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    Haralambos Ch.2

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    dagani ranisamyuktha

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    , 2 Social stratification ‘Men have long dreamed of an egalitarian society. a society in which all ‘members are equal. In such a society men wil no longer be ranked if {erms of prestige. No One will experience the satisfaction of occupying & high social status: no one will sufler the indignity of being relegated to @ Position which commands ttle respect. No longer will igh status evoke Seference and admiration or env) and resentment from those in less ‘worthy postions. Wealth will be distributed equally amongst the popula tion. The rch and poor. haves and have-nots will be a thing ofthe past ‘Words such a privilege and poverty will either change their meaning or lisappear from the vocabulary. In an egalitarian society, the phrase ‘power to the people” will become a reality. No longer wil some have Power over others. Positions of authority and the obedience they com mand will disappear. Exploitation and oppression will be concepts of history which have no place inthe description of contemporary soi ea- lity. Men willbe equal both inthe sight of God and in the eyes of thei fellow men ‘Clearly the egalitarian society remains a dream. All human societies from the simplest to the most complex have some form of social inequs. lity, In particular, power and prestige are unequally distributed between individuals nd socal groups. In many societies there are also marked dif ferences in the distribution of wealth, Power refers tothe degree. which individuals or groups can impose thie willon others, with or without the consent of those others. Prestige relates to the amount of esteem OF hhonour associated with social positions, qualities of individuals and syles fle. Wealth refers to material possessions defined as valuable in pa cular societies. It may include land, livestock, buildings, money and ‘many other forms of property owned by inaivdvls or social groups. This ‘chapters concerned with the study ofthe unequal distribution of power, Prestige and wealth in society Tis important at the ouset to make a distinction between socal in- ‘equality and social stratieation. The term socal inequality simply refers to the existence of socially created inequalities. Socal stratifieation iy 4 particular form of socal inequality. It refers to the presence of socal [froups which are ranked one above the other, usually in terms of the “amount of power, prestige and wealth thet members possess. Those who ‘Delong to & particular group or stratum will have some awareness of ‘common interests and a common identity. They will share a similar ie 28 Social stratification e which to some depree will dtingush them from members of other Mats The Indian case sjtem provdesanesarpleofasocal sta: Min socey in traditional India was divided into five main strata “our varnas or castes, and a fith group, the outcast, whose members {oer Known a untouchables, Each caste subdivided imo jan or b> Mocs which in toal number many thousand, Jats are occupational there are carpenter Jats goldsmith as pater ath ands0 on are ranked in terms of ital purity, The Brahmins or priest Meee ofthe highest case, persomty purity, sanctity and belies Joey are the source of karing, wisdom and trth- Only they can pr Ita the most porta eigious ceremonies, At the other extenc, Aiouchabls are Gefined ts unclean, base and impure, satus which Met a tcie socal reationsips They must perio uncean and egracng tasks such as the disposal of dead animals They must be sege- fom merc ofthe cate system and ive onthe ous of {Epes or in their own communis inthe mile of pady eld. The ce pollute (othe extent that even th shadow ofan untouchable Batsacos the food ofa Brahmin it will render tunclean, In general, the Hlrarhy of presage based on notions of tual purity mirored bythe Hierarchy of power: The Brahmins were custodians ofthe law, and the nich they sdmnisteroawas ase angel on tet pronoi- dent. Inequaltcy of wealth wore usual linked t those of prestige fd power. toatargelyuraleconom, the Brahmins tendedto be hela Getlandowncr ard nc conto of and vas monopolized by membersof the two highest castes. Tas cxcmplitd by caste, social sratiteation involves a birarcy of Sell proves. Members a particular satum havea common tenthy. doferess anda similar fe sie. They enjoy or sufler the unequal ution of rewards in society 2 members of ferent socal groups Social stratiication, however, i only one form of socal nequalt. 1s osnible for sril inequality fo ext without social strata, For example, ome soclogsts have arged that sno onger correct to regard West ‘mmindustral society, patelarly the USA, ss eingstraiedn terms of {hin ye Tey se twa ley ae ben rep 8 inuus hcarchy of unequal postions. Where ihre were once Esacs wove members had econsrousnes of Kinda common may of and shared interes there ts now an unbroken continuum of occupa I statuses which command varying egress of prestige and economic fy of social groupe has been iy of individuals. Altsugh many sociologists ms terms social inequality and socal satiation interchangeably the fhe ofsceng soca srtication as specie form of soc! ne il become apparent as the chaper develope fore ooking at some ofthe major sues raised inthe study of socal 25 Sociology stratification, i itis necessary to examine certsn aspects of stratification systems. There is a tendency for members of each stratum to develop their own subculture, that i certain norms, atitudes and values which are distinctive to them as a social group. When some members of society eee SET SE eae, ei aren are aes eerie rater rar nae eee cement spore ae eee eee eee oe ee eee eee eee etka cnne re SS Soe Se eer et ee ae moving om the working ote mie cs ordowtar 5 fee 4 errno ocean Pema eee eee us eeeie nce hans eae ee eer tan ee eee ences eetee ie oer cea a eee ee rec er aeee See eee ae perieren romet ye ae flocs om mnany areas Of his le, It many Cahance or reduce is “ie eee eee enna ne ae ‘Social stratification ester society Gerth and Mil tt that if chanes inde “Even st oe tay alive during he est yar alter Dh othe a re he ance to romsmbealiy and gow all and bas (i spin auc the canes to avoid booming juvenile vet craly he chance tocompletean termed) Hees eFonl eae" eparson of sk and Whites ne Bigs aes rain of th eet of one atic Stem o8 SA ror cand certain otber ete minonty groups frm the oe ne echeation system TRE rate oF infant moray MONE toe o hs tol Whice and te proportion of lack mothers ying Ba i four tres that for wes, Compared to Whites. Fane ee Tact to sequre cational qualieatons, thei Ba a one ely to cei sepuation or Gore and are ae have a cial ecord Many soilogsts would se these eae etic Chines rec consequence of socal Strastion Social versus natural inequalities ‘Many straifcation systems are accompanied by beliefs which state that MEE fncqatties nr bologialy based. Such beliefs are often found in Speen of aca stratineation where, for example, Whites claim blog Siistperorty over Blacks and see tis asthe bass for thei dominance Sue quesion of he relationship between biologically based and socially Gates inequality has proved extremely dificult to answer, The French er Jean lacqees Rousseau provided one ofthe earliest xamin- Blows of his question: He erst biologically based inequality sna Sales physical because i's established by nature, and consis in & Giterehes of ase, health, bodily strength, andthe qualities ofthe mindor Mhesoul: By comparison. socal crested inequality ‘consists of the di- erent piveges which some men enjoy 0 the prejudice of others, sich fe havo being more rich, more honoured, more powerful, or even a Fatins cst abodes (Guten Banat. p11 believed that biclopaly based inequalities between men there smal and relatvely unimportant whereas socially created inequa- Ties provide the major basis for systems of soil straifcation, Most Socclopsts would suppor this vcw However, t could stil be argued that biological inequalities, no mater Berra ere men rn aca a ‘equality are bull. This position is dificult 0 defend inthe case of certain ferns t eaten, Inte can atom an nia a ocd int. A person belongs to his parent’ jatt and automatically follows “the occupation of the Jatt nto which he was born. Thus no matter What ‘the biologically based aptitudes and capacities of an untouchable. theres "80 way fe can become a Brahmin. Unless i is assumed that superior a Sociology pees Enna ae he a matter what his biological make-up, inherited the status of his father, tho make up 12% ofthe population, have traditionally forined a distinel lacs ocupid the most menial and subservient oecpatonal eae being employed as agricultural labourers and as unskilled and semi, =p. fifteen points below Whites. rail oe ation in the USA. Thus Blacks have been excluded from high status setae! Saas ee nk er From 196) 0 1970, the perentage of Backs emplayed im patesned, 28 Social stratitication Hee a scanty toon hat of White Be ee ce eas ected het ee en tc nperry aged anal Dene en pes eed eal SG SPP ct at aes nee ne ert ee a Sate Sh) Hewes em pli) 1 Shspifscan be made to refute ths view. Firstly intligences based on se re an oe sremernitee Te met ns eiehs pacirmeren nan dae Ne ee re arnt omc Fant gata edly pany once spe 7) Biigence tests are based on White midleclassKoowlede and sls Noone ae Tatyana Nae ea anaes vor tego woul te Fee ee oe a bacia nUSA mereah ota Be cpt ace Baten Sage eofines bso aes Moe raat bloga dieses booms Sete eta ae the Ad Bel ast Meus uc niles ne a a bree hana belngs have dcfned them, nfferent societies. nifferent histo ese sega tour tne inpanancewimay seston er Ret cc ptetcaedis henbyiloest clare Deer eer net areas p een ects re tons ae rogue Na en ad he be an Wess ee ences eared eon ll sp ses spe) ee eee ee eh resepeaige anal ea ane eed on etek ot ola ppc it Ieee ra celsnes Tac ppc cares OES SRA ee ada deed undesrneas eens Mere ra eee ea eee oe Power durin the late 1960s, this evaluation was slowly changed with so- eraser an beretreos ped te lope Ben ee cchas say eine ene be eo eine ye eat ieee ce ol eon i ge es er race nal ae ee eee aicin emeas - Sociology Beliefs which state that systems of social stratification are based on biological inequalities can be seen as rationalizations for those system, ‘Such beliefs serve to explain the sytem to its members: they make sou ‘inequality appear rational and reasonable. They therefore justify and legitimate the system by appeals to nature. In this way socal contri ance appears to be founded on the natural order of things. Social stratification — a functionalist perspective Pre a eval labeler rete Functionals theories of stratification must be seem in the context of func- tionalist theories of society. When functionalists attempt to explain systems of social stratification, they set their explanations inthe frame- ‘work of larger theories which sek to explain the operation ofsociety asa whole. They assume that there are certain basic needs or functional prerequisites which must be met i society is wo survive, They therefore ook to social stratification to see how fart meets these functional pre- fequistes. They assume that the parts of society form an inteprated “whole and thus examine the ways in which the social is integrated with other parts of society. Function certain degree of order and stability are essential for the operation of social systems. They will therefore consider how stratification systems help to maintain order and stability in society. In summary, functionalist are primarily concerned with the function of social stratification, with is ‘contribution tothe maintenance and well-being of society Talcott Parsons Like many functionalists, Talcott Parsons believes that order, stability and cooperation in society are basedon vale consensus, hat va general agreement by members of society concerning what is good and worth while. Parsons arpues that stratication systems derive from eommon ‘ales. follows fom the existence of values that naviduals willbe cv Iuated and therefore placed in some form of rank order In Parsons’ ‘words, ‘Staication, in Is vauatonal aspect, then sth ranking Of Units in a socal system in accordance with the common value system ‘Thus those who perform successful in term of society's values wl be ranked highly and they wil be ikely to receives variety of rewards, Ata ‘minimum they will be accorded high prestige since they exemplify and Petsoity common values. For example if society placesahighvalve on bravery and generosity, as inthe ease ofthe Siour Indians, thove who excl in terms ofthese qualities wil receive a high rank inihe strates, tion system The Siout warrior who sucessfully ras the Crow nd Pawnee, the traditional enemies ot his tbe, captures horses and dist butes them to others, may recive the following rewards: He may be 30 Social stratification a seat onthe iba council a poston of power and prestige His oa recoantcomihewarorsocts athe squarowillsingot geet ier wars wil follow him in ais against neighbouring Ii em succowof these expeditions may adie isappomtent a> Ar and sia wy exclene terms of ux abies rewarded OY ind peta Se ferent sets hve ir ale Peres the way of attaining «high potion wil ay from soc oe rgues hat Ameren soit salves individual chicwe- See rene and pts primary emphasisonprogetve activity within aren Thus the sere sine excetve who has achieved Foo troup his own ante ably and ambston, and runs an sta pode wine wi re Mean Tera ment sugens ha stranicaton an neiable part of aun es vate coments tan er component of tenes ian flows tht some form of saifeation wil res fom i agoindeeasintrmsot common values, abo(llows rom orca! that tere a gene beet that satiation or sc itur igh and rope, sine they ae basicaly an expression ard estos Amon aes ci sche See mds because members of sont pace high value on Bis andscevemcns Trt os) hese enone he Ferenc nthe hii) rewarded and those who receive i “Tovar Pars ecogivs than Westmindusta ose Ter wl “Bettis tendencies arogance on he prt ofsome winners and oe Pecans toassour erapess ite on the part of same set “Howes. he bstieves that hs confit skein check bythe common "Yale lem ch jase te oneqa auton of ened __ Functionalists tend to see the relationship between social groups in "sity a onc of cooperation and interdependence, Parl incom = flor ings sovtes, erent prope speciale in parc “seas no one soup is sesutem it cannot meet he needs of is members. It must, therefore, exchange goods and services with other _oupe, tnd so the felatonsip between socal groups one of resp Bo Ti relaionship exten othe satan astratication system. TO secre up canbe sea hat may ee isthe mil css in Wester soe pln. oamce erage uses ofthe erking cs. Each as needs and reine snc any gee ak equa bth ora- an thecuon: in scien wih a highly apectalized dvison of er tach as imustal sei, some members wil specaize atte andlaning. eer wl fallow their Grecties. Tako ean adc iis nal ends) meget i erm of powet ere Raterang to Wester society estates that Oreaiation arent ntcoane sakes fundaretal estar 9 sucha sem ofaninion nual imvelve sensation and iferentaion 3 ty: $0 that those who take responsibility for coord ‘nating the actions of many others must havea diferent satus in import. ant respecs from those who are essentially in the role of carrying out specifications laid down by thers’. Thus those withthe power to organ: ize and coordinate the activities of others wil have a higher socal status than those they direct. ‘As with prestige diferenials, Parsons argues that inequalities of power are based on shared values. Power is estimate authority in that Is generally aceptedas ust and proper by members of society a8 whole Its accepted as such because those in postions of authority use their power to pursue collective goals which derive from society's central Values. Thus the power ofthe American busines executive i seen a6 legitimate authority because it i used to further productivity, a goal shared by all members of society. Ths use of power therefore serves the interests of society as awhole arsons sees social stratification as both inevitable and functional for necessary part of al social systems. Iti functional becaune it serves 12 integrate various groups in society. Power and prestige differential are ‘essential for the coordination and integration of specialized division of labour. Without social inequality, Parsons finds dificult to see how members of society could effectively cooperate and work together. Fin- ally, inequalities of power and prestige benefit all members of society since they serve to further collective goals which are based on shared values. Parsons has been strongly criticized on all these points. Other sociologists have seen stratification asa divisive rather than an inte ing force. They have seen its an arrangement whereby some pain at the ‘expense of others. They have questioned the view that stratification ‘systems derive ultimately from shared values. These ertcisms will be ‘examined in detail in later sections, Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore ‘The most famous functionalist theory of stratification was fist presented in 1945, inan article by the American sociologists Davi and Moore enti ted, Some Principles of Srafication. Davisand Moore begin with the ob- servation that stratifieation exist in every known human society. They attempt to explain systems share certain functional prerequisites which must be met if the ‘system isto survive and operate efficiently. One such functional prere- s effective roe allocation and performance, This means that fist roles must be filed, secondly tha they be filed by those best abe to perform them, thirdly thatthe necessary taining for them be undertaken land fourthly thatthe roles be performed conscientiously, Davis and 82 Social strattication i llocation and performance. This mechanism is socal stati eee see oae Se scmate _eopl difer in terms oftheir inmate ability and alent. Positions ffer in Bes erecta erat Becta nay ea ey ee eaten nee te cnan With the functionally most important positions, It does this by attaching rca remir civ ean cas Setar Hite erin sacriecs such as os of income. The promise of High eae gee eco acorns ee wicca gar eae a ee ‘necessary inducement and generate the required motivation for such per~ eee etn cree ee coe eee avs en Moot realise that on ficult with tcirtheory isto how on ee reer fee ice enero ciats Bee sector entice em ersten onsen ere coarser ret aaa I eaten cy ee er Akilsneesary ro perform ans’ le Bu nox vice ers The second een ate Bere ctu Serve meSormaantes Se aes serra arenes 33 Sociology ‘they contribute tothe maintenance and well-being of social systems. Melvin M. Tumin Danis and Moore's views provoked a log debate, Tui, their most 1005 opponent, has produced a comprehensive criticism of their theory. He begins by questioning the adequacy oftheir measurement of ‘the functional importance of positions. Davis and Moore have tended 10 assume that the most highly rewarded positions are indeed the most im Portant. However, many occupations which atford litle prestige or econ- ‘omic reward ean be seen as vital to society. Thus, Tumin argues that "some labour force of unskilled workmen isas important and as indspens- able to the factory as some labour force of engineers’, In facts number of ‘sociologists have argued that there isno objective way of measuring the funetional importance of postions. Whether one considers lawyers and doctors as more important than farm labourers and refuse collectors is simply a matter of opinion, ‘Tumin argues that Davis and Moore have ignored the infuence of Power on the unequal distribution of rewards, Thus differences in pay nd prestige between occupational groups may be due to differences in ‘their power rather than thei functional importance. For example, the difference between the wages of farm labourers and coal miners ca be interpreted as a result of the bargaining power of the two groups. This Point will be examined in detail in later sections, Davis and Moore assume that only a limited number of individuals hhave the talent to acquire the skills necessary forthe functionally most {important postions. Tumin regards this asa very questionable essumpt- fon, Firstly, asthe chapter on education willindicate, an efective method ‘of measuring alent and ability has yet to bedevised. Secondly. there roof that exceptional talents are requited for those positions which Davis and Moore consider important. Thirdly, the chapter on education ‘will suggest that the pool of talent i society may be considerably larger than Davis and Moore assume. As result, unequal rewards may not be necessary to ames it ‘Tumin also questions the view thatthe training required fr important Positions shouldbe regarded asa sacrifice and therefore in need of com Pensation. He points tothe rewards of being student leisure, freedom ‘and the opportunity for self-development. He notes that any loss of eat ‘ngs can usually be made up during the first ten years of work, Differen. tial rewards during tis period may be justified. However, Tumin sees no ‘euon fo contig this compensation for he rx of a india ‘According to Davis and Moore, the major function of unequal rewards, isto motivate talented individuals and allocate them to the functionally ‘most important positions. Tumin rejects this view. He argues that socal 34 ‘Social stratification atification can, and often does, act sa barrie othe motivation and uitment of talent. Thisis eal apparent in closed stems such Gait and racial stratcat, Ths the asrted sts of untouchabes vented. even the most talented from becoming. Brahmins. Uni cently, the ascribed sats of Blacks i the USA blocked all but a hand- ftom politcal office and highly rewarded occupations. Ths closed | tratfcaion systems operate in exactly the opposte way to Davis nd Moore's theory. “Tumin sugges, however, tht even relatively open systems of trai rect barriers to the motivation and recruitment of talent. As the fcr on education wilshow, there seonsiderable evidence to indicate thatthe cas stem in Western industrial society limits the possbiies the discovery and utization of talent In geneal the lower anniv s class position, the mor likely he isto eave school atthe minim age and the Tes likely he iso aspze to and tive fora highly ed postion. Thus the motivation to suceeds unequally ist throughout the class system. Asa result socal clas can acts an eto the motivation alent. In aditon,Tumin argues that Davis Moore have failed to consider the posi that those no oecpy ly evaded postion leet Dare recutmet. Options [roups often use their power to restrict access to thelr positions, 0 tings high demand for their services and increasing the rewards they esve.Tumin claims tht the American Medical Asocation has bee uly ofthis practice. By is control of entry into the profession, thas | tintaned a shortage of doctors nd so cnsured high reward for medial | Services In ths way the sefntreted use of power can rest the ‘Teeruitment of talented individuals to highly tewarded postions min concludes that satiation by is very nature, can never ade- ly perform the functions which Davi and Moore asign Toit. He that those born into the lower strata can never have the same ortunites for realizing thee talents st thoxe born into the higher “Tumin maintains that, Its only when ther s 4 genuinely eqil to recruitment and taining forall potentially talented persons that ia rewards can conceivably be siied as functional: Anda tion ystemsare apparently inherendy antagonist the developmen ch fll equality of opportunity iy, Tumin questions the view that soca stratifation functions to gate the social system, He argues that diferent rewards can urage host, suspicion and distrust among the various segments society" From thi iempont,satfeaton ia dive rather han pating force. Statifcation can alo Weaken social integration by embers ofthe lower strata elingo beng excued from part. in the larger society, This is particulary apparent in systems of statfeaion. For example, the saying "On the out looking in ‘typical phrase from traiional Black American subeulures BY 35 Sociology tending to exclude certain groups from fl patcipation in society. strat fication ‘serves to distribute loyalty unequally m the population” and therefore reduces the potential for socal solidarity. Tumin.con- ‘ludes that n their enthusiastic search forthe postive functions of strat fation, the unctionaiss have tended to ignore or play down is many dysfunctions Michael Young Many of the criticisms of Davis and Moore's views have been based on ‘evidence which indicates that no stratification system operates as th theory argues. Even inthe elatvely open stems of Western industrial Soxietes, there is considerable evidence to sugest that large numbers of tle and talented individals remain in the lower stata. Research has ako indicated that many members ofthe upper stata owe thet position primarily to the fat that they’ have been born into those strata and have Eapitalized on the advantages provided by their socal background. In a bliant satire entitled The Rise ofthe Meritoeracy, Michael Young ima ines ature British socetyin which talent and social roles would be pet fcctly matched, in which the most able individuals would fill the functionally most important postion. Socal status would be achieved ‘on the basi of merit a society where all membershave an equal opport- tunity to realize their talents, Following Michael Young's usage of the erm, such a system of role allocation has come to be knovn as meritocracy. Despite removing the most obvious criticism of Davis and Moore's ‘theory. Young questions the proposition that stratification system hhased on meritocratc principles would be functional for society. He notes the following dysfunctional possiblities. Firstly, members of the Tower strata may become totally demoralized. a all previous statitca- tion systems they have been able to divert blame from themselves for thc lowly status by providing reasons for thei alure. They could claim that they never had the opportunity to be successful whereas those who filled the top jobs owed their position to their relatives friends and the advantages of inh. However, ina meritocracy. those a the Bottom are Clearly inferior As a result they may Decome demoralized since. as ‘Youngstates,"Men who have lost theirsll-respect are Hable tose thelr {nner vitality” Since all members of a meritocracy are socialized to com pete forthe top jobs and insted with ambition failure could be partie- larly frustrating. Young argues that, ‘When ambition is crossed with stupidity it may do nothing besides foster frustration In @ meritocracy. {alent and ability are efficiently syphoned out of the lower strata. AS 8 able position because they 36 ‘Social stratification per privileges are based on merit Inthe pas they hada degree of sl pubt because many realized that they owed ther positon to factors er than ment Since they could resognie intligence, wit and isdomin members ofthe lower strata, they appreciated that thelr seal tors were at leat their equal in cotan feapcts As a res they i acord the lower orders some respect andthe arrogance which Gh sats tends to encourage woul be tmpered with adegreof huni Ml this may change tha metiocracy. Sota Inferior re inferior those who occupy the top positions are undoubtably superior P Moang argues tha thie may rsuk tn an upper stratum free from sell = doubt andthe restraining iuence of amity. Nts members may rule “Gorey with arrogance and haughty se-assurance They may despise the sata whose members fay wel ind sich behaviow offensive js may result n confi Between the fling minority and the ret of ty. hough Youne’s picture of a meritocracy is fetional, it indicates 3 ofthe possible dystunctional clements of sich a system. I suggests society based on meritocratic principles may not be wel integrated. fates that a stratification system which operates this way may, on Balance, be dysfunctional. Youn’ ideas are important because they ast “Selous doubt on liberal views ofa just society. As the chapter on edu- ‘ation will lustrate, many liberal reforms have aimed to create greater "equality of opportunity. to give every member of society an equal chance _ ofbecoming unequal. Michael Young's picture ofa fully operative meti- “tooracy suggests that the liberal dream ofa fait and just society may pro- duce afar irom perfect reality ey Eva Rosenfeld "So far, criticism of functionalist theories has been concerned with the - lew that stati ists claim that stratieaion i inevitable. The chapter began by posing possibility of an egalitarian society, a society without soil neg VAn example of one attempt to trarslate thin dea into reality Pro- by the Israel Kibbutaim system. In Ieael about 4% of the ton live in some 240 kibbuteim. These communities have an population of between 2N)and 700 and an economic ase of a= Be piace lig indy, Many Robots are food on te Mars principle of frm everyone according to ability ~ to everyone cording o ned the guiding Weal bein the creation of an ezalitarian ciety. Property such as machinery, buildings and produce i commu ‘Owned Commodities such as clothing. shoes and toileties ate cording totheir need. Services uch as cooking. ty andthe education of hile are freely available oa Wages 8 and therefore wage diferent do not exist m many KiNDuzim. a Sociology Stratification in terms of wealth is thus absent. All major decisions are Ken by a general assembly in which each adult member ofa kibbutz has the right to vote. Itwould therefore appear that power tothe people has become s reality Despite these arrangements designed to create an egalitarian society, social inequality exists inthe kibbutzim. Prom her research, Eva Rosen- feld had identified two distinct socal strata which are clearly recognized bby members. The upper stratum is made up of leader-managers ate elected by members ofthe kibbutz and are responsible forthe d Gay running of the community. The lower stratum consists ofthe “rank fand file’ the agricultural labourers snd machine operatives. Authority and prestige are not equally distributed. The right to organize and direct the activities of others s built into the role of leader-manager. In add- tion the status itself cartes high prestige. Rosenfeld notes that leader managers are ‘respected for their contribution 10 the communal enterprise as leaders, organizers, managers of farms and shops Rosen feld also identifies an unequal distribution of seemingly crucial emotion: al gratifcations". Managers obtain more satisfaction from their work than the rank and fe. In the words of one old-timer, members of the ‘ank and file sometimes ask, "What the hell am I breaking my neck for? ‘What do I get out of this? There i evidence of «confit of interest be- tween the two strata, Managers call for ‘ever greater effort and sell sacrifice” whereas the rank and file are offen apathetic 10. such exhortations and concerned with more immediate rcs in thei living Standards. Managers are sometimes accused of not knowing "what kib- butz life tastes lke’ while they in tun sometimes accuse the rank and fle of insufficient effort and failing to appreciate the longterm goals of the Kibbute ‘Rosenfeli’s study lends some support tothe functionalist claim that socal stratification, at Teas in terms of power and prestige, is inevitable inhuman society. The postion of leader-manager in the kibbutz caries authority and commands high prestige. Those who occupy such postions form a fairly distinet socal stratum. Talcott Parsons has argued that any division of labour requires an authority structure to organize and coord- inate the various specialized tasks involved. He also maintains that in fonder to operate effectively, positions of authority must carry higher prestige than postions subject to that authority. Despite the loge of these arguments and the evidence which supports them, they do not prove that social stratification is inevitable. Simply because the egal {arian society has yet to become a reality docs not mean tis not possible. Social stratification — a Marxian perspective Marxian perspectives provide a radical alternative to functionalist views 38 Social stratification staicaton. They eg stratieaton as dvis- “Ive rather than an iterative structure. They see it's. mechanst Iwhereby some exploit others rather than a means of fartheringealctne "They focus on soil stata rather tan social neguaimgenea tionalits such as Parsons and Davis and Moore say tite about ication in the sense of clearly defined soil strata whose embers have shared interests However, this view of soci stati on i central to Marsan theory "Man's views will ist be briefly summarized and then examined in ore deal Tall stated societies, there are two major soil groups: a rai and a subject class The power ofthe rung cas evves fom te and control of the forces of proton, The ruling Cas “exploits and oppresses the subject clas, Ata raul, thete sa ast com, Bt of interest between the two clases, The vous institions Of ciety sich ap the lea and pial ystems are isruments of ung domination and serve to further its interests. Only when the oct production are communally owed will ses divappet, ther png an end to the exploitation sn oppresion of some by others a Maraian perspective, systems of trtieation derive fom Re ships of soll groups tothe forces of production. Max sed the mst eer othe main stata in al ttieaion sytem, hough ‘modern sociologists would reserve the term for stata i cataist "rom a Marin view, css sso! group whose members the same relationship tote fore of prodston. Thus daring he cpoch, there are wo main classes dstigulshed by teflon. to land, the major force of production, They ate te feudal nobility ® own th and andthe anders who work the land, Smal pital cra, there are two main clases, the bourgeois or captaist vhich owns the fores of prodacton ad the proletariat of working ose members own oly het our hte Hie othe oa in retin for agen Believed that Wester society had developed trough four main chs: primitive communism, anciem socey, feudal sot) and epi city. Primitive communinm f represented by the solic of pre and provides the nly example of cal socity. From hen societies are divided int two major eases: masters and saves in then society, lords and scsi euda society snd caps and wade labourers in capitalist soci. During each sional epoch he labour Bower required for production was suppied by the subject cas, ha slaves, srs and wage labourers spectively The subject cas de up ofthe majoiy ofthe popsation wheres the lingo damn: an forms minty. The elationhphetwecn the two Major es willbe dscsed shorty i not exst during the era of primitive communism wh 39 ‘Sociology societies were based on socialist mode of production. Ina hunting and {Buthering band, the earliest form of human society the land and its pro- ucts were communally owned. The men hunted and the woman {gathered plant food, and the produce was shared by members of the Band. Classes did not exist since all members of society shared the same felationship to the forces of production. Every member was both produ- ‘er and owner, all provided labour power and shared the products of their labour, Hunting and gathering is a subsistence economy which means that production only meets basic survival needs, Classes emerBe tien the productive capacity of society expands beyond the level Tequired for subsistence, This occurs when agriculture becomes the ‘ominant mode of production, [aan agricultural economy, only section ff soviety is needed to produce the food requirements of the whole Society Thus many individuals are freed from food production and are able to speciaize nother task. The rudimentary division of labour ofthe hunting and gathering band was replaced by an increasingly more com plex and specialized division. For example. inthe early agricultural vil Tages, some individuals hecame fll-sime producers of pottery, clothing land agricultural implements. As agriculture developed, surplus wealth that i goods above the basic subwistence needs of the community, was produced. This led to an exchange of goods and trading developed rap- {aly both within and between communities. This was accompanied by the ‘denclopment ofa system of private property. Goods were mereasingly Seen a commodities or articles of trade 10 which the individual rather than the community had right of ownership. Private property and the faccumlation of surplus wealth form the bass for the development of las societies. In_particlar, they provide the preconditions for the Emergence of las of producers snd a class of non-producers. Some are ble to acquire the forces of production and others are therefore obliged to work for them, The result fsa clas of non-producers which owns the frees of production and a class of producers which owns nly is labour power. Tom « Marxian perspective, the feationshp between the major social classes is one of tutual dependence and confit. Thus in capitalist Society, the bourgeoisie and proletariat are dependent upon each other. ‘The wagelabourer mshi about poner none are sie ‘does not own a part of the forees of production and lacks the means to produce goods independently” He is therefore dependent for his vel Rood on the capitalists and the wages they offer, The capitalist. a8 00 producers. ate dependent of the labour power of wage labourer, since Without its there woul hemo production. However the mutual depen- Ukency ofthe to classes snot relationship of equal or symmetrical rei prociy, Instead ita relationship of exploiter and exploited. oppressor ind oppressed in particular. the ruling class gains at the expense of the fubject class and there is therefore a confict of interest 40 ‘Social stratification etmeen them This maybe itsusted by Man's view ofthe nature of Ohnerahip and progacion m expt soe “The sic characteristics of cpt conomy maybe summarized as sll Capt may cd sone anche on Commodities or pst gunn apa economy goose, a he Inbour power, raw teria and machinery used to produce them re fiven a monciary vale. The expt ness his capt the proc: fhm of gods. Capital ccumtlatd by sling tone goods st alae fyeater than thei cot of production, ln Raymond Aros words, “The Essence of eaptalist exchange sto proced fom money to money by Way {commodity and end up th more money than one had atthe ost Epis tortor ineives the venentof apal nthe produstion crete pit tes et cl te apraste C {Owned by a manor, the capitalist cls. However, in bed fre the exploitation ofthe mass ofthe poulaon, te working ‘Mart argued that expt, such, produces nothing: Only about laces wealth Yet the wages paid othe workers for tir labour are below the vale ofthe goods they produce The ference between the wae of wasn ommodis own supa ae Te “sips value approristedin the form of prot ythecaiais. Since ‘hes are non-prodeer. the hourgwonie fre therefore exploing the ‘proletariat, the real producers of wealth, Marx maintained that in al Eis scicties, he ruling class exons and oppreses the subject ls fee heme pees fovea on cma The power othe rung cas therefore stem rom ts owner pd conta ofthe feces of roductton. Stee the sopesucture ot Bae hear nstton vas ad bee optemyseon to be iy shaped bythe economic infantrctre the relations of prog "tom wl reproduced inthe uperrctare. Thus the dominance othe “ruling class in the relations of production will be reflected in the su “Stuctor. In potslr the pote an legal toms wil eet ring flan tren since, sn Manes words, The existing relations of prog "ign btwconindaaa most necessary express themes so sp “tea and esl relations For example the wars ownership right of _Hheipatclam wl een mand pte ten fhe “Fun the varios arte of the superstructure cn Mo cen sin is of ruling clas domination ands mechanisms forthe opreson of ut ss nthe ame aye poston he ran ae cs which ae sytemataly generated Tne Asta nthe vos hp, ote nant concep of clan oes rung class egy snc th isfy andeptmare ruling cas domination ta projet stored ps ‘treaty. For example. the empha om fcedom in capa et utated hy pans sch nthe fee marke tre democratic ican the fee mori i an Hson which ngs the wage “1 Sociology slavery ofthe proletariat. Ruling class ideology produces false class con- Sciousness, false picture of the nature of the relationship between Social classes, Members of both clases tend to accept the status quo as normal and natural and ae largely unaware ofthe true nature of exploit tion and oppression. In this way the conflict of interest between the Classes is disguised and a degree of socal stability produced but the basic fontradictions and coats of class societies remain unresolved. Class and social change Marx believed that the class struggle was the driving force of socal henge, He states that, "The history fall societies upto the present isthe history ofthe class strgale™. A new historical epoch is created by the de- ‘elopment of superior forces of production by a new socal group. These ‘evclopments take place within the framework of the previous era. For ‘example, the merchants and industrialists who spearheaded the rise of ‘apitalism emerged during the feudal era. They accumulated capital, laid the foundations for industrial manufacture, factory production and the System of wage abou, all of which were essential components of capita- lism. ‘The superiority of the capitalist mode of production led toa rapid transformation of the structure of society. The capitalist class became ‘dominant, and although the feudal ed aspects of ts power well into the nineteenth century it was fighting a losing battle "The ‘lass struggles of history have been between minorities. For ‘example, capitalism developed from the struggle between the feudal ari ‘Stocracy and the emerging capitalist class, both groupsin numerical terms forming. minority of the population. Major changes in history have involved the replacement of one form of private property by another and ff one typeof production technique by another. For example, capitalism involved the replacement of privately owned land and an agricultral economy by privately owned capital and an industrial economy. Marx believed that the class struggle which would tansform capitalist society ‘would involve none of these processes. The protagonists would be the bourgeoisie andthe proletariat, minority versusa majority. Private pro: pert) would be replaced by communally owned property. Industrial manufacture would remain asthe basi technique of production in the Society which would replace capitalism, Marx believed that the basic contradictions contained in a capitalist ‘economic system would lead to its eventual destruction. The proletariat ‘would overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize the forces of production the Source of power. Property would be communally owned and, sine all members of society would now share the sume relationship to the forces ft production, aclassesssacety would result: Since history isthe history fof the clase strugle, history would now end. ‘The communist soc ‘which replaces capitalism will contain no contraditions. no conflicts of 42 Social strattication terest, and vill therefore be unchanging. However, before the dawning ff this utopia, certain changes must occur Marx distinguished between a clas in itself and a ‘class for ise. A ‘ass in selfs simply a socal group whose members share the same rela- flomship tothe forces of prodction. Marx argues that a social eroup only fully becomes a clas when it Becomes a class for itself At this stage its Icmbers have class consciousness and class solidarity. Class conscious. ‘ess means that false clase consciousness has been replaced by a full ldwareness ofthe tre situation, bya realization ofthe nature of exploit tion, Members of a class develop 4 common identity, recognize their Shared interests and unite, o producing class solidarity. Thefinalstage of {las consciousness and clas solidarity i reached when members realize that only by collective action can they overthrow the ruling class and inhien they take positive steps t0 do so. "Marx believed that the following aspects of capitalist society would ‘eventually lead tothe proletariat developing into clas for itsel. Firstly Eapitals society fs by its very nature unstable. Its based on contradic- tions and antagonisms which can only be resolved by its transformation, In particular, the confct of interest between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat connot be resolved within the framework of «capitalist econ- {my The basic confit of interest involves the exploitation of workers by the capitalists. Marx believed that this contradiction would be high- Tighted by a second, the contradiction between social production and individual ownership. As capitalism developed, the workforce wi increasingly concentrated in large factories where production was fnlerprise. Socal production juxtaposed with individual ownership ill Imintes the exploitation of the proletariat, Social production also makes iteasicr for workers to organize themselves against the capitalists. 1. facilitates communication and encourages a recognition of common cit- fumstances and interests “Apart from the basic contradictions of apitals society, Marx believed that certain factors inthe natural development of a capitalist economy Will hasten ts downfall These factors will result in the polarization ofthe {to main clases, Fistly the increasing use of machinery wil result in a homogencous working class. Since "machinery obliterates the differences in labour’ members of the proletariat will become increasingly similar ‘The diferences between siled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers will, {end to disappear as machines remove the sill required in the production ff commodities. Secondly, the diference in wealth between the bour- {eoisic and the proletariat will increase asthe accumulation of capital Droceeds. ven though the real wages and living standards of the prole- ariat may rise its members will come poorer in relation tothe bour- [EeoisicThis proces is known as pauperization. Thirdly, the competitive "ature of caprtalism means that only the largest and most wealthy com- DPanics will survive and prosper. Competition will depress the 2 ‘Sociology intermediate strata, those groups lying between the two main classes, into the proletariat. Thus the-petty hourgeoisie’ the owners of small bus iesses, wll ‘sink into the proletariat’ At the same time the surviving ‘companies will grow larger and capital will be concen hands. These three labour, the pauper 8 and the depression ofthe intermediate strata into the proletariat ~ wll result in the polarization of the two major elasses. Marx believed he could observe the proces of pole arization in ninetcenth-century Britain when he wrote, Society as a ‘whole is more and more spiting into two great hostile camps. bout geoisie and proletariat. Now the battle lines were leery drawn. Marx hhoped thatthe proletarian revolution would shortly follow and the com ‘munist utopia of his dreams would final v. ‘Marx's work on class has been examined in etal for the following easons. Fisly, many sociologists claim that his theory sil provides the best explanation of the nature of class in capitalist society. Secondly ‘much ofthe research on class has been inspired by ideas and questions ‘ised by Marx. Thirdly, many of the concepts of clas analysis tro duced by Marx have proved useful to Marxists and non-Marxist alike ‘And, a8 T. B. Bottomore writing 1965 notes, ‘Fr the past eighty years ‘Mara’ theory has been the object of unrelenting ertcism and tends defence’. This observation remtins true today Social stratification - a Weberian perspective ‘The work ofthe German sociologist Max Weber (1868-1920) represents ‘one of the most important developments in stratification theory since Marx. The similarities and differences oftheir approaches will Become apparent as Weber's ideas are examined Like Marx. Weber sees class in economic terms. He argues that classes ‘develop in market economies in which individuals compete for economic ‘tin, He defines acass asa group of individuals who shee similar posi tion ina market economy andy virtue of that fact receive similar econo ‘mic rewards, Thus in Weber's terminology. a person's ease sitution Is ‘basically his'market situation’, Those who shate a simiarclss station also share similar life chances. Their economic position will ditetly fet their chances of obtaining those things defined as desirable in theit society for example access to higher education and good quality housing Like Marx, Weber argues thatthe major clas division inbetween those ‘who own the Torces of production and those who do not. Thus those who ‘have substantial property holdings will receive the highest economic fe chances. However, Weber sees import- sin the market situation of the propertyess groups. Ssoviety. In particular the various skills and services offered by ifferent 44 ‘Social stratification dccuaton hve diring make ve. For example Daley, managers, administrators apd professionals receive Selanes Because of the demand for their serdces. Weber it guished the folowing cass groupings i capitals society Tithe propertied upper cas 2 The properties white-

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