" natal Kay Tort a tn ny Bod (rakes S00 SYNCRETISM AND Irs SYNONYMS ° & SPLECTIONS ON CULTURAL MIXTURE Ne-Ié | om CHARLES STEWART Xa i NAY 1 ‘ Nag bie! hater of sntropoteay bas gradilly changed ods the ne venyyears, OF h t sans thnoraers rely seach orator orignal fomavonte Usually more concemed with revealing how local communities respoid.to historical : Stange and global influences. The burgeoning literature on tansemioeay flows ofideas, sand cultural mie eet this shi of stenng oe ee awareness of cultial intrpeneuation has, ech tie oeaierconceptions of “culute"iticarin ce ‘Neous to be useful in a world characterized by migrations {ravel, international marketing, and: ttlecommunications." Contemporary social theory tas accordingly tuned to focus on pientmens sch ss lobnanen ae eee ‘onalism, and the situation of diaspora coments ln God) sae ey Seren has begun to eappear alongside such telat meeps het s colton a a means of praying te Garis of good sos doeionnae In what follows I consider some current attempts to theorize mixture | ‘before tuning to examine the siti oF nat ofthe terms ned shone Aattnoolegee social scien have expressed abvalence abou alert one ton ee ity. and creolicaion Ideas these reservations belo pening cose a, sideration ofthe single ern syncrevam. My purpose in ceniveraie once a ‘terion upto the presen snot co enlrce ¢ Sana Usage conned te dean ‘eligion: nor is it my goal to.promote syncretism. a postion af primus inter pares ip the company of all oxher tr for nie ee ny approach insend son ero iste stall tha sncrein san objenae ba wevetelee seu pst I this pas canbe understood then wear na point conscously teapot ate syvain (Shaw and Stewart 3) ant Sethe ehrogrpticsuny acolo nore cr pew vasa : ‘This mightseem to minimalist readers who curentytavenoredervaons about the tem, but many anthropotogists, on both sides of the adanic, have pergorlly ex- prested tome strong reservations about ever employing he woud prerteon if ooked shy they hol ths view, they ate often unable anteulé 4 specie reason Sone however, did enpess on¢ ar bath of te foliowing objections: (1) shucretism is 2 pejoza. tive term, one that decides mixture, and/or (2) syncretism presupposes “purity” in the am grateful ro Rosalind Shaw and Stephan Palmié for uggesions that entiched this artgle, end {profited from suminar dicutslons at Keele Universsyond Cornel Univerity Syepert from the 5 National Endowment for the Humanines ond a fellowship at the Nations! Hiupuanuiex Comer made the completion of this article posible 1-Cringues of the (old) eure concept have been sumeraus tnce te mi Exanpies would be Clifford and Marcus, Clifford, Pedicament of C 2 Teath, Bvt, Abu Lughod, Friedman, 40 : 2954092traditions that combine. Botti of th: se reservati r " broad disagreement wi ee : the very tern spaceen i the antwopalogical community on te appropriateness of ‘ om tat has atimulted this inquiry. Such ambeatonc cae basic uneenaates about how to eoncepivalze eal nonune ene ESE Current Discussions of Mixture Cattres, if basen Lee Ue till wish to cea this tern (anf do), are pogous; they are open to") cosb Ludo intermixture with other, different cultures and they are chat sn Shang oe ( Cet, CiselY on account ofthese influedces This has no doubt always been the case Gee, £4 Dwi) ‘ainly decolonization’ and the enicy ito.a postmademity where master naratives of LE rane opanamenenciy are vulerableo doubt have contributed to valerizng cecgni<| SFIqivall tions of mixture where formerly they had been stigmatized 2s inauthentic and heres Luninteresting for antropotogical study. Research inthe Caribbean, ia Sidney Mine View stated relatively late precisely because tis region “was considered theoretically, ost +S peoples supposedly lacked etre, oF were elualybastardiaed™ Cultural boirowing and interpenetration are aday seeas part ofthe very nature of chltures (tissant 140-41; Rosaldo, Foreword xv). To phease it more accurtely,eyrs cretisen describes the process by which cultures constitute demselves at any given point in Gime, Today's hybridization will simply give way to tornorrow's hybridizatio, the fonmvof which will be dictated by historico-politieal events and contingencies, In ecam- ining cultural hybcidity, writers sich as Edward Said and James Clifford (Predicament 14-15] have lifted syncretism out of the framework of acculturation. Syncretism is no longer a transient “stage” which wll disappear when, with time, assimilation occu, Ag Said expcesses it all cultures are involved in one another; none is simple and pure“all are hybrid, heterogenous, extraordinacily differentiated and uamonolithic™ (xv). Sven ‘aditionalist movements mounted by minority groups or peripheral, postcolonial soci- ties ia the conscious, nativst effort wo cesist “Westemization” ar “Amtericanizaion” -canaiot escape cultural hybridity. For Sablins, “syncretisn is nota contradiction of their culturalism—of the indigenous claims-of authenticity and autonomy—but its system- xc condition” (389] _ Phen In literary theory and cultural studies—some af the best examplés of which are ‘Acnerica from recently decolonized éduntries-—ihe condition of hybridity has become someting (celebrate: In Bhabha's View displacement and usu give ise to ahd | Space fom Which colonials’ ied project promoting parity and polasy may be Properly seen, ciicized, a rejected (37). For Gilroy the "black Atlantic” poses an Example of 2 diaspora loosely liked by.a variety of overlapping and crse-crosing — | Fhe cr et etd an of fre ese roupan the world for examele.onguge om eign). Diferece die nt iply inferior Tea aatnon wo pe ed of ets bd heed fs alr | “The National nd the Universal] and Frdon{"eiedecton: Count-work] pint vt. Bat coreopthcouthars ta comping orecen vlunason gelation Feihersons King: Pied i en sr Choco wert searing Pepe lv the wld ny be 4 linked by their cpmmon access to similar gocds and ideas, but they maby very diferent sence of thao They ure Ven to bud ute diferent worlds Partin has cuggeied cht wildly varying ceitinpuonpracce, hemes promdedn“petole's theres of henselves among oets Sreme owe by which he “ern” rtrn ond ease diferece nth ace he petal ‘obo homogenization of extre (7h i 2 4Lhistorical experiences, aesthetic tess, and politcal orientations. ts pluca, syrevene polythetic form resis on no generalized conan culture, and in thet respect furn'shes 20 instyctve medel of what a nanessetialized social forawon might look like On these grounds he terms the black Atlantic a “counterculture of modemity.” ‘prime exainple, perhaps the focus elasicus, for these and other silartheosza ions would be tte following quotation from Salman Rushdie’s fn Good Faith (1990 bis fist gublicsstement after Ayatollah Khorzial issued is fata in 1989: : The Satanic Verses celebrates hybridity. npurity, intermingling, the transfor ‘mation tha Comes of new and unexpected combinations of human bet tives, ideas, politics, movies, songs. lt rejoices in mongrelization and fears the absolutism of the Pure. Mélange, hatchuoth, a bie ofthis and abit of that it how newness enters the fvoc. [ar the grea possibilty har Mass migration sives the world, and I havetried to embrace i. Te Satanic Verses ior change by-fusion, change-by-cénjoining. Its a love song to our mongrel selves, (¢ emphasis in original] ngs cul The Satanic Verses pioved to be mare than just a theorization of hybridity, but an ex: pression of s hybridized, diiparie Islamic authority and. that was received as a direct challenge to riptura immutability. Rushdie's parodic and polluted Tslam, che product of dislocation and estrangement {ef. Yaloin-Heckmann], threatened an Islamic “jaternal memory” (Bloch] predicated on the faithful, accurate incemalization of the Koran-—the “absolutism of the Pure." To distort scripture by lampooning and miscepre- senting proper names, as Rushdie did in The Satanic Verses, amounted to blasphemy 2s an instance of syncretic sin (Bhabha 226, Asad 267) . Vocabularies of Mixture “Tye preceding intoducton sketches the pace ola! mixture in contemporary theory, slob processes. and curent pliieal contests, Disatisfacuonhas been expressed ow fer, over out terns for concepualizine mixture. For example, the art historian Barb ‘Abow-EU-Haj, comaienting of & pap algbalization, remarked: yy Ulf Hannerz presented at 2 symposium To describ processes ofealarel esis ond tansorntion Hers ies role ad Conquist Fate -MonLope Relrqiow - Dissumimor 10%, Mow — Pusih pital - eal a CUE WL © co wo catluce (6 Coulinmons, KOLed. synerction is domunmav wou f AA MN a a 4 Lyi F 98 0 0 .@ 0 ¢q Mh Music) kepckateee Adult and religious practices in diverse eco-cultural zones of india have historically Gon ja have hist Wwerged and pluralism and syncretism pervading the base of Indian culture. While: efiough literature exists on this aspect of cultural manifestation in historical wiltings, not much. is known about the religious syncretism and its stretch in contemporary India : u Haraly a central theory in anthropology, “syncreiism" has recently re-emerged as a valuable tool for understanding the complex dynamics of ethnicity; interconnectedness and post. fo modernism. In the present eta of iicreasing cultural eondensation, syncretism is a preveling event. The sociologists and social anthropologists have thyown much light on the variety at faligious forms through their studies of belief systems, ituas, symbols and meaning all over the world but they have not paid adequate attention I6 the phenomenon of syncretism, though we find @ few exceptions (Raymond Firth, 1970:87). In anthropological literature the Cargo cult has been described as_a form of synéretis..Catgo cult are essentially syrcrotste, blencing the “Christian doctrine” with “aboriginal. belies (Worsley. 1990). Anthropologists have also included the blend of African, Native American, and Roman Catholic saints and deities in’ Caribbean “voodoo” cults as instances of syncretism. Though the process of syncretism provides ‘an independent field of study, it was nevertheless ignoted by the anthropologists end when discussed itewas imperfectly included within "the study of acculturation” (Kottak 1991:407) Accylturation results when groups of individuals come into continuous firsthand contact, (with) “changes in the original culture patterns’ of either or bath groups (Redfield, Linton and Hetskowtes 1936: 148)—Tn much of anthropologial studies these aye the acculturation concept is stated to be replete with shortcomings. Indeed culture traits, culture patterns and religious customs survive therefore process, difterdnt societies the pre-change in greater of lesser degree and 'agculturation” persists in such societies only at_an incomplete and imperfect Shaw and Stewart (1994), have observed that win antropology, where notions of te * «yy oun ol vadions have-not ha. much fegbWy come ne; eyrcreuam has: bean | COL Beeed a noua ano our soso, Toatcane, Racer, tere Nae Sesh Om nes Cores seh as clr pur) unotnes er auhentiym post oserconeptenyn Uh which Synicrelic processes ate considered basic not only to religion and ritual but to “ine PotteLis scerfont of future” (Giflrd 1988, M19) rie re ngar metappore orn Seer rey, ht nll Br 1 Go as patie Organ cle coed coconceea a8 verve poses creolized ‘ntercultur (Clifford 1988: 14-15) 5 5 bth Copco. Conlach® sn has always been par of the nagatation of denis dnd hegemonies in stuatohs Saree tgoedt wate migration, religious dissemination age ntemariage. The growth of seitatdindommnated world Seanomic system. however, was accompanied bythe growin ofa inesterndominated’ world cultural system (Hannerr 1987, 1992), In which processes. of eeere nd cutucal negemony travtormed not en elatons of power ana production but Sree aotcos' oh petperinass, of tne body, gender, time, space and reigion, ‘The ase expences atliing and global spread processes such at capitalism, commodty BPDrORLON Of ota A Mdeld ol aevelopment is, onen, inseparable fom the Sporto oteatzng ane gbaty speared. (Shaw and Steva. 108)Van SPDTOPItn ot ate ava sobetes over synerstsm insocelie in which vend Foes aa ee inila combines trese:by being a secUlar state Ih Wich FengieNe parialy defines cullral dently, it makes sense that syncretism and muliculturalism Ajeollen equated:in Hindu-political discourse (1994),.” nd §; 12) has observed,that in complex societies, people have come to live with Henry Nee ot ridviews increasingly. In Jag lick person simultaneously consults octen ond may aio Vila shrine or Temple lo-Bray for Tecovery ReTiemey: 1964) 5 move Taous, ideas, ver historeal phases, motivated thé people ang brought them closer towards numerous eligloyscults, sects, reform movements: and diverse belief systems (Cas, 2003). The underlying : assumption seems t0 be that people need solace and assurance about fulfilment of all their wishes ultimately; hence they soliait refuge and sanctification of their expectations through : {heir ust on varied religious and sectarian dogmas. Syncretism as this author has elucidated elsewhere is a matter of degree, some societies have blended prominent aspects of two religious dogmas, in others only certain aspects of the original or adopted religion/sect has been retained and internalized. It is shown that syncretism pertains io a commingled religious ' Sequence whose ill-defined frontier shapes its fundamental collective character (Das 2003a) Mingling of exterior religious beliefs with pre-existing religious belie! of people may not be regarded as’ an,aberration. It is also not a system wilhin system but the survival and Sivationaly detetmined growth of multtaceted religious beliefs syltems existing as a rational order. : I ' | | i | Projeet- POL coprereh Pharay (495-42) m &y Authgn pelergicad SuEvey ef fidic, Ethnic identities And culture traits of nian people have-néver been frozen in time oc in space ues They ave been in state_or Mux. This and-simiar processes may -be-delermined by re- 645 interpreting and re-evaluating the data of People of India (Pol) project. Based on data i. ULES — Sollected under the countrywide People of India (Pol) project (1985-1992) the Anthropological EMME OTIS, Survey of India tiad eompitedintialy a ist of 6748 communis. Afer checking thovs fora. acc cpr fee finally, 4635 communities were accepted for. study. These communities were Studied by 500 ». Spread in 421 districts and 91 cultural regions. Stidy \nformation was collected for 775 cultural traits: For comparison, data gathered under arpiner Project of the Survey, Material Traits Survey (1958-61), supervisec by Nirmal Kumar Boss, Was used, as far as possible. As regards ethnic/culturaifinguistic icentity, Pol data revesled 1 that peonle perceive their distribution at regional (state), inter-regional ‘and national level More than one hundred communities, including Nagas, Mizos and many others, perceive theit istribution across international borders. We found that among-all People of india, 16.2 per cent are S.C.s, 13.7 per cent S.T.s and about 70.1 per cent other communities, which . imcluded OBCs, and minorities. ine religious categories (Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Jainism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Judaism Zomastianisrs and ‘Trival Religions) are the faiths proclaimed by Indian people. i The people of india identify themselves through various markers. The a(S sfe male dese oral de a es rae | Haiecarentsteele oamnts, male Sod) maka” Tonae Boat ea tattooing, female tattooing, flag and emblem’ Every second comrrunity identifies itself as Such. A’flag is the identification marker for 41 communities spread over 17 states. North-east India has a large number 6f the communities with female dress as the identification marker. Central: India uses tattooing more frequently as aj marker. Ornaments used by females as identification markers occur sporadically in most parts of india. Significantly. turban and female headgear in Jammu and Kashmir and inale and female shawis in Manipur and Nagalandre important identification markers (Das and Imchen 1994). India's population is largely. concentrated alond the major rivers of in the coastal belts. Parts of the hilly terrain of he northeastern states, ‘Jamintr an Kasha” Himachal Pradesh and northern parts of Uttar Pradesh have a thin population density. In ihe coastal area a large number of communities have fishing as their primary occupation. The Jains, Buddhists and Sikhs are markedly absent in coastal areas, A few communities live in the high rainfall and ‘ow rainfall zone. Agriculture flourishes: in this zone. The Snowfall zone of the north-western Limolayas is mainly inhabited by Budahiss, and by Hindu and Musi communties which comprise pastoral nomads. It is in this entire bell that we wilness stron: sses synerplism ‘The Arabian Sea group oF islands has Muslit populsions. such ae- Manton Thakuifan, Koya, Malmi, Melacheri, Raveri and Thakru, while the islands in the Bay of Sengai have Negrito and Mongoloid components in their tribal populations, such as Jarwa, Onge Sentinelese, Shompen, Nicobarese and others-besides a very large population of immigrants, Singh 1996) —E : (2) ~ect O@ O54 8 @ adh : I a A community is Internally divided into a number of units, viz. lineage, clan, gots, phe, , viz. lineage, . phratry and moiely. The existence of social divisions is almost universal, articularly among ihe scheduied castes (99.9 per cent), scheduled tribes (97.0 per cent) and an areas, A nuclear family is the post idely Prevalent type of family (69 per cent) in India. In spite of the responel shouldered’ by women, their status among two-thirds of the total Indian communities te Perceived as being low as compared to that of men. Most of the tribal and Buddhist communities do not accord women a low status (Singh 1892(2002), 1996). A Cntsy probably more divers of elgions inna than any whore an the eath. Agar tom 8/20 having representations trom almost all the major religions of the world, india was also the birthplace of Hinduism, Budchism, Jainism and Sikhism It was also the home to one of the oldest religions of the world, Zoroastrianism. While india is the cradié of Hinduism, Buddhism, CIs fi dainism and Sikhism, Islam too has a fong tradition of existence. So also Judaism, Chvistianity ~~; ry and Bahalism have their followers in India. As early as by the 12th century, India began to have Islamic bases as wave afier wave of Islamic groups came down to India. And the confluence of the two religions gradually produced a cultural syncretism, which is exempliied by the Urdu language — an amalgam of Persian and Hindi. Qut of the fusion of the two cultures arose new feligious denominations characterizing the Hindu-istamic interface, The best example of this synthesis is the Ahmediyas ~ a sect that abides by the Koran and the Prophet, yet practicing idolatry, which is a decidedly Hindu eustorh, Ahmediyas in some areas | are nol recogniged as “proper Muslims" (personal communication br. S. 1. Ahmed) because of their syncretic traditions, Dut then we have several Musim comriunities in West Bengal who ' ate not derecognized as Muslims, even though they continue] to worship of Hindu idots, " besides following” Islam (personal communication Dr. Saumitra Barua). Inter-faith Senweraence whichis revealed here has ts paralels i other arts of nda (fr reiona studies of Mustins of India ‘see Roy and Rlzvi 2003) Chistdnty.came fo Inda wih St Je Thomas who cama fo India £0 A.D, and brought he teachings of Jesus slong wih nm ~ even before the Messiah was adoptes by Euope, Conacs between Inala and ohercutures have led to the spread of Indian_eligions throughout the world, resulting in the ektensive influence of Indian thought and practice on Southeast and East Asia in ancient fmes and, more recently, in the difusion of Indian religions to Europe ad North America In the anthropological study of religion in India, the major emphasis Nas: been on descriptive account of religious customs and their association with ethnic groups, including the tribes, the themes of purity/pollution in relation to caste system, descriptive concepts relating to religious phenomena and the modernization processes. Milton Singer, who along with Robert Redeld and Surajit Sinha, studied the ‘anthropology of Indian civilization’, states that the Great Tradition of Indian civilization may be identified with what Srinivas cails."Banskrtic Hinduism which-has*an allindia ‘spread’ and to which Monier-Wiligms called "Bianmanism” . Singer also used Srinivas's concepts of. "All-India Hinduism’, "Peninsular Hinduism", “Regional Hinduism* and "Local Hinduism" in his various studies. Srinivas's “Sanskritzation" model through which lower castes and tribal groups'are brought into the Hindu fold. with elements from the Sanskritc tradition of Hinduism (Srinivas 1982, 1960), is clubbed togetner by Siager with model of "Hindu method of tribal absorotion” (N. K..Bose 1963). Singer uses the term popular Hinduism’, to include within it numerous: bellefs and religious praciices obsewvou ‘among tribal peopl, including the worship of numerous godlings. animal sacrifice, witenorey land magic (Singer 1972: 46). Tribal rligions' indéed remained essential element of Hindalco, inthe wings of American and Indian anthropologists belonging fo Chicago schoo, and this tendency largely survives. Singer as perhis own admission is indeed not sure about the boos and persistence of "Lower Level" popular Hinduism. Sige! quotes Surajt Sinha (1996) ano (28>——— ee 0; 00 + rbal’ communities, ‘as "essentl paee (nal “he culture of Wibal India raprasants « “folk dimension of the “Lita Fradtion’ of planar Han te allure of Hindy pewsaniy raprashnts “a midturp of folk elements win aa 7 he Greater ' Sanskritic tradition of Hindulam’ (Emphasis added, Ginger 497240), Wan a that are with us now itis foll that this whole perspective indead calls custome and an attempt at social assimilation. Alfred's Idea Wore ‘sominal which wore pleked up and oxplorad In. ragional ‘stunone “y “indian gihnographors later Alltod's polemics was, however, part of a debate whether or not Brahmanism was @ proselytizing raligion, which in tun Would justly similar rolo for Chvtetlanity in India, OF the four major modos which H.H.Risley (1892 p.242) proposed ae part of Hindulzation process were" a tbe or ie section enrollad as a caste, In tho ranks of Hinduism” and ‘a tribe tn gradually converted to Hinduism without loosing its tribal designation OF abandoning compiotely its tribal deities", In fact perusal of Sir Alfred Lyall (1899) Goscription shows that Lyall had already spokan about thom, Kulko has made important Contribution In this regard, particularly by examining the Orissa situation Indologically. At first ho narrates thp stories of ‘vibal doltles who become Ishtadevatas or chosen tutelary deities of Mibal chiefs, in Hinductribal frontisr areas. It Is this Intendod Intermixture of various levels Within one cull, which makes thase deities v0 Important in socio-religious context---provided {thio broader context Is studiod (Kulko 1993, 114-115), Indeed our report on Binjhal Zamindari system and religious synicrotinm In waster Orissa, awalting completion of weiting, deals with thie very Issue critically, Ina rocent rovielz, KS. Singh (2003) discards tho views of tho Orientalists ans anthtopologiate, who doseribed “tibal religion’ In torme of a set of ‘primitive valves" surviving in Hindu religion, and tho surongss of tribal religion being swallowed up by major religions, acclaim pqually ‘made by colonial scholars and Indian anthropologists alike, In his view nothing has happenod, It was indeed J. H. Hutton, an administrator-anthropologist, who was the fiat o have reconstructed tribal religion as on Integrated whole, He ts credited righty with having Mberated tribal roligion from tho waste paper basket of ‘animism’, Identified the ‘Of lis autonomy and the range of is linkagos with Hindulam. But liko snost census too was prone Yo dsr bal religion ae tho “surplus mate rot yt ul ino the tomple-of Hindylem"(Hutton, J, H, Census of India, 1831, Vol. |, p. 999). Indeed W. G. ‘Archer had at ono stago blamed jhe Hindu enumorators for returning tribals as Hindus, and pointed out that the census quastionnalre was oven skewed to achieve this. One may Bpaculato why ths was not contained. Singh howover adds a corollary: Wes this because the Census enymerators wore only recording a process? Singh opines thal many elements of tribal religion aro as alive, oven vibrant a8 aver. As studies have recently shown tial religion hae not fost is distinct dontty in pite of ts long fears of Inieraction win Hinduism! and Chralianity I-has_moinianed 1b aystem of bolls and pracieas-incuding_propiaion of spits, maple and wichoralt, is prlasthood and is calandor of Teire and Tostvals, which rainfoce the Uibals sense. of idonify. Recan! (ands oven suggest the revval of many of Faris af Uibalraigion by those who have gone-ouT of is fold (Trois, 1978. Singh 1980, 1983: 2003}, Tn fact branding variously pre-oxisting religions of Ingredlonss of Hinduism wil bo a sarious negation i Sooral studied Nive rovealed that vibespeople in many parts of India shana reg Suto sti vers, ar aon Fads ea demand more value-free concept {o- serve lifted purpose In our un indi rocess.of discover Bsrmpenite culture This wil Bet v / %4says that "the culture of tribal India represents a “folk’; dimension of the “Little Tradition” of Hinduism, while the culture of Hindu peasantry represents “a mixture of folk elements with elements from the greater and Sanskritic tradition of Hinduism’ (Emphasis added, Singer 1972:46). With new data that are with us now itis felt that this whole perspective indeed calls for a reappraisal : o. Little over @ century ago, Alfred Lyall (1899) wrote that 'Brahmanism’ is all over India a Necessary first stage for the outlying tribes towards Indian civilization or admission to the citizenship of the ‘Great Hindu community’. He pertinently stressed that such movemtent very rarely implied any ethical change, or even a formal abandonment of one ritual for another, it is usually a rapid sliding into Hindu customs and an attempt at social assimilation. Alfred's ideas were seminal which were picked. up. and explored in regional situations by Indian ethnographers later. Alfred's polemics. was, however, part of a debate whether or not Brahmanism was a’ proselytizing religion, which in turn Would justify’ a similar role for Christianity in India. Of the four major mode's which H.H Risley’ (1892 p.242) proposed as part of Hinduization process were" a fribe or its section enrolled as a caste, in the ranks of Hinduism” and ‘a tribe is gradually converted to Hinduism without loosing its tribal designation or abandoning completely its tribal deities’. In fact perusal of Sir Alfred Lyall's (1899) description shows that Lyall had already spoken about them. Kulke has made important contribution in this regard, particularly by examining the Orissa situation Indologically. At first he narrates the stories of tribal deities who become ishtadevatas or chosen tutelary deities of tribal chiefs, in Hindu-tribal frontier areas. It is this intended intermixture of various levels within one cult, which makes these deities so important in socio-religious context—provided this broader context is studied (Kulke 1993, 114-115). Indeed our report on Binjhal Zarhindari system and religious syricretism in western Orissa, awaiting completion of writing, deals with this very issue critically. In a recent review, KS. Singh (2003) discards the views .of the Qrientalists and anthropologists, who described ‘tribal religion’ in terms of a set of ‘primitive values’ surviving in Hindu religion, and the sureness of tribal religion being swallowed up by major religions, acclaim equally made ty colonial scholars and indian anthropviogists alike. In his view nothing has happened. It was indeed J. H. Hutton, an administrator-anthropologist, who was the first to have reconstructed tribal religiog as an integrated whole. He is credited rightly with hhaving liberated tribal religion from the waste_paper basket of ‘animism’, identified the parameters of ils autonomy and the range of its linkages with Hinduism. Bul ike most census officials he too was prone to describe tribal religion as the “surplus material not yet built into the temple-of Hinduism'(Hutton, J, H, Census of India, 1931, Vol. |, p. 399). Indeed. W. G Archer had at one stage blamed:the:Hindu enumerators for retiumning tribals as Hindus, and pointed out that the census questionnaire was even skewed to achieve this. One may speculate why this was nat contained: Singh however adds a corollary: Was this because the census enymerators were only recording a process? Singh opines that many elements of tribal religion aré as alive, even vibrant as ever. As studies have recently shown tribal religion hat nol it as ast ientty in spite of ts tong fears Of ileraction wih. Hinduism and Christianity. Tt has maintained 1 system of bellefS and practices including propitiation of Splrs; Mgle-and-wieheralt- Te presthood and ite caletdar of falrs and festivals, which reinforce the Wibals’ sense. of idaniily. Recent trends even suggest the revival of many of pristine elements of iba! religion by those who have gone.odT OMS ToId (Troisi, 1979, Singh B90 ales, ee Das. 1080-1985, ZOOS). In feck Brancing-Variously pre-existing religions of Inbal cominuniies. ‘as “essential Ingredients of Hinduism” wil be a serious negation of empirical findings. Several sludie8 have revealed that iribespeople in many parts of India Closely cegemble peasant societies; even though they exist outside Hindu social: order. Continually pre-existing. mult-religious, multilinguistic and mult-ethnic situations in India demand mare value-re conceptualziions and objective models. Old theoves indeed seem to-serve lifnited purpose in our undafstanding of multicultural Indian situation today. What indeed tie: bei 's multtudinoUsness are a variously-and continuously interactive process-of discoverable interculluraliam anda vibrant process of syncretism shaping our Composite-culture, This willbe the rain thrust of our argument below. v‘On account of variou: o : had often borrowed SS of culture-contac, adoption and incorporation, the tribes of India such as Buddhism, Flinduism ata cess ous Practices bf various sects and major religions tribes all over india are gradually ristianity.:H.H.Risley had noted long ago in.1873 that the were never swallowed Go ea being transformed into castes, However, the tibespeople perpetually adhered to Cultural oF religlous.adoptioniincorporation. They indeed wally adhe original reli i y indees in such societies This suthos religion Nalivé religious specialists also continued to ‘operate where tribes ti observed this Jact in vast parts of central and eastern India upper Assam vouonemeance (Das, 1988). The same fatl_was also noted in Atiom society in Gupta, 1982) ieooag mete the Hinduization procets naraly operated in entirety (Das and dharma, when (eed, Several reformist Bhagat movements and sects such ‘as-Mahima the tribes. Esch large tribal supporters, could never erode the native religious beliefs of mann and other scholars (Eschmann 1886, Das 2003) have spoken of several stages “in which tribes could E be placed in terms of their cultural or religious adoption/incorporation. Eschmann (1986) has made a valid point that Brahmanical fact poration of Wibal delies and “Cults” occurred mote frequent in post Buddhisl times: io fact no notable research is yet available about Buddhis-tibal culture contacts. Many wastem xhibit remnants of Buddhism, assimilated within tribal religion. This author has done fieldwork recently in a tribal dominated village of Ganidpali (actually Gyan Pall), in Bargarh district of.western Orissa, where excavated Buddha idols, since their recovery, are being worshiped by the tribal priests, mixing. tribal ritualistic procedure with utterances of Buddhist shlokas, as recorded by us. In medieval times when Bhakti_cults, came to gain ground a_process of Hinduization came te occupy conire-stage._Branmans, often with Considerable economic:interest, developed Rajput myths for Wibal chiels, and offered them Singh Title of Khatriyahood. Slowly tribal royal deities were also absorbed, transformed and rechristened as Hinduistic deities. Thus the-Samalei fribal deity has been accepted into the Hindu pantheon and renamed as Samaleshwari in Sambalpur. The fact remains however that tribal priesthood associated with Samalei-could never be eroded completely. What is more the tribalg in whole of western Orissa,continue to propitiate Samalei tribal deity in typical tribal manner involving animal sacrifice. At the same. time today when the ritual model is hardly important in any part-of india, the Binjhal Zamindars have done awa with “Singh’ title or no. Value is attached to'such title. The Binjhal today stricly prefer to remain atiached to their old tribal posifion. Tribal priesthood has not only been renee Old tribal festivals and rituals ie ee acled and celebrated in greater zeal, and even caste Hindus endorse them and participalé in them: Ttis in situations like this that we clearly see a syncretistic phenomenon in Pic one parieiary ooking from he tribal angle. As we discussed above there afe Yana operation. Patch the process of syncretism is observable empicaly In regional st ve suet process may | h the piotevirend. though it may prove To be bendable, when analysed Troroughly, In some of the best ethnographies we are told of an “intermediary stage” in tipal societies are placed. This is actually presupposing afd accepting yni-laterally a “straight aitaininent of a pathway" of culture ‘change (say. Hinduization), which was sadly often itgjninent Of 2, eaituavon” (Sas 2003). Ths ie an aiary and prejudices attude, More roca ydies indeed have shown Hinduization” to operate only ineflectually, neonp sey ond often’ haphazardi Leases. For Eschmann "Hinduization” acts (restrictively) only and oft Beer rind vilagg cults that 76 fh euch vilage communies, where tibal groups ive stage of Hinduization is reached. when an aboriginal cult (ether from the he ne deci eof a vilage cil or direct fom the wba leve) becomes incorporated ito intermediate #1905 ca temple” is detingusned by three characttistice, dally performance a Minds tempi iign by all castes and more than [oeal importance”. Eschmand furher says, Of Pula eo aeyel may be a define stage of Hinduism, but not necessariy the end bf the The temple asizaton one may iden the foci wih the main stages of Hinduization = process oar cult wi elements of Hinduzaion, Hindu vitage cl, temples of su regional wal cu nd area temples of regional importance”: Exchmann has nohly observed that importance ae often ieriied wih Durga, who coninues to accept animal sates anc wival goddess en though ineyrelain thelr orignal tibal names, Only at» second stage we aseures er. aed fo mpan the prana pratistha — mantra, Mangala, Pibal, Hindula gee 2, ararimambnesvarl are such “incorporated” Inbal goddess of Onssa. Stambnesvari Baunthi art a tidal goddess since about 600 AD. She was ttelary deity of the Suki and has existed sligs and widely worshipped in West Orissa (Kuike 1975). Stambhesvari or The next deci