporary Perspective
Islamicists, as well as students (and practitioners) of the Zoroastrian faith. From this
point of view the gathering proved to be, despite the intimate character of the
discussions, a colourful meeting of several different nationalities and groups of interest.
The success of that first occasion in 1987 encouraged the organizers to call for another
gathering of scholars in 1990, and it is on the occasion of this second colloquium that
the present volume is published.
The fact that the first meeting could be convened and that this volume is being
published are in themselves a testimony to the enthusiasm and generosity of support
received from various quarters. Chief among these is the assistance, material and
moral, received from groups within the Iranian-Jewish community in Israel and in the
United States, and in particular from the members of the Iranian Jewish Cultural
Organization of California and its president, Mr. Massood Haroonian. They have
given us their unstinting encouragement and have stood by us in times of difficulty and
we trust that the same cooperation will continue with the publication of the following
volumes of Irano-Judaica. We have in addition received support from the Centre for
the Integration of the Oriental Jewish Heritage in the Israeli Ministry of Education
and Culture, and the administration of the Ben-Zvi Institue, in particular its present
chairman, Prof. Michel Abitbol and its Academic Secretary, Mr. Michael Glatzer.
Ms. Sarit Noy spared no effort in making the conference the success that it was. The
help given by all of these is deeply appreciated.