Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Section 3, Art. XVI of the 1987 Constitution states that "the State may not be
sued without its consent." This principle reflects a recognition of the
sovereign character of the State and an express affirmation of the unwritten
rule effectively insulating it from the jurisdiction of the courts. As per
Justice Holmes, a sovereign State is exempt from suits "not because of any
formal conception or obsolete theory, but on the logical and practical
ground that there can be no legal right as against the authority that makes
the law on which the right depends."
These words “sue and be sued” embrace all civil process incident to a legal
action. So that, even assuming that the SSS, as it claims, enjoys immunity
from suit as an entity performing governmental functions, by virtue of the
explicit provision of the afore cited enabling law, the Government must be
deemed to have waived immunity in respect of the SSS, although it does
not thereby concede its liability.
That statutory law has given to the private citizen a remedy for the
enforcement and protection of his rights. Whether the SSS performs
governmental or proprietary functions thus becomes unnecessary to
belabor. For by that waiver, a private citizen may bring a suit against it for
varied objectives, such as, in this case, to obtain compensation in damages
arising from contract, and even for tort.
The Milk Code is almost a verbatim reproduction of the ICMBS, but it is well
to emphasize at this point that the Code did not adopt the provision in
the ICMBS absolutely prohibiting advertising or other forms of promotion
to the general public of products within the scope of the ICMBS.
Instead, the Milk Code expressly provides that advertising, promotion,
or other marketing materials may be allowed if such materials are duly
authorized and approved by the Inter-Agency Committee (IAC).
In the present case, the ICMBS and subsequent resolutions are merely
recommendatory and legally non-binding because the WHA Regulations
provides that recommendations of the assembly do not come into force
for members, unlike conventions, agreements, or regulations as they
may be deemed as such. In fact, the WHA recommendations are
generally not binding but merely carry moral and political weight on
certain health issues, according to the World Health Organization
(WHO).
The ICMBS itself provides that the code on the marketing of breastmilk
substitutes was adopted in the form of recommendation rather than a
regulation. Thus, though the Milk Code adopted most of the provisions
under the ICMBS, the subsequent WHA resolutions, which includes the
non-promotion or advertisement of breastmilk substitutes, have not
been adopted as a domestic law, and cannot be considered as part of
the law of the land.
The WHA Resolutions cannot be considered as customary international
law because the Respondents have not presented evidence that the
said resolutions were enforced or adopted by at least a majority of the
members-states. They also failed to prove that any compliance by
member-states was obligatory in nature.
Hence, they cannot be considered as generally accepted principles of
international law which shall form part of the law of the land through
the Doctrine of Incorporation, and may not be used by the Respondents
as basis for the RIRR.
Petition is PARTIALLY GRANTED.
Case No. and Title G.R. No. L-45081
JOSE A. ANGARA, petitioner,
vs.
THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION, PEDRO YNSUA, MIGUEL CASTILLO, and
DIONISIO C. MAYOR, respondents.
Date July 15, 1936
Ponente LAUREL, J
Facts Election of September 17, 1935, the petitioner, Jose A. Angara, and
the respondents, Pedro Ynsua, Miguel Castillo and Dionisio Mayor,were
candidates voted for the position of member of the National Assembly
for the first district of the Province of Tayabas.
In this case, the nature of the present controversy shows the necessity of a
final constitutional arbiter to determine the conflict of authority between
two agencies created by the Constitution. Were we to decline to take
cognizance of the controversy, who will determine the conflict? And if the
conflict were left undecided and undetermined, would not a void be thus
created in our constitutional system which may be in the long run prove
destructive of the entire framework? To ask these questions is to answer
them. Natura vacuum abhorret, so must we avoid exhaustion in our
constitutional system. Upon principle, reason and authority, we are clearly
of the opinion that upon the admitted facts of the present case, this court
has jurisdiction over the Electoral Commission and the subject mater of
the present controversy for the purpose of determining the character,
scope and extent of the constitutional grant to the Electoral Commission as
“the sole judge of all contests relating to the election, returns and
qualifications of the members of the National Assembly.”
conceding the power claimed in behalf of the National Assembly that said
body may regulate the proceedings of the Electoral Commission and cut off
the power of the commission to lay down the period within which protests
should be filed, the grant of power to the commission would be
ineffective. The Electoral Commission in such case would be invested with
the power to determine contested cases involving the election, returns and
qualifications of the members of the National Assembly but subject at all
times to the regulative power of the National Assembly. Not only would the
purpose of the framers of our Constitution of totally transferring this
authority from the legislative body be frustrated, but a dual authority
would be created with the resultant inevitable clash of powers from time
to time. A sad spectacle would then be presented of the Electoral
Commission retaining the bare authority of taking cognizance of cases
referred to, but in reality without the necessary means to render that
authority effective whenever and whenever the National Assembly has
chosen to act, a situation worse than that intended to be remedied by the
framers of our Constitution. The power to regulate on the part of the
National Assembly in procedural matters will inevitably lead to the
ultimate control by the Assembly of the entire proceedings of the Electoral
Commission, and, by indirection, to the entire abrogation of the
constitutional grant. It is obvious that this result should not be permitted.
The Court hold, therefore, that the Electoral Commission was acting within
the legitimate exercise of its constitutional prerogative in assuming to take
cognizance of the protest filed by the respondent Pedro Ynsua against the
election of the herein petitioner Jose A. Angara, and that the resolution of
the National Assembly of December 3, 1935 can not in any manner toll the
time for filing protests against the elections, returns and qualifications of
members of the National Assembly, nor prevent the filing of a protest
within such time as the rules of the Electoral Commission might prescribe.
Case No. and Title Estrada vs Desierto G.R. No. 146710-15; Estrada vs Arroyo G.R. No. 146738,
January 19, PNP and the AFP also withdrew their support for Estrada
and joined the crowd at EDSA Shrine. Estrada called for a snap
presidential election to be held concurrently with congressional and
local elections on May 14, 2001. He added that he will not run in this
election.
January 20, SC declared that the seat of presidency was vacant, saying
that Estrada “constructively resigned his post”. At noon, Arroyo took
her oath of office in the presence of the crowd at EDSA as the 14th
President.
Estrada and his family later left Malacañang Palace. Erap, after his fall,
filed petition for prohibition with prayer for WPI. It sought to enjoin
the respondent Ombudsman from “conducting any further proceedings
in cases filed against him not until his term as president ends. He also
prayed for judgment “confirming Estrada to be the lawful and
incumbent President of the Republic of the Philippines temporarily
unable to discharge the duties of his office.
1. The Court held that the cases at bar do not involve a political question
and therefore falls within the ambit of judicial scrutiny pursuant to the
doctrine of separation of powers of coordinate branches of government.
3. To a great degree, the 1987 Constitution has narrowed the reach of the
political question doctrine when it expanded the power of judicial review
of this court not only to settle actual controversies involving rights which
are legally demandable and enforceable but also to determine whether or
not there has been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess
of jurisdiction on the part of any branch or instrumentality of government.
EDSA 1 vs EDSA 2
7. Using the totality test, the Supreme Court held that petitioner resigned
as President – which was confirmed by his leaving Malacañang.
8. Facts show that petitioner did not write any formal letter of resignation
before he evacuated Malacanang Palace in the afternoon of January 20,
2001 after the oath-taking of respondent Arroyo. Consequently, whether or
not petitioner resigned has to be determined from his acts and omissions
before, during and after January 20, 2001 or by the totality of prior,
contemporaneous and posterior facts and circumstantial evidence bearing
a material relevance on the issue.
10. Resignation is a factual question and its elements are beyond quibble:
(1) there must be an intent to resign and (2) the intent must be coupled by
acts of relinquishment. The validity of a resignation is not governed by any
formal requirement as to form. It can be oral. It can be written. It can be
express. It can be implied. As long as the resignation is clear, it must be
given legal effect.
11. A public official has the right not to serve if he really wants to retire or
resign. Nevertheless, if at the time he resigns or retires, a public official is
facing administrative or criminal investigation or prosecution, such
resignation or retirement will not cause the dismissal of the criminal or
administrative proceedings against him . He cannot use his resignation or
retirement to avoid prosecution.
12. The issue whether the Supreme Court has jurisdiction to review the
claim of temporary inability of former President Estrada and thereafter
revise the decision of both Houses of Congress recognizing Arroyo as
President is political in nature and addressed solely to Congress by
constitutional fiat—it is a political issue which cannot be decided by the
Supreme Court without transgressing the principle of separation of powers.
13. Implicitly clear in the recognition by both houses of Congress of Arroyo
as President is the premise that the inability of former President Estrada is
no longer temporary.
15. The Supreme Court rejects former President Estrada’s argument that
he cannot be prosecuted for the reason that he must first be convicted in
the impeachment proceedings. His impeachment trial was aborted by the
walkout of the prosecutors and by the events that led to his loss of the
presidency. Indeed, on February 7, 2001, the Senate passed Senate
Resolution No. 83 “Recognizing that the Impeachment Court is Functus
Officio.” Since the Impeachment Court is now functus officio, it is
untenable for petitioner to demand that he should first be impeached and
then convicted before he can be prosecuted The plea if granted, would put
a perpetual bar against his prosecution. It will place him in a better
situation than a non-sitting President who has not been subjected to
impeachment proceedings and yet can be the object of a criminal
prosecution.
16. Estrada does NOT enjoy immunity from suit. Incumbent Presidents are
immune from suit being brought to court during the period of their
incumbency and tenure but not beyond with the ruling in In Re: Saturnino
Bermudez.
17. The cases filed against petitioner Estrada are criminal in character
(plunder, bribery and graft and corruption). Estrada cannot cite any
decision of this Court licensing the President to commit criminal acts and
wrapping him with post-tenure immunity from liability. The rule is that
unlawful acts of public officials are not acts of the State and the officer
who acts illegally is not acting as such but stands in the same footing as
any other trespasser .
18. One of the great themes of the 1987 Constitution is that a public office
is a public trust. It declared as a state policy that “(t)he State shall
maintain honesty and integrity in the public service and take positive and
effective measures against graft and corruption.” It ordained that “(p)ublic
officers and employees must at all times be accountable to the people,
serve them with utmost responsibility, integrity, loyalty, and efficiency,
act with patriotism and justice, and lead modest lives.” It set the rule that
“(t)he right of the State to recover properties unlawfully acquired by
public officials or employees, from them or from their nominees or
transferees, shall not be barred by prescription, laches or estoppel.” It
maintained the Sandiganbayan as an anti-graft court. It created the office
of the Ombudsman and endowed it with enormous powers, among which is
to “(investigate on its own, or on complaint by any person, any act or
omission of any public official, employee, office or agency, when such act
or omission appears to be illegal, unjust, improper, or inefficient.” The
Office of the Ombudsman was also given fiscal autonomy.
Theory of Derivative Prejudice
19. The Court cannot adopt former President Estrada’s prejudice of the
Ombudsman flows to his subordinates. theory of derivative prejudice , i.e.,
that the 20. Our Revised Rules of Criminal Procedure give investigating
prosecutors the independence to make their own findings and
recommendations albeit they are reviewable by their superiors. They can
be reversed but they cannot be compelled to change their
recommendations nor can they be compelled to prosecute cases which they
believe deserve dismissal. In other words, investigating prosecutors should
not be treated like unthinking slot machines. Moreover, if the respondent
Ombudsman resolves to file the cases against the petitioner and petitioner
believes that the finding of probable cause against him is the result of bias,
he still has the remedy of assailing it before the proper court.