fold

fold

fold

fold
fold
fold

Cunliffe
Koch
c e l t i c s t u d i e s p u b l i c a t i o n s XVi

Europe’s Atlantic Façade has long been treated as marginal to the formation of
the European Bronze Age and the puzzle of the origin and early spread of the
Indo-European languages. Until recently the idea that Atlantic Europe was still a
wholly pre-Indo-European world throughout the Bronze Age remained plausible.
CELTIC From
the West 2
Rapidly expanding evidence for the later prehistory and the pre-Roman languages

CELTIC From the West 2

of the West increasingly exclude that possibility. It is therefore time to refocus on a
narrowing list of ‘suspects’ as possible archaeological proxies for the arrival of this
great language family and emergence of its Celtic branch. This reconsideration
inevitably throws penetrating new light on the Beaker Complex and the Atlantic
Bronze Age to ask what else they brought with them. The studies presented Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival
here introduce diverse perspectives on the formation of later prehistoric Atlantic
Europe and the implications of new evidence for inter-regional connections. of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe
CELTIC FROM THE WEST 2 continues the series launched with CELTIC
FROM THE WEST: Alternative Perspectives f rom Archaeology, Genetics,
Language and Literature (2010; 2012) in exploring the new idea that the Celtic
languages emerged in the Atlantic Zone during the Bronze Age. This Celtic
Atlantic hypothesis represents a major departure from the long-established,
but increasingly problematical ­s cenario in which the Ancient Celtic languages
and peoples called Keltoí (Celts) are closely bound up with the archaeology
of the Hallstatt and La   Tène cultures of Iron Age west-central Europe.

studies by
Dirk Brandherm
Barry Cunliffe
Andrew Fitzpatrick
Catriona Gibson
John T. Koch
Jacqueline I. McKinley, Jörn Schuster, & Andrew Millard
J. P. Mallory
Colin Renfrew
Dagmar Wodtko
edited by
ISBN 978–1–84217–529–3
John T. Koch and Barry Cunliffe

Oxbow Books

fold fold
fold

fold
fold
fold

clawrCW2_2.indd 1 01/11/2012 10:44:59

 CELTIC FROM THE WEST 2

FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 1 30/11/2012 12:25:12

         
celtic studies publications       
      series editor: John T. Koch
           
celtic studies publications i
The Celtic Heroic Age: Literary Sources for Ancient Celtic Europe and Early Ireland and Wales, ed. John T. Koch
with John Carey (Four th Edition, revised and expanded, 2003) Pp. x + 440
isbn 1–891271–09–1
celtic studies publications ii
A Celtic Florilegium: Studies in Memory of Brendan O Hehir, ed. Kathryn Klar, Eve Sweetser, and †Claire Thomas
(1996) Pp. xxxvi + 227
isbn hc 0–9642446–3–2 pb 0–9642446–6–7
celtic studies publications iii
A Single Ray of the Sun: Religious Speculation in Early Ireland, John Carey (Second Edition, 2011) Pp. x + 123
isbn 978–1–891271–18–2
celtic studies publications iv
Ildánach Ildírech. A Festschrift for Proinsias Mac Cana, ed. John Carey, John T. Koch, and Pier re-Yves Lamber t
(1999) Pp. xvii + 312
isbn 1–891271–01–6
celtic studies publications vii
Yr Hen Iaith: Studies in Early Welsh, ed. Paul Russell (2003) Pp. viii + 224 isbn 1–891271–10–5
celtic studies publications viiI
Landscape Perception in Early Celtic Literature, Francesco Benozzo (2004) Pp. xvi + 272
isbn 1–891271–11–3
celtic studies publications IX
Cín Chille Cúile—Texts, Saints and Places: Essays in Honour of Pádraig Ó Riain, ed. John Carey, Máire Herbert, and
Kevin Murray (2004) Pp. xxiv + 405
isbn 1–891271–13–X
celtic studies publications X
Archæologia Britannica: Texts and Translations, Edward Lhwyd, ed. Dewi W. Evans and Brynley F. Roberts (2009)
Pp. xii + 262
isbn 978–1–891271–14–4
celtic studies publications Xi
Ireland and the Grail, John Carey (2007) Pp. xxii + 421 isbn 978–1–891271–15–1

celtic studies publications XIII

Tartessian: Celtic in the South-west at the Dawn of History, John T. Koch (2009) Pp. viii + 184
isbn 978–1–891271–17–5
celtic studies publications XIV
Moment of Earth: Poems & Essays in Honour of Jeremy Hooker, ed. Christopher Meredith (2007) Pp. xvi + 313
isbn 978–1–891271–16–8
celtic studies publications XV
Celtic from the West: Alternative Approaches from Archaeology, Genetics, Language and Literature, ed. Barry Cunliffe and John T.
Koch (2010; 2012) Pp. xii + 383
isbn 978–1 –84217–475–3
celtic studies publications XVi
Celtic from the West 2: Alternative Approaches from Archaeology, Genetics, Language and Literature, ed. Barry Cunliffe and John
T. Koch (2013) Pp. xii + 240
Editorial correspondence: CSP-Cymru Cyf., Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies,
National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth, Ceredigion, sy23 3hh Wales

FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 2 30/11/2012 12:25:13

 Celtic from the West 2
Rethinking the Bronze Age and the Arrival
of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe

edited by

John T. Koch and Barry Cunliffe

OXBOW BOOKS
OXFORD AND OAKVILLE

2013

FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 3 30/11/2012 12:25:13

 Published by
Oxbow Books, Oxford, UK

© Oxbow Books, John T. Koch, Barry Cunliffe, and the individual authors 2013

ISBN: 978–1–84217–529–3
All rights reserved. No part of this publication
may be reproduced in any form or by any means,
without permission from the Publisher.

This book is available direct from

Oxbow Books, Oxford
(Phone: 01865-241249; Fax: 01865-794449)
and
The David Brown Book Company
PO Box 511, Oakville, CT 06779, USA
(Phone: 860-945-9329; Fax: 860-945-9468)

or from our website

www.oxbowbooks.com

A CIP record for this book is available from the British L­ ibrary.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Celtic from the West 2 : rethinking the Bronze Age and the arrival of Indo-European in Atlantic Europe
/ edited by John T. Koch and Barry Cunliffe.
pages cm. -- (Celtic studies publications ; XVI)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84217-529-3
1. Civilization, Celtic--Congresses. 2. Celts--Origin--Congresses. 3. Bronze Age--Europe--Atlantic Coast Region-
-Congresses. 4. Ethnoarchaeology--Europe--Atlantic Coast Region--Congresses. 5. Celtic antiquities--Congresses. 6.
Celtic languages--History--Congresses. 7. Language and culture--Europe--Atlantic Coast Region--Congresses. I. Koch,
John T., author, compiler of edition. II. Cunliffe, Barry W., author, compiler of edition. III. Title: Celtic from the West
two.
CB206.C444 2013
936.4--dc23
2012042511

Text typeset in the Cynrhan type family by CSP-Cymru Cyf.

FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 4 30/11/2012 12:25:13

 CONTENTS
Prologue: Ha C1a ≠ PC (‘The Earliest Hallstatt Iron Age
  cannot equal Proto-Celtic’)
  JOHN T. KOCH        1
1. The Indo-Europeanization of Atlantic Europe
  J. P. Mallory     17
2.  The Arrival of the Beaker Set in Britain and Ireland
  A. P. Fitzpatrick 41
3.  Beakers into Bronze: Tracing connections between
  Western Iberia and the British Isles 2800–800 BC
  Catriona Gibson     71
4. Out of the Flow and Ebb of the European Bronze Age:
  Heroes, Tartessos, and Celtic
  John T. Koch 101
5. Westward Ho? Sword-Bearers and All the Rest of it . . . 
  Dirk Brandherm   147
6. Dead-Sea Connections: A Bronze Age and Iron Age Ritual Site
  on the Isle of Thanet
   Jacqueline I. M c Kinley, Jörn Schuster, &
  Andrew Millard                        157
7.  Models of Language Spread and
  Language Development in Prehistoric Europe
  Dagmar S. Wodtko   185
8. Early Celtic in the West: The Indo-European Context
  Colin Renfrew   207
Epilogue: The Celts—Where Next
  BARRY CUNLIFFE         219

Abbreviated Language Names 225

Index   226

  [v]

FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 5 30/11/2012 12:25:13

 maps, illustrations, and tables
1.1. The traditional (q/p) model of the
  Celtic languages 20  3.3. Atlantic later Bronze Age sword deposits:
1.2. The Insular/Continental model of the Celtic
languages 21
1.3. The Indo-European family tree after Hamp 1998
                     22
1.4. A simplified version of the IE tree after Ringe
et al. 2002, indicating the close association
­between Italic and Celtic 23
1.5. Cardial expansions and the earliest ­attested
non‑Indo-European languages of the
­western ­Mediterranean 25
Table 1: Comparison of Proto-Celtic, Ogam
and Gaulish cognates 29
2.1. The main groupings and burial rites of the
Bell Beaker Network c. 2400 BC 42
2.2. The Bell Beaker Set, after Strahm 2004:
left to right — Bell Beaker, copper knife,
flint arrowheads and bow-shaped pendant,
copper spearheads (Palmela points);
accompanying pottery 43
2.3. Early Bell Beaker finds mentioned in text  46
2.4. The grave of the Boscombe Bowmen 48
2.5. Antler pendant from the grave of the Boscombe
Bowmen 50
2.6. The grave of the Amesbury Archer 51
2.7. Gold ornaments from a) Deehommed, Co. Down,
Ireland, and b) Estremoz, Évora, Portugal 56
2.8. Labbacallee wedge tomb, Co. Cork 57
2.9. a) wooden polypod bowl from Tirkernaghan,
Co. Tyrone, after Earwood 1992; b) hollow
based arrowhead from Ross Island, after
O’Brien 2004 58
2.10 The Upper Largie, Argyll & Bute burial, after
Cook et al. 2010 61
3.1. Principal sites mentioned in text—Britain
and Ireland (adapted from Van de Noort
2006, Fig. 1 with additions) 72
  [ vi ]
FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 6
3.2. Principal sites mentioned in text—Iberia 75
landscape location 81
3.4. Atlantic later Bronze Age swords and their
condition 82
3.5. Atlantic Late Bronze Age–Early Iron Age
cauldrons—context and condition 84
Table 3.1. Ornament deposits 87
3.6. Atlantic later Bronze Age ornament deposits:
landscape location 88
3.7. Atlantic later Bronze Age ornament deposits:
condition 89
4.1. Garrett’s (2006) interpretation of the
emergence of the Mycenaean Greek
and the dialects of the classical period
from Indo‑European 106
4.2. Robb’s (1993) model of linguistic diversity
over time  107
4.3. Garrett’s (2006) model extended to Celtic 108
4.4. Approximate dates BC for the adoption
of standardized high-tin bronze in regions
of Europe 110
4.5. The ‘Three Strands’: some centres
of prominence for spreading new
technologies in Bronze Age Europe 111
4.6. The Early Bronze Age Channel–North
Sea ‘Maritory’ of Needham (2009) 112
4.7. Bronze Age rock-art chariots: a & b
from Backa, Brastad, Bohuslän, western
Sweden; c warrior stela with added
Tartessian inscription, Cabeza del
Buey IV, upper Guadiana region, Spain 113
4.8. Images of Mycenaean chariots on pottery 116
4.9. The Atlantic Late Bronze Age and sailing
route from the eastern Mediterranean
through the straits of Gibraltar, converging
in pre‑colonial Tartessos 117
30/11/2012 12:25:13
 4.10 An Atlantic EBA / MBA (c. 2200–
c. 1300 BC): the Vilavella-Atios Group and its cultural
contact areas to the north as identified by Bandherm
(2007) 119
4.11 Language in the pre-Roman Iberian Peninsula,
after Untermann’s Hispania celtica: Celtic and
non‑Indo-European areas, the region of the
Lusitanian inscriptions, Keltoi and related
group names 122
4.12 Approximate dates BC for the Bronze-Iron
Transition in regions of Europe 124
4.13 Tartessian inscribed stone J.57.1 (T1 86H/
En12‑1) Medellín, Spain, 650–625 BC 126
4.14 Later prehistory and protohistory in the
south‑western Iberian Peninsula 127
4.15 Tartessian inscribed stone J.18.1 ‘Mealha
Nova 1’, Aldeia de Palheiros (Concelho de
­Ourique), south Portugal 128
4.16 Distribution of Gündlingen swords and
related types in iron, early Hallstatt C
Period, area of type’s origin
(after Milcent 2009) 139
5.1. Some early Urnfield imports and direct
derivatives from southern and
western Iberia 149
5.2. Early Hallstatt élite status markers
derived from Atlantic prototypes of the
Ewart Park phase 151
5.3. Early Western Urnfield and the Late
Bronze Age in Iberia: Group C1 crested
helmets; group C1 crested helmets depicted
on Iberian ‘warrior’ stelae; Rixheim swords,
Variants E and F (Reim 1974, pl. 13), rilled
ware and rilled-ware imitations 152
6.1. Location map of the Cliffs End site with
inset of north-east Kent 158
6.2. Cliffs End Farm: all-features plan 159
6.3. Feature 2018: N–S section through
feature with schematic positioning of
the articulated and disarticulated human
bone recovered from the feature projected
into the section 160
  [ vii ]
FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 7
6.4. Topographic plan of Mortuary Feature
2018 showing location of human bone,
burial pit 3666, and projected line of
original northern limit of the feature
together with that of the overlying ring
ditch and position of main sections 161
6.5. Mortuary Feature 2018 showing distribution
of radio­carbon dated human remains and
location of bone groups 163
Table 6.1. In situ articulated human remains
(including partial skeleton); summary of
age and sex by phase 165
Table 6.2. Disarticulated remains (including
dispersed semi-articulated); summary of
age and sex by phase 165
6.6. Plot of strontium isotope values against
drinking water oxygen isotope (δ18Odw)/
tooth enamel oxygen isotope values (δ18OP) 167
6.7 Mortuary Feature 2018 showing distribu­
tion of the four Sr/O isotope groups 168
6.8 View of the in situ human remains
situated towards the base of burial pit
3666 view from above to the north 170
6.9 Burial 3675: Sharp weapon trauma to
the back of  the skull 171
6.10 Burial 3675: view from the WNW showing
the fragment of chalk in the woman’s left
hand and the ‘pointing’ right index finger 172
6.11 Burial 3673: manipulated articulated
body parts with associated finds 173
6.12 East-central group within Mortuary Feature
2018; Early Iron Age semi-articulated body
parts of  a female and a male, and semi-
articulated remains of a Middle Iron Age
teenage corpse 174
6.13 East-central group detail of semi-
articulated dispersed remains of a
Middle Iron Age teenager, showing
distribution of skeletal elements and
joins between fragments 175
6.14 Distribution of ‘carp’s tongue hoards’
(including related sword types, such as
‘Huelva’), cauldrons and articulated spits,
as well as ship settings 178
30/11/2012 12:25:13
 6.15 1 fulcrum of bone balance beam with copper
alloy suspension loop, 2 bone balance beam
from Potterne, Wiltshire, 3 lead alloy cone
(Burial Pit 3666 in Mortuary Feature 2018) 179
7.1. Languages of Ancient Italy mentioned
in the text 187
7.2. Palaeohispanic languages mentioned in
the text 189
7.3. Hypothetical linguistic landscape 200
8.1. The first family tree for the Indo-European
family produced by August Schleicher in 1863 209
8.2. Family tree for Indo-European by Ringe and
colleagues (2002) 210
8.3. The hypothetical development and distribu­
tion of Proto-Indo-European (Renfrew) 212
  [ viii ]
FRONT MATTER CW2.indd 8
8.4. Family tree for the Celtic, Italic and
Germanic branches of Indo-European by
Gray and Atkinson (2003), estimated dates
are given in years BP 213
8.5. The area of formation of the Celtic languages
in the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC in the light
of the Tartessian decipherment, with arrows
indicating subsequent spread 215
Front cover: Late Bronze Age shale vessel from
Caergwrle, north Wales, with ­applied tin and
gold, representing a ship, shields, oars, and
waves, by permission of the National Museum
of Wales. We gratefully acknowledge the
Museum’s diligence and generosity in providing
this image. [cover design by J. T. Koch]
30/11/2012 12:25:13
 chapter three

Beakers into Bronze: Tracing connections

between western Iberia and the British Isles
2800–800 BC

Catriona Gibson

Introduction

I
n recent years, the subject of long-distance interaction in prehistory has regained
popularity, after a protracted period of neglect when small-scale local and regional
exchange networks were emphasized. This change in attitude has been prompted
by several new developments, including groundbreaking research in genetics, linguistics,
and scientific techniques in archaeology, all of which have contributed to tracing the
movement of objects and people in the past with more accuracy and conviction.
  The application of strontium and oxygen isotope analysis in archaeological fields
of inquiry has demonstrated that small groups of people were travelling considerable
distances in prehistory, particularly during the Bronze Age. In central Europe, isotope
analysis of Beaker groups in Bavaria has confirmed that approximately a quarter of the
population from several cemeteries had moved extensive distances since their childhood
(Grupe et al. 1997; Price, Grupe & Schröter 1998; Price et al. 2004). In Britain, the
preliminary strontium and oxygen isotope results of the ‘Beaker People Project’ demon­
strate that although most people were ‘local’ to an area, there is some evidence for inter-
regional movement (Parker Pearson et al. 2006; Jay & Richards 2007; Larsson & Parker
Pearson (eds.) 2007). Isotope results from several recently excavated Beaker and Early
Bronze Age burials from the Stonehenge environs, however, indicate that, although
exceptional, supra-regional travel can be demonstrated by the presence of foreigners
hailing from both central and Atlantic Europe, and possibly also from the Mediterranean
(Fitzpatrick 2002; 2004; 2009; 2011, 203–7, 230–4; Chapter 2 above; Evans, Chenery,
& Fitzpatrick 2006). Furthermore, strontium and oxygen isotope results from skeletons
from Cliffs End, Ramsgate, in Kent, imply that movement of people also occurred during
the Late Bronze Age and Iron Age. Nearly two thirds of the individuals analysed would
appear to have come from abroad, with potential homelands including Scandinavia and
the Iberian Peninsula (McKinley, Schuster, & Millard this volume, Chapter 6).

71_100Gibson.indd 71 29/11/2012 14:43:41

 {
Barns Farm
150 km 56N
56N

Killymoon

Gristhorpe

Ferriby 1-3
Kilnsea

Brigg

Caergwrle

Ross Island
copper mine
52N
Caldicot 1-2
Goldcliff

Dover
Sites with boat-related Testwood
Langdon Bay
ideologies/depictions

Bronze Age boats/shipwrecks

Moor Sands

Salcombe

3.1. Principal sites mentioned in text—Britain and Ireland (adapted from Van de Noort 2006: Fig. 1 with additions)

{
[map by C. D. Gibson, M. Crampin, J. T. Koch]  
8W 150 km
48N

  Findings from lead isotope analysis have also indicated that both raw metal and
finished metal objects were being moved over extensive distances through exchange
networks during the Bronze Age 4W(e.g. Ixer & Budd 1998; Rohl & Needham 1998;
Northover, O’Brien, & Stos 2001). Furthermore, there is increasing physical evidence
that long-distance voyages were undertaken between Atlantic regions during this time
(Fig. 3.1). Evidence for sea-going boats has been discovered along the British coastline
and estuaries dating from the early 2nd millennium BC onwards—these include Kilnsea,

71_100Gibson.indd 72 29/11/2012 14:43:42

 Gibson [ 73 ]
Ferriby, Caldicot, and Dover (e.g. McGrail 1997; Wright & Hedges 2001; Clark (ed.)
2004; 2009; Coates 2005; Crumlin-Pedersen 2006; Van de Noort 2006). Shipwrecks,
indicated by large underwater concentrations of metal objects, many of non-local origin
and inspiration, have also been recovered along the British coastline. An ‘international’
cargo dating to c. 1000 BC, came from the Salcombe coast in Devon (Parham, Needham, &
Palmer 2006; Needham & Giardino 2008). At Langdon Bay in Kent, a large Late Bronze
Age bronze deposit (c. 1300–1150 BC) comprising nearly 200 weapons, and numerous
other tools and ornaments displayed a mixture of British and continental metalworking
traditions (Muckleroy 1981; Needham & Dean 1987). Recently Samson (2006, 372–3)
has questioned whether this might represent a votive deposit rather than a shipwreck
cargo, as many of the weapons were deliberately deformed. Furthermore, its location,
immediately east of Dover harbour and 500m from the cliffs, is both geographically
and ideologically significant, and resonates with another celebrated votive deposit from
Spain—that of Ría de Huelva (Ruiz-Gálvez (ed.) 1995a; this writer below).
  No shipwrecks have as yet been found in Iberian waters, although the Ría de Huelva
deposit was originally interpreted as one (Almagro Basch 1940; 1962), but indirect
evidence comes from depictions of potentially sea-going boats in Bronze Age rock art,
mainly from sites located close to the coastline. Engravings of large boats with sails,
prominent bows and oars are known at the cave sites of Auga dos Cebros and Santa
María de Oia, Galicia (Rey da Silva 2009), Other boat petroglyphs have been found
in Pontevedra, frequently engraved on prominent rocks on hillsides overlooking the
Atlantic (Alvar 1981). Over 20 boat depictions have been identified at the rock shelter
of Laja Alta in southern Spain (Ayuso 2009, 220–3).
  The extensive repertoire of boat depictions in various mediums throughout Atlantic
Europe may highlight the ideological significance of fluvial travel from the Early Bronze
Age onwards. Examples include oared boat motifs on Beaker bowls from Los Millares
in south-east Spain (Ayuso 2009, 143–5) and the Late Bronze Age shale, tin, and gold
bowl designed in the form of a large oared boat from a bog in Caergwrle, Flintshire,
north Wales (Denford & Farrell 1980; see book cover). In Britain, Early Bronze Age
boat-shaped coffins, including three coracles from the Barns Farm cemetery in Dalgety,
Fife (Watkins 1982), and the log-boat coffin of Gristhorpe Man in North Yorkshire
(Elgee & Elgee 1949; Melton et al. 2010), amongst other examples, also reference boat
ideologies, and may reflect the increasing importance of maritime interaction networks
during this time. Some of the Irish later Bronze Age gold ornaments were also placed
within boat-shaped wooden boxes in wet contexts, such as the gold-dress fastener from
the bog at Killymoon, Co. Tyrone (Raftery 1970, 169–70).
  Thus, armed with new and compelling evidence, theories of long-distance movement
of people and objects are firmly back on the archaeological agenda, supported by
proposals that significant social, economic, technological, and ideological changes in
prehistory were underlain by complex movements and interaction, including migration
(e.g. Burmeister 2000; Bellwood 2005; Oppenheimer 2006; Anthony 2007). Two particular

71_100Gibson.indd 73 29/11/2012 14:43:42

 [ 74 ] iii. be akers into bronze

periods in Atlantic Europe—the Beaker phenomenon of the mid-late 3rd millennium

BC and the Atlantic Bronze Age of the late second millennium BC—are times when
previously dispersed and presumably largely independent regions were drawn into long-
distance networks. Both periods witnessed the adoption of particular technologies and
material culture complexes over extensive areas, and yet there are also clearly differences
in the nature and scales of interaction between Beaker and Atlantic Bronze Age periods,
which demand deeper consideration.

The Beaker period and adoption of metal

The widespread adoption of the ‘Beaker package’ in the mid 3rd millennium BC signals
a significant time when many areas throughout Europe became interconnected. The
uptake of Beakers does not conform to a blanket-distribution pattern from Scotland
in the north to Morocco in the south and Poland in the east to Portugal in the west.
Rather, the appearance of Beaker ‘pockets’ along major rivers and coastal areas suggests
the emergence of zoned and nodal maritime and fluvial interaction networks. In some
regions (Britain and Ireland) the spread of Beaker-related traditions was partly bound up
with the introduction of copper and bronze metallurgy and the desire for metal objects
(Case 1966; Needham 2002; 2007; cf. Fitzpatrick above). This was undoubtedly linked
to the movement and migration of small groups of people or specific individuals, with
expertise in metal­working technology. Early copper mining in the British Isles has been
identified at Ross Island in south-west Ireland, dating from c. 2400 cal BC (O’Brien 2001;
2004), and lead isotope analysis indicates that this was probably the source of most
copper in metal objects in Early Bronze Age Ireland and Britain (Rohl & Needham 1998;
Northover & O’Brien 2001). Since copper does not seem to have been produced, or even
much used, in Ireland before that, it is likely that inspiration and know-how came from
the Continent. Technological expertise may have been spread through apprenticeships
(Roberts 2008a; 2008b), and some common linguistic understanding may have
underpinned and facilitated complex elements of such a transmission, especially if this
involved intermarriage (Brodie 2001, 487–9; Vander Linden 2007, 348–9).
  In Iberia, the emergence of copper exploitation and the appearance of arsenical
bronze objects have been dated to over two millennia earlier than their introduction in
Britain. The contextual reliability of some of the early 5th millennium BC metalworking
dates has been questioned recently (Roberts 2009, 470), such as those from Cerro
Virtud in south-east Spain (Montero & Ruiz Taboada 1996; Delibes de Castro &
Montero 1999; Ruiz Taboada & Montero 1999; Montero 2005), and Cabezo Juré in
south-west Spain (Nocete 2006). There are sufficiently secure dates from mining sites in
the Iberian Peninsula, however, to demonstrate that early metal processing began at least
a few hundred years earlier there than in Ireland and Britain (Blas Cortina 1987; 1989;
1998). Radiocarbon determinations on antler picks recovered from shafts in mines in the
Northern Submeseta (including Alto del Quemado and La Solana), Galicia (Guidoro)

71_100Gibson.indd 74 29/11/2012 14:43:42

 4W 0EW
8W

Forno dos Mouros

El Aramo Gibson
El Milagro [ 75 ]
La Profunda

Guidoro
Cotogrande I-V
Santa Maria de Oia

{
Alto del Quemado

Valdeprados
Camino de las Yeseras
150 km
40N 40N La Solana 40N 40N 40N
8W 4W
Zambujal
V. Nova de Perales del Rio, Getafe 0EW

São Pedro Juan Ron I

Torre de Palma
Praia Leceia
das Maças Herdade das Casas
Pedra Branca
Rotura Porto das Carretas

São Bras
Cabezo Juré

Los Millares

Ría de Huelva Chalcolithic site associated with mining/metalworking

Bronze Age rock art site with boat depictions

Laja Alta Chalcolithic funerary site

4W
8W

3.2. Principal sites mentioned in text—Iberia

[map by C. D. Gibson, M. Crampin, J. T. Koch]

and Cantabria (El Milagro and El Aramo), suggest copper was mined from at least the
early 3rd millennium BC (Fig. 3.2).1 The recently excavated copper mine of La Profunda,
in León, confirms these early dates, with AMS determinations on antler picks from the
galleries spanning between 2700 and 2400 cal BC (Blas Cortina & Suárez 2009, 7–8).
  Early evidence for on-site metallurgy and copper smelting has also been recovered
from several settlements along the Atlantic coast of Portugal and in western Spain. These
include the Chalcolithic hillforts of Vila Nova de São Pedro (Müller & Monge Soares
2008), Leceia (Cardoso 1989; 1994; Soares & Cardoso 1995; Müller & Cardoso 2008)
1 Northern Submeseta – Las Pozas – GrN-12125 = 2970–2920 cal BC; GrN-12156 = 3280–2910 cal BC (Díaz-
del-Río 2006, 72); Alto del Quemada – UBAR–131 = 2873–2336 cal BC; La Teta – GrN–2885 = 3035–2885
cal BC; La Solana – GrN–1730 = 2856–2467 cal BC; (all Fabían García 1995, 185–7). Asturis – El Aramo
– OxA–1833 = 2874–2488 cal BC; OxA–3007 = 2855–2035 cal BC (Blas Cortina 2007, 117–18); El Mila-
gro –OxA–3006 = 2580–2035 cal BC (Blas Cortina 2007–2008, 723–4). Galicia – Guidoiro – GrN–1320 =
2615–2458 cal BC (Rey 1991, 29–32). [All dates calibrated at 2σ].

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 [ 76 ] iii. beakers into bronze

and Zambujal (Kunst 2003; 2005; Müller et al. 2007), all in Portuguese Estremadura,
Porto das Carretas in Mourão (Silva & Soares 2002), São Bras I in Serpa (Soares, Araujo
& Cabral 1994), Rotura in southern Portugal (Gonçalves 1971; Gonçalves & Sousa 2006)
and Aldeagordillo in Cáceres, Spain (López Sáez & Burjachs 2002–3), to name but a
few examples. Radiocarbon dates from features containing slags and crucibles imply
small-scale copper smelting at these sites from the early 3rd millennium cal BC,2 almost
always in contexts associated with Beakers. It is generally assumed that copper and
bronze technology was introduced into Britain and Ireland from central Europe, and
metalworking influence is rarely considered to have come from regions to the south of
the Pyrenees. This issue should be redressed, and it is feasible that western Iberia also
acted as a contributor, either directly or indirectly via the Atlantic regions of France.

Western Iberia and Atlantic France in the Beaker period

Close relations between Iberia and Atlantic France, partly related to the dissemination
of metalworking traditions, are indicated during the early-mid 3rd millennium BC by
shared elements of material culture, for example, the presence of copper and bronze
Palmela points (Fernández Miranda, Montero & Rovira 1995). Their typologies suggest
a Portuguese origin, although more than 60 examples have been found in France,
predominantly distributed along the coastal zones of the Gulf of Lyon and Brittany
(Ambert 2001, 583). Although the majority of French Palmela points have arsenical
impurities, implying local manufacture, stylistic similarities with Portuguese examples
implies that the ‘idea’ behind the Palmela point was transmitted efficiently and copied
accurately. A small number of French examples (e.g. from Cabrières and Condamines)
contain antimony and silver rather than arsenic and may be Portuguese imports (Ambert
& Carozza 1998, 163–4; Briard & Roussot-Larroque 2002, 145–6). Several short daggers
or ‘epées’ known from Chalcolithic contexts in France (e.g. Pirmil, in Nantes, and Vernet,
in Ariège) also have morphological affinities with Iberian examples and may have been
imported (Briard & Roussot-Larroque 2002, 145). Although limited, there is evidence
of exchange of ideas and finished products over long distances, predominantly between
Atlantic Portugal and France.

Problems with the Beaker cultural package terminology

The backlash against the notion of a united ‘Bell Beaker culture’ that migrated and/or
invaded its way across Europe has resulted in a shift of emphasis on local and regional
practices. In recent years, research has highlighted the diversity of the Beaker ‘package’
2 Some of these dates include: Zambujal – GrN–7009 = 2820–2795 cal BC (Harrison 1988, 468); São Brás
I – ICEN–43 = 3360–2920 cal BC (Soares & Cabral 1993, 228); Aldeagordillo – GrN–19168 = 2862–2582
cal BC (Fabían García 1992, 121–2; Ruiz-Gálvez 1998, Appendix 1). [All dates calibrated at 2σ].

71_100Gibson.indd 76 29/11/2012 14:43:44

 Gibson [ 77 ]
in the various areas in which it was adopted, dispelling the ‘myth’ of a uniform tradition
(e.g. Case 1995; Salanova 2000a; 2000b; Besse & Disideri 2005; Vander Linden 2006;
Gibson 2007).
  Beaker funerary practices in western Iberia are not considered to follow the ‘typical’
Bell Beaker rite of individual inhumation (often in a flat grave, cist, pit or burial chamber
under a barrow/cairn), since interment tends to occur within collective funerary
monuments (cf. Fitzpatrick, Fig. 2.1 above). Many Beaker burials in megalithic contexts,
however, were interred as individuals with their own personal grave-good sets (Salanova
2007). In most of the Tagus estuary passage graves and the dolmens of Portuguese
Extremadura and Alentejo, including Torre de Palma, Juan Ron I, Pedra Branca (Ferreira
et al. 1975), Valdeprados and Herdade das Casas (Mataloto 2005), the dead were generally
buried separately in segregated niches, additional later chambers, or in the peripheral
zones of the monuments. The same is true of Beaker burial in collective tombs along the
Tagus valley and in Toledo (Bueno, Barroso, & Balbín 2004; 2005a; 2005b).
  Indeed, Beaker burials are found in a variety of funerary structures in the Iberian
Peninsula. For example in Toledo and around Madrid, individuals were often buried
in cists and storage pits in settlements, as at Perales de Río, Getafe, and Camino de la
Yeseras (Blasco et al. 1989; Blasco & Delibes 2007), as well as re-using Neolithic corridor
tombs, including Castillejo (Bueno 2000) or artificial caves like Valle de las Higueras
(Bueno, Barroso, & Balbín 2005a, 75). In Cáceres, inhumations accompanied by Beaker
pots were buried in dolmens and caves, often first constructed or used in the Neolithic
(Ruiz-Gálvez 2000, 189–93). Along the Atlantic Façade in Galicia and northern Portugal,
the predominant funerary rite was also that of secondary burials inserted into earlier
megalithic tombs, generally associated with Maritime-style Beakers, as at the Dolmen
de Forno do Mouros, (Prieto Martínez, Suárez & Martínez Cortizas 2008, 31–3 ) and
Cotogrande I and V, Mós (Abad Gallego 1995; Prieto Martínez 1999, 73). In central
Portugal, Beaker burials were often placed in tholos monuments, including Pedra Branca
(Harrison 1977, 25–7), tumuli and corbel-vaulted tombs or artificial caves, such as Praia
das Maças (Leisner, Zbyszewski, & Ferreira 1965; Cardoso & Soares 1995, 10-14) and
Palmela (Harrison & Mederos 2001; Soares 2003).
  Grave goods accompanying these Beaker burials tend to be restricted, representing
only a selective component of the overall Beaker panoply. Although many elements of
the standard Beaker set are present in Iberia, most have come from settlement contexts.
While pots, arrowheads, and copper Palmela points are a common subset in western
Iberian Beaker graves, other items—such as wristguards, daggers, V-perforated buttons
and ornaments—seem to be inappropriate in the funerary domain. There are also some
grave goods that are regionally specific; these include undecorated Beaker vessels, which
form an important grave good in megalithic burials along the Tagus (Bueno 2004, 146;
fig. 13.2), and decorated schist plaques, adorned with geometric patterns that mimic
Beaker pottery motifs, in the Alentejo (Lisboa 1985; Lillios 2008).
  While Beaker burials in central Europe and Britain often exhibit strong gender-

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 [ 78 ] iii. beakers into bronze

specific associations, with regard to both grave good selection and body orientation, this
seems to be less relevant in the funerary traditions in western Iberia. It must be noted
that discerning gender-specific patterns in Spain and Portugal, however, has been biased
by the poor survival of human bone in acidic soils, and a dearth of records of skeletal
remains from early antiquarian and clandestine excavations.
  Space does not permit a detailed synopsis of Beaker burial traditions in Britain and
Ireland, and these are well-documented elsewhere (e.g. Clarke 1970; Tuckwell 1975; Case
1977; 1993; 2001; Harrison 1980; Shepherd 1986; Boast 1995; Mizoguchi 1995; Brodie
1997; 1998; 2001; Needham 2005; 2007; Vander Linden 2006; Gibson 2007; Fitzpatrick
above). At the risk of over-generalizing, a brief summary is presented below.
  In Ireland, Beaker burial in cist or pit graves is rare; instead interments tend to be found
in megalithic wedge tombs, which have a predominant Atlantic distribution, focused
in the north-east and south-west parts of the island. wedge tombs were constructed
between 2400 and 2100 cal BC (Brindley & Lanting 1992; Schulting et al. 2008), but, like
the megalithic traditions in Iberia, show considerably longer periods of use, re-use and
adaptation. There is evidence for successive individual burial, and often chambers are
divided into monocellular constructions implying individual burial spaces.
  Unlike other parts of Atlantic Europe, Beaker funerary traditions in Ireland generally
follow the practice of cremation, demonstrating continuity with Late Neolithic practices,
although occasionally Beaker inhumations have been identified (Schulting et al. 2008, 3;
Neil Carlin pers. comm.). Burials were often furnished with ceramics, but Beaker vessels
tend to be represented by only sherds, rather than complete pots; sometimes they are
accompanied by Food Vessels, especially after c. 2200 BC (Sheridan 2004; Sheridan &
Bayliss 2008). Other grave goods are rare and metal objects, particularly copper axes,
and gold and bronze ornaments were not deposited in graves, but rather in hoards or
as single finds in watery contexts, or in pits in dry ground within specific places in the
wider landscape (Case 2001, 374–5).
  English and Scottish Beaker burials demonstrate some fundamental differences
compared with Iberia and Ireland. While there is some diversity in funerary rites (Gibson
2007), overall the pattern suggests more uniformity in burial architecture (barrow, cist,
&c.), and greater concern regarding the correlation of grave goods, the orientation of
the body, and the gender of the deceased. Inhumations were usually laid on their side in a
crouched or flexed position; supine burial is markedly uncommon. Although exceptions
exist, women tend to be placed on their right sides and men on their left (Thomas 2005,
159). In southern Britain (e.g. Wessex and the Upper Thames), there is a trend towards
a north-south alignment, (Clarke 1970, 455–6; Mizoguchi 1995), while further north
(e.g. Yorkshire and Aberdeenshire), there is a preference for an east-west orientation (e.g.
Tuckwell 1975; Watkins & Shepherd 1980, 41; Greig et al. 1989).
  Similarities in gender and orientation can be discerned with central European Beaker
practices, where females were usually buried on the right side with their heads towards
the south and males on the left side with heads to the north (Van der Waals 1984;

71_100Gibson.indd 78 29/11/2012 14:43:44

 Gibson [ 79 ]
Müller & Van Willigen, 2001). Some differences with funerary architecture may be noted,
however, as in central Europe Bell Beakers mostly come from flat grave cemeteries, rather
than barrows or cists (Czebreszuk 2003; Vander Linden 2003, 11–12, fig. 1).
  Thus, British Beaker mortuary traditions tend to exhibit closer parallels with central
European practices, although variation may be discerned from region to region. Rules
governing the funerary domain and concerning grave good sets, gender distinctions and
body placement and orientation, were applied with more consistency than in Iberia or
Ireland. Burials were also accompanied by a wide range of objects that define the Beaker
‘set’ (e.g. Beaker pots, arrowheads, wristguards, knives, daggers, awls and copper, silver
and gold ornaments).
  It is clear that the Beaker ‘package’ was selectively superimposed over a variety of local
traditions and contexts and elements of the ‘Beaker culture’ form only a surface ‘veneer’
(Gibson 2007). In Britain, Beaker funerary traditions were more consistently adopted,
and this may imply a fairly robust and regular exchange network operating between these
regions and central Europe. In Ireland and Iberia, the Beaker package was ‘unpacked’;
as it was unravelled and re-interpreted, it became interwoven with regional practices
more comprehensively. This separate strand of the Beaker network in these Atlantic
regions was perhaps more intermittent, inviting greater flexibility, and new and changing
interpretations to be allocated to the various objects and ideologies being transferred.
  This mosaic of regional adoption is important for understanding the various social
dynamics at play in the levels of interaction throughout the Beaker period. The creation
of extensive yet fragile exchange networks may have been facilitated by common Beaker
ideologies. A widely shared and understood Beaker identity would help maintain inter­
mittent far-flung exchange, and adoption of elements of the archetypal Beaker set, com­
prising symbols of an international character, might have formed the ‘glue’ that linked
scattered communities and insured that long-distance networks remained resilient.
  The ways in which different elements of the Beaker set were chosen, incorporated,
adapted and even re-translated into local contexts highlights the complex nature of this
interaction, the various levels on which it operated, and the frequency of exchange. This
may have been related to how the spread of the Beakers was partially bound up with that
of the introduction of metal (Needham 2007, 42–3). In Scotland, England, and Wales,
the transmission of complex metalworking technologies, probably from central Europe,
may not have been so successful, were they not underpinned by the shared understanding
of other social and ideological practices represented by the more ‘wholesale adoption
of the Beaker package’. This was also probably initially coupled with the migration of
small numbers of metallurgical and other specialists, as the recently published isotope
evidence outlined above supports.
  While metalworking was also undoubtedly introduced to Ireland from abroad, the
more fluid patterns of Beaker assimilation imply this was through different networks,
of an Atlantic character, and with Iberian and Breton centres of influence. Furthermore,
perhaps after initial contact and transmission of metalworking expertise, there was less

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 [ 80 ] iii. beakers into bronze

need to ensure regular and consistent exchange, especially regarding the supply of metal.
The early dates for copper exploitation at Ross Island would support the idea of a level
of independence and self-sufficiency within Irish networks of metal exchange.

The Atlantic Bronze Age

In Iberia, the term ‘Atlantic Bronze Age’ was coined by Santa Olalla (1938–1941) and
developed subsequently by Almagro Basch (1940, 1952), Savory (1949), and MacWhite
(1951). In recent decades, the concept of an ‘Atlantic Bronze Age’ has been subject to
much debate as it creates an artificial impression of unity and coherence throughout all
Atlantic regions. As with the Beaker complex, archaeologists have begun to deconstruct
this superficial homogeneity, in efforts to reveal the variety of regional traditions (e.g.
Ruiz-Gálvez (ed.) 1995a; Jorge (ed.) 1998; Ávila de Melo 2000). This change in direction
acknowledges that the term has been employed too generally and uncritically in the past.
It is no longer perceived as a geographically united area with defined boundaries, and
common cultural practices; instead shared metallurgical traditions are accepted as the
only common denominator. It must be questioned, however, whether abandoning the
term altogether might unwittingly result in diluting the importance of long-distance
connections and interaction that may be witnessed during this time.
  From c. 1250 BC onwards, western Iberia became more intensively reconnected with
other Atlantic regions, linked in part to renewed external interest in the spectacular
mineral richness of Spain and Portugal (copper, tin, silver, and gold). Like the Beaker
period, however, the patterning of metalwork deposition in Atlantic regions suggests
not only shared technological traditions, but possibly also underlying coherence in
ideological and ritual practices. These include similar funerary rites (disposal of bodies
in non-archaeologically visible ways), an increase in the deposition of metal objects,
often in places where they could or simply should not be recovered, an emphasis on
feasting elements (e.g. cauldrons, flesh-hooks, spits) in the metalwork repertoire and the
ostentatious consumption of bronze, silver, and gold ornaments and bronze weapons,
particularly swords. Metal objects were deposited in different ways, in different combina­
tions and in distinct contexts and to some extent, these varied from place to place,
reflecting local traditions. Nonetheless it is possible to detect elements of consistency
in how hoarding practices were expressed in specific cultural spaces and spatial contexts
in all Atlantic regions.
  The number, range, and variety of Late Bronze Age metal deposits in Atlantic Europe
are too extensive to detail here. Space only permits a brief discussion and this will focus
upon three main metal types—weapons, ornaments, and feasting paraphernalia.

71_100Gibson.indd 80 29/11/2012 14:43:44

 Gibson [ 81 ]
Weapons
Weapons, and in particular swords, appear
to have been singled out and instilled with
ideological significance throughout Europe
in the Late Bronze Age (Figure 3.3). In the
Atlantic zones, a sample study of Late
Weapon dry
Bronze Age weapon deposits in England, Weapon transitional
56N
Scotland, Ireland, and the Iberian Peninsula Weapon wet

indicates that swords were frequently

depos­ited in wet contexts or in locations
closely associated with rivers, and they
were frequently deposited as single finds
in an incomplete condition (Figure 3.4). In
southern England, Late Bronze Age weapon
deposition is predominantly from the river
Thames and her tributaries, and the Witham 52N

and the Trent. Weapons were also placed

in wet or boggy sites like Flag Fen, Must
Farm and Bradley Fen in Cambridgeshire
(Coombs 1992, 506, 508; Mark Knight pers.
comm.), Shinewater Park, Sussex (Coombs

{
1998, 153) and Runnymede Bridge, Surrey
(Needham 1991), and swords were often 48N
deliberately decommisioned (bent, broken,
300 km
burnt or warped) before deposition.
Analysis of these objects has determined
that in many cases they were deliberately
broken but not in ways so that they could
easily be recycled and resmelted; many of
the swords from Flag Fen, for example, were
44N
burnt (Bridgford 2000; 2002).
  Furthermore, many of the Irish Late
Bronze Age swords have been found as
single finds in bogs or rivers in somewhat

40N

3.3. Atlantic later Bronze Age sword

deposits: landscape location
[map by C. D. Gibson,
M. Crampin, J. T. Koch] 4E

0
36N 8W 4W

71_100Gibson.indd 81 29/11/2012 14:43:48

 [ 82 ] iii. beakers into bronze

damaged states. Examples include those

from Ardlow, Co. Cavan (Eogan 1965, 45;
1983, 61, fig. 24A), Moolagh Bog in Tully
Moore, Co. Donegal (Eogan 1983, 80; fig
39B) and the bog-lake of Ballycroghan, all
which had suffered breakage and bending
sword complete (Eogan 1965, 55–6, 164–5; 1983, 80–1; fig
56N
sword broken 40A).
  In the Iberian Peninsula, similar prac­tices
can be witnessed with regards to weapons.
Again swords tend to be deposited in fluvial
locations, or with very close contextual
associ­a­­tions with water, and less than ten
percent come from hoard deposits (Meijide
1988, 76). Many swords have been recovered
52N from navigable rivers, with particular con­
cen­trations at river mouths or at crossing
places across rivers. These include single
finds of swords from the estuaries of river
Ulla and the Río Ubrigo in Léon and at
fording points at San Esteban de Río Sil

{
(Delibes & Manzano 1979; Comendador
2003, 176–8). Other examples include
48N
pistilli­­forme and Huelva swords from the
300 km rivers Urbigo, Henares, Alhama, Tagus, and
Guadalete, with significant numbers of
swords from the Guadiana, Guadalquivir,
and Genil rivers (Coffyn 1985; Meijide
1988; Ruiz-Gálvez 1995b, 21–4; Gibson
2000, 82–3). Again most of these single
44N swords were found in a deformed state—
fragmentary or bent.
  The Ría de Huelva hoard contained over
400 objects—including a large number of
Huelva swords, many intentionally warped

40N

3.4. Atlantic later Bronze Age

swords and their condition
[map by C. D. Gibson,
4E 8E
M. Crampin, J. T. Koch]
0
36N 8W 4W 12E 16E 20

71_100Gibson.indd 82 29/11/2012 14:43:52

 Gibson [ 83 ]
or broken (Ruiz-Gálvez 1995a; 1995b). They were placed in a location physically and
symbolically charged with meaning—at the junction of the Tinto and Odiel rivers and
marking the half-way point between the Mediterranean sea and the west Atlantic ocean.
Large numbers of swords have also been recovered from terrestrial deposits in western
Iberia; however almost all had close connections with rivers, and most formed components
of large hoards, rather than single finds. For example, the Hío hoard in Pontevedra,
Spain, comprising several fragments of riveted bronze vessels and a fragmentary flange-
hilted sword, was discovered in the crevice of a granite cliff that directly overlooked the
Vigo estuary (Obermaier 1923, 30–2). Ten bent or broken Huelva-type swords and four
Porto de Mós daggers were placed in a Late Bronze Age pot buried on the right bank of
the river Tamujoso at its confluence with the river Canalcerro, at Puertollano (Montero
et al. 2002, 5–6).
  The recently discovered Late Bronze Age deposit of Los Cascajos, Grañon la Rioja
comprised a minimum of ten warped and incomplete swords, mainly of pistilliforme
tradition, placed in a pit at the foot of a hill above the river Orja, and at the crossroads
of the river with an ancient drovers’ route through the landscape (Alonso Fernández &
Jiménez 2009, 8–10, 34). One of the sword handles corresponds to an Erbenheim type,
the first example of such to be found in Iberia, showing close parallels with British
products. In shape and decoration it is almost identical to the specimen from Stratford,
in the river Lea (Burgess & Colquhoun 1988, 84, 142–5). Furthermore, chemical analysis
demonstrated that this was a tertiary, rather than binary bronze alloy, which implies it
was an actual import from Britain, as lead-bronze was not practiced in this part of Iberia
until c. 800 BC (Rovira 1995, 54–5).
  Quilliec’s 2008 study of 1000 swords from Bronze Age Atlantic Europe (dating
from c. 1350 to 800 BC) showed that swords were frequently deposited in a deliberately
damaged state. This ranged from c. 30% (southern Ireland, Spain) to over 80% (East
Anglia and Brittany), with an average of c. 50-60% of swords from many Atlantic regions
showing evidence of bending or fragmentation prior to deposition. In Iberia, swords and
spearheads were most frequently subject to intentional damage. Other weapons types
such as daggers are rarely found in a fragmentary state, and tools and ornaments are
generally deposited complete. In Ireland and Britain similar patterns may be identified
—tools and ornaments are generally found intact, although they may be worn (Taylor
1993). A study of Bronze Age metalwork in the river Thames (York 2002) demonstrated
that destruction levels of metalwork rose significantly from the end of the Middle
Bronze Age onwards, but again only with regard to swords (rising to 68% in the Late
Bronze Age) and spearheads (60%); on the other hand over 90% of axeheads and rapiers
were found complete (ibid., 84).
  In western Iberia, swords were generally only deposited in or near certain rivers or
their tributaries—particularly the Guadalquivir, the Genil, the Miño, and Ulla (Fig. 3.3).
Other rivers that were also navigable in prehistory (e.g. the Tagus, Douro, and Vigo) seem
to have been less favoured or even avoided for sword deposition, although admittedly

71_100Gibson.indd 83 29/11/2012 14:43:52

 ▲1

3 4
5
56N

25 26 6
24 27 ▲
28 29 7
31-32 33 8 ▲
▲
30
36 34 35

39 38
▲ 40
9
41
37 10
14 15 ❚▲ 16
42
11 ❚18 ▲ 17
13
52N ❚ ▲ ▲ 19
❚▲12 22 20 ❚
▲
21
23
❚
▲

{
Complete, wet, single find
Complete, settlement, single find
48N ❚ Fragmentary,settlement, single find
▲
▲ Fragmentary, cave, larger deposit
300 km
❚ Fragmentary, settlement, larger deposit
▲

❚ Fragmentary, rock fissure, larger deposit

Complete, mine, single find
▲ Fragmentary, wet,larger deposit
Complete, wet, multiple cauldrons

44N 43
49
❚
▲ Fragmentary,settlement, multiple cauldrons
44
❚ 48
45 ❚
❚ 46 47
50 ❚❚ ❚ 53
▲
51 ❚
❚ 52
▲

54 ▲ ❚ ❚
56
55
❚57
❚
▲ ❚
▲ 58

40N
❚ ▲

4E 8E

0
36N 8W 4W 12E 16E 20E 24E

3.5. Atlantic Late Bronze Age–Early Iron Age cauldrons—context and condition: 1. Poolewe, Ross and Cromarty; 2. Loch Gamhna, Inverness-
shire; 3. Kincardine Moss, Stirlingshire; 4. Cardross, Perthshire; 5. Hattenknowe, Peebles-shire; 6. Dalduff, Ayrshire; 7. Heathery Burn, Co.
Durham; 8. Raven Stonedale, Cumbria; 9. Coddington, Cheshire; 10. Nannau, Gwynedd; 11. Llyn Fawr, Rhondda Cynon Taff; 12. Llanmaes,
Glamorgan; 13. Broom, Warwickshire; 14. Shipton, Oxfordshire; 15. Little Houghton, Northamptonshire; 16. Isleham, Cambridgeshire;
17. Eriswell, Suffolk; 18. Chrishall, Essex; 19. Hatfield, Essex; 20. Petters Sports Field, Surrey; 21. Battersea, London; 22. South Cadbury,
Somerset; 23. Luxulyan, Cornwall; 24. Ramelton, Co. Donegal; 25. Downhill, Co. Derry; 26. Calmore, Co. Derry; 27. Bann Valley, Co. Antrim;
28. Cape Castle, Co. Antrim; 29. Donaghadee, Co. Down; 30. Raffrey Bog, Co. Down; 31-32. Portglenone I-II, Co. Derry; 33.  Derwook, Co.
Antrim; 34. Derrynacash, Co. Armagh; 35. Tul-na-Cross, Co. Tyrone; 36. Cloonta, Co. Mayo; 37. Derreen, Kilmurry, Co. Clare; 38. Dalkey, Co.
Dublin; 39. Cloomascurragh, Co. Galway; 40. Dowris, Co. Offaly; 41. Ballyedmond, Co. Galway; 42. Ballinvariscal, Co. Kerry; 43. Castro
da Coana, Asturias; 44. Castro As Margaritas, Lugo; 45. Castro Pequeno do Neixon, Galicia; 46. Castro do Torroso, Galicia; 47. Castro
de Mozáda, Galicia; 48. Lois, León; 49. Cabáraceno, Cantabria; 50. Hío, Galicia; 51. Villaceid, León; 52. Monte Bernorio, Castile León;
53. Huerta de Arriba, Burgos; 54. Castro de Cota da Peña, Viano do Castelo; 55. Castro de Santa Olaia, Coimbra; 56. Senhora da Guia, Baiões;
57. Porto do Concelho, Beira Baixa; 58. Castro de los Castillejos, Sanchorreja, North Meseta. [map by C. D. Gibson, M. Crampin, J. T. Koch]

71_100Gibson.indd 84 29/11/2012 14:43:57

 Gibson [ 85 ]

{
they have been less intensively dredged. Perhaps like England, only certain rivers were
appropriate for the placement of weapons. It may be coincidental, but the Thames,
600 km

Witham, and Trent form three of the major east-flowing rivers in Britain while the
Guadalquivir, Genil, Miño, and Ulla form four of the main west-flowing rivers in Iberia.
Perhaps sword deposition deliberately highlighted the principal routes to the sea that
facilitated long-distance interaction between southern and northern Atlantic regions.

{
Feasting
An overview of bronze feasting objects in Britain and western Iberia also highlights
similarities in the manner in which cauldrons, articulated spits, and flesh-hooks

{
were deposited. Needham and Bowman (2005) have recently studied the different
distributions of various Atlantic Bronze Age feasting elements and determined that
flesh-hooks, rotary spits and cauldrons were rarely deposited together, perhaps implying
that different supra-regional depositional practices may have governed these various
objects (ibid., 93; fig. 11).
  In Iberia, cauldrons, with few exceptions, have been recovered from hillforts, often

{
within settlement contexts (Fig. 3.5). These defended settlements are mostly situated
along the Atlantic
600 km
coast, in the mountainous regions of northern Portugal (Minho and
Beiras) and north-west Spain (Asturias and Galicia). Examples include Castro de Cota
da Penha, Viana do Castelo, Portugal (Coffyn 1985, 395) and Castro de Santa Olaia,
Coimbra, Portugal (Rocha-Santos 1897, 198, 310). In some of the older excavations the
contexts from which these cauldron fragments are uncertain (Gerloff 2010, 218), but
in several examples they appear to have been part of house foundation deposits, as at
Castro de la Mazada, Zamora and Castro do Torroso, Mós, Galicia (Peña Santos 1988,
345–7; 1992). Other contexts include hoards just outside settlements or in rock crevices
in hilltops; over 1500 cauldron fragments were recovered from several deep pits cut
immediately beyond the southern entrance of Castro de los Castillejos in Sanchorreja,
24E Spain (Maluquer de Motes 1958; González-Tablas, Fano & Martínez 1991–1992, 305).
28E 32E 36E 40E

With two exceptions, all of the Iberian cauldrons were deposited in highly fragmentary
nverness- states, generally deliberately broken and often burnt or warped.
urn, Co.   In Ireland, a large number of Late Bronze Age bronze buckets and cauldrons have
lanmaes,
dgeshire; been recovered; undoubtedly more than in any other Atlantic region. In most cases
Cadbury, the cauldrons were deposited complete or nearly complete, and where context can be
Antrim; determined, they have almost always come from bogs or watery deposits. They also
ook, Co.
lkey, Co. tend to relate to single finds or form elements of deposits that only contain feasting
. Castro paraphernalia. Examples of complete cauldrons from bogs include Derreen, Kilmurry,
. Castro Co. Clare (Gerloff 1986, 104), Tul-na-Cros, Co. Tyrone, (Gerloff 2010, 63–4), and Cape
le León;
, Baiões; Castle, Co. Antrim (ibid., 68). In many cases, the condition of the cauldrons suggests
h] that they had celebrated long and valued lives, often being composed of more repair

71_100Gibson.indd 85 29/11/2012 14:43:59

 [ 86 ] iii. beakers into bronze

patches than original metal parts—e.g. Cloonascurragh, Co. Galway (Ibid., 83–4),
Portglenone, Co. Derry (ibid., 82–3), and Raffrey Bog, Co. Down (Brannon 1984, 51).
  In Scotland, the small number of cauldrons found show similar depositional practices
with Ireland. Examples include the complete Atlantic cauldron found in an upright
position from an old peat bog at Hattenknowe, Peebleshire, Scotland (Gerloff 2010, 65),
and another complete example from a bog in Kincardine Moss, in Stirlingshire, which
was covered with stones (ibid., 186).
  Complete cauldrons in England again generally come from wet contexts, such as the
cauldron from Battersea in the river Thames, with a small number of ancient repairs
(Hawkes & Smith 1957). The river Cherwell has also produced a complete Atlantic
cauldron at Shipton (Leeds 1930), and a further intact example with another bronze
vessel was found submerged in an upright position at the base of an ancient tin stream,
in Luxulyn in Cornwall (Gerloff 2010, 181).
  Of interest perhaps is the fact that, where cauldron elements have been retrieved
from dry contexts in Britain and Ireland, they are always fragmentary and generally form
parts of larger hoards; furthermore, they almost always have contextual associations
with settlements. A hoard from a silt-filled ditch immediately outside the Late Bronze
Age hillfort of South Cadbury in Somerset contained many objects, including gold
and bronze ornaments, a complete beaten bronze shield, and fragments of a bronze
bucket or cauldron (Alcock 1972a & b). At Broom, in Salford, fragments of at least two
cauldrons were retrieved from the ring-ditch of a settlement, associated with pyre debris
and the cremated remains of an adult female (Palmer 1999). The Isleham Fen hoard in
Cambridgeshire comprised over 3500 objects, contained within a large pot, including 296
Wilburton sword fragments and 424 spearhead fragments (Britton 1960, 280–2). Other
more unusual items included vehicle fittings, horse harnesses, 12 fragments of flesh-
hooks, and four cauldron fragments (O’Connor 1980, fig. 44). Recent investigations
found the exact location of this hoard: the pot which contained it had been cut into the
terminal end of a partially silted Bronze Age boundary ditch, oriented alongside the
lower-lying ancient wetland and the river Snail (Malim et al. 2010, 85). This ditch was
found in immediate proximity to a rectangular Bronze Age building and near a ringwork
(ibid., fig. 6) of likely Late Bronze Age date.
  In several respects these fragmentary cauldrons exhibit similarities with the western
Iberian examples, including a close association between settlement contexts and high­ly
broken-up items of feasting equipment that form components of larger, more complex
hoards. In Iberia, the most famous example is that of Nossa Senhora da Guia, Baiões,
Portugal, which contained items similar to that of Isleham, including horse trappings,
fragments of bronze tools and weapons, spits and cauldron fragments, and gold and
bronze ornaments (Silva 1979; 1986, 107; Kalb 1980, 30; Gerloff 2010, 216–17). Atlantic
cauldrons would have been used in large communal feasting events, and their potent
physical and symbolic associations within the wider community may have required them
to be deposited in ideologically significant ways at their decommissioning stage, which

71_100Gibson.indd 86 29/11/2012 14:43:59

 Gibson [ 87 ]
would thus necessarily adhere to supra-regional conventions. Many of the cauldrons
from watery contexts were found in the deepest reaches of the bogs or rivers, sometimes
weighted down with gravel or covered with stones to ensure that they sank. Thus, at
the end of their lives, cauldrons were consumed or ‘sacrificed’, either by being broken
up completely in settlement-related contexts or through placing them in irretrievable
locations.

Ornaments
Further links amongst Atlantic regions may be discerned from practices associated
with the deposition of bronze and gold ornaments. Ben Roberts (2007) has shown

Ornament deposits (ornaments on own or ornaments accompanied by tools, mainly

palstaves or axes)
Condition Context England Iberia Ireland Scotland
Complete Wet (river, bog, lake, sea) 15 0 18 2
Complete Dry (Crossing point, or 28 27 15 4
along natural route
through landscape)
Complete Dry (other) 16 5 11 1
Complete Transition – wet/dry 18 5 6 4
(overlooking sea, by
fording point across river
or overlooking sea)
Fragmentary Wet (river, bog, lake, sea) 1 0 1 0
Fragmentary Dry (Crossing point, or 3 0 0 0
along natural route
through landscape)
Fragmentary Dry (other) 0 0 0 0
Fragmentary Transition – wet/dry 0 0 0 0
(overlooking sea, by
fording point across river
or overlooking sea)
Mixture of Wet (river, bog, lake, sea) 5 0 2 0
complete and
fragmentary
Mixture of Dry (Crossing point, or 8 2 0 0
complete and along natural route
fragmentary through landscape)
Mixture of Dry (other) 3 0 0 0
complete and
fragmentary
Complete Settlement association (in 4 12 4 0
or very close to
settlement)
Complete Re-use of burial 4 8 4 5
monument (cut into
cairn/barrow mound, &c.)

Table 3.1. Ornament deposits

71_100Gibson.indd 87 29/11/2012 14:44:00

 [ 88 ] iii. beakers into bronze

that in southern Britain, later Bronze

Age ornaments were generally buried
in accordance with specific rules. They
were often intentionally deposited under,
or adjacent to, visible features in the
landscape—such as hills or beneath rocks
forming part of prominent outcrops, and
associated with natural routes through the
56N
landscape. He also noted a distinction
between bronze and gold ornaments, as
they were rarely deposited together.
  Similar patterns may be identified in
the traditions of ornament deposition
in western Iberia during this time (Ruiz-
Gálvez 1995c). Gold ornaments tended
to be buried separately from those of
52N
bronze, and contextual analysis of gold
treasures indicates they were often placed
in strategic points in the landscape,
relating to the natural topography (Table
3.1). Examples include the gold torques

{
of Berzocana, Cantonha, and Bélmez,
which were all found at crossing points
48N through mountains (Cardozo 1957;
300 km
1959, 23–24). The gold bowl of Leiro
was hidden in a crevice on a prominent
Ornament dry rocky projection overlooking the sea in A
Ornament transitional Coruña (Comendador 2003, 176–7). Gold
Ornament wet
torques from Sierra de Estrela, Portel
and Peñela were all found at the foot of
44N mountains leading to passes (Cartailhac
1886; Reinach 1925).
  A summary of a selection of ornament
deposits in Atlantic Europe where data
was available concerning object condition
and context is presented in Figures 3.6 and
3.7. Certain patterns may be discerned
40N

3.6. Atlantic later Bronze Age

4E ornament8Edeposits: landscape location
[map by C. D. Gibson,
0
M. Crampin, J. T. Koch]
36N 8W 4W 12E 16E 20E

71_100Gibson.indd 88 29/11/2012 14:44:03

 Gibson [ 89 ]
and suggest that ornaments were more
often deposited in a complete, rather
than fragmentary, state, and dry locations
outweighed wet ones; particularly those
associated with markers of routes through
or specific locales within the landscape.
Of some interest is the fact that several
ornament deposits were placed as later 56N

insertions in Bronze Age funerary mounds,

or located in or very close to hilltop
settlements (less than 500m away).

Metal deposition: Links in

practices
52N
The overview provided above implies
that, throughout many Atlantic regions
during the Late Bronze Age, there was
a certain level of consistency regarding
the appropriate treatment accorded to

{
different categories of metalwork prior
to their deposition, as well as the specific
locations where they should be buried 48N

within the landscape. There is also a 300 km

suggestion of a shared structure relating
to object association, and what types of Ornament complete
Ornament broken
objects could be placed together, and in
what condition. This is not a new idea
or observation, but to some extent the
potential meanings behind such patterns 44N

and their ramifications have been diluted

by the increased focus on local variations
in metal deposition during the Late Bronze
Age, some common prac­tices may hint at
more pervasive shared understandings
concerning the way metal­work should be 40N

3.7. Atlantic later Bronze Age

ornament deposits: condition 4E
[map by C. D. Gibson,
M. Crampin, J. T. Koch] 0
36N 8W 4W

71_100Gibson.indd 89 29/11/2012 14:44:07

 [ 90 ] iii. beakers into bronze

displayed, deposited, con­cealed, and consumed. For example, in all Atlantic regions,
swords rarely come from settlement or funerary contexts (under 2%), and this seems to
be a rule that was adhered to everywhere. There is also a clear and consistent pattern in
the way that sword deposition (often fragmentary and in wet locations) complemented
that of ornaments (generally complete and in dry places) throughout Atlantic regions
(compare Figures 3.3 and 3.4 with Figures 3.6 and 3.7).

Conclusions
This brief and diachronic overview of connections and changing networks of interaction
during the Beaker and Late Bronze Age periods in parts of Atlantic Europe has important
implications for other areas of archaeological inquiry. Neither the Beaker package nor
Atlantic Bronze Age metallurgy existed independently but were entwined with other larger
and more enveloping sociocultural networks and tra­di­tions. It is opportune that so much
archaeo­logical data is now available, new and exciting discoveries are occurring on an
ever-increasing scale, and the findings from novel scientific analyses of bronze objects
and human bone are helping to fill in lacunae regarding the less tangible evidence of
past movement and interaction. This research is still on-going and detailed contextual
analysis of large bodies of data is still to be undertaken but this study has already begun
to reveal some interesting patterns.
  The spread of the Beaker package indicates intensity in interaction throughout
many previously dispersed and disparate regions. However, the nature in which various
elements were adopted and the meaning attached to these objects shows that the level of
understanding varied markedly from area to area, dependent on whether communication
networks were intermittent, or more continuous and direct. Differences also reflected
what forms of knowledge, material, and technology were bound up and travelling along
the networks. Closer links between Britain and central European Beaker traditions may
suggest that these areas were better connected. In Iberia and Ireland, the manner in which
the objects functioned implies they were modified and re-translated into local contexts.
While some Beaker objects were adopted and copied, more sporadic contact meant that
the idea behind each object did not always accompany it; even rarer was transmission
of the ‘ideology’ behind the object, as it was variously reworked into different contexts
and new meanings were attached. The different patterns identified have implications for
our understanding of the non-tangible elements of the threads of Beaker interaction,
including the complexities of linguistic transmission that may have underpinned some
of these networks.
  By the Late Bronze Age outwardly there appears to be more consistency not only in
the types of objects being adopted throughout Atlantic regions, but also in the manner
in which they were thought about, used, and deposited. The similarities in the deposition
processes of certain metal types, particularly weapons, ornaments, and feasting elements

71_100Gibson.indd 90 29/11/2012 14:44:08

 Gibson [ 91 ]
implies that the social and ideological importance of the objects, and perhaps also the
meanings attached to them, were transmitted more successfully. Not only the quantity,
but also the quality of interaction changed markedly during the Late Bronze Age. The
evidence presented above implies that more pervasive and robust economic, ideological,
and symbolic structures were adhered to throughout well-connected Atlantic regions.
This is not to suggest that objects meant exactly the same thing or were used in exactly
the same ways in different areas. But there does appear to be an enveloping consensus of
‘international meaning’ within which the underlying strategies were prescribed.
  The constraints of this paper have permitted the discussion of only a few archaeological
examples, but this research is exploring many underlying patterns in Atlantic metal
deposition that may reflect shared ‘international’ symbolic and semantic structures. The
extent to which languages played a part in these networks of transmission is a subject
that is still relatively undeveloped archaeologically. Yet the success of intensive and
extensive networks during the Atlantic Late Bronze Age may have partly lain in the fact
that certain cosmologies were widely shared and understood, perhaps imparted through
common linguistic frames of reference. Future research will aim to address the nature
of this in more detail.

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