ROMANI VIOLIN PERFORMANCE

IN 19TH CENTURY HUNGARY AND ROMANIA

A CREATIVE PROJECT

SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE

MASTER OF MUSIC

BY

MAUREEN HICKEY

DR. YU-FANG CHEN - ADVISOR

BALL STATE UNIVERSITY

MUNCIE, INDIANA

MAY 2022
 Acknowledgements

Thank you, Dr. Chen, for pushing me to be deliberate and thoughtful in my playing and inspiring

me with your passion and enthusiasm. I think about music differently now because of you.

Thank you to all the fantastic musicians I have worked with at Ball State University. Every

single one of you has informed my musicianship in some way, and for that, I am so grateful.

And finally thank you to my little family: Addie and Soc, and especially Will.

I could not have done any of this without your support and love.

2
 Records of Romani people performing in Europe can be traced back to eleventh century

Constantinople.1 Romanies worked primarily as entertainers playing music, but also as acrobats,

magicians, and fortune tellers. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Romani musicians were

hired for royal courts across mainland Europe. Romanies mostly played string instruments such

as lutes, harps, dulcimers, and eventually, the violin. The musical content of these performances

is not well documented. Reports focused heavily on the Romani musicians’ mastery of

memorization and improvisation but did not describe the music being played. 2

Romani people arrived in Hungary around 1410 and gained letters of safe conduct (the

ability to travel safely throughout the region) by 1423.3 Although Romanies were treated better

in Hungary than in places like Romania, they were still marked as outcasts and believed to be a

cursed race of people.4 Those who were positive toward the Romanies were so out of a perverted

desire to engage with an Othered, almost fantastical race of people. For example, Franz Liszt

revered Romani musicians as “miracles of Nature.” 5 Liszt also wrote that Romanies were

excellent performers but unable to fully appreciate their own craft as listeners since they were

not “intelligent” like the native Hungarians “without whom the Gypsy art would have died off

entirely.”6 This condescension toward a marginalized race is a perfect example of the nineteenth

1
I am following the naming conventions prescribed by the introduction to Ian F Hancock’s book We are the Romani
People. Hancock is a renowned Romani activist and researcher.
2
Anna G. Piotrowska, Gypsy Music in European Culture, trans. Guy R. Torr (Boston: Northeastern University
Press, 2013), 4–7.
3
Lynn M. Hooker, Redefining Hungarian Music from Liszt to Bartók (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 17.
Throughout this paper, I will refer to modern-day Hungary to describe the region where ethnic Hungarians (Magyar)
settled. During the period I am writing about, Hungary was not yet an independent country and was instead part of
the greater Austro-Hungarian Empire.
4
Hooker, Redefining Hungarian Music from Liszt to Bartók, 36.
5
Piotrowska, Gypsy Music in European Culture, 99.
6
Ralph P. Locke, Musical Exoticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 141.

3
century idea of the ‘noble savage’—a person untainted by civilization, and therefore imbued with

a sense of naïveté and in need of saving. 7

Historian David Crowe claims that the worst treatment Romanies faced in Eastern Europe was in

Romania where they were enslaved. 8 Although Romani people were initially able to find work as

skilled craftsmen throughout the regions of Wallachia and Moldavia, they were forced into

slavery by the thirteenth century. 9 Since the Romanies are originally from modern-day northern

India, their difference from native Europeans was visually marked by their darker skin. Although

racism as a concept was not yet defined, physical differences were commonly used to force

uneven power dynamics in Europe. 10 Even after being fully emancipated in 1864, the Romanies

in Romania were met with deep prejudice and racism.11 Enslaved Romanies were categorized by

their specialty, and one of the highest ranked were the lăutari (also spelled laoutari). They

served as musicians and fiddlers for the royal court. 12

Defining a specific Romani musical style is difficult since Romani musicians blended

their practices with the folk idioms and popular culture around them. 13 In her book Gypsy Music

in European Culture, Anna G. Piotrowska suggests the Romani musicians’ ability to “adapt and

diversify” is why their music, or at least the music they performed in public, was able to resonate

with such diverse audiences across Europe. 14 Music historian A.L. Lloyd claims that Romani

7
Piotrowska, 99.
8
David Crowe, “The Gypsy Historical Experience in Romania” in The Gypsies of Eastern Europe, ed. David Crowe
and John Kolsti (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1991), 61.
9
David Crowe, “The Gypsy Historical Experience in Romania,” 61.
Wallachia and Moldavia were satellite regions of the Ottoman Empire that unified in 1859 to form modern-day
Romania. Transylvania joined Romania in 1918.
10
Margaret H. Beissinger, “Occupation and Ethnicity: Constructing Identity among Professional Romani (Gypsy)
Musicians in Romania,” Slavic Review 60, no. 1 (Spring 2001), 28.
11
Beissinger, “Occupation and Ethnicity,” 30.
Some sources cite the emancipation as happening in 1859 or describe it as a gradual system that happened
throughout the 1850–60s.
12
David Crowe, “The Gypsy Historical Experience in Romania,” 63.
13
Piotrowska, 8.
14
Piotrowska, 9.

4
people considered “music as a commodity rather than as a heritage,” and as such, borrowed

whatever was popular where they settled. 15 Specifically when studying Hungarian music,

attempting to separate ethnic Hungarian (Magyar) music from Romani music is troublesome.

Romani people were profoundly involved in the creation and performance of Hungarian popular

music, but much of the music they performed was based on material written by Magyar

Hungarians.16

In music literature from the nineteenth century to now, music inspired by the

performance practices of the Romani people have been dubbed the style hongrois (Hungarian

style). Scholars and composers such as Franz Liszt and Béla Bartók have debated the origins of

the style hongrois since the late nineteenth century. The style hongrois is also referred to as the

“Hungarian-Gypsy” style since it was the professional Romani musicians who popularized it

throughout Europe.

Before I dive in too deeply, I want to make a note about terminology. I will be using the

phrase “Hungarian-Romani” instead of “Hungarian-Gypsy” because I wish to avoid using the

pejorative word unless it is from a direct quotation. Locke rationalizes using “Hungarian-

Gypsy,” because he claims that when Romani people were performing for non-Romanies, they

were presenting themselves as the pseudo-fictional race of people to capitalize on the non-

Romanies’ exoticist fetishization. 17 In his book, Bartók, Hungary, and the Renewal of Tradition,

David E. Schneider also chooses to use “gypsy” because it was the term used in Hungary during

the nineteenth century although he admits the term is outdated, offensive, and frankly

15
A.L. Lloyd, “The Music of Rumanian Gypsies,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 90th Sess. (1963–
1964), 19.
16
Locke, Musical Exoticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 137.
17
Locke, Musical Exoticism, 137.

5
inaccurate.18 Piotrowska differentiates between “Gypsy music” and “Romany music” by stating

that the conception of “Gypsy music” is a romanticized version of the music that was played by

Romani (and non-Romani musicians attempting to sound Romani) as performers in mixed public

spaces while “Romany music” is performed, played, and experienced by Romani people for

other Romani people within their own public and private spaces.19 Despite its use in plenty of

scholarly work, I would prefer to avoid the slur wherever possible. Whenever the word is used, it

is referring to an exotic fantasy and stereotype. It is not meant to represent the Romani people.

Romani music groups called Zigeunerkapellen sprang up quickly in Hungary, led by

virtuosic violinists called prímás. Zigeunerkapellen included two violins, a double bass, a

cimbalom (a hammered dulcimer also found in Romanian music), and by the 1840s, a clarinetist,

but the violinist was always the main attraction and would speak to the crowd as well as play and

lead the group.20 The Hungarian church regarded the violin as the devil’s instrument, which

contributed to the outcasted status of the Romani people.21 However, prímás were respected

enough that wealthy patrons would sometimes pay for Romani violinists to get a formal music

education to expand their skills. 22 Mihály Barna and Panna Czinka were two of the most

renowned prímás.23 Perhaps the most famous Romani violinist was János Bihari who played for

Liszt in 1822 and deeply inspired him. 24

18
David E. Schneider, Bartók, Hungary, and the Renewal of Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press,
2006), 26.
The term “gypsy” comes from “Egyptian”, but the Romani people originate from Northern India. Medieval
Europeans assumed Romani people were Egyptian (or could have used “Egyptian” to describe any non-European)
when they first came to Europe (see We are the Romani People by Ian Hancock).
19
Piotrowska, 1.
20
Piotrowska, 18–20.
21
Peter Cooke, “The violin — instrument of four continents” in The Cambridge Companion to the Violin, ed. Robin
Stowell, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 237.
22
Piotrowska, 24.
23
Piotrowska, 20–22.
24
Hooker, 80.

6
 The repertoire played by Zigeunerkapellen and other Romani musicians varied heavily

between rural and urban environments, primarily because of class differences. With urban,

aristocratic audiences, Romani musicians capitalized on their clientele’s fascination with the

exotic by adding heavy embellishments and augmented seconds, whereas in the country, these

trademarks of exoticism were scarcely used as Romanies would adhere to the simpler folk style

of the rural peasantry.25 The urban Zigeunerkapellen style of Hungarian music played by

Romanies for non-Romanies is what became known as the “Hungarian-Romani” style.26

Zigeunerkapellen were such a prominent presence in Hungary that they were even chosen to

represent the region at World’s Fairs in Vienna (1873), Paris (1878, 1889, 1900), Budapest

(1896), and Chicago (1893).27

By the late seventeenth century, Romani musicians were performing the bulk of popular

music in Hungary, and by the early 1800s, the Zigeunerkapellen sound had spread throughout

Europe.28 So intertwined were the Western conceptions of the Romani people and Hungary that

non-Hungarians would often use the “Hungarian” and “Romani” adjectives interchangeably. 29

Mentioning Hungary in the title of a piece was enough to suggest it was inspired by the

Romanies.30 According to Lynn Hooker, “most Hungarians understood the label ‘Gypsy music’

as applying only to the race of the performers, not the origins or essence of the music,” but some

were deeply upset by the conflation of their culture with Romani culture due to nationalistic

pride and racial taboo.31

25
Piotrowska, 25.
26
Locke, 136.
27
Hooker, 35.
28
Hooker, 78.
29
Hooker, 43.
30
Piotrowska, 214.
31
Hooker, 79.

7
 The primary genre of instrumental entertainment music in Hungary was the verbunkos.

Although originally used to describe the music played while recruiting Hungarian peasants for

the Habsburg Empire’s army, the term verbunkos now covers most types of Hungarian folk song

and dance. The term has broadened into a catchall to define the entirety of Hungarian

instrumental music of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 32

The general organization for most pieces in the verbunkos style is an extended slow

section followed by a fast section. This is the structure employed by the csárdás, a Hungarian

couples’ dance. First is the lassú (slow) section, containing an introduction sometimes played

with no steady pulse, followed by a medium tempo dance in duple meter. After this is the friss

(fast) section.33 There can be multiple alternations between lassú and friss sections. Rhythmic

embellishments are common throughout, including dotted rhythms, grace notes, turns, and other

decorative figurations.34

Verbunkos music in its original form tended to include lots of augmented seconds, which

became a hallmark of the “Hungarian-Romani” style.35 These augmented seconds happen

between scale degrees 3 and 4 and between 6 and 7 in what Liszt dubbed the “gypsy” scale (C D

Eb F# G Ab B).36 The “gypsy” label stuck despite all classes and races of people in Hungary

composing music in the verbunkos style due to how Romani performers outnumbered Magyar

performers.37

The controversy of labeling verbunkos style as “Romani music” was exacerbated by

Franz Liszt. Liszt believed that Romani people had created Hungarian nationalist music. 38 Liszt’s

32
Schneider, Bartók, Hungary, and the Renewal of Tradition, 17–18.
33
Schneider, 17–18.
34
Schneider, 20.
35
Schneider, 20.
36
Franz Liszt, The Gipsy in Music, trans. Edwin Evans, 2 vols., (London: W. Reeves, 1926), 301.
37
Schneider, 26.
38
Piotrowska, 35.

8
book, Des Bohémiens et de leur musique en Hongrie (published in English as The Gipsy in

Music), describes his opinions on Romani music and Hungarian music. Des Bohémiens was

highly controversial even at the time of its original publication in 1859. 39 Despite writing a book

on the subject, Liszt’s ‘study’ of Romani and Hungarian music was limited to his own

experiences in urban, aristocratic environments. He never did any rural ethnomusicological

work, although he did transcribe some urban Zigeunerkapellen performances.40 According to

Hooker, Liszt wrote more in Des Bohémiens painting “exoticist imaginings around the unfettered

lifestyle of the Gypsies” than he did describing the music they played. 41

As stated earlier, Liszt had a twisted fascination with the Romani people, fueled by his

romantic misconceptions of them as tortured artists cursed to wander. 42 Liszt fancied himself a

kindred spirit of the Romani people, believing that he too, was underappreciated and a free

soul.43 Liszt believed that he had a duty to share his knowledge (or rather, his perceived

knowledge) about the Hungarian Romanies through his writing and his compositions.44 Although

it was poorly researched and heavily biased, the book became a frequent source on the Romani

people and their music by program note writers and newspaper journalists, probably due to

Liszt’s renown as a composer and performer.45 Despite his lack of scholarly rigor, Liszt did

correctly identify that Romani musicians were heavily involved in the musical landscape of

39
Piotrowska, 39.
40
Piotrowska, 36. Locke, 139.
41
Hooker, 82.
42
The image of the wandering Romani was almost entirely fictional at this point in Hungary. By 1893, 95% of the
Romani population in Hungary were mostly or completed settled in one place. And the Romanies who did travel
followed logical routes based on seasonal work and avoiding unkind authorities (Hooker, 36–37).
43
Locke, 140.
44
Locke, 143.
45
Locke, 148.

9
Hungary and represented the Hungarian sound to the rest of Europe. This assertion was found

incredibly traitorous to some Hungarians, including Béla Bartók. 46

Bartók, along with fellow composer Zoltán Kodály, began studying folk music in 1905,

recording and transcribing music across Austria, Hungary, and Romania. 47 Bartók believed

Hungarian music and Romani music to be completely separate. 48 He further divided Hungarian

national music into the urban, educated sound (verbunkos style played by Zigeunerkapellen)

versus the rural, amateur sound (Volksmusik), believing the rural sound to be a more pure

expression of the Hungarian people. 49 Bartók felt that Liszt’s belief that Romani people were the

geniuses behind the Hungarian sound was not based on fact and accused Liszt of ignoring the

achievements and creativity of the Hungarian people.50 Bartók claimed that “Romani music”

performed by Zigeunerkapellen was Hungarian in origin, and that there was a clear distinction

between what music Romanies played for money and what they played within their own

communities.51 Kodály agreed with Bartók, pointing out the lack of Romani composers aside

from Pista Dankó whose songs were written to Hungarian texts. 52 Focusing entirely on Western

values of written sheet music ignores the compositions Romanies created through oral traditions

and improvisation. Zigeunerkapellen did not use notated sheet music (many of the performers

were musically illiterate), so they focused entirely on improvising on top of memorized

melodies.53

46
Hooker, 84.
47
Piotrowska, 43.
48
Piotrowska, 45.
49
Piotrowska, 46.
50
Béla Bartók, Béla Bartók Essays, ed. Benjamin Suchoff, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1976) 69.
51
Piotrowska, 47.
52
Piotrowska, 52
53
Peter Cooke, “The violin — instrument of four continents,” 238.

10
 Bartók’s motive for ignoring the role of Romani musicians in the formation of the

Hungarian sound was based on his desire to prove that Hungarian national music did not have to

rely on Austrian and German tradition or the cosmopolitan elite. 54 In 1911, Bartók went so far as

to accuse Romani players of corrupting Hungarian music, writing that “Gipsies pervert melodies,

change their rhythm to ‘gipsy’ rhythm, introduce among the people melodies heard in other

regions and in the country seats of the gentry—in other words, they contaminate the style of

genuine folk music.”55 Bartók believed a Hungarian national style should come from the

countryfolk who he saw as more authentically Magyar than those who lived in urban

environments such as Budapest. His disdain toward Zigeunerkapellen verbunkos music was

fueled by righteous anger that the commercialized music they played was representing Hungary

instead of the Volksmusik of the peasant class.56

In Romania, there were clear distinctions between the folk music of the peasants and the

music played by Romani professionals throughout urban and rural locations. Ethnic Romanians

rarely ever played the violin, opting instead for aerophones like alphorns, bagpipes, and flutes.

Lăutari musicians played violin, pan-pipes, and cimbalom. Unlike Hungary, where

Zigeunerkapellen would regularly include some non-Romani players, Lloyd estimated that 95%

of the professional musicians in Romania were Romanies. 57 Since Romanies had such an

obvious monopoly on musicmaking in Romania, there was much less debate about ownership or

nationalism in music than in Hungary.

54
Piotrowska, 46.
55
Bartók, Béla Bartók Essays, 198.
56
Schneider, 27.
57
Lloyd, “The Music of Rumanian Gypsies,” 15.

11
 The lăutari class worked entertaining the nobility. 58 Going back as far as the late 1300s,

lăutari were playing for every kind of major celebration or gathering in Romania—weddings,

funerals, baptisms, religious observances, etc. Musicians were typically male and were trained by

their fathers.59 The term lăutari is used both to delineate the profession of musician, but also to

describe the familial clan that includes men, women, and children. Only men were allowed to be

lăutari in the occupational sense, with women only being allowed to perform occasionally as

cântărete (singers) accompanied by male lăutari groups.60

Once freed, lăutari settled throughout Romania, adapting their music to suit whatever the

local customers enjoyed and found familiar. This assimilation ensured they would have a steady

income and gain social capital, similar to their brethren in Hungary. 61 In 1723, the first lăutari

guild was created in the city of Craiova. 62 The lăutari clan occupied a strange space in Romanian

culture. As professional musicians, they were praised for their creativity and expression. But as

Romanies, they still had very little social power. Some contemporary lăutari view themselves as

entirely separate from other Romani people, believing they have more in common with the non-

Romani audiences they play for.63

Lloyd claimed that rural lăutari and urban lăutari played in very different styles. He

stated that the Romani musicians in the small villages and across the countryside were much

more conservative in nature. Their music comprised of “folk dance music, folk ritual music, and

a certain amount of lyrical and epic balladry” while the urban players would play whatever

combination of folk, popular, and classical pleased their audiences. 64 Rural Romani musicians

58
Beissinger, 28.
59
Beissinger, 27.
60
Beissenger, 30.
61
Beissenger, 30.
62
Beissenger, 29.
63
Beissinger, 25.
64
Lloyd, 15-16.

12
often played in duets of violin and cobză. The violin would play the melody while the cobză was

responsible for harmonic and rhythmic accompaniment. 65 The cobză is a type of lute with eight

to twelve strings and no frets. It can be strummed with fingers or with a pick made of a goose-

quill.66

Romanian lăutari fiddlers played in ensembles called tarafs, the Romanian equivalent of

the Zigeunerkapellen. Tarafs were made up of 2 to 8 players, including two violinists, a contra-

violin, a contrabass, a cimbalom, and a cobză.67 Like the Zigeunerkapellen, tarafs were led by

violinist prímás. Typically, a taraf would be comprised of members from the same extended

family.68 A common genre played by tarafs was the doina, which Lloyd describes as a “lyrical

recitative.”69 The doina is found throughout Romania, and across Europe and Asia. It is a slow

song (which can be instrumental) that is metrically free and heavily ornamented. Lloyd claimed

that the doina form existed before the Romani people migrated to Romania, calling it a “gross

error” to consider the doina form a Romani invention.70 Bartók described the defining feature of

the doina as “continually variable rhythm,” contrasting heavily with the strictness of meter in

dance forms like the hora.71 The hora is perhaps the most widespread Romanian folk dance. A

hora is danced in a circle and is most often in binary meter.72

It is hard to completely set apart Hungarian and Romanian Romani music due to their

closeness stylistically and geographically. In her dissertation explicitly on Romanian lăutari-

inspired violin music, Essena Liah Setaro mentions Hungarian Romani music multiple times.

65
Lloyd, 16.
66
Essena Liah Setaro, “Solo Violin Works Influenced by Romanian Lăutari Music,” (DMA diss., University of
South Carolina, 2018), 7.
67
Setaro, “Solo Violin Works Influenced by Romanian Lăutari Music,” 6.
68
Beissinger, 41.
69
Lloyd, 18.
70
Lloyd, 19.
71
Bartók, 196.
72
Setaro, 37.

13
Setaro writes about the strong influence verbunkos music had on Romania.73 There are direct

parallels between the parts of the verbunkos form and the genres of Romanian folk music. The

slow and improvisatory lassú of verbunkos is analogous to the doina songs in their use of

elaborate ornamentation and lack of steady meter. The virtuosic friss that follows the lassú can

be compared to multiple Romanian dance forms but especially the common hora. They are both

fast dances that show off the dexterity of the players.

In both Hungarian and Romanian Romani music, the violin was the predominant

instrument. Hungarian Romani violinists tended to be more affected by the Western conventions

of classical violin playing. They used multiple ‘off the string’ bow strokes including ricochet and

spiccato, whereas the lăutari’s deeper grip on the bow (closer to the standard cello bow hold)

meant they primarily stayed on the string in the upper half of the bow. 74 Lăutari fiddlers typically

held most of the weight of the violin in their left hand instead of balancing it with their shoulder

and jaw.75 Therefore, their left-hand grip was much tighter than the Hungarian or Western

model, resulting in very audible shifts and limiting how high on the instrument they would be

able to comfortably play. Hungarian violinists had larger dexterity in the higher range of the

instrument.

Despite the differences between Hungarian and Romanian Romani violin techniques, the

traditions are often conflated in repertoire predominantly written by Western Europeans who

perhaps would not have understood or researched the difference. Pieces that take inspiration

from Romanian or Hungarian Romani violin playing are all lumped into the style hongrois trend

of virtuosic and melodramatic writing. Pieces inspired by Romani violin playing include many of

73
Setaro, 39.
74
Setaro, 38.
75
Setaro, 17-18

14
Pablo Sarasate’s works such as Zigeunerweisen, Maurice Ravel’s Tzigane (although this piece

has almost no Eastern European qualities), Vittorio Monti’s Czardas, and Fritz Kreisler’s La

Gitana. These pieces all begin with dramatic cadenzical openings reminiscent of the doina or

lassú, and spiral into fast, technically demanding scherzos that recall the friss and hora. They are

highly embellished showpieces that require both impeccable technique and virtuosic emotional

flair. Compositions by native Eastern Europeans include Bartók’s two Rhapsodies and Romanian

Folk Dances,76 as well as violin music written by Georges Enescu. The composition of pieces

meant to emulate the style hongrois has continued into the twenty-first century. Examples

include Helen Bowater‘s Lautari (2003) and Roxanna Panufnik‘s Hora Bessarabia (2015). Even

if these pieces are flawed in their authenticity toward the Romani people, it is impossible and

perhaps even wrong to erase them from the canon.

In his book Musical Exoticism, John P. Locke writes that “I wish to distance myself from

the tendency to suggest that invented exoticisms are somehow invalid in music.” 77 And I agree.

But if we, as Western classically trained violinists, are going to continue playing this music, I

implore my fellow musicians to investigate the history of the Romani people and to confront the

misinformation and stereotypes that distort how non-Romanies view their music and culture. If

we are going to play this music, we need to be informed of the historical and social context.

76
Although Bartók was probably aiming to invoke an ethnic Romanian or Hungarian folk idiom, his pieces have
been lumped into the style hongrois label.
77
Locke, 9.

15
 Bibliography

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1976.
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Romani (Gypsy) Musicians in Romania.” Slavic Review 60, no. 1 (Spring 2001), 24–49.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/2697642.
Cooke, Peter. “The violin — instrument of four continents.” In The Cambridge Companion to
the Violin, edited by Robin Stowell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, 234–
248.
Crowe, David. “The Gypsy Historical Experience in Romania.” In The Gypsies of Eastern
Europe, edited by David Crowe and John Kolsti. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1991, 61–
80.
Hancock, Ian. We are the Romani People. 2002. Reprint, Hatfield, U.K.: University of
Hertfordshire Press, 2005.
Hooker, Lynn M. Redefining Hungarian Music from Liszt to Bartók. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2013.
Liszt, Franz. The Gipsy in Music. Translated by Edwin Evans. 2 vols. London: W. Reeves, 1926.
Lloyd, A.L. “The Music of Rumanian Gypsies.” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association,
90th Sess. (1963–1964), 15–26. https://www.jstor.org/stable/766003.
Locke, Ralph P. Musical Exoticism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Piotrowska, Anna G. Gypsy Music in European Culture. Translated by Guy R. Torr. Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 2013.
Schneider, David E. Bartók, Hungary, and the Renewal of Tradition. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2006.
Setaro, Essena Liah. “Solo Violin Works Influenced by Romanian Lăutari Music.” DMA diss.,
University of South Carolina, 2018. https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4725.

16