Professional Documents
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Lassiter When-We-Disagree
Lassiter When-We-Disagree
Luke
Eric
Lassiter
and
different
visions
for
doing
collaborative
research
(see,
Marshall
University
Graduate
College
e.g.,
Austin
2004;
Bhattacharya
2008;
Foley
and
Valenzuela
2005;
Lamphere
2004;
Wali
2006),
including
my
own
Chicago
th
©
2008.
Paper
presented
at
the
107
Annual
Meeting
of
the
Guide
to
Collaborative
Ethnography
(Lassiter
2005a).
But
American
Anthropological
Association,
San
Francisco,
these
ideas
and
strategies
represent
only
the
beginning
of
the
California.
work
necessary
for
charting
the
fullest
implications
of
collaboration
for
future
trajectories
of
anthropological
practice,
as
noted
by
a
number
of
anthropologists—Les
Field
I
wish
to
make
a
very
simple
point
in
this
brief
paper:
that
and
Richard
Fox’s
recently
edited
volume,
Anthropology
Put
those
of
us
who
are
engaged
in
collaborative
researches
are
to
Work
(Field
and
Fox
2007),
immediately
comes
to
mind.
at
a
critical
juncture,
one
where
we
may
have
the
opportunity
For
ethnography
at
least,
George
Marcus
(2008)
suggests
that
to
inform
in
forceful
ways
the
re-‐
conceptualization
and
while
practices
of
collaboration
are
now
widely
taken
for
articulation
of
“collaboration”
at
a
time
when
collaborative
granted
in
ethnographic
fieldwork,
the
broader
role
and
research
appears
to
be
taking
on
a
more
central
role
in
our
function
of
field
collaborations
have
changed
markedly.
field.
A
monumental
task
indeed;
but
fortunately,
that
work
“Anthropologists,”
observes
Marcus
(2008:7),
“confront
the
has
already
started.
‘other’
(now
‘counterpart’)
in
the
expectation
of
collaboration,
and
in
their
appeal
for
funds,
etc.,
in
their
Collaborative
Researches,
Now
and
Then
relation
to
dominating
and
patron
institutions,
they
should
represent
themselves
as
collaborators
or
themselves
The
past
several
years
have
witnessed
a
proliferation
of
a
organized
in
collaborations.
This
is
all
very
different
from
the
wide
range
and
variety
of
researches
between
and
among
way
in
which
collaboration
has
been
embedded,
neglected,
anthropologists
and
the
people
with
whom
we
work
(see,
and
redeemed
in
the
traditional
practice
of
ethnography.
e.g.,
Ayi
et
al.
2007;
Brown
and
Peers
2006;
Ferguson
and
Collaboration
instead
is
a
key
trope
for
condensing
a
whole
Colwell-‐Chanthaphonh
2006;
Field
2008;
Marcus
and
complex
of
new
challenges.
.
.”
(Marcus
2008:7-‐8).
Mascarenhas
2005;
Rappaport
2005).
Variously
called
Marcus,
among
others,
has
focused
attention
on
“collaborative,”
“reciprocal,”
and
“participatory”—among
outlining
the
potentials
for
these
contemporary
collaborative
other
things—such
approaches,
of
course,
are
not
entirely
practices
within
the
realm
of
fieldwork
projects
with
elites,
new:
they
have
precedence
with
previous
periods,
including,
experts,
and
professionals
in
corporate,
techno-‐scientific,
among
others,
the
early
Americanist
school
(see,
e.g.,
Darnell
political
and
like
contexts
(see,
e.g.,
Holmes
and
Marcus
2001),
the
action
anthropology
of
Sol
Tax
(see,
e.g.,
Bennett
2005a,
2005b,
2006),
but
(re)conceptualizing,
making
explicit
1996),
the
applied
collaborative
anthropology
that
gained
and
expanding
ethnographic
practice
along
these
lines—
traction
in
the
1970s
and
80s
(see,
e.g.,
Schensul
1973;
Stull
“refunctioning”
it
in
Douglas
Holmes
and
George
Marcus’s
and
Schensul
1987),
the
feminist
ethnography
that
surfaced
terms
(see,
e.g.,
Holmes
and
Marcus
2008)—is
not
just
in
the
1980s
and
90s
(see,
e.g.,
Lawless
1993;
Stacey
1988);
limited
to
these
kinds
of
research
partnerships.
Indeed,
and
the
participatory
approaches
emergent
in
Latin
America
collaborative
research
is
poised
to
transform
ethnographic
for
the
last
several
decades
(see,
e.g.,
Rappaport
2008).
In
practice
on
so
many
different
levels
precisely
because
so
this
latest
incarnation,
however,
anthropologists
are
again
many
different
and
diversely
situated
ethnographers
are
theorizing
anew
collaborative,
reciprocal,
and
participatory
theorizing
these
potentials
in
such
a
broad
range
of
research
researches
in
original
and
innovative
ways,
which
includes,
contexts
(cf.
Lassiter
2008a,
FC).
A
growing
number
of
but
is
certainly
not
limited
to,
mapping
more
explicit
linkages
ethnographers,
for
example,
contend
that
collaborative
between
current
collaborative
practice
and
historical
streams
ethnographic
practices
are
uniquely
positioned
to
advance
a
of
collaborative
anthropologies;
charting
new
opportunities
more
politically
engaged
anthropology
(see,
e.g.,
Cook
2008;
for
co-‐interpretation
and
theorization
that
extends
outward
Hale
2006,
2007;
Hemment
2007;
Rappaport
2008),
one,
in
from
fieldwork
contexts
and
into
broader
fields
of
theoretical
turn,
potentially
transformative
not
just
for
ethnography
but
anthropology;
interrogating
the
deeper
complexities
of
for
anthropology
more
generally.
As
Joanne
Rappaport
collaboration,
especially
those
that
move
toward
articulations
(2007:39)
suggests,
collaboration
in
such
research
contexts
of
the
actual
and
complicated
challenges
of
collaboration;
now
not
only
makes
possible
“a
deeper
commitment
to
augmenting
the
multiplicity
of
connections
between
politically
inspired
research,
but
also
leads
.
.
.
scholars
to
rethink
their
own
craft,
to
roam
beyond
the
academy
in
complicit
with
the
agendas
of
our
research
collaborators,
search
of
theory
and
method,
to
embrace
a
new
layer
of
whoever
they
may
be”
(Lassiter
2008a:ix).
interlocutors,
and
to
rethink
the
ways
in
which
they
reflect
on
Such
assumptions
may
reflect
certain
kinds
or
aspects
of
themselves
and
others.
In
short,
collaboration
cannot
be
collaborative
research;
and
the
narrative
strategies
we
deploy
seen
as
a
paternalist
application
of
anthropological
skills
in
a
oftentimes
push
toward
representing
successful
collaborative
practical
context;
it
must
be
seen
as
an
innovative
vehicle
for
projects
and
partnerships
via
tropes
of
agreement
and
revitalizing
anthropology
in
the
twenty-‐first
century.”
accord.
But
in
practice,
rather
than
pushing
toward
homogenization
of
divergent
knowledge
systems
that
may
be
“Suspicions
of
Collaboration”
and
the
“Force
of
Difference”
perceived,
paradoxically,
to
be
essentially
at
odds,
engaging
in
“thick”
collaborative,
reciprocal
and
participatory
All
of
these
new
ideas
and
strategies
for
collaboration
are
still
researches
often
requires
us
to
work
across
difference
in
emergent,
of
course;
but
one
thing
seems
clear
at
this
point:
much
more
complex
and
complicated
ways.
collaboration
is
becoming
a
central
and
driving
idea
in
To
be
sure,
agreement
and
accord
is
essential
to
the
contemporary
discussions
of
anthropological
theory
and
success
of
any
collaboration;
and
differences
between
and
method.
Given
this
current
state
of
affairs,
and
given,
too,
among
collaborating
parties
can
indeed
fracture
(or
even
that
there
has
been
much
discussion
and
development
in
end)
any
given
partnership
or
project.
But
I
am
much
more
collaborative
methods
and
approaches
of
this
type
at
least
interested
here
in
how
differing
voices,
perspectives,
values,
since
the
1960s
and
70s,
a
good
many
anthropologists
still
and
agendas
get
played
out
(and
thus
negotiated)
in
seem
skeptical
of
“collaboration,”
and
just
how
(and
if)
it
can
successful
collaborative
research
partnerships
and
projects
(or
will)
transform
anthropological
praxis
as
it
promises
to
do
(built
as
they
are
on
some
level
of
agreement);
and
how
in
some
quarters
(Foley
and
Valenzuela
2005).
Briefly,
these
these
differing
voices,
perspectives,
values,
and
agendas
“suspicions
of
collaboration”
seem
to
take
two
main
forms
actually
strengthen
(rather
than
compromise)
the
foundation
(ones
that
I
presume
are
familiar
to
most
collaborative
upon
which
collaborative
projects
are
built
and
sustained
researchers).
In
one
sense,
collaborative
researches
are
over
time.
In
this
way,
collaborative
researches
indeed
perceived
to
call
up
tensions
between
divergent
and
materialize
and
develop
via
the
momentum
of
agreement
competing
systems
of
knowledge—one
perceived
to
lean
and
accord;
but
they
also
move
forward,
dynamically,
*
toward
validity
and
reliability
(that
of
the
“researcher[s]”);
through
“force
of
difference.”
the
other
perceived
to
lean
toward
invalidity
and
unreliability
By
“force
of
difference,”
I
mean
to
highlight
how
(that
of
the
“research
participant[s]”).
To
collaborate,
in
differences—which
may
often
surface
as
disagreement
or
via
accordance
with
this
suspicion,
is
to
compromise
other
expressions—exert
force
not
in
the
metaphysical
sense
academically-‐situated
systems
of
knowledge,
a
compromise
or
even
in
the
sense
of
using
power
physical
or
otherwise
to
akin
to
“cooperating
with
enemies.”
In
another
but
closely
resist
or
coerce;
but
force
in
the
sense
that
shepherds
the
related
sense,
collaborative
researches
engaged
as
a
“joint
energy
or
capacity
to
create
change
in
perspectives,
ideas,
intellectual
effort”
with
interlocutors
or
research
participants
knowledge,
and/or
action
in
the
course
of
carrying
out
are
perceived
to
tend
toward
agreement
and
homogenization
specific,
collaborative,
reciprocal
and
participatory
research
of
divergent
systems
of
knowledge
(with
disagreements
partnerships
and
projects—indeed,
the
very
dynamic
that
and/or
competing
versions
of
the
past,
for
example,
focuses
much
collaborative
researches
in
the
first
place.
By
eschewed).
In
accordance
with
this
suspicion,
collaborative
emphasizing
the
force
of
difference,
then,
I
mean
to
focus
not
researches
are
perceived
to
push
toward
agreement
and
just
the
friction
of
difference—a
compelling
notion
and
interpretive
accord—and
thus
away
from
the
serious
and
process
of
collaboration
described
by
Anna
Tsing
in
her
critical
work
of
social
science.
recent
book
Friction
(2005)—and
how
it
can
mobilize
On
one
level,
there’s
good
reason
for
these
perceptions.
As
I
suggest
in
the
Introduction
to
the
first
volume
of
the
*
My
focus
on
the
concept
of
force
is
influenced
in
part
by
Renato
recently
published
Collaborative
Anthropologies,
the
various
Rosaldo’s
classic
essay,
“Grief
and
a
Headhunter’s
Rage,”
in
which
he
tropes
of
collaboration
often
in
use
among
fieldworkers
and
develops
a
focus
on
the
cultural
force
of
emotions
in
which
“the
other
scholars
today
can
(and
often)
“do
more
to
obscure
concept
of
force
calls
attention
to
an
enduring
intensity
in
human
than
elaborate
.
.
.
[the]
nuances
of
collaboration,
[which]
for
conduct
that
can
occur
with
or
without
the
dense
elaborations
instance,
are
at
times
glossed
over
in
overly
simplistic
or
conventionally
associated
with
cultural
depth”
and
in
which
the
“the
notion
of
force
involves
both
affective
intensity
and
significant
celebratory
accounts
of
what
otherwise
may
be
extremely
consequences
that
unfold
over
a
long
period
of
time”
(Rosaldo
complex
partnerships.
Calls
for
collaborative
[researches]
can
1989:20).
As
Rosaldo
calls
attention
in
his
essay
to
experience
and
be
consequently
(and
perhaps
understandably)
dismissed
and
its
role
in
apprehending
cultural
difference;
here
in
the
context
of
accused,
in
equally
simplistic
and
unsophisticated
terms,
of
this
essay
I
want
to
call
attention
in
similar
ways
to
the
actual
being
not
much
more
than
one-‐dimensional
exercises
in
experience
of
collaborative
research
and
how
we
might
elaborate
ascertaining
agreement,
or,
worse,
of
being
uncritically
the
broader
force
of
difference
that
emerges
within
the
context
of
individual
partnerships
and
projects.
Lassiter
When
We
Disagree
2
collaboratively
deployed
change,
however
awkwardly
and
something
and
the
way
it
is
framed
within
ethnography
or
unexpectedly,
between
and
among
diversely
situated
social
science”
(Brettell
1996:101).
†
groups.
I
mean
to
focus
more
particularly
on
the
dialectic
A
good
many
others
have
made
this
point,
too,
of
course.
that
contends
with
and
sorts
out
difference
(including
Les
Field’s
discussion
of
the
differences
between
indigenous
disagreements)
through
ongoing
dialogues,
exchanges,
and
and
non-‐indigenous
ways
of
reckoning
and
mobilizing
culture
resolutions
in
specific
collaborative
research
partnerships
and
(Field
1999);
and
Joanne
Rappaport’s
exploration
of
how
projects,
ones
that
operate
as
“a
joint
intellectual
effort,”
and
inside/outside
positions
shape
the
work
of
field
ones
that
frame
encounters
with
difference
in
terms
of
collaborations
immediately
come
to
mind
(Rappaport
2005).
cooperation,
opportunity
and
possibility
rather
than
threat
or
Often
overlooked
in
our
current
discussions
of
collaboration
danger,
antagonism
or
contestation.
(of
the
anthropological
kind
at
least),
however,
are
other
I’ll
return
to
this
idea
momentarily,
but
first
let
me
point
fields
that
have
worked
similarly
with
these
dynamics.
out
that
a
good
many
anthropologists,
humanists,
and
other
Joanne
Rappaport
(2008)
has
pointed
out
that
many
North
social
scientists
have
explored
this
problem
before—some
for
American
anthropologists
often
overlook
the
long
established
quite
some
time.
A
baseline
as
good
as
any
(being
instructive
collaborative
work
of
Latin
America.
Also
overlooked
are
as
it
is
for
those
who
seek
to
tackle,
in
particular,
the
politics
fields
such
as
oral
history
and
folklore,
in
which
issues
of
of
collaborative
and
reciprocal
approaches
to
representation)
disagreement,
particularly
about
the
past,
have
surfaced
is
Caroline
Brettell’s
edited
volume,
When
They
Read
What
repeatedly,
and
with
which
folklorists
and
oral
historians
We
Write
(Brettell
1996).
Several
of
the
volume’s
authors
have
dealt
for
some
time
(see,
e.g.,
Frisch
1990).
Those
take
up
the
complexities
of
disagreement
and
difference
in
familiar
with
my
work
(all
three
or
four
of
you)
know
that
I
the
context
of
individual
projects,
and
I
chronicle
a
few
of
have
for
many
years
leaned
on
the
works
of
folklorists
such
as
these
in
The
Chicago
Guide
to
Collaborative
Ethnography
Elaine
Lawless
(e.g.,
1992)
and
Glenn
Hinson
(e.g.,
2002);
(Lassiter
2005a).
An
example
relevant
to
my
purposes
here
is
lately
I’ve
been
looking
to
oral
historians
for
inspiration.
For
Brettell’s
essay,
“Whose
History
Is
It?
Selection
and
example,
in
preparing
a
recent
essay
I
wrote
for
the
latest
Representation
in
the
Creation
of
a
Text,”
in
which
she
NAPA
Bulletin,
“Moving
Past
Public
Anthropology
and
Doing
explores
how
a
public
lecture
on
the
history
of
French-‐ Collaborative
Research”
(Lassiter
2008b),
I
examined
several
Canadian
immigration
to
Illinois
in
the
mid-‐nineteenth
works
by
oral
historians
(among
other
collaborative
century—led
by
a
charismatic
and
controversial
figure
still
researchers)
working
across
differences
in
and
with
prominent
in
the
minds
of
local
residents
to
whom
Brettell
collaboration.
An
example
is
Cedric
Chatterley
and
Alicia
directed
her
talk—prompted
involved
disagreements
with
Rouverol’s
book
“I
Was
Content
and
Not
Content”:
The
Story
those
local
residents
about
that
history,
the
way
it
was
of
Linda
Lord
and
the
Closing
of
Penobscot
Poultry
(Chatterley
represented,
and
its
meaning
to
contemporary
community
and
Rouverol
2000),
in
which
disagreements
surface
between
members.
Brettell
offers
several
lessons
for
thinking
through
the
oral
history
researchers
and
Linda
Lord,
the
work’s
key
both
the
process
of
representation
and
the
complexities
of
collaborator
as
well
as
the
narrative’s
main
character.
“Our
how
the
past
is
understood
and
used
(and
perhaps
even
key
area
of
disagreement
.
.
.
,”
wrote
Rouveral,
later
abused),
including
working
through
issues
of
ownership,
reflecting
on
the
project,
“was
in
the
question
of
what
navigating
local
and
outside
interpretations,
and
realizing
the
businesses
owe
communities
when
they
shut
down.
I
believe
problems
introduced
by
historical
comparison.
These
that
some
sort
of
restitution
is
in
order
when
long-‐time
disagreements,
Brettell
suggest,
stem
from
“the
difference
businesses
close
and
leave
a
community
that
is
significantly
between
the
way
our
respondents
understand
and
frame
dependent
on
that
industry
for
its
livelihood.
Linda
believes
that
businesses
do
not
necessarily
owe
a
community
anything
† when
they
leave.
We
chose
to
include
in
the
book’s
edited
My
use
of
“force
of
difference”
here
in
some
ways
echoes
Anna
Tsing’s
notion
of
collaboration
as
friction
(Tsing
2005),
“the
interviews
our
exchange
on
this
point,
to
draw
attention
to
awkward,
unequal,
unstable,
and
creative
qualities
of
our
differing
perspectives”
(Rouverol
2003:66-‐67).
Featuring
interconnection
across
difference”
(4)
that
assemble
successful
these
disagreements,
she
continues,
illustrates
“the
dynamic
collaborative
outcomes
in
unexpected
ways
(see
esp.
245-‐68).
Tsing
of
our
collaborative
exchange,
to
make
plain
our
respective
works
to
build
more
complex
theories
of
global
encounter
and
interpretations,
and
to
suggest
that
meaning
forged
through
connection:
deploying
the
notion
of
collaboration
“as
cooperating
dialogue
is
not
necessarily
arrived
at
through
agreement
and
with
enemies,”
for
example,
she
details
how
diversely
positioned
shared
perspectives
(Rouverol
2000:72-‐73).”
parties
and
interests—which
include
investors,
scientists,
As
I
note
in
my
NAPA
essay,
doing
collaborative,
environmentalists,
villagers
and
others—intersect
in
“zone[s]
of
reciprocal
or
participatory
research
“does
not
require
that
we
awkward
engagement”
where
differences
between
and
among
these
diverse
parties
and
interests
“bring
misunderstandings
into
flatten,
homogenize,
or
even
‘whitewash’
differences
(cf.
the
core
of
alliance”
and
“in
the
process
.
.
.
make
wide-‐ranging
links
Foley
and
Valenzuela
2005).
As
in
any
collaboration,
both
possible:
they
are
the
stuff
of
global
ties”
(247).
My
goal
for
this
ethnographer(s)
and
[so-‐called]
consultant(s)
must
be
willing
paper—focused
as
it
is
on
deploying
notions
of
collaboration
as
a
to
make
concessions
so
they
can
work
together
in
the
first
“joint
intellectual
effort”
in
the
context
of
individual
collaborative
place;
but
they
must
also
be
willing
to
open
themselves
up
to
research
partnerships
and
projects—is
much
more
modest
in
scope.
Lassiter
When
We
Disagree
3
a
dynamic
knowledge
exchange,
to
stick
it
out,
and
to
agendas
that
community
researchers
bring
to
the
discover
in
their
work
together
emergent
co-‐understandings,
collaborative
endeavor
are
key
spaces
in
which
we
can
begin
co-‐interpretations,
and
co-‐inscriptions
(which
will
always
to
discern
the
potential
contributions
of
collaboration”
(2),
include
points
of
disagreement).
As
Rouverol
(2003:84)
contributions
that
provide
“a
space
for
the
coproduction
of
contends,
‘dialogue—and
social
change,
if
that’s
what
we
are
theory,
which
is
.
.
.
a
crucial
venue
in
which
knowledge
is
after—simply
cannot
happen
unless
we
are
open
to
hearing
created
through
collaboration”
(2).
Rappaport
is
referring
perspectives
other
than
our
own’”
(Lassiter
2008b:76).
here
to
not
just
the
co-‐theorization
or
co-‐construction
of
local
Complex
and
involved
collaborative
projects
and
knowledge
or
“grounded
theory”;
she
is
also
arguing
for
a
partnerships,
then,
move
forward
(encouraging
dialogue
and
space
for
realizing
the
“potential
for
nourishing
and
social
change,
for
example)
not
just
through
agreement
and
revitalizing
anthropological
thought
.
.
.
.
[a]
nourishing
accord,
but
through
force
of
difference.
Of
course,
those
of
[involving]
both
the
political
objectives
of
community
us
who
do
or
have
done
collaborative
research—in
whatever
researchers
and
the
academic
analyses
of
scholars”
(2-‐3).
As
form—already
know
this
on
a
deep
level.
My
larger
point
an
example,
Rappaport
provides
a
compelling
case
for
how
here,
then,
is
not
to
provide
a
litany
of
various
examples
from
collaborative
researchers
might
inform,
for
example,
my
own
and
others’
research
that
illustrate
the
process
of
“anthropological
notions
of
ethnicity”
(19),
which,
in
her
case,
working
with
and
across
difference.
My
larger
point
here,
were
informed
through
a
process
of
“collaborative
instead,
concerns
what
we
do
with
this
material—and
more
theorizing”
where,
she
writes,
“we
were
not
led
to
generally,
the
knowledge
that
we
carry
with
us
about
the
real
essentialize.
In
fact,
we
were
entreated
to
do
entirely
the
complexities
of
doing
collaborative
work—especially
as
we
opposite:
to
focus
on
the
ambivalences
and
heterogeneities
move
into
what
may
be
a
new
era
for
collaborative
research.
of
indigenous
politics
.
.
.
.”
(23).
Rappaport
suggests
that
this
kind
of
co-‐theorization
has
Bringing
the
Force
of
Difference
to
Bear
on
Collaboration
the
potential
to
inform
our
current
theoretical
understandings
of
issues
and
concepts
much
broader
than
If
all
of
this
movement
toward
collaborative,
reciprocal
and
that
which
just
expands
field
methods
or
research
participatory
researches
is
indeed
gathering
steam
for
approaches.
If
this
is
indeed
the
case,
then
it
seems
to
me
revitalizing
anthropology—and
I
think
that
it
may
be—then
that
articulating
those
particulars
that
give
rise
to
the
force
of
bringing
the
“force
of
difference”
to
bear
on
the
meanings
difference
is
a
critical
part
of
this
larger
project,
meant
as
it
is
and
implications
of
collaborative
researches
seems
especially
to
inform
the
broader
terrains
of
theoretical
anthropology.
pertinent
right
now.
Many
of
us
have
explored
how
complex
Make
no
mistake
about
it:
we
have
theorized
collaborative
‡
differences
emerge
in
our
individual
partnerships
and
research
methods
before.
But
my
hope
is
that
this
latest
projects.
And
a
good
many
ethnographers,
folklorists,
and
(and
still
emergent)
work
might
finally
begin
to
transform
the
oral
historians
(as
well
as
archaeologists,
linguists,
applied
default
position
of
“collaboration”
itself.
“Agreement,”
anthropologists,
and
many
others
in
and
outside
of
“complicity”—and
perhaps
even
“collusion”
for
those
more
anthropology)
continue
to
work
on
this
problem.
We
know,
skeptical—continue
to
forcefully
situate
that
default
position,
to
be
sure,
that
differences
force
change
in
the
context
of
one
still
informed
in
large
measure
by
more
dominant
individual
partnerships
and
projects.
But
they
also
have
“suspicions
of
collaboration”
rather
than
by
the
thick
potential
to
force
change
across
our
various
projects
and
description
of
negotiated
theory-‐building
grounded
in
the
partnerships,
too;
especially
as
we
bring
different
kinds,
context
of
complex
fieldwork
relations,
dialogues,
and
descriptions,
visions,
and
theories
of
collaborative
researches
emergent
co-‐understandings.
to
bear
on
our
wider
understanding
of
collaboration
itself.
Even
still,
some
will
no-‐doubt
always
consider
Put
another
way,
it
seems
to
me
that
all
of
us
who
are
collaboration
“soft”
at
its
best,
“cooperating
with
enemies”
at
doing
collaborative
research
in
one
form
or
another
(and
I
its
worst
(Peacock
2008).
Nevertheless,
perhaps
the
include
myself
here)
could
do
more
to,
first,
explore
in
even
collaborative
work
now
transpiring
in
and
outside
more
deliberate
and
explicit
ways
how
differences
emerge
in
anthropology
might
transform
how
we
think
about
and
our
work
and
how
they
inform
specifically
the
unfolding
of
through
“collaboration”—in
ways
similar
to
how
our
collaborative
researches;
second,
formulate
more
theoretical
understandings
of
“gender”
were
transformed
by
connections
with
the
work
of
other
scholars
who
are
also
feminist
anthropologists
(particularly
by
black
feminists)
in
exploring
these
issues
outside
our
own
intellectual
silos;
and
the
1980s
and
90s
(Morgen
1989).
During
this
period,
as
is
third,
and
perhaps
most
importantly,
bring
this
broad-‐based,
well
known,
notions
of
“sameness”
were
powerfully
interdisciplinary
knowledge
to
bear
on
the
theory
of
collaborative
praxis
more
generally.
‡
For
example:
research
models
for
doing
collaborative
research
Joanne
Rappaport
(2008)
makes
a
similar
point
in
her
gained
considerable
traction
with
the
applied
collaborative
recently
published
Collaborative
Anthropologies
essay,
anthropology
of
the
1970s
and
1980s
(see,
e.g.,
Schensul
and
Stern
“Beyond
Participant
Observation:
Collaborative
Ethnography
1985),
which
was
sustained
during
the
1990s
(see,
e.g.,
Schensul
and
as
Theoretical
Innovation,”
in
which
she
argues
that
the
“local
Schensul
1992),
and
which
still
has
wide
currency
today
(see,
e.g.,
van
Willigen
2002:101-‐114).
Lassiter
When
We
Disagree
4
challenged
by
notions
of
“difference”
(such
as
that
generated
References
by
race,
class,
or
history),
and
it
refigured
anthropology’s
approach
to
gender
as
more
than
just
an
independent
Austin,
Diane
E.
“cultural
construction”
but
central
to
the
study
of
culture
and
2004
Partnerships,
Not
Projects!
Improving
the
society,
linked
in
complicated
ways
to
multiple
social
Environment
through
Collaborative
Research
and
processes
(Lamphere
1987).
Henrietta
Moore
(1988:197)
Action.
Human
Organization
63(4):419-‐30.
would
write
during
this
time
that
“the
task
for
feminist
Ayi,
Bamo,
Stevan
Harrell,
and
Ma
Lunzy
anthropologists
.
.
.
is
to
find
ways
of
theorizing
these
highly
2007
Fieldwork
Connections:
The
Fabric
of
Ethnographic
variable
intersections
between
the
various
forms
of
Collaborations
in
China
and
America.
Seattle:
difference.”
Arguably,
feminist
anthropologists
succeeded
in
University
of
Washington
Press.
transforming
the
way
anthropology
approached
gender
and
Bennett,
John
W.
difference—which
included,
of
course,
transforming
research
1996
Applied
and
Action
Anthropology:
Ideological
and
methods
(see
Lassiter
2005a:52-‐60).
It’s
certainly
hard
for
Conceptual
Aspects.
Current
Anthropology
37:S23-‐39.
me,
at
least,
to
think
about
“gender”
without
immediately
Bhattacharya,
Himika
calling
up
these
complexities
for
working
with
and
across
2008 New
Critical
Collaborative
Ethnography.
In
Handbook
difference.
I
would
presume
the
same
would
be
true
for
most
of
Emergent
Methods.
Sharlene
Nagy
Hesse-‐Biber
and
anthropologists
today,
perhaps
especially
for
those
“coming
Patricia
Leavy,
eds.
Pp.
303-‐322.
New
York:
The
of
age”
in
anthropology
at
least
since
the
early
1990s.
Guilford
Press.
In
any
case,
as
I
read
Henrietta
Moore’s
call
to
action
Brettell,
Caroline
B.,
ed.
written
twenty
years
ago
and
then
think
about
where
we
are
1996
When
They
Read
What
We
Write:
The
Politics
of
now
in
relation
to
issues
of
gender
and
difference,
I
wonder
if
Ethnography.
Westport:
Bergin
and
Garvey.
the
idea
of
“collaboration”
in
particular—especially
that
Brown,
Alison
K.,
and
Laura
Peers,
with
members
of
the
which
implies
a
“joint
intellectual
effort”—might
be
going
Kainai
Nation
through
a
similar
transformation,
especially
now,
when
2006
“Pictures
Bring
Us
Messages”
/
Sinaakssiiksi
modes
of
collaborative
research
seem
to
be
taking
on
a
more
aohtsimaahpihkookiyaawa:
Photographs
and
Histories
central
role
in
our
field.
If
this
is
indeed
the
case,
from
the
Kainai
Nation.
Toronto:
University
of
Toronto
collaborative
researchers—however
they
may
be
situated,
as
Press.
collaborative
ethnographers,
activist
anthropologists,
applied
Chatterley,
Cedric
N.,
and
Alicia
J.
Rouverol,
with
Stephen
A.
anthropologists,
etc.—are
then
at
a
critical
juncture,
one
Cole
where
we
can
inform
in
forceful
ways
the
actual
dynamics
2000
“I
Was
Content
and
Not
Content”:
The
Story
of
Linda
and
complications
of
doing
collaborative,
reciprocal
or
Lord
and
the
Closing
of
Penobscot
Poultry.
Carbondale:
participatory
researches.
And
as
we
speak
to
the
actual
Southern
Illinois
University
Press.
complexities
of
doing
this
collaborative
work,
perhaps
more
Colwell-‐Chanthaphonh,
Chip,
and
T.
J.
Ferguson,
eds.
one-‐dimensional
“suspicions
of
collaboration”
will
finally
give
2007 Collaboration
in
Archaeological
Practice:
Engaging
way
to
those
kinds,
descriptions,
visions
and
theories
of
Descendant
Communities.
Lanham,
MD:
AltaMira
collaborative
work
that
function
to
re-‐
conceptualize
and
Press.
articulate
“collaboration”
in
more
complex
and
multi-‐faceted
Cook,
Samuel
R.
ways.
2008
“You
Can’t
Put
a
Price
On
It”:
Activist
Anthropology
in
the
Mountaintop
Removal
Debate.
Collaborative
Postscript:
On
Collaborative
Anthropologies
Anthropologies
1:138-‐62.
Darnell,
Regna
These
are
precisely
the
kinds
of
outcomes
I
have
hoped
to
2001
Invisible
Genealogies:
A
History
of
Americanist
see
materialize
in
the
new
journal
I
edit,
Collaborative
Anthropology.
Lincoln:
University
of
Nebraska
Press.
Anthropologies,
an
annual
published
by
the
University
of
Ferguson,
T.
J.,
and
Chip
Colwell-‐Chanthaphonh
Nebraska
Press.
I
do
hope
that
any
of
you
who
have
done
or
2006
History
Is
in
the
Land:
Multivocal
Tribal
Traditions
in
who
are
currently
doing
collaborative
research
might
Arizona's
San
Pedro
Valley.
Tucson:
University
of
consider
contributing
to
this
larger
conversation
and
Arizona
Press.
elaborating
the
“force
of
difference”
emergent
in
your
own
Field,
Les
W.
collaborative
projects
and
partnerships
by
submitting
an
1999
Complicities
and
Collaborations:
Anthropologists
and
essay,
reflection,
review,
interview,
dialogue
or
otherwise.
the
“Unacknowledged
Tribes”
of
California.
Current
For
a
full
description
of
the
journal’s
mission
and
guidelines
Anthropology
40(2):193-‐209.
for
article
submissions,
see
the
journal’s
website
at
2008
Abalone
Tales:
Collaborative
Explorations
of
http://www.marshall.edu/coll-‐anth.
The
Introduction
to
the
California
Indian
Sovereignty
and
Identity.
Durham:
inaugural
2008
issue,
which
outlines
the
goals
of
the
annual
Duke
University
Press.
further,
is
also
posted
on
the
journal’s
website.
Lassiter
When
We
Disagree
5
Field,
Les
W.,
and
Richard
G.
Fox,
eds.
Lamphere,
Louise
2007
Anthropology
Put
to
Work.
Oxford:
Berg.
1987
Feminism
and
Anthropology:
The
Struggle
to
Foley,
Douglas,
and
Angela
Valenzuela
Reshape
Our
Thinking
about
Gender.
In
The
Impact
of
2005 Critical
Ethnography:
The
Politics
of
Collaboration.
In
Feminist
Research
in
the
Academy.
Christie
Farnham,
rd
The
Sage
Handbook
of
Qualitative
Research,
3
ed.
ed.
Pp.
11-‐33.
Bloomington:
Indiana
University
Press.
Norman
K.
Denzin
and
Yvonna
S.
Lincoln,
eds.
Pp
217-‐ 2004
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Convergence
of
Applied,
Practicing,
and
Public
st
234.
London:
Sage.
Anthropology
in
the
21
Century.
Human
Organization
Frisch,
Michael
H.
63(4):431-‐43.
1990
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Shared
Authority:
Essays
on
the
Craft
and
Meaning
Lassiter,
Luke
Eric
of
Oral
and
Public
History.
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State
University
of
2005a
The
Chicago
Guide
to
Collaborative
Ethnography.
New
York
Press.
Chicago:
University
of
Chicago
Press.
Hale,
Charles
R.
2005b
Collaborative
Ethnography
and
Public
Anthropology.
2006
Activist
Research
v.
Cultural
Critique:
Indigenous
Current
Anthropology
46(1):83-‐97.
Land
Rights
and
the
Contradictions
of
Politically
2008a
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