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Bernhard Schlinks Der Vorleser
Bernhard Schlinks Der Vorleser
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BERNHARD SCHLINK'S DER VORLESER
AND THE PROBLEM OF SHAME
Bernhard Schlink's novel Der Vorleser, which appeared in 1995, has enjoyed
huge international success.' Yet, equally, it has come in for some stern criti-
cism, principally for its portrayal of a former concentration-camp guard, Hanna
Schmitz, as someone who suffers through her illiteracy. In the words of William
Collins Donahue, 'Der Vorleseris more concerned to establish Hanna as victim
than as perpetrator',2 while the historian Omer Bartov even perceives in the
figures of both Hanna and the narrator Michael Berg a view of 'Germany as
victim'.3 Schlink's novel thus apparently fits into what some see as a worrying
new trend in German culture, whereby Germans are presented as victims, of
circumstance, of Nazism, and last but not least of the Allies.4 Principally, it has
been and is Americans and Britons who have criticized Der Vorlesermost vigor-
ously; in addition to Donahue and Ernestine Schlant,5 the London Germanist
Jeremy Adler, as well as the novelists Frederic Raphael and Lawrence Norfolk,
have pronounced dismissive opinions.6 Criticism of Schlink in Germany has
been less forceful. But Adler's scathing comments in the Times Literary Sup-
plement, claiming that Der Vorlesercreates 'a single, homogenized condition of
victimhood' (p. 17), have been received in Germany with agreement as well
as indignation. In an article for the Siiddeutsche Zeitung, the journalist Willi
Winkler described Schlink's novel as 'Holo-Kitsch'.7 Moreover, one reader
pointed out in a letter to a leading daily that awkward questions, such as how
an illiterate could have signed up to become a concentration-camp guard, had
been asked of Schlink in Germany at a reception given by the Federal Presi-
dent in December 2000.8 Strikingly, while there was some initial criticism of
' Bernhard
Schlink, Der Vorleser(Zurich: Diogenes, 1995). Referencesto this novel are indicated
in the text by the abbreviation V and the relevant page number. For a good overview of the impact
of the novel, see Sally Johnson and Frank Finlay, '(Il)literacy and (Im)morality in Bernhard
Schlink's The Reader', Written Language and Literacy, 4 (2001), 195-214 (pp. 196-97).
2 William Collins
Donahue, 'Illusions of Subtlety: Bernhard Schlink's Der Vorleser and the
Moral Limits of Holocaust Fiction', GLL, 54 (2001), 60-8I (p. 72).
3 See Omer Bartov, 'Germany as Victim', New German Critique, 80 (2000), 29-40.
4
Examples of such texts cited by critics include: Giinter Grass's Im Krebsgang (Gottingen:
Steidl, 2002), which takes as one of its themes the agony of East Prussian fugitives who drowned
when the Wilhelm Gustloff was sunk by a Russian submarine in I945; W G. Sebald's lecture
Luftkrieg und Literatur (Munich and Vienna: Hanser, 1999), which focuses on the supposed
neglect of the theme of Allied bombing raids in German literature; and Dieter Forte's novel Der
Junge mit den blutigen Schuhen (Frankfurt a.M.: Fischer, 1995), which describes the horrors of the
bombing of Diisseldorf. One should stress that in Grass's novel, however, the notion of German
victimhood is not treated uncritically.
5 Ernestine Schlant, The Language of Silence: West German Literature and the Holocaust (New
York and London: Routledge, I999), p. 213.
6 Jeremy Adler, 'Bernhard Schlink and "The Reader"' (reader's letter), Times Literary Sup-
plement, 22 March 2002, p. 17; Frederic Raphael, 'Bernhard Schlink' (reader's letter), ibid., 8
March 2002, p. I7; Lawrence Norfolk, 'Die Sehnsucht nach einer ungeschehenen Geschichte',
Siiddeutsche Zeitung, 27/28 April 2002, p. i6.
7 Willi
Winkler, 'Vorlesen, Duschen, Durcharbeiten', SiiddeutscheZeitung, 30/3 I March-i April
2002, p. i6.
8 Heiner Lichtenstein, 'Zwei Fragen ohne Antwort' (reader's letter), Siiddeutsche Zeitung, i6
May 2002, p. 40.
382 Bernhard Schlink's 'Der Vorleser'
Der Vorleser, it is only in the last eighteen months that it has really come to
predominate. It has to be said that the quality of this criticism has not been
improved by the delay in its expression. Sometimes, it is emotionally highly
charged and even moralistic. Thus Adler uses words such as 'contemptible' and
'disgusting' in his condemnation (p. I7), while Raphael denies the book's right
to a place in literature, describing it as 'the poisonous fruit of canting conde-
scension' (p. 17). Adler, moreover, throws all the rules of literary criticism to
the winds by simply assuming that the author's views are identical with those
of his narrator, Michael Berg. Referring to the novel's portrayal of victimhood,
for instance, he contends that 'Schlink plays fast and loose with the evidence',
and accuses him of 'self-righteous instrumentalization' (p. I7).
Principally, the objections to the novel are ethical in character: Schlink is seen
as relativizing the crime of the Holocaust, or even levelling out moral differences
between SS guards and camp inmates. In order to invalidate what is assumed
to be the novel's preoccupation with Hanna's victimhood, it is pointed out by
Ernestine Schlant that 'illiteracy cannot serve as an explanation for cooperating
in and committing criminal acts' (p. 213), while Johnson and Finlay object that
illiteracy does not of itself entail moral and aesthetic insensitivity (pp. 205-06).
The ethical objection is underpinned by a rejection of what is perceived to be a
naive causal explanation on Schlink's part, and by a dismissal of his supposed
identification of illiteracy with moral impoverishment. A further concern is
to demonstrate that Hanna's illiteracy does not square with the facts of her
biography, or that her psychological reactions are not consonant with those of
an illiterate (Johnson and Finlay, pp. 205-10). Thus on the grounds of realism,
too, Schlink's 'victimhood' portrayal is refuted: perhaps Schlink's professional
judicial career implies for some that, in his handling of literary characters
and narrative, he should not be allowed even a modicum of 'poetic licence'.
The overall impression created by such criticism is that it seeks to uphold the
accepted understanding of the Holocaust (here the human victims, there the
bestial perpetrators) against what is felt to be Schlink's implicit condemnation
of such divisions as too clear-cut.
Now it would not be defensible to deny that Hanna is accorded victim sta-
tus by Michael Berg. But there is no hard-and-fast evidence that Michael's
perspective is identical with that of, and thus corroborated by, the author
Schlink. Moreover, Michael is a frequently unreliable narrator. Given his con-
tinuing emotional dependency on Hanna, his understanding of events is filtered
through the wish to make excuses for her. As with Oskar Matzerath in Grass's
Die Blechtrommel (1959), the reader has the task of sifting through Michael's
comments, working to separate out what may be valid or at least defensible from
that which is distorted by self-interest. It follows that we are not necessarily
meant to accept Michael's apologies for Hanna. When he realizes that Hanna
is illiterate, he immediately formulates his realization in terms of Hanna's reac-
tion to her inability, reflecting on the apparently astonishing fact that she would
rather be exposed as a criminal in court than reveal her illiteracy (V, p. 127).
While his realization has exculpatory implications for his view of Hanna, it
need not have such implications for the reader. I shall seek to demonstrate
that Schlink's concern is not with Hanna's illiteracy in itself, but with her fear
BILL NIVEN 383
their moral alphabet during the war'." However, we are not meant to imagine
that it is exclusively or even primarily those who cannot read who are the
forgetful. If illiteracy can provide an 'explanation' for the Holocaust, then it is
either only at this generic metaphorical level or, as implied by the motivational
structure of the text, by example of the shame it induces-a phenomenon
characteristic of a widespread social condition inspired by a range of possible
factors.
In The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (I946), the American anthropologist
Ruth Benedict argued that societies can be characterized in terms of a 'culture of
shame' or a 'culture of guilt'. For Benedict, Japan was an example of the former,
the United States of America an example of the latter. Recently, the German
literary and cultural historian Aleida Assmann has sought to apply Benedict's
terms to Germany, arguing in essence that before 1945 Germany was marked
by a 'culture of shame', while post- 945 developments were towards a 'culture
of guilt', although elements of a shame culture remained."2 In a shame culture,
which principally concerns me here, the individual seeks to protect herself
or himself against possible disgrace and the concomitant loss of honour and
reputation, by conforming to social expectations. It might seem overstated to
claim that Nazi Germany could be defined as a 'culture of shame'. Nevertheless,
much of Hitler's rhetoric and, ultimately, policy certainly centred around the
theme of 'undoing the shame of the Versailles treaty'-a shame also highlighted
by Assmann (p. 93)-while this shame in turn was in all likelihood a projection
of a more personal biographical shame (for, say, his failure to achieve at school,
or his academic failure as an artist). Personal shame, and the wish to conceal or
compensate for it, may have played a part in the biographies of other leading
Nazis, not least Adolf Eichmann, one of the key players in the organization
of the Holocaust. In Eichmann in Jerusalem, Hannah Arendt points out that
Eichmann, son of the director of the StraBenbahn- und Elektrizitatsgesellschaft
in Linz, was something of a failure at school. In later life, Eichmann often
reinvented his rather indifferent biography. Claims on official documents that
he was a 'Maschinenbauingenieur' were as fanciful as his assertions that he had
been born in Palestine and spoke Hebrew and Yiddish, stories he liked to tell
not just to SS comrades, but also to Jewish victims.'3 To a significant degree,
Hitler was able to benefit from the support of the threatened sections of the
lower middle classes; if they saw in him a 'saviour', then it was one from feelings
of insecurity or shameful resentment generated by social decline. Moreover,
Hitler succeeded in mobilizing deep-seated, traditional Christian anti-Jewish
feeling among Germans in his interests, which became conflated in many cases
with the interest of individuals to compensate for envy, resentment, and shame.
"
Josephine Hart, 'The Reader, the Writer', Telegraph Magazine, 19 September 1999, pp. 60-
64 (p. 64).
i2 Ruth Benedict, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1946), and Aleida Assmann, ' 998-Zwischen Geschichteund Gedachtnis: Die
Schlagworte der Debatte', in Aleida Assmann and Ute Frevert, Geschichtsvergessenheit,Geschichts-
versessenheit: Vom Umgang mit deutschen Vergangenheitennach 1945 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-
Anstalt, I999), pp. 53-96 (pp. 88-96).
I3 Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: Ein Bericht von der Banalitat des Bosen (Munich:
That shame remains to this day an important motor of certain forms of social
and political behaviour is stressed by Micha Hilgers in his discussion of the
motives for right-wing radicalism in modern Germany (Hilgers, pp. 167-76).
We have little, if any, evidence that Hanna was consciouslyanti-Semitic. What
we can say is that her biography is an archetypal shame biography, and that Na-
tional Socialist anti-Semitism provided a framework in which she was able to
find psychological compensation for her deficiency. Schlink's novel provides
evidence of Hanna's low self-esteem and her desperate wish to conceal her
inability so as to avoid social stigmatization, the dreaded outer corroboration
of her inner shame. Thus we learn that, in all likelihood, she accepted the offer
of a position as camp guard to escape the prospect of promotion at Siemens
and the resulting discovery of her illiteracy (V, pp. 91-92, I28). Schlink can be
criticized for implying that her decision was not so much a positive choice for
the SS as a negative one against remaining at Siemens. But not all women who
were drafted in as guards joined because they were ideological fanatics. Irma
Grese, for instance, the 'hyena of Auschwitz', joined the SS out of frustration at
being unable to get a placement to train as a nurse.14 Not that Hanna's reasons
for joining exonerate her. Once in the camps, moreover, she benefits from the
inhumane SS system in a way she could not have foreseen. In his book Die
Ordnung des Terrors (1997), the sociologist Wolfgang Sofsky describes the SS
organization within the camp-guard system as strictly hierarchical and gov-
erned by precise codes of discipline to the point of over-regulation; at the same
time, however, the individual guard was expected to take personal initiative
in practising brutality, and indeed had considerable freedom to develop such
brutality (pp. 121-36). The hierarchy of the SS thus enables Hanna to become a
follower of orders; she 'loses herself' in her function among the guards. Yet she
is also able to exercise her own personal brand of authority by forcing prisoners
to read to her. In this way, she is able to invert the power relationship which ex-
isted in the outside world, where the literate would have had an advantage over
her. She therefore engages in a system of shame compensation, at no risk to her
social image. On the contrary, such exploitation is a measure of her success as
a camp guard. If any of her 'readers' should suspect her illiteracy, she can have
them quietly disposed of. It may be, as Michael wants to believe (V, p. 113),
that she chose the weak prisoners as 'readers' to make the period preceding
their inevitable death more tolerable. But impulses of empathy do not make
her exploitation anything less than exploitation. Besides, Hanna's choice of the
14
See Claudia Taake, Angeklagt: SS-Frauen vor Gericht (Oldenburg: bis Oldenburg, 1998),
pp. 50-52. Michael Berg's suggestion that Hanna 'drifted' into the SS (V, p. 128), while ex-
culpatory in intention, may not be wrong. According to Wolfgang Sofsky, many women 'wur-
den iiber die Arbeitsamter dienstverpflichtet oder in den Kriegsbetrieben angeworben'. The
women were promised high wages and lighter conditions of work. Paths to the SS, Sofsky con-
cludes, were often taken by chance: 'man spiegelte den Bewerbern falsche Tatsachen vor oder
drohte ihnen mit Frontversetzung' (Wolfgang Sofsky, Die Ordnung des Terrors: Das Konzen-
trationslager (Frankfurt a. M.: Fischer, 1997), p. 129). Taake even contends that some women
were recruited quite literally by means of coercion (Angeklagt, p. 35). According to Freya Klier,
women on being drafted as guards for Ravensbriick had if anything only a vague idea of what
was happening in the camp and of what their role would be: see Freya Klier, Die Kaninchen von
Ravensbriick: Medizinische Versuchean Frauen in der NS-Zeit (Munich: Droemer Knaur, 1994),
pp. 96-98.
386 Bernhard Schlink's 'Der Vorleser'
weak can be read more cynically: if their death is inevitable, this serves as a
guarantee that they will not survive to voice any suspicions.
Under Nazi rule, the order of civilization was turned on its head, enabling
individuals such as Hanna to compensate for weaknesses by manipulating and
destroying others. The post-war period saw a return to that order: now, it was
the victims of Nazism who sought and received compensation (albeit somewhat
haltingly and inadequately). But this did not mean that the need of the per-
petrators to indulge their impulses ceased overnight. Not least because both
Germanies were slow to face their Nazi past, many former perpetrators were
able to use their authoritarian impulses within the new post-war societies. After
the war, Hanna returns to the outside world, where she leads an insignificant
life until her trial. By chance, however, she is provided with an opportunity to
transfer elements of her concentration-camp lifestyle to this outside world. She
engages a boy, Michael, in a ritual of reading, showering, and sex which, while
apparently pleasurable for him, nevertheless constitutes an instrumentalization
of his abilities not dissimilar to her instrumentalization of concentration-camp
prisoners, quite apart from representing the psychological and sexual viola-
tion of a minor. Thus Hanna continues to seek compensation for her feeling
of inferiority, a feeling expressed in the scene where she bitterly parodies her
lowly job as a conductress (V, p. 36). In her relationship with Michael, Hanna
further uses a whole range of hurtful mechanisms-ignoring him, setting con-
ditions, going cold on him, threatening him, blaming him-in order to assert
her power and ensure his subservience. During a bicycling holiday, she even
strikes him with her belt in a hotel room (V, p. 54). In an intertextual reference
to Theodor Adorno's essay 'Amorbach', Schlink sets the scene for her act of
violence in a village whose name might be ironically associated not just with
romance, but also, in the light of Adorno's essay, with the tense conflux of past
and present, history and modernity, the unique and the standardized, utopia
and (pre-)echoes of Fascism.'5 In Amorbach, Hanna is violent at the moment
Michael brings her a rose: she has been unable to read the note he left for her
when he crept out to buy the flower and bring breakfast. Her violence is trig-
gered by a potent mixture of vulnerability, helplessness, fear of exposure, and
resentment. The scene prefigures Michael's later discovery of her SS past, and
his eroticized images of her as a concentration-camp dominatrix. Violence and
sexuality, romance and aggression are conflated, in an ambivalence reminiscent
of the spirit of Adorno's essay.
Hanna's shame also controls her behaviour during her trial. Until we learn
of her illiteracy, we find her conduct in court a bizarre mixture of evasion and
self-incrimination. In retrospect, it becomes clear why she offers no explanation
for not replying to letters from the police and the state prosecutor, and why
she admits to writing a report she at first denied having written (V, p. 124).
Her desire for concealment also explains the fact that she makes no attempt
to tell the judge why she would like the surviving daughter's account of her
will, auch wenn ich es nicht kann' (V, p. 206). The best we can say of Michael
is that he is objective in identifying his sense of fragility and susceptibility; his
tendency when recounting his tale to 'lapse' into past positions and emotions,
as well as his obsessive use of interrogative sentences, directed at no one but
an imagined reader and left without answer, indicate, however, that he is often
unable to keep this susceptibility under control.
Michael's narrative is a constantly oscillating, often inextricably intercon-
nected admixture of present-day reflection and impressions with re-enactments
of past experiences and feelings. If Michael cannot ultimately distance him-
self from Hanna, that is not because Schlink wishes to determine definitively,
through the eyes of a 'sovereign' narrator, her victim status, but because he
seeks to demonstrate Michael's failure to overcome his own tendentious and
apologetic view. The force of Schlink's book lies in its undermining of any clear
'Bildungsroman' agenda. Not only do Michael's attempts to educate Hanna
result, as I shall show, in an ambivalent development. It is also the case that
his zeal in recording literary classics for Hanna is informed as much by the
need to resume pubescent ritual at a time of emotional disorientation in his
marital life as it is by a commitment to growth through enlightenment on his
part or Hanna's. It could even be argued that Michael, deprived of the element
of sexual intercourse which in the past would follow on from the act of reading
aloud, rechannels unfulfilled sexual desire into an equally obsessive, almost
manic, commitment to Hanna's improvement. Instead of positing in Der Vor-
leser a kind of uncomplicated redemption through Vergangenheitsbewdltigung,
Schlink highlights the psychological difficulties involved in coming to terms
objectively with Nazism. One reason for this difficulty as far as the second
generation is concerned is its emotional dependency on the war generation, a
dependency sharply illustrated by the manner in which Michael's life is inter-
twined with Hanna's.
Hanna is everything to Michael: older lover and seductress, second mother
(who cleans up after him when he is sick), second father (in that it is her
authority which motivates him to catch up on schoolwork), and child (who
is dependent on Michael's reading skills). This totality makes of Hanna an
overpowering emotional reference point in his life. Moreover, as already stated,
Hanna binds Michael into an authoritarian ritual of service, submission, and
humiliation which cripples his chances of true autonomy.'8 Hence the feeling
of shame and betrayal which complicates his emotions towards Hanna when
he turns away from her towards his peers. This feeling is compounded later
in life by his discovery of her past: 'ich muB3teeigentlich auf Hanna zeigen.
Aber der Fingerzeig auf Hanna wies auf mich zuriick. Ich hatte sie geliebt' (V,
p. I62). Hanna's shame thus finds its correlative in Michael's shame, and yet it
had been shame which he and his fellow students were only too ready to load
onto their parents' generation: 'wir alle verurteilten unsere Eltern zu Scham'
(V, p. 88). It is a shame which leads him to seek to conceal his relationship with
her from the world at large. In not revealing Hanna's illiteracy to the judge, he
18 This 'Horigkeitsverhaltnis' and its implications are examined by Helmut Schmitz in 'Malen
nach Zahlen? Bernhard Schlinks Der Vorleser und die Unfihigkeit zu trauern', GLL, 55 (2002),
296-311.
390 Bernhard Schlink's 'Der Vorleser'
acts against the interests of justice. In not visiting Hanna in prison until she is
due to be released, or even sending her a personal note, he deprives her of the
human touch which might have achieved more than the cassettes. In adopting an
unhealthy strategy of concealment, he denies his biography, as she denied hers.
In court, he is bound to be cynical of the way the case is conducted, because the
less guilty Hanna appears to him, the less ashamed he needs to feel. His theory
of 'Betaubung' (V, pp. 98-Ioo), whereby Holocaust victims, perpetrators, and
those involved in the post-war trials of the perpetrators are all struck down by
a kind of emotional anaesthesia, is another strategy of shame-containment. If
all are caught up in a web of numbness, then it is numbness that is to blame
for everything, not Hanna, nor he for loving her. In essence, Der Vorleser is a
biography of shame told from the perspective of an autobiography of shame.
Of course we are meant to believe that there might be some truth in Michael's
criticisms of the court, with its ex-Nazi lawyers and scapegoating of Hanna, or
in his criticisms of the self-righteous zeal of the student generation; in this, Der
Vorleser is very much a post-unification novel. But the novel suggests that this
criticism must be approached critically, in other words against the background
of scepticism towards Michael. The novel raises our awareness of problems
attached to coming to terms with the past in two related ways. Firstly, we
understand how faulty judicial mechanisms often are, and how questionable
the motives of all concerned-judges, defendants, lawyers, prosecutors, and
observers-can be. At the same time we understand how criticism of these
faults can itself be questionably motivated, instrumentalized even-to use the
word in vogue since Martin Walser's Paulskirche speech on receipt of the 'Preis
des deutschen Buchhandels' in I998-by people like Michael or indeed any
other members of society.'9 The only hope the novel leaves the reader with is
that the third generation might do better than the second: as with the course
of the history of law, the course of the process of coming to terms with the
past must begin anew.
Michael's frequent defence of Hanna's conduct thus sheds more light on
his bias than on any actual victim status applicable to Hanna. But surely, one
might counter, given that she becomes morally conscious after learning to read,
her previous illiteracy is to be understood as synonymous with lack of moral
sensibility, corroborating Hanna's status as victim and therefore not culpable?
It is true that Hanna sees herself as someone who, as camp guard, merely did
her job (V, p. I07), and she has little problem with accumulating even more
guilt for her role in the Nazi past than has actually accrued, so indifferent is she
to the moral issues of her role and any social opprobrium from this that might
result. However, it would be overstated to claim that Der Vorleser depicts an
entirely amoral Hanna prior to her literacy. There are hints that a sense of guilt
for her SS past might have filtered into her unconscious. The strongest of these
is her constant washing (though this motif may also be intended by Schlink as
another intertextual reference).20 After all, she may be illiterate, but she will
19 Martin Walser, 'Erfahrungen beim Verfassen einer Sonntagsrede', in Die Walser-Bubis-
Debatte: Eine Dokumentation, ed. by Frank Schirrmacher (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1999),
pp.
20
7-I7.
The commandant at Auschwitz, Rudolf H6ss, whose autobiographical report written while
BILL NIVEN 39I
to preserve. This reason for this apparent paradox is that the newly developed
consciousness of guilt can be lived only within the confines of her own body,
whose neglected outer aspect is both symbol and means of her self-willed with-
drawal. Coming to terms with her guilt is not a process she feels she can enact
'publicly'. It must be done entirely within her own conscience. One is strongly
reminded of Martin Walser's dictum, 'Mit seinem Gewissen ist jeder allein'
(Walser, p. 14).
With respect to the more dubious aspects of Hanna's development in prison,
it is illuminating to consider these within the context of the philosopher Pe-
ter Sloterdijk's speech, Regeln fiir den Menschenpark (I999). The basic thrust
of Sloterdijk's essay is a critique of humanism, voiced through an analysis of
Martin Heidegger's essay 'Uber den Humanismus' (1949). Referring to an idea
of Jean Paul's, Sloterdijk describes philosophical works as 'letters' sent by one
generation to the next down through the centuries. Through such missives, a
literary society was formed. Erotologically speaking, according to Sloterdijk,
such letters provide an example of 'Fernstenliebe'.23 However, in time, this
development took a negative turn. Humanist educational principles did not ac-
cord human beings, as embodiments of 'humanitas', the respect they deserve,
treating them in essence as rational animals, 'animalitas', to be trained. Some-
what dismissively, Sloterdijk talks of a politicized trend in the nation-states of
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries towards 'durchalphabetisierte Zwangs-
freundschaftsverbande' based on national literary canons (p. I I). Implicit in the
essay is the objection that literary humanism not only aimed to liberate, but also
to domesticate human beings. For Heidegger, according to Sloterdijk, modern
movements such as Fascism, Bolshevism, and 'Americanism' have to be under-
stood within the wider context of humanism's deep ambivalence (p. 31). In a
clear adoption of the concept of the dialectic of the Enlightenment, Sloterdijk
writes: 'Was zihmt den Menschen, wenn seine bisherigen Anstrengungen der
Selbstzahmung in der Hauptsache doch nur zu seiner Machtergreifung iiber
alles Seiende gefiihrt haben?' (p. 32).
In his introduction to a new edition of Der Vorleser, Stuart Taberner writes
that, in a sense, 'Hanna is destroyed by learning to read and write'.24 On
this highly original view, Hanna develops empathy not merely at the cost of
cleanliness, attractiveness, and sensuality. She can also be seen to have been
domesticated by the humanist canon, along the lines described by Sloterdijk,
into a kind of morbid self-rejection. However, I would apply to Hanna another,
differently weighted, criticism of humanism voiced by Sloterdijk in Regeln
fiir den Menschenpark. Sloterdijk is scathing of the post-war hope that the
literary canon might somehow 're-educate' the Germans. Such an attempt-
'als k6nnte eine Goethe-Jugend die Hitler-Jugend vergessen machen'-was
nothing more than 'ein Traum von der Rettung der europaischen Seele durch
eine radikalisierte Bibliophilie' (p. I5). Undoubtedly the adult Michael shares
this dream. At school, he is exposed to the traditional literary canon, and he
23
Peter Sloterdijk, Regelnfiir den Menschenpark: Ein Antwortschreibenzu Heideggers Brief iiber
den Humanismus (Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, I999), p. 9.
24
Stuart Taberner, 'Introduction', in Bernhard Schlink: Der Vorleser, ed. by Stuart Taberner
(Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 2002), pp. 7-38 (p. 34).
BILL NIVEN 393
Der Vorleser shows a Michael floundering in the wake of what he has heard,
seen, and experienced of the German Nazi past, ill-prepared as he was for
it by immersion in Tolstoy, Schiller, and Lessing. Equally, if Hanna's moral
consciousness is sharpened, then it is not by Grillparzer, Lessing, and other
traditional authors, but by Wiesel and Levi. The post-Holocaust confrontation
with Auschwitz is at least an acknowledgement of the traumatic caesura the
Holocaust represents; immersion in pre-Holocaust classical humanism is a
form of blindness, carrying on as if nothing had happened.
But here too we must be cautious. In her conversation with Michael before
her suicide, Hanna opines that no one can call her to account who does not
understand her, and only the dead understand her (V, p. I87). This rules out
the right of the German judicial system, indeed of German society as a whole,
to pass judgement: 'wo blieben da die Lebenden?', as Michael asks himself
in some indignation (V, p. I90). Moreover, in casting off all sense of answer-
ability to present-day social and judicial co-ordinates and replacing these with
the authority of an imagined community of dead concentration-camp prisoners
whose 'opinion' she can manipulate at will, Hanna effectively reinstrumental-
izes the victims. It is an instrumentalization based on a tendentious reading of
Primo Levi. In May I960 Levi wrote in a letter to the German translator of
his book Se questo e un uomo (1958): 'Today I, prisoner No. 174517, by your
help, can speak to the German people, remind them of what they have done,
and say to them: "I am alive, and I would like to understand you in order to
judge you".' The letter continues:
But I cannot say I understandthe Germans:now, something one cannot understand
constitutesa painful void, a puncture,a permanentstimulusthat insists on being satis-
fied. I hope that this book will have some echo in Germany,not only out of ambition,
but also because the natureof this echo will perhapsmake it possible for me to better
understandthe Germans,placate this stimulus.26
This letter subsequently formed the foreword to the first German edition of Ist
das ein Mensch? (196I). Hanna, in her final conversation with Michael, appears
to be 'responding' to Levi's appeal for understanding. She might feel she has
satisfied any such appeal from her victims, and be conferring upon them, in line
with Levi's preface, the right to judge. But this is to assume the role reserved
for the victims: it is hardly her place to play their part, even if they are dead
and therefore unable to play their own. It also seems that Hanna has not read
Jean Amery properly, or that she has selectively absorbed what she read there.
One of Amery's themes was the idea that his torturers might understand him,
and what they did to him. In a speech of 7 March 1976 for South German
Radio, Amery said: 'Meine Ressentiments aber sind da, damit das Verbrechen
moralische Realitat werde fur den Verbrecher, damit er hineingerissen sei in
die Wahrheit seiner Untat.'27 Amery seems to suggest that redemption from
the experience of persecution, which he defines as one of the most extreme
26
This letter, together with an account of how it came to be used as the foreword to Ist das
ein Mensch?, is provided in Primo Levi, 'Letters from Germans', in The Drowned and the Saved
(London: Abacus, 1989), pp. 137-65 (p. I43).
27 Jean
Amery, 'Ressentiments', in Jenseits von Schuld und Siihne: Bewdltigungsversuche eines
Uberwdltigten (Stuttgart: Klett Cotta, 1997), pp. 102-29 (p. I 3).
BILL NIVEN 395
loneliness, may be possible if the perpetrator can appreciate the moral truth
of his or her misdeeds and bridge the gap to the victim: 'SS-Mann Wajs, als
er vor dem Exekutionspeleton stand, erfuhr die moralische Wahrheit seiner
Untaten. Er war in diesem Augenblick mit mir-und ich war nicht mehr mit
dem Schaufelstiel allein' (Amery, p. 114). Certainly Hanna is together with
her victims in her suicide, suggesting perhaps the moment where her guilt is
assessed in metaphysical terms. But she is together with them very much on
her own terms, effecting a decidedly biased union of victim and perpetrator.
Hanna may commit suicide for many reasons: fear of release from the security
of prison, a sense that her relationship with Michael can never be as it was, and,
perhaps more pertinently, a general dread of the outside world. Her suicide is
also intended in part as a gesture of penance. But we are not meant to identify
with Hanna's act of self-forgiveness. The discussion of her understanding of
Levi and Amery offered above demonstrates this. Moreover, the text strongly
indicates that her new-found moral awareness is brittle indeed, and certainly
not tied to any sense that, as an autonomous moral being, she must bear it
rather than flee from it. When Michael visits her prior to the planned release
from prison, he sees her sitting on a bench. In her lap she is holding a book, but
she is not reading it. In fact, she is gazing over her reading glasses at a woman
throwing breadcrumb after breadcrumb to some sparrows (V, p. I84). There
could hardly be a stronger metaphor for Hanna's hunger to return to the days of
spoon-feeding, and her wish to abandon the arduous task of reading for herself.
When Michael asks her if she reads a lot, her answer is less than enthusiastic: 'Es
geht so.' Significantly, she adds: 'Vorgelesen bekommen ist schoner'-and, after
a telling glance at Michael, she says: 'Damit ist jetzt SchluB, nicht wahr?' (V,
p. I86). These are hardly the words of a woman who has stepped convincingly
out of Kantian 'Unmiindigkeit'. It is as if she had hoped to slip back into the
role of passive recipient. Realizing that this will not be possible, she escapes,
in carefully stage-managed style, into suicide. The daughter who survived the
church fire, however, has clearly not read Hanna's script. Or rather: she has, but
chooses her own. She refuses to accept Hanna's gift of money, an acceptance
with which, undoubtedly, Hanna sought posthumously to validate her suicide
as an act of penance. Instead, the daughter takes the tea caddy in which some of
the money was kept: she makes her own choice, on her own terms, symbolizing
the autonomy of the victims (V, pp. 202-04). The novel comes to an end in
a manner which echoes its beginning. Hanna came to Michael's rescue when,
as a child, he threw up, deeply ashamed, in public (V, p. 6). Now, he comes
belatedly to her rescue, trying to 'clean away her shame' just as she washed away
his all those years ago. But the symmetry is only apparent, the 'roundedness'
flawed. For the daughter will not provide the hoped-for absolution. Hanna goes
to her grave imagining a forgiveness which posthumous reality denies her.
In conclusion, it should be reiterated that Schlink's novel is critical in its
portrayal of Hanna. By her example, it shows that shame can cause an indi-
vidual to lose sight of moral issues in seeking to place outward appearances
over all other concerns. It also shows that, in what might appear to be a cul-
ture of guilt or a culture of 'penance'-a word used by Mary Fulbrook with
396 Bernhard Schlink's 'Der Vorleser'