•JjM Cambridge Assessment

Collins International Education

Endorsed for full syllabus coverage

1
Cambridge International
AS & A Level
m'
Sociology
STUDENT'S BOOK

Series consultant: Michael Kirby

Authors: Michael Haralambos, Martin Holbornp

Steve Chapman, Tim Davies, Pauline Wilson and Laura Pountney

\
lollins

Cambridge International
AS & A L@^sl
otiology
STUDENT'S BOOK

Series consultant: Michael Kirby

Authors: Michael Haralambos, Martin Holborn,
Steve Chapman, Tim Davies, Pauline Wilson and Laura Pountney
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A catalogue record for this publication is available from the
British Library.
Authors: Michael Haralambos, Martin Holborn, Steve
Chapman, Tim Davies, Pauline Wilson and Laura Pountney
Contributing author: Natalie Meadows
Series consultant: Michael Kirby
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With thanks to Dr Sarah Burch, Professor Paul Trowler

and Steve Chapman for their contributions to the chapter
of Sociology: Themes and Perspectives (8th Edition) by
Michael Haralambos and Martin Holborn on which
Chapter 6 The media has drawn.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
How to use this book iv Chapter 6 The media 324
(Tim Davies)
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
Section A Ownership and control of the media
(Michael Kirby and Steve Chapman) Part 1 The media in global perspective 326
Part 2 Theories of the media and influences
Chapter 2 Socialisation and
on media content 336
identity 24 Part 3 The impact of the new media 350
(Steve Chapman) Section B Media representation and effects
Section A Socialisation and the creation of Part 4 Media representations 366
social identity Part 5 Media effects 381
Part 1 The process of learning and socialisation 26 Exam-style practice questions 391
Part 2 Social control, conformity and resistance 42
Part 3 Social identity and change 53 Chapter 7 Religion 392
Exam-style practice questions 73 (Martin Holborn, Pauline Wilson
and Laura Pountney)
Chapter 3 Research methods 74 Section A Religion and social order
(Michael Haralambos and Pauline Wilson) Part 1 Religion and society 394
Section A Research methods, approaches Part 2 Religion and social order 414
and issues Part 3 Gender, feminism and religion 421
Part 1 Types of data, methods and research Part 4 Religion as a source of social change 429
design 76 Section B The influence of religion
Part 2 Approaches to sociological research 112 Part 5 The secularisation debate 440
Part 3 Research issues 132 Part 6 Religion and postmodernity 454
Exam-style practice questions 141 Exam-style practice questions 461
Chapter 4 The family 142 Chapter 8 Globalisation 462
(Steve Chapman) (Steve Chapman)
Section A Theories of the family and social change Section A Key debates, concepts and perspectives
Part 1 Perspectives on the role of the family 144 Part 1 Perspectives on globalisation 464
Part 2 Diversity and social change 157 Part 2 Globalisation and identity 477
Section B Family roles and changing relationships Part 3 Globalisation, power and politics 494
Part 3 Gender equality and experiences Section B Contemporary issues
of family life 178 Part 4 Globalisation, poverty and inequality 519
Part 4 Age and family life 203 Part 5 Globalisation and migration 534
Exam-style practice questions 225 Part 6 Globalisation and crime 559
Chapter 5 Education 226 Exam-style practice questions 581
(Michael Haralambos and Pauline Wilson) Chapter 9 Preparing for
Section A Education and society examinations 582
Part 1 Theories about the role of education 228
Part 2 Education and social mobility 247 Glossary of key terms 622
Part 3 Influences on the curriculum 259
Section B Education and inequality
References 653
Part 4 Intelligence and educational attainment 271 Index 664
Part 5 Social class and educational attainment 277 Permissions acknowledgements 673
Part 6 Ethnicity and educational attainment 301
Part 7 Gender and educational attainment 307
Exam-style practice questions 323

iii
 HOW TO USE THIS BOOK
Welcome to sociology and welcome to this book. Sociology is about you and the society you live in. As such
it is important and exciting - and it can also be fun. This book is full of interesting international case studies
reflecting issues of the day - ‘fake news’ and the 2016 US election, the #MeToo campaign, debates about
‘toxic masculinity’, and moral panics over migration.

The book has been specially written for Cambridge International AS & A Level Sociology and contains a
chapter on exam preparation. However, there’s a lot more to sociology than passing exams. If we’ve done
our job properly, sociology will open your eyes to all sorts of new ideas. It will help you to see the world and
yourself from a variety of different perspectives, and to understand and respect the ideas and views of others.
It will encourage you to question everything you’re told.

The book contains a number of features to help you to understand and enjoy sociology and to develop your
skills in interpretation, application, analysis and evaluation. They include the following.

Section openers
The opening page for each section of the book outlines how the Key Concepts from the syllabus will be
explored in the pages that follow.

Key terms and summary boxes

Each chapter is divided into sections, parts and units. Each unit ends with a Key terms box, which defines the
key terms used in the unit, and a Summary, which recaps the main points covered in the unit. The Summary
boxes provide short and straightforward outlines, which are ideal for revision. The key terms are also collated
into a full Glossary of key terms at the end of the book.

Key terms Summary

Marketisation The process in which organisations
compete in the market.
Performativity How well an individual or
organisation performs.
Vocationalism Education and training designed
to prepare young people for employment and to
teach work skills to meet the needs of industry.
Multinational education businesses Private
education companies which have branches in two
or more countries.
Attainment gap A difference in achievements
between groups which is based, for example, on
class, gender or ethnicity.
1. Culture is a crucial component of a society
because it provides a template that most
members of a society share and follow, in terms
of what they should believe, what they should
value and how they should behave in any given
social context.
2. Cultures are relative. They are unique to specific
societies and historical periods.
3. Social groups living within the same society
may share cultural values and norms, but
regard particular aspects of culture - high,
folk and popular - as more worthy of
their attention.

iv
Images and activities
The book contains many carefully selected photographs. Photographs bring the real world into sociology. They
show the relevance of sociology to today’s society. There are also specially drawn cartoons in chapters 3 and 5.
They provide entertaining and memorable snapshots of key ideas.
Each cartoon and photograph is accompanied by an activity - one or more questions which ask you to
think about and comment on the picture with reference to the preceding text. These activities give you the
opportunity to apply what you’ve just learned.

Activity Activity
r tf
it ^l-i*
??? MY ENGLISH]
ISN'T GOOD
ENOUGH TO DO
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m
SBJ
v TOIS. ^
[7
O
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o
Mil (S ~j

Questionnaire
m V/ Jonini Konokki

\\\ i.
26 Park Road
Qopham Hi
bHon

Take Back the Workplace and UMeToo survivors

march, November 2017. »

Why does Higgins describe the fourth wave of

fii
feminism as digital feminism?
Hi

Language difficulties may result in incomplete

Special thanks to Matt Timson for the excellent cartoons, questionnaires, group efforts to complete them
and low response rates.
Contemporary issues
Contemporary issues are short international case studies with activities asking you to apply sociological ideas
to issues of the day from societies around the world. This shows the relevance of sociology to you and the
society you live in. For example, do you live in a fair and just society? Is there equality of opportunity? Does
everybody have an equal chance to succeed in the education system? These are fundamental questions
which we hope will stay with you long after your A Level exams.

Contemporary issues: Fake news

A ‘quote’ from Hillary Clinton Hillary Clinton is
falsely quoted on one website as saying, in 2013.
c ‘I would like to see people like Donald Trump
running for office. They're honest and can't be
bought and sold.' In its first week on Facebook, this
post had 480 000 shares, reactions and comments.
Source. Buufeed News online.

'Your Prayers Have Been Answered’ Under this

US presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and
Donald Trump debating before the election in 2016.
headline, the article claimed that Hillary Clinton
would be indicted and tried in 2017 for crimes
related to her supposed misuse of her personal email.
This fake news produced 140 000 shares, reactions
and comments on Facebook.

The Macedonian town of Veles in Eastern Europe Questions

has launched over 140 United States political
news websites. Almost all support Donald
Trump, mostly with fake news stories. Here
are a couple of false news stories for Trump
supporters about Hillary Clinton, his opponent
for the presidency.
1. Why is it important to study fake news?
2. Should fake news be censored? Think about
freedom of expression in your answer.
3. How might fake news have influenced the US
presidential election In 2016?

V
 Then and now
This is a feature which revisits ground-breaking sociological studies from the last 50 years. Usually written by the
original authors, from Paul Willis to Carol Smart, Then and now features assess the significance of these classic
studies to today’s society. They also give you an insight into how sociologists think and carry out their research.
Then and now: Carol Smart Personal Life [2007)
ftrsenof L/c was pub- shed in 2007. It was the
ciem nation of many years of research, both
empirical and thecreucal. and so it is Important to
recognise that its Intricate roots go much further
back than the date cf puWcmon. When I was a
uodogy student I (odd never relate to courses
on The Family' (as they we»e then ca'led) because
the ■dea’oed image of lamd*s we were presented
w’th bore no resemblance at aB to my own fam ly
or the families of my fr*ndv W. paradoxically, as
a teacher l was afways keen to put on courses lor
students on fami.es and relationshps TM was
because by then I had become fascinated by hew
dose reUbonsh-ps work and because I wanted to
explore and expose the complexities and cha.lenges
of these important relationships These interests set
in tram a number of empmcai protects which gave
me the opportunty. over several decades, to talk
to hundreds of people about the/ rrUbonsh.-ps.
So ftrsonaf L/c a not a vngie study, but rather
distilled insights from many cf my pro.ecu.
Cnen tfus history to the book. I was somewhat
taken aback to discover that some sociologists
fe« that I had abandoned my interest in lam/y
life and tnat I was trysng to devalue the study of
families - simply because I was trying to stretch
the study of important relationships beyond the
comenoonal limits of families by using the term
'personal l fe' It remains a mystery to me hew
anyone cou-'d come to the conclusion mat henona!
l/e is not substantially about firmly lift It ts true
mat it ts more than just this, of course. Vet I prefer
to trunk of it as being about family life plus',
a'thougn we should ahvays remember that families
do not provide the primary source of retatenships
lor ad people or for an ome
It was because I felt if was more important to
study what people do. and hew they relate to one
anot Vx, I ohi I tnovvd decwvefy onoy Iron it*
Study of If* junctures of ihe tomity ond If* kind of
scooloo I hod been touch! os on undtrgradaile
Instead I moved towards studying nhot David
Morgan 11996. 20111 has colled fam iiy practices
This epistemotocKOl shift onoy from structures
towards practices opened up a completely new way
of understanding relationships as well as providing
much more engaging methods of researching
families. Kinships and friendships These included
such things as basing discussers of relationsfvps
on photographs to evoke memories and stories
using vignettes or hypothetical situations as ways
of eliciting sensitive ideas and using written
accounts of family histories It even ted me to the
study of fa mjy secrets as a way of getting behind'
the public front of family Me
Since the book was published, lamdes and
retatonships have uvevsobfy continued to change.
Same-sec marriage is now wen established in
England. Wales and Scotland (although not in
Northern Ireland) Assisted reproduction (in the
leem of egg sperm and embryo donation) and
surrogacy are charging the shape of many families
as cful^en bom from such methods may not be
genetically related to one or both of their parents
This in turn means they are not genetically related
to their grandparents Wc need to understand
how these new relationships work, and from my
perspective and from the perspective of Pvrujnol
l/c. this is a much more important question than
simply bemoan rg the fact that families in 2017
don't look UKe the families formed in 1917 or 1957.
In the second chapter of the book I stated that family
'relationships arc very sticky and I went on to say it
is hard to shake free from them at an emotional level
and their existence can continue to influence our
practices and not |ust our thoughts' (2007 AS) I still

With many thanks to the following sociologists for contributing a Then and now’ feature:
» Professor Becky Francis, University College London
» Professor Carol Smart, University of Manchester
> Professor Rebecca Dobash, University of Manchester
* Professor Russell Dobash, University of Manchester
> Professor Paul Willis, Beijing Normal University (retired)
» Glasgow University Media Group, University of Glasgow.

Exam preparation
Each chapter ends with exam-style practice questions. In the final chapter, these questions are explored in
detail with annotated sample responses at different levels to help you evaluate your own work and to show you
how to improve. These questions, responses and the accompanying commentaries have been written by our
team of authors, not by Cambridge Assessment International Education.
10 |3bt "The role of socialisation in shaping human behaviour has been exaggerated '

Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. (6 marks]

Response

Thefunctionalist Durkhdm argues that socialisation is essential in

shaping human behaviour. He carried out research Into suicide rata
using a comparative experiment. He argues that suicide rata differ in
different sodetla because socialforca controlpeoples behaviour, not
biological, innatefactors. In fact he claims that the more Integrated
Good use of an example of
people are by things like religion (an agency ofsocialisation), the less
socialisation to support the
Ikefy l/wy are to commit suidde/Durkham claimed that his raearch argument that Is presented.
proves that sodalforca are essential in shaping peoples behaviour,
rather than individual psychological or biological reasonsfor
committing suicide.

Comments
This answer makes good use of Durkhcim's own attempt to prove that socialisation Is a key factor in
shaping human behaviour. The relevance of Durkhetm's study of suicide in this respect is made very dear
in the answer.
Mark 6/6

Teacher resource
A free, editable resource for teachers is available on the Collins website www.collins.co.uk/cambridge-
international-downloads.
Wte hope you enjoy using the book.
vt

Sociology is the systematic study of society,
jj patterns of social relationships, social interaction
l and culture. Sociologists use a variety of research
methods to study the behaviour and experiences of
people in social groups. The information collected
from these studies is termed ‘research data’ To
help interpret and explain their research findings,
sociologists have developed a range of concepts
and theories. In this chapter, you are introduced to
five Key Concepts that have an important influence
on the way that sociologists think about the social
a mm
world and construct their theories and explanations.
These concepts are: inequality and opportunity;
power, control, and resistance; social change and
development; socialisation, culture and identity;
structure and human agency. Each of the Key
Concepts are explained using relevant examples and
there are related activities and questions to help
develop your understanding of the terms. The chapter
also considers the origins of sociology as an academic
subject and highlights some of the main issues and
debates that define the work of the sociologist.
i
 1 INTRODUCTION
Unit 1.1.1 What is sociology?
The origins of sociology as an academic subject can
be traced to Europe in the early 19th century. This
was a time of great social change brought about
by the transition from traditional society based on
an agricultural economy to a world shaped by the
industrial revolution and the associated growth
in towns and cities. Early sociological thinkers
such as Henri de Saint-Simon (1760-1825) and
Auguste Comte (1798-1857) wanted to study the
society of that time because they were unsure how
industrialisation would affect people’s lives and
whether it would be a positive development. Comte
advocated a scientific approach to social inquiry and
this idea was developed in more detail by a later
thinker, Emile Durkheim (1858-1917). Durkheim
is credited with being one of the founding fathers
of sociology and his work contributed greatly to the
development of the functionalist perspective that you
will read more about in subsequent sections of this
book. Durkheim’s ambition to establish a science of
society was taken further in the 20th century when
sociology became an accepted university subject
and academic studies of different aspects of society
were undertaken by sociologists from all parts
of the world. In the current century, sociologists
have continued to identify fresh topics to research,
including the impact of new technology on our
cultures and communities and the social significance
of global forces (often referred to as globalisation)
that are transforming the way we live.
From the outset, sociologists have found the social
world to be one of deep complexity and fascinating
contrasts. At one level, people working together
in society can achieve the most amazing things,
such as the construction of beautiful buildings,
the discovery of new medical treatments, space
exploration, and the protection of endangered
habitats. Yet the opposite is also true, as some
forms of social behaviour can be destructive and
troubling. Examples of this include gang violence,
warfare, racial and sexual discrimination, and
pollution of the environment. That humans as a
species are capable of such extremes of behaviour
can seem almost incomprehensible, particularly when
reflecting on the contrasts between magnificent
social achievements that benefit humanity immensely
and the horrible atrocities and mistreatment of
people that, sadly, is also a feature of many societies.
However, sociologists would argue that even the most
2
extreme examples of human group behaviour can
be explained through a study of social relationships
and interaction.
Another sharp contrast in society is between those
aspects of life that seem ordinary and familiar and
those which we experience as different and unusual.
I Much of our social behaviour is quite routine: for
example, getting up in the morning, going to school,
talking with friends, following teacher instructions,
doing homework - these are things that you may be
familiar with as part of your ordinary, everyday life.
But now imagine you are taken out of this familiar
world and find you are living in a society where young
people have no access to education and must work
to earn an income in a harsh environment, such as a
coal mine or a textile factory. That way of life would
seem quite strange and challenging. How to make
sense of a social world that can seem both familiar
and unfamiliar, and which also incorporates so many
diverse forms of behaviour and relations between
people, is the intellectual challenge that defines the
work of the sociologist and which you, as a student
of sociology, will also investigate.
Activity
*
•*v
r
t/
Coal-burning power station.
How might sociologists explain the failure of
societies to prevent pollution of the environment?
Activity
Think about your personal experience of society:
what does it feel like to be a member of a social
group and to live in a world where people are
expected to work together and follow common
rules and ways of behaving? Choose some words
that describe your feelings about being part of
society and explain your choices.
 Now make a list of some good things that are
achieved by people working together in society.
Consider what factors make these achievements
possible. How important are each of the
following factors?
* leadership > hierarchy
» shared values > mutual cooperation
» organisation » education
» spiritual belief
Key concepts
To help make sense of our complex social world,
sociologists have developed a set of concepts
and theories which you will learn about in this
textbook. The most important of these concepts
and theoretical insights have been identified in
the Cambridge International AS & A Level syllabus
as ‘Key Concepts’. Broadly, a Key Concept is one
that is used throughout a subject to help link
ideas together and to provide an explanatory
framework for making sense of the topics that are
being studied. The Key Concepts in sociology are
as follows:
» Inequality and opportunity
y Power, control and resistance
> Social change and development
> Socialisation, culture and identity
t Structure and human agency.
Inequality and opportunity
Inequality is the situation where some people
have more opportunities and resources than other
people in a society. Sociologists seek to understand
why inequality exists and how it affects different
sections of society. Poverty is an extreme form of
inequality. The poor have low incomes and may
struggle to afford the basic necessities of life, such as
food, adequate shelter and healthcare. By contrast,
there are rich people who have more than enough
income to live on and are able to buy luxury items
as well, such as expensive cars, houses, holidays and
jewellery. Sociologists have noted that children born
into poverty tend to remain in poverty throughout
their life, whereas the children of the rich continue
i
to enjoy the same privileges and wealth as their
parents. This implies that there is a pattern to
inequality whereby some sections of society are
positioned more favourably than others in terms of
what sociologists call ‘life chances’. Life chances are
the opportunities each individual has to improve
their quality of life.
How does this inequality come about and why
are some groups more privileged than others?
These are issues that will be explored at frequent
points in your study of sociology. You will examine
different types of inequality, such as those based
on age, gender, class and ethnicity. Evidence about
the extent of inequality in particular societies will
be considered and there will also be a chance
to reflect on the wider issue of differences in the
distribution of wealth between countries. The
complex ways in which different forms of inequality
are often interlinked will be explored, and you
3
 1 INTRODUCTION

will be introduced to the major theories that have
been put forward to explain inequality. A further
dimension will involve studying the opportunities
available to people to improve their quality of life
by for example, achieving educational qualifications.
obtaining a better job or finding a nice place to live.
Power, control and resistance
Power is the ability to direct or influence the
behaviour of others. Sociologists are interested in
how power is distributed in society and what forms
it takes. Why do some groups have more power
than others, for example, and for what purposes is
power used? One use of power is to maintain social
control. Social control refers to the many ways in
which our behaviour, thoughts and appearance are
regulated by the norms, rules and laws of society.
A police officer using her powers to prevent someone
breaking the law would be an example of social
control. Another example would be the pressure
people often feel to fit in with social expectations
about matters such as how to dress and what foods
to eat.
Without social control, there would be no structure
governing the way people behave and interact with
each other. Each person would be free to act as they
pleased and it would be the individual’s responsibility
to decide what is appropriate behaviour. A society
without social control is likely to be chaotic, with
many conflicts between people and no recognised
way of settling disputes. The English philosopher
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679} used the phrase
‘the war of all against all’ to describe this type of
situation where there is complete disorder and
lawlessness. Fortunately, societies rarely descend
into such a disorganised state. The norm is much
more one of social order, where people mostly
accept and follow a given way of life which ensures
that behaviour patterns are similar and mutually
understood. Conflicts between people may still arise,
but processes exist to help reduce the tensions and
find solutions. The law, for example, is an institutional
arrangement that helps people to resolve disputes
about matters such as marital breakdown, family
inheritance, business transactions and claims of libel
and slander.
To have an orderly, well-regulated society in
some ways is clearly desirable. But what if the
arrangements for ensuring social control favour
the interests of some groups more than others?
.How might such a situation come about and what
would be the likely consequences for society? These
are questions that you will be invited to consider as
part of your study of sociology. You will also examine
how power is exercised in various institutional
contexts: in the family, the education system, the
media, religious organisations and through the
agencies of globalisation. The links between power
and inequality will be explored at different points
and you will be introduced to the concept of ideology,
which is a form of power that can influence the way
people think and view the world. Another dimension
to the study of power and control is the phenomenon
of social resistance, where individuals and groups
challenge or resist the existing social order or
dominant way of life. There are many examples of
individuals and groups who engage in non-conformist
behaviour. Why does this happen and what do such
| groups aim to achieve? These, too, are questions that
your study of sociology will help to answer,
Activity
-
ISS Pfflire IMF DO NOT Cfi
J
4
Social control: a police officer using her
powers to prevent someone breaking the law.
Make a list of people and/or organisations that
have the capacity to direct or influence the
behaviour of other people. Examples might
include head teachers, police officers, law courts,
employers. For each example, consider how the
:
person or organisation is able to exercise control
over the behaviour of others. Also, consider why
people accept being controlled in this way and
what might happen if they resist.

*
*
Social change and development
Understanding how societies have changed and
developed helps sociologists to make sense of
the way people live today. Social change refers to
changes in both behaviour and in the institutional
arrangements that govern society. Sociologists
have been particularly interested in understanding
the transition from traditional society to modern
industrial society (also sometimes referred to as
‘modernity’). A traditional society is one where
behaviour is governed by customs that remain
little changed from one generation to another. The
economy is based around agriculture, with people
working the land in small groups with strong family
and kinship ties. Literacy is low and there are few
opportunities for people to change their social
position. Religion often plays a key part in shaping
the norms and values of the society. By contrast,
modern industrial society is shaped by technological
innovation, science and entrepreneurship. Ties to
family and community are weaker and behaviour is
more individualistic. There are more opportunities
for people to change their social position by, for
example, setting up businesses or gaining higher
educational qualifications. The use of advanced
machinery and factory production based on mass
labour brings about a shift in population from
agricultural areas to towns and cities. Religion loses
some of its social influence and people are more
likely to explore new ways of life, turning away from
the customs and beliefs that earlier generations had
followed unquestioningly.
Most societies today combine elements of the
traditional with the modern focus on individual
freedom, innovation and change. How these two
ways of life can exist together is one of the subjects
that you will study in sociology. There will also be
a chance to consider the role of religion today.
Questions that will be addressed include: has
religion lost its social significance and, if so, what
belief systems have replaced it? Belief in the power
of science helped bring about modernity (where
traditional ways of thinking were replaced by a
focus on technological innovation and economic
advancement). However, some sociologists think
that people have become more questioning about
the role of science in recent years. They see this
as one of several changes that have transformed
modern society since the late 20th century. These
changes are thought to be so fundamental that, they
argue, we have moved to a new stage of society,
known as postmodernity or post-industrial society.
Sociologists who put forward this view are known
as postmodernists. Exploring the relationship
between modernity and postmodernity is central to
understanding the social world today, and it forms a
key part of the syllabus for AS & A Level Sociology.
Socialisation, culture and identity
We mentioned earlier that social control describes
the situation where our thoughts and behaviour are
regulated by the norms, rules and laws of society.
The processes though which people learn about these
rules and laws is known as socialisation. Sociologists
argue that socialisation begins in childhood within
the family and later in the education system.
Parents, guardians and teachers play an important
I role in helping children to understand how they are
expected to behave in different social situations.
Other institutions also contribute to the socialisation
process and these include religion, the media and
the legal system. Through socialisation, people
acquire knowledge of their culture. Culture refers to
the way of life, especially the customs and beliefs,
of a particular group or society. A wide range of
cultural groups can be found in most societies. These
groups reflect differences between people based on
factors such as social class, ethnicity, gender, religion,
occupation, status, personal interests and lifestyle
choices. ‘Social identity’ is the term that sociologists
use to describe a person’s sense of who they are
based on their group membership. It is possible for
a person to have multiple social identities depending
on the range of groups they associate with or to
which they belong. For example, a 20-year-old female
who is studying at university and who is a citizen of
Australia and a member of her local church may have
the following social identities: young person, student,
Australian national, Christian. Her sense of who she
is and her way of life is likely to be influenced by
the culture of each of the groups (or categories) to
which she belongs.
The different ways in which socialisation, culture
and identity are linked will form an important part
of your study of sociology. You will discover how
interaction between people plays an important role
in the socialisation process and how the particular
social identities of male and female are formed. The
question of why some people act against the rules
and laws of society will be examined and studies
will reveal what happens when the socialisation
process proves inadequate. Different influences on
social identity will be investigated and there will be a
chance to debate how far people are free to choose
5
 1 INTRODUCTION
their identities today. The extent to which established
national and local cultures are being replaced by a
single global culture is another dimension that will
be explored. There will also be an opportunity to
study how culture and identity are affected by new
technology, including social media and the internet.
Activity
Social identity describes a person's sense of who they
are based on their group membership.
Think about your social identity. What social groups
are important in your life? In what social activities
do you participate? Make a visual representation
of your social identity. This could be a collage of
pictures or drawings depicting the social activities
and groups that influence your identity. Or it could
be a diagram (a pictogram, for example) showing
the main influences that shape your way of life and
sense of identity.
Structure and human agency
A central debate in sociology concerns the
relationship between the individual and society:
should we think of society as a structural force
that constrains and regulates the way people
think and behave, or is society better understood
as the product of the individual actions of people
interacting with each other? Sociologists are
divided on this question. Some support what
is known as the structural perspective. They
emphasise the importance of institutions in
creating social order and regulating human
behaviour. Structural theorists believe that the
main institutions of society form a structure that
shapes social action and makes it predictable.
Other sociologists, known as interactionists, think
that structural theorists exaggerate the extent
to which the social world is fixed and ordered.
Interactionists view society as more changeable and
they suggest that individuals, as they interact with
each other, are able to influence the way that social
rules are interpreted and applied. In this view, each
person has a degree of freedom in how they think
about and react to the social world rather than
being dominated by a structure of institutions and
regulated relations between people. The power
people have to think for themselves and act in
ways that shape their experiences and way of life is
referred to by sociologists as ‘human agency’.
As you study sociology, the importance of these two
major perspectives - structural and interactionist -
will become very apparent. Which perspective a
sociologist favours plays a major part in shaping
their explanations and theories about the social
world. Structural theorists generally adopt a
macro approach which emphasises the analysis
of large-scale social processes and trends within
the overall social structure and population.
Interactionists are associated more with micro-level
sociology, which looks at small-scale interactions
between individuals, such as conversation or
group dynamics, that reveal truths about the
everyday lives and experiences of people. To
what extent the macro and micro approaches are
complementary is a question worth bearing in mind
as you are introduced to more details about the
two approaches. Research studies undertaken by
sociologists are a useful source for thinking about
the relationship between the individual and society,
and as your knowledge of such studies develops
you will be better positioned to form judgements
about the rival claims of the structural and
interactionist perspectives.
Activity
1. Why might early sociologists have been
unsure whether industrialisation would be a
positive development?
2. Give four examples of social inequality.
3. How might a person achieve a higher
social position?
4. What reasons might a person have for resisting
the processes of social control?
5. Why are ties of family and kinship so important
in traditional society?

Key terms
Culture The way of life of a particular group
or society.
Social change The transition from one form of
social arrangement, or type of society, to another.
Development Improvement in the social and
economic conditions of life of a society or people.
Globalisation The process through which the
world is becoming increasingly interconnected as a
result of increased trade and cultural exchange.
Opportunity The number of desirable options
available to an individual or group in a
particular society.
Inequality The uneven distribution of resources
so that some people have more benefits and
opportunities than others in a society.
Power The ability to direct or influence the
behaviour of others.
Social control The ways in which our behaviour,
thoughts and appearance are regulated by the
norms, rules and laws of society.
Resistance Individual or group opposition to
social control.
Traditional society A type of society based on an
agricultural economy where behaviour is regulated
by largely unchanging customs and beliefs.
Modernity A period in history or a type of society
that is characterised by the use of advanced
technology, belief in science, innovation and
economic progress.
Socialisation The processes through which people
learn about the norms, rules and laws of society.
Social identity A person’s sense of who they are
based on their group membership.
Social structure The system of social institutions
and patterned relations between large
social groups.
Human agency The power people have to think
for themselves and act in ways that shape their
experiences and way of life.
Summary
1. European sociologists in the 19th century
sought to understand the impact of
industrialisation on society.
2. A leading French sociologist of the time, Emile
Durkheim, advocated a scientific approach to
social analysis.
3. Sociologists have developed a set of concepts
and theories to help make sense of our
complex social world.
4. Five Key Concepts have been identified as
the basis for the Cambridge International
AS & A Level Sociology syllabus: inequality
and opportunity; power, control and
resistance; social change and development;
socialisation, culture and identity; structure
and human agency.
5. Sociologists seek to understand why inequality
exists and how it affects different groups
in society.
6. Inequality is linked to power and social
control. Some people are able to acquire
more privileges and wealth than others
through the exercise of power. Their power
may be enhanced through the use of social
control to regulate the way people think and
behave in society.
7. Studying social change is important for
understanding the way people live in
society today. Sociologists are interested
in understanding the differences between
traditional society and modern industrial
society. Some also draw a distinction between
modernity and postmodernity (also sometimes
referred to as post-industrial society).
8. Culture is the way of life of a people or
society. People acquire an understanding
of their culture through a process known
as socialisation. Social identity refers to a
person’s sense of who they are based on
group membership.
9. Structural theorists believe that the
institutions of society create a structure that
regulates the way people think and behave.
Interactionists have a different view. They
believe that the individual has more freedom
to influence the norms and rules of society
and the processes of social control are
constantly changing and fluctuating.
Unit 1.1.2 Structural
perspectives
The structural perspective and interaction^
perspective are so crucial to the study of sociology
that it is worth studying the two perspectives in
7
 1 INTRODUCTION
more detail as part of this introductory chapter It is
particularly important to understand that there are
different versions of both the structural perspective
and the interactionist perspective. The structural
perspective includes Marxist, functionalist and feminist
theories: the interactionist perspective has versions
that include symbolic interactionism, labelling theory,
the dramaturgical approach, and social exchange
theory. A summary of these different versions of the
structural and interactionist perspectives is provided
below. The summary concludes with an introduction
to postmodernist theory, which is an approach to
understanding society that combines elements of both
the structural and interactionist perspectives.
The functionalist theory of society,
culture and identity
Functionalism is a good example of a structuralist
approach to understanding the relationship
between society and the individual. The founder
of functionalism, Emile Durkheim (1858-1917)
believed that society and culture were more
important than the individual. This belief was based
on a simple observation: that society exists before
the individual is born into it and continues relatively
undisturbed after the death of the individual. In
other words, ‘society’ is a thing that exists ‘out there’
despite the birth and death of individuals.
Durkheim (1893) noted that modern industrial
societies are characterised by social order rather
than chaos, and people’s behaviour is generally
patterned and predictable. Durkheim argued that
this was because society’s members were united by
a value consensus, meaning that they shared the
same cultural values, goals and norms. Functionalists
see culture as the cement that bonds individuals
together in the form of society and allows people to
interact successfully with each other.
Durkheim argued that society is a social system
composed of social institutions such as the family,
education, work, religion, media and so on.
According to functionalists, the social system has
a number of crucial functions. First, it socialises
individuals into the value consensus responsible for
the social order that underpins most societies. For
example, in most societies, people exchange money
in the form of paper and coins in shops for goods.
Functionalists argue that this is because members
of society agree to invest these notes and coins with
value. Second, the social system promotes social
integration - socialisation results in a collective
consciousness that binds individuals together so
they feel that they belong to a greater social group
known as society. Third, the social forces of collective
consciousness and social integration promote social
solidarity - people feel socially connected and
consequently experience a common identity.
Activity
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The role of consensus in regulating traffic and preventing
road accidents.
Using the functionalist argument about consensus,
explain the following.
a. Why we are able to exchange bits of paper and
metal coins for goods in shops.
b. Why traffic rules generally are effective in terms
of reducing the number of road deaths despite
the fact there are millions of cars on the roads at
any given time.
c. Why we are generally happy to allow people
in uniforms the power to stop, question and
arrest us.
When you think about these questions, consider the
functional value of currency, traffic laws and policing.
Functionalists often use a biological analogy to
describe how society works. They liken the social
system to the human body. All the organs of the body
work together to bring about good health just as all
the social institutions of society work together as a
social system to bring about social order.
Durkheim also saw culture as playing a major role
in the formation of the social roles that constitute
people’s identity. Fie observed that ‘when I perform
my duties as a brother, a husband or a citizen and
carry out the commitments I have entered into, I fulfil
obligations which are defined in law and custom and
which are external to myself and my actions’ (quoted
in Giddens 2009).
Evaluation of functionalist views
However, functionalism has been criticised by Dennis
Wrong (1961) as over-deterministic. He criticises
functionalism for painting a picture of members of
society as over-socialised individuals. He rejects the
idea that all social behaviour is moulded by the social
system. In particular, he refutes the functionalist view
that social actors passively accept their experience of
socialisation and uncritically internalise all that they
are taught by becoming docile citizens and workers.
In contrast, Wrong argues that human beings should
be seen as social without being entirely socialised.
Moreover, the existence of social problems such as
crime and deviance supports Wrong’s observation
that functionalist theory is possibly over-idealised,
because their existence suggests that the
socialisation process has not been totally effective in
bringing about conformity.
Other structuralist thinkers such as Marxists and
feminists are critical of functionalists because they
believe that functionalists exaggerate the degree
to which societies are characterised by consensus,
stability, conformity and order. In particular,
functionalists are criticised because they tend to
neglect and ignore the conflict that exists within the
same society between particular groups, such as the
rich and the poor or men and women.
However, on the positive side, Durkheim is probably
correct to suggest that there is a core culture that is
widely shared by a majority of people in a society. The
fact that you are sitting reading this text now in pursuit
of an A Level education and the achievement of a
qualification in sociology supports this observation.
Key terms
Value consensus Common or shared agreement.
Social integration Fitting into society.
Collective consciousness A shared set of cultural
beliefs, values, norms and morality which function
to unite society.
Social solidarity A feeling of community or social
belonging which results in feeling a bond with others.
Biological analogy The human body resembles
society in that, as an effective totality, it is the sum of
all its parts working together to ensure good health.
Over-deterministic Believing that everything that
happens could not happen in any other way.
Summary
1. Functionalism is a structural theory which argues
that the social actions of members of society are
shaped by social forces over which the individual
has little or no control, such as value consensus,
integration and social solidarity.
2. The function of the social institutions that
make up the social system of society is to
socialise members of society into a collective
consciousness so that we share much the
same set of beliefs, values and norms or
common culture.
3. The same institutions also function to promote
social integration and social solidarity.
The Marxist theory of society, culture
and identity
Another important structuralist perspective is the
Marxist perspective. This takes a conflict approach to
society and rejects the functionalist idea that modern
societies are characterised by consensus. Marxism
is essentially a critique of capitalism. Most societies
in the world are capitalist societies in which trade,
manufacturing industry and services are privately
owned and controlled by a wealthy minority (rather
than the state). Economic elites compete to produce
and market consumer goods and services in order to
maximise profit and wealth, often at the expense of
ordinary waged workers. Marxists believe that the
way that modern capitalist societies are organised
has led to a potential conflict of interest between
socio-economic groups, who are often set apart from
one another by deep inequalities in income, wealth,
access to education, living standards and life chances.
Karl Marx (1818-83) saw the pursuit of private
profit as the most important goal of capitalist
societies. Marx’s forensic analysis of capitalism
divided this social system into two interrelated parts:
the infrastructure and the superstructure.
Infrastructure Marx claimed that the most important
part of the capitalist social system is the infrastructure
or economic system. He claimed that the infrastructure
was dominated by a wealthy and powerful minority
- a bourgeoisie or ruling capitalist class - who own
and control the means of production. This refers to
the sum of those resources required to manufacture
goods, for example, capital (large sums of money
for investment), land on which to build factories,
9
 1 INTRODUCTION
distribution centres, shops and so on, technology
(such as machines, computers, robots and so on) and
the raw materials (for example, coal, iron ore and
so on), which need to be extracted, processed and
transformed into manufactured goods for consumption.
However, an essential ingredient in the manufacture
of goods is the labour power provided by the
proletariat. Marx referred to the relationship
between the bourgeoisie and proletariat as ‘the
social relations of production'. However, Marx
argued that this relationship is unequal because the
supply of workers’ labour often outstrips capitalism’s
demand for them, meaning that the bourgeoisie
have the power to set wages at an exploitatively low
level. Owners also have the power to control the
organisation of the workplace, especially the speed of
the assembly line in factories and consequently the
quantity of goods produced by individual workers.
Marx argued that profit and wealth inequality are
produced by the ability of the bourgeoisie to exploit
the surplus value generated by the labour power of
the proletariat. Marx defined surplus value as the
difference between what labour is actually worth
in terms of the selling price of the product that the
worker’s labour produces and the wage that the
worker is paid. This surplus value constitutes profit
and is the main cause of social class inequality in
wealth today in all capitalist societies worldwide.
Activity
I am a worker who works 40 hours a week for my
employer, who manufactures motorbikes. I am such
a skilled worker that I can assemble a finished bike
in 40 hours. The costs of the raw materials and parts
that make up the bike and the costs of the power
required to assemble it come to a total of $3000.
I receive a wage of $500 for my skill and the hours
I have worked. The motorbike that my labour power
has produced is a bestseller and consequently is in
high demand. It sells for $ 12,000. What is the total
surplus value that my labour power has generated
and which my employer will receive?
The global evidence generally supports Marx’s
argument that capitalism is an exploitative economic
system that generates excessive profits which
contribute to massive inequalities in income and
wealth. For example, in 2018, Oxfam estimated that
82 per cent of the wealth generated by capitalist
■(economies across the globe went to the richest
cent of the global population, while the
to
3.7 billion people who make up the poorest half of
the world saw no increase in their wealth between
201 7 and 2018. Oxfam’s report Reward Work, Not
Wealth reveals how the global economy enables
a wealthy elite to accumulate vast fortunes, while
hundreds of millions of people are struggling to
survive on poverty pay. The report generally agrees
with the Marxist claim that socio-economic inequality
and the wealth of the bourgeoisie are the product of
the systematic exploitation and appropriation of the
surplus value produced by the labour power of the
global proletariat.
Marxists argue that people who share similar
economic experiences constitute a socio-economic
hierarchy or stratification system in which an
extremely wealthy and powerful few sit at the
top, while the bulk of society, who are employed
as low-paid manual workers, occupy the bottom
layers of this capitalist system, which resembles a
pyramid in shape. Marx claimed that the behaviour
of social classes is determined by their social class
position and consequently that there is little an
individual can do to resist these economic pressures.
Superstructure However, the existence of stratified
capitalist societies in which there are these deep
divisions of inequality begs the question as to why
the proletariat continue to tolerate exploitation,
inequality and poverty. Marx suggested that it was
the role or function of the second part of the capitalist
social system - the superstructure, made up of
social institutions such as the family, education, the
mass media and religion - to transmit bourgeois
ideology. This is best defined as ideas that originate
with the wealthy and powerful capitalist class, which
the majority of members of society are ‘encouraged’
to accept as ‘normal’ or ‘natural’. For example, the
idea that hard work and ability regardless of social
background will always be rewarded with material
success is widely believed despite sociological
evidence to the contrary. This idea is crucial to the
success of the capitalist system because it motivates
most ordinary people to get up in the morning and
go to work. Marxists argue that ruling-class ideology
is particularly transmitted through the family (for
example, parents encourage their children to take
their place within the capitalist system as workers and
consumers) and the education system which seeks to
convince students that unequal educational outcomes
are ‘fair’ because schools and societies operate on
the basis of 'equality of opportunity’ (despite a reality
in which the children of the bourgeoisie are often in
receipt of a more privileged and successful education).
Marx concluded that the role of the superstructure
was to assist with the reproduction of the inequalities
in wealth and income brought about by the
organisation of the infrastructure. He argued that
it does so by legitimating or justifying ideas and
attitudes which ‘rationally’ explained such inequalities
in terms of a ‘deserving’ and hardworking elite of rich
people and an ‘undeserving’ mass of poor people.
Marx claimed that the existence of this superstructure
has produced a working class which exists in a state of
‘false class consciousness’ - this group is deliberately
told lies by the ruling class and, consequently, is
kept in a state of ignorance about the true causes
of its economic position. The people in this class
are persuaded by the ideology pumped out by the
superstructure that their failure is somehow the product
of their own inabilities and weaknesses. This ideology
acts as a smokescreen and hides the true reason why
many workers struggle to provide for their families,
which according to Marx is the systematic and unjust
exploitation of the labour power of workers and the
appropriation of its surplus value by the bourgeoisie.
The relationship between the infrastructure (or base)
and the superstructure is summarised in Figure 1.1.1.
Note that, from a Marxist perspective, all inequality
is rooted in the infrastructure or economy because
this is where the exploitative relationship between
employer and employee is first established. The
diagram clearly shows that the superstructure is
dependent on the infrastructure - it cannot stand
alone. Everything that goes on within the social
institutions that constitute the superstructure (the
family, education, religion, politics, mass media and
justice-legal system) is determined and shaped by the
inequalities in wealth, privilege and power generated
by the economic base or infrastructure.

Figure 1.1.1 Marxism: the relationship between the infrastructure and the superstructure.

.>#53

SUPERSTRUCTURE
maintains and legitimates
SUPERSTRUCTURE the base

Education
Family

_ . Mass media
\ 1 Religion

/ /\

/ / (Everything NOT to do with production in society) H

[ l BASE

\ *jmjnL_ Relations of production k

\ Bourgeoisie exploits the proletariat

Means of production
All the things you need to produce: ••
BASE machines, factories, land, raw materials, etc.
shapes the (all owned by bourgeoisie).
superstructure

11
1 INTRODUCTION
Criticisms of Marxism
Like functionalism, Marxism has also been criticised
by Wrong as being over-deterministic because it
produces what he calls ‘over-socialised’ individuals
whose identity and behaviour is wholly determined
by their social class position, which in turn is the
product of the social relations of production formed
in the infrastructure. Critics of Marxism argue that
the theory rarely acknowledges that people may be
free to make their own choices or that working-class
people may experience the same social-class
situation in very different ways and consequently
choose to react differently compared with their peers.
Secondly, Marxism portrays working-class people
as ‘cultural zombies' brainwashed by ideology who
inhabit a permanent state of ‘false class consciousness’.
This picture of compliant and docile workers fails to
consider that such workers might actually be aware
of class inequality (sociological surveys conducted in
Europe indicate that they are), but that they feel that
the benefits of capitalism (such as the high standard
of living it provides) compensate for it. There is also
evidence that some sections of the working class have
actively resisted capitalist exploitation. Industrial
action in the form of strikes, riots and voting for
political parties that oppose the present organisation
of capitalism suggest that many working-class people
can and do see through ruling-class ideology.
i
The neo-Marxist Antonio Gramsci (2005) argued
that what goes on in the superstructure is not
always shaped by the infrastructure. He argues that
some institutions that make up the superstructure
can act independently of the economy and social
class, and therefore equip the working class with
the ideas that they need to overthrow the capitalist
elite. Gramsci believed that both religion and the
media have the power to socialise the working
class into revolutionary ideas independently of
the infrastructure and to mobilise them to take
revolutionary action against the capitalist system.
Key terms
Conflict Disagreement or clash of interest.
Capitalism An economic and political system in
which a country’s trade and industry are controlled
by private owners for profit.
Infrastructure The economic system.
Superstructure All of the cultural and social
institutions that function to transmit capitalist
ideology, especially the idea that the existence of
wealth and poverty are justified.
12
Bourgeoisie The socio-economic group that owns
the means of production and is responsible for the
organisation of capitalism.
Means of production The resources required to
manufacture a product; for example, capital for
investment, raw materials, machinery and so on.
Labour power The effort, skill and hours which a
worker puts into the manufacture of a product.
Proletariat The labouring or working class.
Social relations of production The relationship
between employers and workers.
Surplus value The excess of value produced by the
labour of workers over the wages they are paid.
Social class inequality Inequalities in income
and wealth, political power, life chances, levels of
education, health and so on between the richest
and poorest groups in capitalist society.
Appropriation Dishonest and unethical seizure of
value or profit by the capitalist class of something
produced by the labouring class.
Bourgeois ideology A set of ideas that originates
with the capitalist class which attempts to convince
members of society that inequality is a natural or
normal outcome and that those who succeed or fail
in the capitalist system deserve to do so.
False class consciousness Being unaware
that socio-economic position is caused by the
organisation of the capitalist system.
Cultural zombies Workers who have been
convinced by bourgeois ideology that they are
responsible for their own fate and that they should
uncritically accept their social position.
Summary
1. Marxism is a structural theory which argues
that the social actions of those who belong
to particular social classes are shaped by
economic and social forces over which the
individual has little or no control. These powerful
influences originate in the infrastructure of
capitalist societies.
2. The economic infrastructure is deliberately
organised by the capitalist class, with the
intention of exploiting the surplus value earned
by the labour power of the working class.
3. Surplus value is pocketed by the capitalist class
and is the main cause of social class inequalities
in wealth, income and power.

4. The social institutions that make up the
superstructure function to reproduce, justify
and legitimate class inequality by transmitting
ruling-class ideology. This ideology aims to
persuade poorer and powerless sections of
society that wealth is earned, inequality is
‘natural’ and that the poor are deserving of
their fate.
Status inequality: the theory of
Max Weber
Another critic of Marx was Max Weber (1864-
1920), who claimed that Marx had overemphasised
the power of economic factors, particularly the
social class relationships formed in the economic
infrastructure, as the main source of social inequality
and as the principal influence on identity and
social behaviour.
Weber suggested that the main source of inequalities
in all societies was differences in status and power.
He criticised Marx because Marx failed to recognise
that social class was merely one type of status
inequality and that other types of status inequality
based on gender, ethnicity, religion, nationality
and coercion (for example, the power to commit
or threaten violence) - which have little to do with
economic features such as wealth, profit or surplus
value - are important sources of conflict in society.
Weber observed that status also derives from
authority, which again has little to do with either
economic status or class. Some people, for example,
parents, teachers, social workers, police officers and
judges, acquire authority from the state or society
which equips them with the right to give orders, make
decisions and to enforce obedience and conformity.
A few unique individuals may acquire status because
they possess a charismatic personality that inspires
both devotion and obedience in others. For example,
political and religious leaders often fall into this
category. The important criticism that Weber is
making of Marx is that none of these types of status
originates in the way capitalism is organised.
Weber’s analysis is important because he notes that
it is not always the capitalist class that is responsible
for inequality, exploitation, suffering and conflict. In
many societies around the world, and in many walks
of life, social groups that possess power and status
repress other groups that they interpret as ‘inferior’. For
example, men dominate women, majority ethnic groups
and religions persecute ethnic and religious minorities,
and nationalist groups intimidate migrants.
1 INTRODUCTION
Key terms
Status Social standing or the prestige attached to
particular social roles.
Authority The power or right to give orders, make
decisions and enforce obedience. It normally
derives from a legal source.
Charismatic personality Somebody with a
compelling personality who has the ability to
influence the behaviour of others.
Summary
1. Weber identifies several sources of status
inequality in addition to economic inequality.
2. He argues that inequality can be caused by
status differences that originate in gender
differences, power and authority, tribalism,
ethnicity, religion and nationalism.
The feminist theory of society, culture
and identity
Feminism is another structuralist theory of society.
It attempts to explain gender inequality by focusing
on differences and conflict between men and women.
It argues that most societies are patriarchal. This
means that male domination, female subordination
and therefore gender inequality characterise the
social structure of the society.
According to feminists, patriarchy is the dominant
form of status inequality in most societies around
the world. They claim that patriarchy pre-dates
the capitalist system and social class differences.
They argue that patriarchy currently shapes what
goes on in every social institution that makes up
the social system. In social institutions such as the
family, the education system, the mass media, the
political system and the economic system, women are
systematically disadvantaged and oppressed. They
are deliberately kept under-represented in positions
of power. Furthermore, male violence against women
is a norm in patriarchal societies.
However, mainstream feminism (which as you
will see in Chapter 4, Unit 4.3.1, comprises three
distinct approaches: liberal, radical and socialist/
Marxist) was criticised in the 1990s for being
ethnocentric. Bri Morales (2017) claims that when
the experience of non-Western women is considered
by Western feminism, the solutions offered are
West-orientated and aim to bring non-Western
13
 1 INTRODUCTION
women to the same level of ‘freedom’ that has been
allegedly achieved by Western feminism. However,
Morales claims that this approach completely
disregards the global diversity of culture. She
argues that Western feminists need to have a better
understanding of how individual cultures shape
the everyday oppression of women in developing
societies. Morales argues that, even within the USA,
White middle-class feminists rarely engage with
movements such as ‘Black Lives Matter or protests
against official government policy on immigration
because they regard these issues as irrelevant to
their brand of feminism. White feminists do not see
alleged police brutality towards the Black community
or immigration controls as problems because White
women are rarely directly affected by such issues.
However, Morales insists that such issues are part
and parcel of the experience of subordination and
oppression faced by millions of non-White women
in the USA and therefore should be the focus of
feminist analysis and protest.
In response to these concerns about the
ethnocentrism of feminism, intersectional feminism
appeared in the 1990s. The term ‘intersectionality’
was coined by Kimberle Crenshaw (1989) in an
attempt to demonstrate that women experience
patriarchal oppression in varying ways and in
varying degrees of intensity. Crenshaw observes
that women’s experience of patriarchal oppression
is not universal; that is, not all women experience
patriarchy in the same way. Crenshaw and others,
such as Aileen Moreton-Robinson (2000) and Reni
Eddo-Lodge (2018), argue that cultural patterns
of oppression are bound together and influenced
by the intersectional systems of society such as
race, gender, class, ability, sexuality and ethnicity.
In other words, certain groups of women have to
cope with multi-layered forms of patriarchy. There
is no one-size-fits-all type of patriarchal experience
or feminism. Similarly, a Black woman is subjected
to patriarchal influences like all other women but
that experience may be more negative because
her experience of patriarchy interacts with other
forms of inequality and oppression, such as racism
and possibly the poverty caused by her social class
position. Consequently, her experience of patriarchy
is unique to her individual identity and experience.
The relative affluence of middle-class women may mean
that, to some extent, the impact of patriarchy does not
qualitatively undermine their lifestyle or life chances to
14
the extent of that experienced by a Black single mother
in precarious employment working for subsistence
wages. Likewise, some religions encourage women
to make the most of educational and employment
opportunities, while others restrict women to the
home and closely control what they can and cannot
do outside the home. Intersectional feminism has also
drawn attention to intra-feminist disputes. For example,
in 2018, high-profile feminists such as Germaine Greer
have questioned the right of those with transgender
identities, and especially those who have transitioned
from male to female, to call themselves women.
Key terms
Gender inequality Refers to inequalities in wealth,
pay, political power, access to certain types of jobs,
and in the distribution of domestic tasks such as
childcare and housework.
Patriarchy Male domination of society and the
social institutions that comprise it.
Black Lives Matter An international activist
movement, originating in the African-American
community, that campaigns against violence and
systemic racism towards Black people.
Ethnocentrism A tendency to see the experience of
others in terms of one’s own culture. It often involves
making unconscious negative judgements, because
people assume that their cultural experience is
‘normal’ and all other experiences are ‘abnormal’.
Intersectionality The acknowledgement that
middle-class White women are not as exploited
or as unequal as women from working-class and
ethnic minority backgrounds, who may be held
back by poverty, racism and religion.
Summary
1. Feminism is a structural theory which argues that
the social actions of both males and females are
shaped by the patriarchal structure of society
over which the individual has little or no control.
2. Gender inequality is, therefore, found in most
spheres of social life.
3. However, intersectional feminists point out that
the experience of women is not universally the
same.

4. The experience of patriarchy depends on how
other types of status inequality - social class,
ethnicity and sexuality - intersect with patriarchy.
Consequently, the gender inequality experienced
by Western White women may differ from that of
Black and Asian women living in both Western
and non-Western societies. Heterosexual women
may experience patriarchy in different ways
compared with lesbian or transgender females.
Unit 1.1.3 Interactionist
perspectives
There are four variations on social action theory or
interactionism: symbolic interactionism, labelling
theory, the dramaturgical approach and social
exchange theory.
Symbolic interactionism
Symbolic interactionism - the full name for
interactionism - derives from the writings of George
Herbert Mead (1863-1931) and then Herbert Blumer
(1900-87) at the University of Chicago. Mead (1934)
provided the foundation for the perspective, while
Blumer (1962) helped apply the ideas to sociological
issues. The theory of symbolic interactionism has three
core ideas: the symbol, the self, the interaction.
a. The symbol - The world around us consists of
millions of unique objects and people. Life would
be impossible if we treated every separate thing
as unique. Instead, we group things together into
categories, which we then classify. Usually, we
then give each group a name (which is a symbol).
Examples of symbols include ‘trees’, 'students’,
'parents’. You will immediately see that the symbol
may evoke some feelings in us; they are not
necessarily neutral terms. So, the world is composed
of many symbols, all of which have some meaning
for us and suggest a possible response or possible
course of action. But the course of action that we
feel is appropriate may not be shared by everybody.
b. The self - In order for people to respond to and
act upon the meanings that symbols have for
them, they have to know their selves; that is,
who they are within this world of symbols and
meaning. Crucially, this involves us being able to
see ourselves through the eyes of others. Blumer
suggests that we develop this notion of the self
during childhood socialisation and, in particular,
1 INTRODUCTION
in role-playing. When we engage in a game with
others, we learn various social roles and also learn
how these interact with the roles of others. This
brings us to the third element of interactionism,
the importance of the interaction itself.
c. The interaction - For sociology, the most
important element of symbolic interactionism is
actually the point at which the symbol and the
self come together with others in an interaction.
Children learn (again through role-playing) to
take the viewpoint of other people into account
whenever they set out on any course of action.
Only by having an idea of what the other person
is thinking about the situation is it possible to
interact with them. This is an extremely complex
business - it involves reading the meaning of the
situation correctly from the viewpoint of the other
(What sort of person are they? How do they see
me? What do they expect me to do?) and then
responding in terms of how you see your own
personality (Who am I? How do I want to behave?
How do I want to be seen?). There is great scope
for confusion and misunderstanding, so it is
important that everyone involved in an interaction
interprets the rules and symbols in the same way.
Interaction, therefore, involves people interpreting
what is going on around them and applying symbolic
meaning to particular social situations and to the
actions of others. People interpret what is going on
around them by looking for shared signs and symbols.
For example, our actions are often dependent on our
successful interpretation of signs and symbols signalled
by others via facial expression, body language, gesture,
tone of voice and so on, which indicate approval or
disapproval of our actions. In reaction to others, we
may modify our behaviour accordingly.
Symbolic interactionism also argues that individuals
and groups are constantly and actively engaged in
re-negotiating social meanings and interpretations.
People’s roles and social identities as parents, children,
teachers, students, workers and so on are often open
to individual interpretation and negotiation. For
example, society collectively agrees that the role of a
teacher is to teach students the knowledge and skills
to ensure that they successfully pass exams. However,
social action theory acknowledges that each teacher
will negotiate this role differently depending on the
quality of their interaction with students. For example,
teachers may judge that young students may only
respond positively to a highly disciplined or controlled
approach, whereas a more relaxed approach might be
used with A Level students.
15
 1 INTRODUCTION
Some sociologists use semiology - the study
of signs and symbols - when they study human
behaviour. However, it can be difficult to
successfully interpret the true meaning of symbolic
behaviour. Consider, for example, how the following
symbolic forms of behaviour expressed by a student
might have alternative and conflicted meanings
from both a student and teacher point of view:
» smiling/laughing/grinning
* a look of rapt attention
> eyes closed
> slumped in chair.
Think, too, about the sort of symbolic behaviour
you might expect to see in the following situations:
> at a funeral
» in a shop
> at a birthday party
* in a church, temple or mosque.
Labelling theory
This type of interactionist theory argues that
powerful social actors have the power to change
our behaviour by applying symbolic labels which
shape our sense of self so that we may end up
identifying with whatever label or stereotypical
symbol is pinned on us. For example, a teacher’s
initial judgement of a student as a potential failure
(a label which may be based on a range of both
subjective and objective criteria) may be consciously
or unconsciously transmitted to the student by
the teacher’s interaction with the student in the
classroom. The student, who may still be in the
early stages of constructing their sense of self at
16
school, may symbolically identify the teacher’s
facial expression, tone of voice and vocal criticism
of their behaviour with the view that the teacher
does not think highly of their ability. They may
respond by indulging in behaviour that disrupts
lessons and confirms the teacher’s initial label or
prediction and consequently underachieve. From
a labelling theory perspective, the interaction
between the powerful teacher and the less powerful
student has constructed or shaped the ‘failure’.
This effect is known as a self-fulfilling prophecy.
It can, of course, work in the opposite direction.
Some students may be positively motivated towards
success by both positive labels and interaction with
their teachers.
Interaction with teachers can have a powerful positive
or negative effect on our self- image and work ethic
according to interactionist sociologists.
Imagine that you are a new student in a school
and you are about to be taught by a teacher who
taught your older sibling. When you introduce
yourself to the teacher, they remark that they
were not impressed with your older sibling.
You receive your first assignment, which you
hand in on time after putting a lot of effort into
it. However, when the teacher hands out the
grades, they make a remark in front of your class
accusing you of copying the work of others ‘like
your brother or sister used to do’. You protest
your innocence but the teacher does not seem
convinced. You submit other pieces of work
but the accusations of copying and cheating
continue. What do you think will be the long-term
effect of this teacher stereotyping on your
interpretation of the teacher’s lessons and your
future work ethic?

A first-time mother or father has no experience of the
social identity associated with parenting. However
society provides them with a set of expectations that
they know they should live up to, especially when
interacting with other parents.
Consider what behaviour constitutes a ‘good’
mother or father and a ‘bad’ mother or father.
Which gender, in your opinion, is most likely to be
judged as a ‘bad’ parent?
Interactionism suggests that the people who make up
a particular society share a universal stock or library
of meanings and that this is the source of social
order in society. For example, we all share similar
interpretations of the symbols of authority, such as
wearing a cap/helmet and uniform, and we generally
react in the same way when we are stopped by the
police, showing respect and deference.
The dramaturgical approach
Erving Goffman (1990) took a ‘dramaturgical’
approach to social action. He referred to members
of society as ‘social actors’. He claimed that people
in a variety of daily social contexts act out or perform
identity. Goffman suggested that every social
situation in which we find ourselves is a scene in the
larger drama of social life or society. To paraphrase
Shakespeare, ‘all the social world is a stage’. As actors,
Goffman observed that our role is to manage other
people’s impressions of ourselves. We do this by
putting on a ’front’ or by projecting a particular image
of ourselves. For example, teachers might be shy,
introverted and fairly quiet personalities in the company
of their peers, friends and family, but the ‘front’ that
they project in the classroom in order to control their
students may be full of confidence, authority and even
arrogance. Such teachers are, therefore, 'playing a role’
in order to satisfy social or cultural expectations about
how successful teachers should behave.
1 INTRODUCTION
This impression management can be quite stressful
and exhausting, because people need to be constantly
aware when the need arises to ‘act’ and when they
can drop the front and act more like their ‘real’ selves.
Goffman, therefore, argued that our negotiation of
social interaction and reality is dependent on our
ability to successfully switch ‘fronts’ depending on
what social situation or ‘scene’ we are participating in.
Activity
Teachers juggle several fronts during the course of their
school day.
Make a list of all the fronts that you have
performed since you got up this morning. How
many performances have you put on so far today?
Social exchange theory
Social exchange theory is built on the assumption
that all human relationships can be understood
in terms of an exchange in roughly equivalent
values. These values are rarely monetary ones.
Examples include:
» subtle exchanges of affection (for example, a child
might receive parental love depending on whether
he or she conforms to parental wishes)
* social status (for example, if a professional behaves
in a respectable fashion, their clients may reward
that person with social status)
1 social capital (in return for a favour, an influential
friend might be made)
1 cultural capital (for example, a teacher might
reward the industry of a student in the classroom
with knowledge essential to gaining a qualification).
George Homans (1961) observed that social exchange
theory involves people rationally weighing up each
interaction to decide whether it will come at a cost or
whether there is some reward to be gained from it.
17
 1 INTRODUCTION
Social exchange theory, therefore, defines social
action as the pursuit of rewards and the avoidance of
punishment and other types of cost. The basic unit of
analysis of this theory is the micro - the relationship
between social actors. It is particularly interested in
how the power possessed by one or both individuals
shapes the social exchange.
However, social exchange theory is also interested
in the macro. It observes that individual interaction
can become complex and formal, especially when
individuals congregate together in social associations
or institutions. Individuals choose to form such groups
because they expect some form of reward from
membership. Those members who fail to conform to
the expectations of the group may face a cost in terms
of punishment such as exclusion. Peter Blau (1986)
saw power as the key dynamic of the social exchange
that occurs between individuals as well as that
between individuals and societies or social structures.
For example, we can observe social exchanges taking
place between teachers (who have power in the form
of authority invested in them) and students. Note that
the latter have less opportunity than the former to
reward the other.
Activity
Think about the interaction between yourself
and your teachers and carry out these three
exercises. First, list both the rewards you hope
to obtain from your teachers and the types of
behaviour you probably need to adopt in order to
achieve those rewards. Second, discuss with your
class and your teacher whether it is true that
the relationship between teacher and student
is so one-sided that your behaviour is unlikely
to reward the teacher. Third, list the costs to
both students and teachers of negative social
exchanges in the classroom.
We can also observe social exchanges between
individuals and social structures. Teachers, for
example, may find that how they teach and what
they teach (that is, the nature of the social exchange
between teacher and student) may itself be a product
of a social exchange between the teacher and society
as represented by social institutions such as the
government, the exam board and the type of school
they teach in. In other words, if the teacher achieves
good exam results by conforming to the expectations
of these structures and institutions, they may expect,
in exchange, social approval, prestige and promotion.
18
Linda Molm (1997) links social exchange to social
control. She investigated the role of coercion in
social exchange. She defined coercion as the power
to control negative events by withholding rewards
and by inflicting punishments on others during the
course of an interaction. She found that coercion is
actually used less often by those in power because
it may be viewed as unjustified in terms of the
losses it imposes on the less powerful group in
the exchange. Moreover, the powerful may fear
retaliation by the less powerful group, who may
feel that the coercion was too costly in terms of
its effect on them and consequently feel a strong
sense of grievance and hostility. Bo Anderson and
David Wilier (1981) claim that the ability to exclude
others is actually more effective than coercion
and consequently the most powerful outcome of
social exchange.
Evaluating interactionist perspectives
On the positive side, first, interactionist perspectives
recognise that people or social actors are complex
beings who exercise a degree of free will and
consequently possess a diverse stock of social
meanings and interpretations, which they use
to flexibly negotiate their way through their
interactions with others and social reality. Second,
interactionist theories acknowledge that social
actors play an active rather than passive role in the
social construction of society. Third, labelling theory
recognises the importance of micro-level interactions
in shaping people’s identities and what goes on
within social institutions. They also acknowledge that
’power’ is a crucial element in the social construction
of society.
!
However, interactionist theories have been criticised
by functionalists, Marxists and feminists for, first,
failing to pay sufficient attention to the influence
of structural social forces such as value consensus,
social class inequalities, patriarchy and institutional
racism on individual action. Second, although
interactionist theory emphasises the role of power
in the social construction of society, it is often
vague about the source of the power that allows
some groups to impose their social interpretation
of reality on others. Finally, interactionist theory
is keen to stress how voluntarist human action
is and how over-deterministic structuralist
theories are. However, interactionist theory is not
totally innocent when it comes to determinism.
It can be argued that the process of labelling is
deterministic. If, as interactionists tend to argue,
it leads to a self-fulfilling prophecy, this implies
that it is very difficult for an individual to escape
the consequences of being labelled by powerful
institutions such as teachers/schools, the police
or the media. For example, it is almost impossible
for a powerless student to voluntarily opt out of
an educational context such as being constrained
by a physical detention, which has come about as
a result of a mistaken label or biased stereotype
imposed by an incompetent teacher.
Key terms
Symbolic interaction A social action theory
that claims that identity is developed through
interaction with others. A key feature of such
interaction is the process of interpreting the
symbolic behaviour of others, for example, their
facial expression and body language.
Symbol A thing that represents or stands for
something else, especially a material object
representing something abstract. For example,
language in the form of writing is symbolic of
spoken sounds. The word ‘cat’ is symbolic of a
general group of domesticated pet, whereas the
word 'Siamese’ is symbolic of a particular breed
of cat.
Semiology Sometimes called ‘semiotics’, this
is the sociological study of signs and symbols.
Sociologists have used it to study the content
of media, for example, some feminists argue
that the frequent use by journalists of the
word ‘girls’ instead of ‘women’ symbolises
patriarchal subordination.
Social meanings When we interpret the actions
of others, we apply meaning to that action and
respond accordingly.
Labelling theory The idea that people come to
identify and behave in ways that reflect how more
powerful others label or stereotype them.
Self-fulfilling prophecy This involves the application
of a false definition or label to a person which makes
a prediction about future behaviour. This labelling
results in a new behaviour which confirms the initial
label or prophecy.
Dramaturgical approach The idea that people’s
day-to-day lives can be understood as resembling
performers in action on a theatre stage.
Social actors Term used by social action theories
to describe people or individuals who freely enter
into interaction with others.
Front The way we present ourselves in any given
social situation to create specific impressions in
the mind of others.
Impression management The conscious or
subconscious process in which people attempt to
influence the perceptions of other people about a
person, object or event.
Social exchange theory A sociological theory which
explains social order and stability as a consequence
of negotiated exchanges between social actors.
Interaction involves transactions between
individuals that result in mutual value being
exchanged. For example, if a group of people agree
to abide by the law, the whole community benefits.
Social capital The collective value of all social
networks (the value of knowing influential people),
and the obligations that arise from these networks
to do things for each other (for example, to return
a favour).
Cultural capital The social, intellectual and
cultural assets of a person that contribute to their
educational success or social mobility, for example,
knowing how to ‘dress for success’.
Coercion The action or practice of persuading
someone to do something by using force or threats.
Summary
1. Social action theories reject the idea that the
structure of societies releases irresistible social
forces that shape social behaviour.
2. Social action theory sees social actors taking
charge of their own destinies rather than being
the puppets of society.
3. Society is actively constructed by social actors
choosing to come together to interact and using
their stock of interpretations or social meanings
to make sense of and negotiate their way
through any given social situation.
4. Agency or free will is, therefore, more important
than social structure.
5. The social world is a social stage on which social
actors perform and play roles.
6. Our self-awareness and social identities are the
product of symbolic interaction with others.
7. When people interact with one another, they
are engaged in social exchanges which involve
potential costs and rewards.
19
 1 INTRODUCTION
Unit 1.1.4 The postmodernist
theory of culture, society and
identity
Postmodernism is a theory that became very popular
in the late 20th century. It claims that modern
Western societies have evolved into a new postmodern
form. It contains elements of both structuralist and
interactionist theories. For example, it argues that in
modern societies, people’s actions were constrained
by the scarcity of choices made available to them by
culture and the economy. This scarcity often derived
from the way in which such societies were structured.
In postmodern societies, a greater range of choices is
available to the individual, which empowers them to
act in ways permitted by society.
Postmodernist perspectives
Postmodern societies radically differ from modern
societies in four crucial respects:
1. The economic systems of modern societies are
focused on industrial manufacturing. Consequently,
work is the main source of identity. In contrast,
postmodern economies are post-industrial and
the vast majority of workers are non-manual
and engaged in the production of services (in
government, the financial sector, leisure and
tourism) rather than manufacturing.
Postmodernists such as Dominic Strinati (2004)
argue that the main economic activity found in
postmodern societies is the consumption of goods
(which are mainly imported) and personal services.
A. Fuat Firati and Alladi Venkatesh (1995) argue
that consumerism has had a liberating effect on
individuals because the market provides a greater
range of consumer choices from which individuals
can pick in order to construct their identity. For
example, the wealthy may wish to show off their
status by using or wearing expensive luxury brands.
This is known as conspicuous consumption.
2. Modern industrialised states were self-contained
units or nation-states which were largely
independent of the influence of the other societies
that made up the world. In contrast, globalisation
has had a major impact on the postmodern world
in that most societies are now global societies,
because advances in digital technology have
transformed local economic and political systems.
What were once free-standing and disconnected
20
societies are increasingly interdependent and
linked by global forces beyond their control.
For example, in 2008, a financial crisis which
originated in the collapse of the sub-prime
mortgage market in the USA had a global ripple
effect on the economies of other societies across
the world.
3. In modern societies, explanations for the way
society and culture worked were dominated by
grand theories known as ‘meta-narratives' that
originated in science, religion, philosophy, political
ideologies, journalism, historical belief systems
and even sociology. In contrast, Jean-Frangois
Lyotard (1984) argued that postmodern societies
reject such meta-narratives. For example, experts
and the mainstream media who justify their
theories on the basis of facts or absolute truth
are routinely ridiculed, and scientific theories such
as climate change and evolution are frequently
denied. Postmodernists claim that public faith in
religion and mainstream politicians, especially in
Western societies, has declined. They argue that,
in postmodern societies, the pursuit of absolute
truth favoured by traditional meta-narratives
!
has been abandoned in favour of relativism -
the idea that all points of view, whether backed
up by facts or evidence or not, have value. This
has led to some commentators, such as James
Bull (2017), describing postmodern societies as
post-truth societies.
j 4. In modern societies, identity was something that
was largely inherited (for example, being born
into religions, social classes or ethnic groups) and
something that was largely imposed from without.
Traditional values such as duty and obligation
to a wider social group - the extended family,
religion, community - shaped people’s identity.
In contrast, in postmodern societies, Lisa Zanetti
and Adrian Carr (1999) argue that concepts such
as citizenship, tradition, duty and community
have been swept away by a postmodern focus on
individualism - a value system which has been
particularly encouraged by global social media
and marketplace that stress self-interest, free
will, freedom of choice and narcissism. In this
postmodern world, citizens are encouraged to
express their individuality through consumption
and by selecting components of their identity
from a marketplace of alternative ideas and
symbols which originate in globalisation, social
media, New Age or self-religions, and new social
movements, especially those found online.

Evaluating postmodernism
Many sociologists reject the postmodernist claim
that a new type of society emerged in the late 20th
century that was radically different from the ‘modern’
one that had preceded it. Rather, these critics argue
that modern societies have experienced some
relatively important changes rather than wholescale
transformation. For example, Ulrich Beck (2004)
argued that modern industrial-capitalist societies
had not undergone transformation but instead the
way manufacturing is organised has brought about
a period of‘high modernity’ in which citizens are
exposed to high levels of ‘manufactured risk' because
consumer demand for new products and the failure to
dispose of obsolete products are resulting in ecological
crises and environmental destruction. Beck argued
that citizens were often blinded to this risk because
individualisation characterises highly modern risk
societies. Consequently, people act selfishly and rarely
consider what the outcomes of their consumerist
actions might be for the rest of society.
Zygmunt Bauman (2000) also rejected the term
‘postmodern’ because he claimed that it has become
corrupted by too much diverse usage and disagreement
about what it actually entails. He claimed that modern
societies are undergoing a process he called ‘liquid
modernity'. This means that modern societies are in a
state of constant change and uncertainty in spite of all
attempts to impose order and stability.
Giddens (1998) too rejects the notion that modern
societies have evolved into postmodern ones. He
argues that modern societies are experiencing social
changes but that none of these are important enough
to transform them into an entity that is dramatically
different to those societies that dominated the 20th
century. Giddens argues that contemporary societies
are late-modern societies. However, the social change
that these societies have experienced is merely an
extension of social forces and processes which have
been around for some time. Giddens highlights two
extensions. First, interaction and communication
between individuals in early-modern societies used to
be constrained by time, space and geography. However,
these things have now become instantaneous because
of the technological revolution in digital forms of
communication, especially the internet, smartphones
and email. Second, Giddens argues that the traditional
ways of thinking and practices that dominated
early-modern societies have been replaced by thinking
and social action based on reflexivity. This means that
citizens are now more individualistic and consequently
make choices about their actions and about who
1 INTRODUCTION
they want to be. Giddens argues that people living
in late-modern societies understand and treat their
self-identity as a reflexive project. Instead of taking for
granted or passively inheriting who they are, people
frequently and actively shape or construct their identity.
Finally, Marxists, too, are critical of postmodernism,
because they argue that the logic of capitalism which
underpinned modern societies continues undisturbed
today. Marxists claim that capitalism has expanded
to become global in nature and capitalists have
modified their outlook to embrace the idea that
those who own capital no longer have any need for
nationality. Other Marxists, such as John Bellamy
Foster (2014) and Robert McChesney (201 2), note
that in late capitalism, there has been an economic
tendency to monopoly and oligopoly as exhibited
by the dominance of Google, Facebook, Amazon and
Apple. David Graeber (2018) observes that capitalism
has evolved to produce more profitable ways of
exploiting labour to the extent that many of the jobs
found in late capitalist societies serve no meaningful
purpose beyond perpetuating the capitalist system.
Jurgen Habermas (1984) argues that modernity
should be seen as an incomplete project that requires
revolutionary change in the form of more democracy,
freedom and rational socialist policy.
Activity
i Read the following eight theoretical statements
carefully and categorise them as either
functionalist, Marxist, feminist or as social action
theory. There are two statements for each theory.
1. Marriage is based on the domination of women
by men.
2. In general, societies such as ours operate
reasonably well because most people generally
agree on most things.
3. ‘Deviance’ is a label given by people with the
power to define what is normal and what is
not normal.
4. Laws are created by the capitalist class to
protect their own interests.
5. Religion and the mass media have always been
used by the powerful as a way of persuading
those without power, such as the poor, to
accept without question the ways things are.
6. The role of social institutions is to encourage a
sense of belonging to society.
21
 1 INTRODUCTION
7. People construct society by choosing to socially
interact with one another.
8. Housework is slave labour - unpaid and done
largely for the benefit of men.
Key Terms
Post-industrial A stage in a society’s development
when the service sector of the economy generates
more wealth than the industrial or manufacturing
sector of the economy.
Consumption Consumers spending money on
commodities/goods (shopping).
Consumerism The preoccupation of society with
the acquisition of consumer goods.
Conspicuous consumption Expenditure on, and
consumption of, luxuries on a lavish scale in an
attempt to enhance one’s prestige.
Nation-states A sovereign state of which most of
the citizens or subjects are united by factors which
define a nation, such as language, possession of a
territory with borders and/or common descent.
Meta-narratives Grand theories which aim to
explain society and human behaviour.
Relativism The view that there is no such thing
as absolute truth and that all opinions and
experiences have validity.
Post-truth A situation in which expert opinion and
facts are less influential in shaping public attitudes
than emotion, faith and personal belief.
Individualism Being free from external pressures
such as tradition and duty and being able to
pursue one’s own interests (sometimes at the
expense of others).
Narcissism Extreme selfishness, with a
grandiose view of one’s own talents and a craving
for admiration.
New Age religion A type of religion which aims
to help people find spiritual fulfilment through
practices such as meditation, healing and
self-discovery.
Self-religions New Age religions which claim to
improve self.
22
New social movements Political movements,
which are often radical, global in reach and
disproportionately supported by young people and
coordinated online.
High modernity The later stages of modern
societies identified by Beck, associated with
manufactured risks to the ecology of the planet
and high levels of individualisation.
Manufactured risks The risks produced by
consumer demand for more consumer goods and
the inability of capitalism to manufacture goods
without risking the environment (for example,
through pollution).
Individualisation A social feature of late or
postmodernity which encourages members
of society to put the interests of themselves
before the interests of the wider social
group. It encourages selfishness rather
than selflessness.
Risk society Beck’s idea that technology
used by capitalist societies has many negative
consequences for humankind in terms of pollution,
new diseases and environmental destruction.
Liquid modernity A term used by Bauman to
describe the later stages of modernity, which he
sees as characterised by uncertainty.
Late modernity A term used by Giddens to
describe the later stages of modern society,
which he claims is characterised by globalisation
and reflexivity.
Reflexivity The state of being able to examine
one’s own feelings, reactions and motives for
acting and being able to adjust one’s behaviour or
identity accordingly.
Late capitalism A term used by Marxists to
describe the later stages of modern capitalist
society, especially capitalism's ability to exploit
new global markets and to create new forms of
labour in order to generate profit.
Monopoly The exclusive possession or control of
the supply of, or trade in, a commodity or service.
Oligopoly A state of limited competition, in which
a market is shared by a very small number of
producers or sellers.
 meta-narratives supplied by tradition, religion,
Summary science and so on; identity is mainly derived
1. Postmodernists argue that societies have
from structural influences over which they have
entered a new era as the modern features of
little control, for example, work, social class
society go into decline and are subsequently
and patriarchy.
replaced by a completely new set of
postmodern characteristics. 3. Critics of postmodernism claim that modern
societies are merely going through some
2. Postmodernists claim that modern societies
important changes rather than undergoing
have specific features: they have economies
a total transformation. They use terms such
dominated by industrial manufacturing; they
as ‘high modernity', ‘late modernity’, ‘liquid
are politically autonomous societies and are
modernity’ and ‘late capitalism’ to describe
not influenced by global processes; the citizens
these changes.
of such societies obtain their world views from

23
 2 SOCIALISATION All
IDENTITY
Chapter contents
Section A Socialisation and the creation
of social identity 25
Exam-style practice questions
73
Sociologists observe that there is a strong
relationship between culture, socialisation and
identity. At birth, you joined a social world or
society with a distinct way of life or culture that had
probably been in existence for hundreds of years.
This chapter will focus on helping you to identify
the key features of the culture that you experience
daily. The chapter will also focus on the process
of ‘socialisation’ - how you and other members
i of your society ‘learn’ or acquire those aspects of
: socialisation influence social action and the effects
i culture which shape your identity. There are two
aspects to identity:
W The first is personal or self-identity - this refers to
V l how you view yourself in your daily interactions with
VvA
LJKL
others. For example, you may regard yourself as ‘shy’
or ‘introverted’ or as ‘outgoing’ and ‘confident’ This
type of identity undergoes extensive change over the
years as other people react to your personality and
you respond by changing aspects of it. For example,
your personality is likely to be very different today
compared to how it was at the age of 11.
The second is social identity - this refers to
how society expects you to think and behave as
members of a particular social group. For example,
we often hold an opinion as to whether we are
‘good’ students, parents, children or employees
according to a set of cultural expectations about
those roles.
This chapter will examine how agencies of
of structure and agency on the process of social
learning. It will explore social control, conformity \
and resistance. Finally, it will examine social identity j
and change.
 SECTION A
SOCIALISATION AND THE CREATION OF
SOCIAL IDENTITY
usually significant in that it alters both the social
Contents organisation - the structure - of society and its social
Part 1 The process of learning and institutions. It also disrupts, hopefully for the better,

m Part 2
socialisation
Social control, conformity and
resistance
26

42
O
1 Part 3 Social identity and change 53
1 # 7. t
ag In our approach to the study of socialisation and
identity, it is important to distinguish between two
crucial sociological concepts: structure and agency.
^ W Structuralist sociologists believe that individual
j human actions and identities are the product of
■iw
impersonal social forces which are beyond the control
or understanding of the individuals that make up a
yjjrij society. In contrast, social action sociologists claim
'r /# that agency is more important than structure in
Jf determining an individual’s identity and explaining
people’s actions. Agency refers to individuals’ ability to
exercise free will and to make choices about how they
should behave and present themselves to others.
w Another important concept is inequality and
Qt\ opportunity. Many societies are hierarchical and
fifii consequently stratified. Inequality is a fact of life in
|H most societies. Some individuals and groups have
eHe! greater access to opportunity and consequently
ggj enjoy better lifestyles and life chances than others
p=l who through no fault of their own may be located or
Ullf stratified at lower levels of society. For example, if the
llll society in which you live is a racist one, and you are a
; 1 member of an oppressed minority, it is likely that you
Ifljl are going to be assigned a low status and that your
ss-sj opportunity to improve will be limited. The future
r." | life chances of your children are likely to be similarly
pf|| restricted. Very importantly, people are generally
pEEj unconscious of this process. They may genuinely
Nil believe that they are 'masters of their own universe’
gill A third key concept is social change and development.
y:.\ Societies do not, on the whole, remain static. Social
|li| change is fairly common. Sometimes this change is
I sudden, radical and revolutionary. Often, it is gradual
ill and slow. Whatever form social change takes, it is
people’s choices about how they should behave. A
good example of how social change may positively
impact both society and the individual is the way that
many societies have improved the rights of women.
This may be translated into individual action as
men increasingly regard women as their equals and
consequently choose to behave in less sexist ways
towards the women they interact with daily.
The fourth key concept is power, control and
resistance. There are many different theories about
who holds power and how power is used to shape
human behaviour.
This chapter is divided into three parts. Part 1
examines how agencies of socialisation work in
practice, and explores the effect of structure and
agency on learning culture and the construction of
culture and identity. Sociologists put forward the
idea that individuals learn how they are expected to
behave via agents of socialisation. The norms and
values learned through these agencies may vary
across time and between cultures.
Part 2 explores and evaluates theories relating
to social control, conformity and resistance from
the perspective of structure and agency as well
as examining key concepts such as power, control
and resistance.
Part 3 examines social identity and change.
Understanding how societies have developed helps
sociologists make sense of the way people live today.
Particularly important is the change from traditional
society to modern industrial society. The terms
‘pre-modernity’, ‘modernity’ and ‘postmodernity’
are often used to understand this transition.
Sociologists are particularly interested in how social
change may be driven by contemporary phenomena
such as the economic and cultural globalisation
that has resulted from digital interconnectivity and
capitalism’s relentless pursuit of profit.
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
PART 1 THE PROCESS OF LEARUB AMD
SOCIALISATION
Contents
Unit 2.1.1 Culture
Unit 2.1.2 The importance of socialisation
Unit 2.1.3 The nature versus nurture debate 40
The process of learning to behave in ways that
are culturally acceptable to society is known as
socialisation. In this part, we consider how the
concept of ‘socialisation’ is linked to ‘culture’,
and explore these social processes using global
examples. Abdullahi An-Na’im (1992) observes
that the impact of culture and socialisation on
Unit 2.1.1 Culture
Christopher Jencks (1993) defines culture as ‘the
whole way of life of a society’. From this point of
view, culture refers to the sum of knowledge, beliefs,
language, values, norms, customs, traditions,
mores, cuisine and the arts and music shared by a
particular society. At birth, you joined a social world
with a distinct culture that has been in existence for
thousands of years.
It is important at this stage to clearly differentiate
between culture and society. As Anthony Ciddens
(1997) argues, the concept of ‘culture’ cannot
exist without the concept of ‘society’ because they
are interdependent ideas. Giddens suggests that,
without culture, there would be no such thing as
self-consciousness or ‘identity’, which sociologists
argue separate human beings from other animals.
A society constitutes a group of people who live
alongside one another in a more or less ordered
community. Sociologists argue that society is
made up of all the formal and informal social
institutions that people create by interacting with
one other. These institutions include marriage and
the family, the peer group, education, government
(sometimes referred to as the state), religion,
the workplace, traditional forms of media such
as newspapers and television, and new forms of
26
human behaviour is often underestimated because
it is so powerful and embedded in our identity.
26 Unit 2.1.1, therefore, examines the key features of
35 the culture that you experience daily and how this
concept differs from ‘society’ Unit 2.1.2 explores
the comparative importance of different agencies of
socialisation. For example, is primary socialisation
more important than secondary socialisation? Have
parenting skills declined? Unit 2.1.3 investigates
the nurture versus nature debate. For example,
how important are biology, genetics, hormones and
heredity in terms of human development? Are they
more or less important than the immediate social
environment in which we are nurtured as children?
media such as the internet and social platforms
such as Facebook.
Sociologists argue that culture is mainly responsible
for shaping how societies work in practice. Culture
sets out the key values that individuals who belong to
the social institutions who make up society need to
possess. For example, members of families are strongly
encouraged to value marriage and the nurturing of
children, while legal institutions such as the law and the
police are expected to value and deal with all members
of society equally. Culture is also responsible for putting
values into practice by providing norms or guidelines
for behaviour which regulate how people should act in
specific social contexts.
Beliefs
Beliefs are strong convictions or principles that
individuals or social groups generally hold to be true,
usually without evidence that such beliefs are actually
true. If we compare societies past and present, we
can see that certain cultural beliefs dominate in
particular societies. These beliefs may originate in
religion, political ideology and historical tradition.
For example, in the past, some cultures believed in
the ‘divine right of kings’: that some people, because
they have royal blood, have been divinely chosen by
God to rule over society. In Japan, for example, the
emperor retained divine status until 1945, meaning

that his people thought he was literally a ‘God’ This
belief has largely been replaced in modern times and
in many cultures by a belief in ‘republicanism’ - the
view that a head of state should be appointed by
members of society through democratic elections in
which people have the right to vote.
However, some societies such as Saudi Arabia,
Bahrain, Oman and Brunei continue to be ruled by
monarchies, which exercise considerable power within
their own country. There is evidence to suggest that
strong cultural beliefs in traditional hierarchies and
deference to authority exist in these societies. These
beliefs are underpinned by a strong commitment to
religious beliefs, texts and structures which promote
the idea that monarchs are not only kings and queens
but are also the primary ‘custodians of the faith’.
In the USA, Americans are encouraged to subscribe
to the belief of the American Dream. James
Truslow Adams (1931) defined this as the belief
that ‘life should be better and richer and fuller for
everyone, with opportunity for each according to
ability or achievement regardless of social class or
circumstances of birth’. This belief system has been
very important in terms of integrating very diverse
migrant groups into a single collective and unified
sense of American identity.
Other important cultural beliefs that underpin
Western European societies include rationalism - the
principle of basing opinions and actions on reason
underpinned by scientific evidence rather than on
superstition, religious belief or emotion. Eva Beilin
(2004) argues that the people of many Middle
Eastern, North African and Asian societies have a
strong belief in patrimonialism and authoritarianism
- a form of governance in which all power flows
directly from a sole autocratic leader or oligarchic
elite. She claims that this is one reason why in some
societies in this region, Western-style democracy has
not been successful.
Activity
Can you identify four core beliefs that dominate
your society relating to each of the following:
1 politics
1 religion
> family
> education.
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
Language
However, ‘beliefs’ are only one of several components
of ‘culture’ worth investigating. Culture is underpinned
by communication. Language, therefore, is an
important part of culture. As James Carroll (2009)
observes, ‘language is to humans, what water is to
fish’. We swim in language. We think in language.
We live in language. There can be no society without
language; it is the social glue that binds members of
society together.
Language functions to bind people to their culture
by promoting a sense of belonging to a specific
social grouping or society, for example, in India, the
adoption of Hindi as the language of the government
which binds India’s disparate cultures to a greater
sense of India as a society distinct from others in the
region such as Pakistan.
Symbolic cultural artefacts
Other important components of culture include
artefacts which have shared symbolic cultural
meaning for members of a society. Cultural artefacts
include material objects, such as flags, dress and
monuments, and cultural products, such as music,
sport and cuisine (some types of food are often linked
with particular countries or regions - for example,
sushi with Japan, burgers with the USA, pizza with
Italy and dhal with India).
Sport is a good example of a cultural artefact
and often national sports events such as the
football (or soccer) World Cup and Olympic Games
become contexts in which symbolic ‘cultural wars’
are fought. For example, the Trinidadian Marxist
author C.L.R. James (1963) argued that there is a
strong relationship between the game of cricket,
colonialism and imperialism. He observed that it
was puzzling that those nations subjugated and
exploited by the British Empire should retain
such an affection for the sport, although he
also suggested that Australians, Pakistanis,
Sri Lankans, Indians and African-Caribbeans derive
great cultural satisfaction when their cricket teams
defeat their former imperialist master, England.
High and mass culture
Within some cultures, sociologists often make a
distinction between ’high’ culture and ’mass' or
‘popular’ culture.
27
2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY

High culture Mass or popular culture

High culture refers to the fact that the educated elite
or upper class of a particular society view particular
cultural products, such as art, theatre, opera, ballet or
classical music, as having great aesthetic value because
they are the product of unique exceptional skills and
talents. For example, in the English-speaking Western
world, the plays of Shakespeare are generally regarded
as high culture because they supposedly have no equal
in terms of dramatising the human condition. However,
other cultures may subscribe to a version of high culture
that is distinctly different to that of the English-speaking
world. For example, Japanese culture values Kabuki, a
stylised form of theatre in which actors wear elaborate
costumes and make-up. It is considered high culture
because for almost 300 years it was a favourite of the
powerful imperial court and its associated aristocracy.
Activity
In the English-
speaking world, the
plays of Shakespeare
have been given
great aesthetic
[
value in terms of
use of language and
insight into human
f motivation. However,
they were originally
written for mass
audiences as well as
the elite
In your opinion, what are the similarities and
differences between the plays of Shakespeare, such
as Romeo and Juliet, and television soap operas or
series, such as The Simpsons?
Activity
Japanese Kabuki theatre
How does Kabuki theatre differ from your cultural
experience of drama?
In contrast, mass or popular culture refers to those
cultural products which are normally mass produced
by corporations for mass audiences and profit, such
as television programmes, films and pop music and
social media platforms such as Facebook. It is argued
that these cultural products lack the aesthetic value
associated with the products of high culture. Popular
culture is often criticised as superficial, immoral
or sensationalist and as a corrupting and harmful
influence on children.
Folk culture
In many societies, a folk culture' often exists
alongside high culture and popular culture. Mike
Haralambos and Martin Holborn (2013) define
folk culture as ‘the culture of ordinary people,
particularly those living in pre-industrial societies.
Dominic Strinati (1995) observes that folk culture
is often self-created and directly reflects the
everyday lives and experiences of ordinary people.
Examples include national costume and folk art,
traditional folk songs, dances and folk tales passed
down from generation to generation. Strinati
observes that folk culture is often viewed as less
worthwhile than high culture but its distinctiveness
is accepted and regarded as worthy of some respect
because it focuses on true stories about real lives
and experiences.
The existence of these hierarchies of culture
suggests that the experience of socialisation
might differ across social groups. For example,
high culture is often a key part of the curriculum
taught in private fee-paying schools to privileged
children, that is, the children of the ruling elite. Such
students may be offered high culture subjects such
as classics, Latin and art history. Acquisition of such
high culture is often regarded as a natural part of
the socialisation and education of society’s future
leadership because it is seen to equip them with
governance skills.
In contrast, high culture may not appeal to some
sections of a society’s population because they see
it as having little relevance to their lives. They may
be more receptive to popular forms of culture such
as television soap operas, which they see as being
more relevant to their everyday experience. Folk
culture, too, may be regarded as having more value,
particularly to those members of society who possess
a strong sense of national identity. In many societies,
socialisation into folk culture involves the passing

28

down of national or religious myths to the younger
generation, thus strengthening their national or
ethnic sense of identity. Sometimes, as in India,
both popular and folk cultures may be combined.
Bollywood films, for example, take many of their
storylines from Hindu mythology.
Values
Values are widely accepted beliefs that something
is worthwhile and desirable. They often stem from
beliefs but, unlike beliefs, they are not based on
information from the past, nor are they based on
context. Rather, values are related to our needs.
Whatever we need—whatever is important to us—is
what we value. A collection of values is known as a
value system'.
Value systems do not have to be supported by
everyone in a society, but to influence or shape
behaviour they need to be accepted by the majority
of those who make up that society. Some values are
universal, which means that they can be found in
most societies around the world. For example, most
societies value human life, compassion for others,
marriage, children, taking responsibility for the
elderly and family life.
However, other values are relative or specific to
particular historical periods and societies. As life
conditions change, and as societies evolve and
advance, value systems are likely to change.
If we examine the culture of the USA today, we can
see the dominance of values which are unique to
that society. For example, first, American culture
values allegiance and loyalty to the American way
of life. Surveys show that schools in 50 per cent of
US states practise patriotic assemblies in which the
national flag is paraded and in which whole classes
pledge allegiance to their country. Second, many
Americans value the right to bear arms. Research
by the Pew Research Center in 2014 found that
more Americans (52 per cent) think it is important
to ‘protect the right of Americans to own guns’
than to ‘control gun ownership’. This value has
been included in the Second Amendment of the
American Constitution.
Francis Loh Kok Wah (2004) observes that many
cultures value freedom, justice and solidarity because
these values stem from a belief in a superior moral
force such as a God. Kok Wah argues that loyalty to
these values often ‘transcends’ loyalty to particular
ethnic groups, governments or nations. A good
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
example of this is the Muslim value of ‘Ummah
Islamiyyah’ - the view that an important duty
of Muslims is to contribute to the whole Islamic
community, that is, to assist all Muslims in need
wherever they are in the world.
Jefferson Plantilla (1996) argues that Asian value
systems differ considerably from European and
American value systems. He observes that Western
value systems are often focused on the rights of
the individual, whereas he argues that traditional
cultures in Asia often do not recognise the rights
of the individual. Instead the group to which the
individual belongs - the family, clan, tribe or society - is
regarded as the basic unit of society and their values
or rights are more important.
Plantilla points out that in many South-east Asian
cultures such as China, Malaysia and Singapore,
‘authoritarianism’ (that is, strict obedience to others
at the expense of personal freedom) is valued
because the dominant philosophical belief system
of these societies is influenced by the teaching of
Confucius. Confucius argued that rulers should be
paternalistic (that is, they should act in a fatherly
fashion and make decisions that are beneficial for
all family members) and that in return the ruled
should respect hierarchy and accept inequality
without question. Plantilla, therefore, argues that
South-eastern Asian culture consequently tends
to value strong totalitarian leadership rather than
democratically elected governments.
Plantilla claims that a specific set of South-east Asian
values dominate cultural life in China, Malaysia and
Singapore. These include:
> respecting the need for hierarchy
* submitting to strong leadership
» placing the needs of society, community and family
above oneself
* doing one’s duty to extended kin, especially to
parents and grandparents and those who share the
same religious beliefs
* avoiding bringing shame on the family and
community by failing to meet obligations
and duties.
A study conducted by Eva Krockow et al. (2018)
compared the role of ‘trust’ in the national value
systems of Japan, the UK and the USA. Their research
found that Japanese values are shaped by the
competing religious belief systems of Shintoism and
Buddhism and prioritise the group over the individual.
Consequently, Japanese society is comprised of
29
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
close-knit communities with strong interpersonal
bonds. The study concluded that Japanese people
strongly trusted those who belonged to their
community and displayed a strong sense of formal
duty towards members of communities in which they
lived. They also found that Japanese people value the
notion of status inequality, hierarchy and difference,
and therefore knowing one’s place in society.
In contrast, Krockow et al. found that the value systems
of Western societies such as the UK and USA are
largely characterised by Christian values. C.S. Lewis
(1952) claimed that Christianity thinks of human
individuals not as mere members of a group, but as
organs in a body - different from one another and each
contributing what no other can. Consequently, both
British and American societies tend to stress the values
of self-help, self-interest, freedom and personal choice
at the expense of the community. Krockow et al.
conclude that, as a result, British and American people
were more self-reliant and less trusting of others
compared with the Japanese.
Norms
Norms are rules of behaviour that relate to specific
social situations, and they govern all aspects of
everyday human actions. In a sense, norms are values
put to practical use.
For example, people in Western societies tend to
value privacy because of the individualistic nature
of their societies. For example, Europeans and
Americans prefer to keep their personal matters
and what goes on within their personal relationships
and in their bathrooms private. As a result, all sorts
of norms of behaviour exist in order to preserve
privacy. For example, when people visit someone
else’s home they knock and wait to be invited in.
They ask permission to use toilet facilities. It is
regarded as deviant to read other people’s mail or
personal diaries, to ask intrusive questions about
their intimate lives or their toiletry habits. Flowever,
in contrast, Daniel Miller (2011) argues that it
is a cultural norm in Trinidad and Tobago to pry
into all aspects of the lives of your family, friends
and neighbours.
Norms also shape how people interact with one
another. Henry Hitchings (2015) argues that most
societies have unique cultural norms which shape
how members of those societies should behave
when meeting, greeting and addressing others. Such
norms exist because cultures value cooperation,
respect for others, authority, hierarchy and the
30
avoidance of conflict. For example, young people in
the USA often use the word ‘Sir’ when addressing
authority figures, such as their father or police
officers. Members of Western cultures greet one
another with a handshake, which is symbolic of the
cultural value of cooperation. Some cultures have
unique norms with regard to greeting and showing
respect for others.
Activity
The act of bowing to others in Japan is a marh of
respect and deference which is employed when greeting
others. Generally, an inferior bows longer, more deeply
and more frequently than a superior. A superior
addressing an inferior will generally only nod slightly,
and some may not bow at all.
Research how norms differ across different societies
such as Japan, Russia, France and Saudi Arabia
with regard to greeting the following four groups
of people:
» people with more power than you
» people of the opposite sex who you like
» relatives
» strangers.
Note that sometimes you will need to take into
consideration your own gender and the gender of
the group that is being greeted.
Cultural norms also determine aspects of our
behaviour when socialising with others. Marzieh
Cordan et al. (2013) observe that the basic cultural
norms of communication especially with regard to
the use of body language differ considerably between
Arabs and Americans. These cultural differences
often lead to gross misinterpretations of the
intentions of the other cultural group. For example,
 2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION

they illustrate this cultural divide by observing that life. However, anthropologists have observed that the
in the USA minor hand-gesturing and subtle facial Korowai tribe that lives in Western Papua New Guinea
expression are norms during everyday conversation. consume the bodies of members of their tribe because
However, in contrast, Arab modes of communication they value the power of magic. They believe that witches
tend to be considerably more physically animated are responsible for death and it is therefore their duty to
and this body language is often accompanied by consume the bodies of dead tribe members in order to
pronounced facial expressions. Gordan et al. observe take revenge on the witch that caused their death.
that Americans often misinterpret such body
language and facial expressions as aggression or
anger. The potential for cultural misunderstanding
is therefore enormous. Similarly, in most cultures
making eye contact during conversation is the norm
and desirable, but in some Native American tribal
cultures eye contact is interpreted as over-familiar
and as a sign of hostility.
Patience Akumu (2018) observes that kneeling in
deference to men and older people is a common
cultural expectation and norm for females from many
African ethnic groups; anything less and a female
risks being considered poorly brought up, elitist and
disrespectful. However, Winnie Byanyima (2018) argues Deep-fried insects ore o popular snack in Thailand.
that ‘curtsying, kneeling, foot binding, genital cutting
are all cultural practices (or norms) that subordinate Compare the food norms of the society in which you
women’. Some are more harmful than others. She live with the food norms of other societies.
argues that all have ‘no place in an equal world’.
» In Vietnam, millions of dogs are eaten every year,
whale meat is popular in Japan, horsemeat is
Activity commonly eaten in France and deep-fried insects
In a class discussion, debate the relative merits of and worms are popular snacks in Thailand. How
the arguments for and against kneeling or curtsying might people in the culture in which you live
in deference to men or the elderly. i respond to these sources of food?
» In the USA, the first meal of the day is breakfast.
In Muslim societies, the dominance of collectivistic
The most common foodstuffs eaten at this time of
values means that norms often reflect the view that
day in the USA are cereal, pancakes, toast, fried
society or community is more important than the
or scrambled eggs, and coffee. In India, a typical
individual and that individuals should not bring ‘shame’
breakfast includes a flatbread or roti, thin crepes
(or sharat) to their family or community. For example,
made of lentils, spiced dips, chutney, potatoes
in some Muslim societies, ‘purdah’ or ‘parda’ is an
and fresh seasonal fruits. How do breakfast
important cultural norm. This involves the seclusion of
norms differ in the society in which you live?
women from public observation by means of clothing
that conceals their hair and body (for example, by » How we eat is also shaped by cultural norms.
wearing a hijab, niqab or burka) and using high-walled For example, cultural norms determine whether
enclosures, screens and curtains within the home. The we eat with crockery and cutlery, chopsticks or
norms associated with children’s behaviour in some with fingers. Many cultures also have rules about
Muslim societies also reflect the importance attached table manners; for example, some cultures make
to the value of social respectability or moral character. a blessing before eating or forbid talking while
Children are expected to defer to the wishes of their eating. What cultural norms dictate how eating
parents; this continues even when they are adults, for food should be organised in the society in which
example, with respect to marriage. you live?

Cultural norms govern what is acceptable to eat, at

what time, where and how we organise eating. For Norms, therefore, govern most aspects of life.
example, cannibalism is a cultural taboo in most However, they also shape how cultures approach and
societies because most cultures generally value human deal with death.

31
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Contemporary issues: Norms about death
A funeral in the UK.
Caitlin Doughty (2018) carried out an ethnographic
review of several societies around the world to
investigate their attitudes and practices towards
death, and especially how these compared to how
death is dealt with in Western societies.
Doughty worked as a funeral director in the USA
and observed that Americans and Europeans
generally regard death as a taboo subject. Funerals
are private family gatherings, marked by sadness,
dignity and testimonies praising the character of the
deceased. She also observes that American funerals
tend to be quasi-religious regardless of the beliefs
of the deceased. Kin are still generally expected
by Western culture to express grief by wearing
black, although increasingly people are turning to
alternative secular arrangements which personalise
funerals so that they are a genuine reflection and
celebration of the life of the deceased.
However, Doughty found that other societies
subscribed to completely different norms about
death and funerals. For example, she found that
an Indonesian tribe - the Toraja - believed that,
although a person might have died, the corpse was
still ‘living' Consequently, the body of a deceased
relative was mummified and kept in the home for
several months before being buried. Every few years,
the grave was opened up and the mummified corpse
was taken on a ‘walking tour’ to meet relatives and
neighbours, who often conversed with the corpse
and took photographs of themselves posing with the
mummified body.
In Tibet, Doughty documented the norm of ‘sky
burial’, which involves a skilled monk known as
32
Mexican Day of the Dead celebrations.
a ‘burial master’ cutting the body of a deceased
person into small pieces which are left on the
mountain-side for vultures to eat. The bones of
the deceased are then crushed and ground into
powder and scattered to the wind. This treatment
reflects the Buddhist belief that the dead should be
returned to nature.
In Ghana, there is a tradition of honouring the
dead with coffins that celebrate the interests of
the person when they were alive. People have
been known to be buried in coffins in the shape of
aeroplanes, giant beer bottles, cars and lizards.
Doughty found that when a baby or child dies in
Mexico, families hold a party to honour the child
to impress its spirit and to gain its favour, because
the dead are regarded as possessing great spiritual
power. On 1 November, Mexicans celebrate the
Day of the Dead. Families gather at altars set up
in their homes. Children dress up as skeletons
and are given special treats such as sugar skulls.
Relatives decorate the graves of their loved ones
with candles and incense and whole families sit in
vigil by the grave for hours.
There are signs that Western attitudes to death
are slowly changing and this is influencing funeral
norms. For example, deceased people often leave
instructions that their funerals should celebrate
their individuality. Mourners are often asked
to wear bright colourful clothing and the music
that is played during the service is often upbeat
and cheerful.
Source: Caitlin Doughty From Here to Eternity
(2018)

Questions
1. Explain why Doughty’s research can be described
as ethnographic.
2. Why do you think Western attitudes towards
death and funerals are so solemn?
3. What were your emotional reactions when
you read about the Tibetan ‘sky burial’
Roles
Roles are a set of norms or patterns of behaviour
that are culturally expected of a person or social
group that occupies a particular status or social
position in a society. For example, doctors are
expected by both society and their patients to
act in a professional manner and to maintain
confidentiality. Roles are also attached to gender
in that society often expects males and females to
behave in very distinct masculine and feminine ways,
which are learned through gender role socialisation.
Customs
Customs refer to traditional and widely accepted
norms of behaving that have been passed
down through the generations. They are often
associated with specific social situations, events
and anniversaries, which are often accompanied by
rituals and ceremonies. For example, it is the custom
of Muslim people to fast and devote time to prayer,
purification and charitable acts during the holy
month of Ramadan. It is also the custom to mark
the end of the fasting month with a feast and the
exchange of gifts known as ‘Eid-ul-Fitr’.
Millions of Hindus, Sikhs and Jains across the
world practise the custom known as ‘Diwali’ or
the ‘Festival of Lights’. This is a celebration of new
beginnings and the triumph of good over evil and
light over darkness.
Social mores and laws
Some social values are regarded as so important
that the breaking of them can result in moral outrage,
scandal and disgrace. These values mainly govern moral
and sexual behaviour and are known as 'social mores’.
Deviance
The opposite of a ‘norm’ is ‘deviance’ - behaviour
which is culturally interpreted as different to the
extent of being unusual or abnormal. Such
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
and the Torajan and Mexican attitudes
towards death?
4. What values and norms underpin the cultural
approach towards death of the society in
which you live? For example, how are funerals
organised and conducted?
5. Research how the religions of Islam, Judaism and
Hinduism approach death and funerals.
behaviour is often condemned because it
breaks the everyday rules which regulate
people’s behaviour.
Norbert Elias (1978) argued that actions that are
related to the body are more likely to be viewed
as deviant because in many traditional cultures
the human body is often viewed as sacred and
potentially shameful. He notes that as societies
evolve and grow more modern and ‘civilised’, the
body and its functions become more privatised.
This means that the failure to control or cover up
our bodies in public is more likely to be interpreted
as deviant. For example, in many Western societies
spitting in public is regarded as highly deviant.
However, in some Asian cultures, public spitting
is still an acceptable social norm. In 201 5, the
Chinese government officially advised Chinese
tourists visiting Europe that spitting and breaking
wind in public were considered offensive and
deviant by Europeans and that they should avoid
such behaviour in order not to bring disgrace to
China’s global reputation. In Japan, it is
considered deviant and rude to blow one’s nose
in front of another person. In 2018, 29 women
were arrested by the Gasht-e Ershad or ‘morality’
guidance police in Iran for removing their
headscarves in public in protest at the compulsory
law that states that women should dress modestly
in public places.
Deviance as law-breaking Some values are
deemed as so important that they are expressed
in law. For example, most societies value
human life. Consequently, they have laws which
criminalise those deviant acts which may result
in the death or injury of people, such as murder,
manslaughter, criminal negligence and parental
neglect or abuse of children. Failure to abide by
such laws is regarded as highly deviant and usually
results in criminal prosecution and punishment,
if found guilty.
33
2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Key terms
Socialisation The process of social learning that
occurs in the period from birth to death in which
individuals acquire and absorb the cultural values
and norms of the society in which they live.
Society A community of people who share a
common territory and culture and consequently
interact with one another daily.
Identity The qualities, beliefs, personality, looks
and/or expressions that constitute both how you
see yourself and how other people may see or
judge you.
Beliefs Ideas that members of society hold to
be true.
Artefacts Material objects such as flags or
monuments and buildings or cultural products
such as sport, music and national dishes
which have symbolic meaning for members of
particular societies.
High culture Cultural products, such as art and
literature, that are regarded as rare, unique and
the product of exceptional talent.
Mass or popular culture Cultural artefacts such
as pop music or Hollywood blockbusters that are
mass produced for mass consumption.
Folk culture A type of culture which stems from
the experiences, customs, traditions and beliefs of
rural communities such as the peasantry or tribes
that make up part of a wider culture, and which is
passed down by word-of-mouth.
Values General guidelines about how members
of society should behave. Values generally shape
norms of behaviour. For example, many societies
value marriage.
Value system A collection of values, norms,
traditions and customs agreed upon and shared
by a social group or society.
Relativity of culture The idea that what
constitutes culture differs across time periods,
societies and even between social groups living in
the same society.
Norms The rules that govern what behaviour is
normal in any given social situation.
Secular Not subject to religious routines or rules.
Role The behaviour that is expected from those
who occupy a particular status.
34
Gender role socialisation The process of learning
behaviour that is culturally expected from males
and females.
Custom A regular pattern of behaviour that
is accepted as a routine norm in a particular
society; for example, shaking hands when
greeting someone.
Social mores Values, often influenced by religion,
which set out the moral principles and rules of
societies; for example, that sexual relationships
should only be conducted in the moral context
of marriage.
Deviance Behaviour that is regarded as either
offensive or odd to a social group or society and
is therefore regarded as requiring some form of
formal or informal regulation.
Law A rule or system of rules which a society
agrees to follow and which regulate the behaviour
of all. The role of the police and the courts is to
enforce those rules by arresting those who break
them and to impose punishments if found guilty of
doing so.
Summary
1. Culture is a crucial component of a society
because it provides a template that most
members of a society share and follow, in terms
of what they should believe, what they should
value and how they should behave in any given
social context.
2. Cultures are relative. They are unique to specific
societies and historical periods.
3. Social groups living within the same society
may share cultural values and norms, but
regard particular aspects of culture - high,
folk and popular - as more worthy of
their attention.
4. Without culture, individuals would not be able to
live as members of a society.
5. Those who fail to conform to dominant values
and fail to follow the norms of particular
societies run the risk of being seen as deviant
and may consequently face some form of
punishment.

Unit 2.1.2 The importance of
socialisation
Introduction
At birth, we are faced with a social world that
already exists. Joining this world involves rapidly
learning 'how things are done’ in it. The process of
learning culture is known as socialisation. It involves
absorbing the cultural values, norms, language,
mores and customs of a society in order to live
successfully alongside others, to communicate
effectively and to avoid unnecessary conflict. We
also learn what is socially acceptable and what
sort of behaviour is viewed as deviant and likely to
be punished.
This learning experience is a lifelong process.
Although most of this cultural learning goes on in
childhood and adolescence, adult humans continue
to internalise cultural norms as they interact with
their peer and friendship groups and other family
members. Adults continue to gather knowledge,
cultural experience and skills from religious
teachings, television, newspapers, the internet and
from the workplace.
Primary socialisation and the family
The main agent of primary socialisation is the
family. The first few years of socialisation in the
family are crucial to a person’s development
because it often exerts a profound effect upon
all later social learning. Leon Kuczynski (2012)
observes that primary socialisation is a process
through which parents aim to introduce cultural
continuity and competence into their children.
Primary socialisation involves parents teaching their
children how to interact and behave in particular
social contexts, how to think and reason, how to
communicate appropriately in a range of social
situations, how to skilfully regulate the expression
of their emotions, and how to successfully manage
relationships with familiars, strangers and those in
authority. Roy Baumeister (1986) argues that the
process of primary socialisation results in young
children believing that their family will love and care
for them as long as they conform to behavioural
norms approved by their parents. Parental love and
approval (and the fear of losing these) provide a
very powerful motivation to adopt ways of behaving
encouraged by their parents.
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
Jean Piaget, a developmental psychologist, is useful
to reference at this stage because he identified four
stages of childhood socialisation or development
which occur on the path to adulthood.
1. The ‘sensorimotor’ stage lasts between birth and
the age of two. The child learns about itself and its
environment through reflex (for example, hunger
or pain may cause it to cry), motor (for example,
crawling, walking and so on) and sensory actions
(for example, through touch, taste and sound). In
this stage, the child learns that it is separate from
its environment and that external stimuli such as
parents and toys continue to exist even when they
are outside the child’s sensory field.
2. The ‘preoperational’ stage begins when the child
starts to talk and lasts until about the age of
seven. In this stage, children begin to use symbols
to represent objects, and begin to absorb and
categorise information. For example, children’s
language use becomes more mature, and memory
and imagination develop. Learning cultural norms
through play becomes an important component
of socialisation.
3. The 'concrete operational’ phase lasts until
early adolescence and is the stage in which
socialisation starts to achieve real progress in
terms of conformity to parental instructions and
social norms. This is because in this stage of
development children begin to think abstractly
and to apply reason when making decisions based
on observable evidence. They have internalised
social norms and, in so doing, have developed a
conscience - a sense of judgement about what
constitutes ‘right’ and ‘wrong’.
4. The final phase is the ‘formal operational’ stage.
This begins at puberty and takes the adolescent
through to adulthood. In this stage, the teenager
is capable of hypothetical and deductive
reasoning, and able to make rational judgements
and construct complex and logical arguments.
Primary socialisation is likely to be at its most
effective during Piaget’s second and third stages.
However, in stage four, parents may encounter
some resistance to primary socialisation because
adolescents may develop sophisticated moral
arguments to counter their parents’ authority and
therefore rebel, with the support of their peers,
against the socialisation process. This is explored
further in Chapter 4.
35
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
George Herbert Mead (1934) argued that children
develop a sense of self-identity through their interaction
with other people, especially their significant others
(any person who has a strong influence on an
individual’s self-concept), such as their parents,
grandparents and older siblings. Charles Cooley (1998)
developed Mead’s ideas further. His concept of the
‘looking glass self states that a person’s self grows out
of a person’s social interactions with others. The view
we have of ourselves does not come from who we really
are, but rather from how we believe others see us.
Albert Bandura’s (1963) social learning theory
suggests that observation and imitation play a
major role in the socialisation process. He claims
that children can learn behaviour by watching others,
especially role models that they love and look up to.
Moreover, the primary socialisation process may also
involve children in empathetic role-play (imagining
themselves as someone else), which allows them to
practise interaction with others and to appreciate
that certain types of behaviour in particular contexts
may not be acceptable. Play also encourages children
to solve problems, understand stimuli, learn about
sharing and intimacy, to deal with conflict, to learn
discipline and self-control and to discover the limits
of both their physical and emotional power.
Gabriel Tarde (1903) also emphasised the role of
imitation in the process of socialisation. Imitation in
Piaget’s first stage is probably limited to mimicking,
but in his second and third stages it probably evolves
into role-play. For example, a female child may play
the role of mother by imitating the actions of her own
mother. Feminists such as Ann Oakley (1972) argue
that mothers and fathers as role models provide their
children with gendered guidelines; that is, examples
and illustrations of how to behave as males and females
that children can then copy. (For a more detailed
version of Oakley’s ideas on gender role socialisation,
see Chapter 4, Units 4.3.1 and 4.3.2).
All of the processes involved in primary socialisation
contribute to children becoming aware of themselves
as ‘social beings’. They recognise that they have
particular identities, that they occupy particular
social roles - such as son, daughter, brother, sister -
inside the family unit and outside it, too, as students,
friends, neighbours and so on. The gradual process
of taking on these roles and identities results in
children’s realisation that they are capable of social
action that has consequences for others.
In the 21 st century, most modern societies recognise
that childhood is an important phase in the formation
36
of civil society (that is, communities of like-minded
individuals with common interests which demand
from all members that they demonstrate a ‘civilised
character’). The experience of childhood socialisation
ensures that most children subscribe to a moral code
that does not harm others and ensures that they are
fair, tolerant, courteous and compassionate in their
dealings with other members of society.
Feral children
As the primary socialisation process develops,
children therefore acquire uniquely human skills.
A useful way to understand the importance of the
primary socialisation process in the cultivation of
the civilised child is to examine examples of feral or
;
! ‘wild’ children. These are children who, for whatever
reason, have either been kept isolated from regular
human contact or have been abandoned into the wild
and supposedly been partly raised by animals.
Case studies of children ‘raised’ by animals show that
they often lack the human characteristics that we take for
granted. Douglas Candland (1996) observes that feral
children are often ignorant of language and seem to have
internalised by imitation the behaviour of the animals
! they have spent time with. For example, such children
; may grunt, growl or bark. They cannot walk upright but
instead crouch and move using both their arms and legs
like an animal. They lap water from a bowl and eat raw
rather than cooked meat. They have no ‘toilet manners’
and will often urinate and defecate in public without
embarrassment. Many are unable to smile or laugh, and
their emotional response to threatening or unfamiliar
situations is frequently aggressive and violent.
Activity
a
Feral children often lack human characteristics.
Identify six characteristics that you believe make ;
you human but which feral children are likely to lack.

Primary socialisation by others
It is important to understand that primary
socialisation may be delivered by agents other than
parents. For example, in many modern societies,
both parents are in full-time work, which means that
some responsibility for the socialisation of children
may be in the hands of professional childminders,
nannies and nurseries. There is evidence, too, that
grandparents are now playing a significant role in the
rearing of their grandchildren.
Secondary socialisation
Secondary socialisation refers to situations in which
children learn ideas, attitudes, values, norms and
skills both inside and outside the home from sources
other than their parents or other kin. As children
get older, they come into everyday contact with
several agents of socialisation that have a significant
influence on their actions and their perception of
social reality. The most important type of secondary
socialisation is probably the education system,
in which children spend most of their childhood
and adolescence.
Formal education and secondary
socialisation
The education system contains two social devices
that play an integral role in the socialisation of
children. A visible academic curriculum equips
children with the appropriate knowledge and
skills required to achieve the qualifications used
by employers to sort people into jobs that suit
their abilities. However, sociologists have also
highlighted the existence of a ‘hidden curriculum'.
These are lessons that are learned that are mainly
unintentional side-effects of the way schools,
classrooms and lessons are organised. Many schools
operate with a set of unwritten norms; for example,
many expect their students to respect and defer to
authority in the school and classroom, to respect
other students’ opinions, to attend school and
lessons regularly and punctually, to pay attention
and concentrate during lessons, to aspire to
success and refrain from deviant and non-academic
behaviour. Marxist and feminist sociologists argue
that working-class, ethnic minority and female
students are likely to experience the hidden
curriculum in ways that are intended to undermine
their academic achievements (see Chapter 5, Units
5.1.2 and 5.3.2). Interactionist sociologists such
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
as Howard Becker (1995) argue, too, that teachers
unconsciously promote an ‘ideal pupil’ stereotype
in the classroom which has a hidden curriculum
effect, in that those students closest to that ideal
benefit from greater and more positive teacher
attention, while those furthest from it may find that
their behaviour meets with teacher disapproval and
punishment (see Chapter 5, Unit 5.5.3).
Karl Thompson (2017) observes that the hidden
curriculum today is most likely to be reflected in
a school’s ‘ethos’ - the character or atmosphere
of the school that is articulated in the school
prospectus or website. He lists the following values
and norms that may be central to the role of
the school, college or university as an agency of
secondary socialisation:
> whether there is an emphasis on academic success,
and/or artistic or sporting achievement
> whether there is an emphasis on equal
opportunities for all students (does the school focus
on helping disadvantaged students, for example?)
> whether there is an emphasis on respect for
diversity (does the school promote multiculturalism
and discourage racism and sexism?)
> whether the school encourages students to
participate in community life
> the extent to which there is an entrepreneurial
culture and strong ties with local businesses at
the school
» whether parents are encouraged to get actively
involved in the life of the school
» the type of learning a school encourages - whether
formal, traditional ‘chalk and talk’ or independent
learning, for example.
Activity
Get hold of a copy of any brochures, prospectuses
or the website for your school. Analyse the content,
especially the head teacher’s contribution, the
photographs used and what is said about the ethos
of the school. In your opinion, what ‘hidden’ values
and norms are being encouraged?
Critics of the concept of the hidden curriculum argue
that most, if not all, of the norms of behaviour
allegedly encouraged by the hidden curriculum are,
in fact, written down and formally encoded in school
rules. Thompson questions whether these aspects of
school organisation actually constitute an invisible
37
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
and effective form of secondary socialisation. For
example, Paul Willis (1977) and Paul Corrigan
(1979) conducted ethnographic research into how
working-class students experienced and interpreted
school and came to the conclusion that the boys
in their studies could resist the influence of the
hidden curriculum and consequently were relatively
unaffected by it.
Activity
The hidden emphasis of school sport is probably on
teamwork, self-discipline, competition, fair play and
achievement
List the ‘hidden’ values you think are being
promoted by the wearing of school uniform and by
lessons such as history or religious education. Do
you think school events such as assemblies, sports
days or prize/speech days promote unconscious
ways of thinking and behaving? If so, make a
list of the values and norms you think are being
promoted.
Peer groups and friendship networks as
agents of secondary socialisation
The peer group refers to people of similar status
who come into regular contact with each other,
either socially or through work. Peer groups
therefore include friendship networks, school
subcultures and occupational subcultures (that is,
workmates).
Peer groups have a particularly strong influence
over adolescent behaviour and attitudes. Teenagers
may feel a tension between parental controls
and their desire for more responsibility and
independence, and so come into conflict with their
38
parents. A common site for this conflict may be
the teenager’s choice of friendships, especially with
members of the opposite sex. Adolescents may also
feel a great deal of peer pressure to fit in with their
friends, and this may lead to radical changes in
their identity during their teenage years in terms of
image and behaviour. Some teenagers may feel peer
pressure, for example, via bullying, to engage in
‘deviant’ or risky behaviour in order to be accepted
by their peers. James Cote (2000) suggests that,
in young adulthood, peer group or friendship
networks eventually become more important than
relationships with parents as a source of knowledge
about how to live one’s life.
The workplace as an agent of
secondary socialisation
The workplace is another important source of
peer-group relationships. James Suzman (2018)
observes that work is the social glue that holds
societies together. It determines what, where and
with whom we spend most of our time; shapes
our sense of dignity, self-worth and identity;
moulds our political beliefs and defines our status
or social standing. The experience of paid work
and the workplace teaches young people specific
occupational skills and work discipline, as well as the
informal norms that underpin working processes,
the so-called ‘tricks of a trade’. For example, skilled
workers involved in craft work may believe their work
has dignity and consequently experience greater
levels of job satisfaction than workers who carry
out repetitive unskilled work on assembly lines.
The behaviour and attitudes of workers may be
shaped by the nature of their work and the size of
the workplace and workforce. Dangerous working
conditions in which workers depend on others for
their safety may produce collectivist values and a
strong sense of group and political solidarity which
divides society into conflicting social classes - ‘them’
(employers, managers and the wealthy) versus ‘us’
(the workers).
Activity
Suzman identifies at least four effects of being a
worker. Identify these effects and illustrate each one
with a specific practical example of how workplace
socialisation might affect a person’s identity.

Religion as an agent of secondary
socialisation
Until the late 20th century, religion played a key
role in socialisation in Western European societies, as
both church attendance and belief in Cod were high.
However, in the 21 st century, social surveys suggest
that Europeans are increasingly non-religious. Daniele
Hervieu-Leger (2000) claims that Western societies
have experienced a religious decline or secularisation,
which she describes as a form of 'cultural amnesia’.
She notes that for centuries children used to be
taught religion and morality by the extended
family and at school. Religion was handed down
generation by generation. However, in many European
societies today, religious socialisation in families and
schools has largely ceased. Instead, parents often
encourage their children to decide for themselves
whether they want to believe in God.
However, in contrast, there is little sign of this
secular socialisation outside of Europe. For example,
surveys conducted over the past 50 years indicate
a consistently high level of belief in God in the
USA. Dominic Sandbrook (2012) argues that the
socialisation of children into an American identity in
the ‘Bible Belt’ involves children being encouraged
to believe in a literal interpretation of the Bible, to young people. It is argued that the media in all its
reject scientific explanations of the world’s creation
such as evolution theory and to adhere to strict moral
codes based on the word of God. (The ‘Bible Belt’ is
an informal region of the USA in the southern and
midwestern states in which a socially conservative
and evangelical form of Protestant Christianity plays a females into a restricted and ultimately damaging
strong role in both politics and society.)
An examination of religion in a global context
suggests that religious beliefs systems such as Islam,
Hinduism and Buddhism continue to exert great
influence over the socialisation of children and young j housewives, as contented mothers and as eager
adults. Adrian Wooldridge and John Micklethwait
(2010) argue that, in non-Western societies,
religion is probably the most influential source
of socialisation.
These world religions generally teach children
and young people humanitarianism, altruism,
compassion for others and ‘to do unto others what
you would have them to do to you’. Norms include
the avoidance of immoral, shameful and evil actions,
to do good, to respect one’s parents and elders, to
be generous and charitable to others and to help
the needy. However, critics of religion argue that it
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
teaches a range of values and norms that can also
create conflict and division, such as intolerance
of other religious beliefs, segregation and the
oppression and exploitation of women and girls.
Activity
Conduct a social survey among your year group.
Compile a list of, say, 10 moral statements (for
example, ‘It is important to be honest’, ‘It is
important to respect your elders’ and so on). Ask
your sample of students whether they strongly
believe that they and their peers abide by these
codes. Ask them to identify the source of these
codes. Did they come from their parents, school,
peer group or from their experience of religious
teachings?
The media as agencies of secondary
socialisation
Some sociologists - for example, Neil Postman
(1985) - claim that in Western societies the media
replaced the family in the 20th century as the main
source of socialisation, especially for children and
varied forms has a significant influence on the type
of social values and norms acquired by both children
and adults. For example, numerous feminist studies
of media products, such as newspapers, magazines,
films and television, claim that the media socialise
form of feminine identity. For example, Jeremy
Tunstall (1983) argues that the media present young
females with questionable role models to emulate,
in that women are over-represented as 'busy
consumers’. Similarly, Naomi Wolf (1990) argues
that the dominant media message aimed at women
is that their bodies are a project in constant need
of improvement.
Jean Twenge (2014) argues that there is increasing
evidence that the socialisation experience provided
by social media platforms often results in high levels
of mental ill-health, especially anxiety, narcissism,
depression and self-harm in young people. This has
been shown in most societies around the world in
which children and adolescents have easy access to
such technology.
39
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Activity
Carry out a social survey to find out the extent of
use of smartphones and social media sites in your
class or year group. Find out what percentage
of your peers use a smartphone or visit social
media sites. Observe your friends’ use of their
smartphones inside and outside of school. How
often do they look at their phones over a period
of, say, 30 minutes? Ask them how many texts
they send and receive during the course of the
school day. Finally, ask them what they like about
smartphones and social media sites and what
they see as the drawbacks of smartphones and
social media sites. What do your results suggest
to you about the role that social media play in
the socialisation of young people? Do your results
support Twenge’s conclusions?
Activity
Construct two tables. The first should list the
values, norms and skills that are taught to children
in the family. The other table should list the values,
norms and skills that are taught by secondary
agencies of socialisation such as the educational
system, religion, the media, the peer group and the
workplace.
Key terms
Primary socialisation The process of learning that
occurs in the family when parents teach children
the language, attitudes, values, norms and ethics
of the culture in which they live so that they grow
up to be citizens and workers who conform to what
society expects of them.
Conscience Refers to the moral sense of right and
wrong introduced to children from a very young
age during the socialisation process which aims to
deter deviant behaviour by setting off feelings of
guilt if the child thinks about doing wrong.
Imitation Children copying the actions of significant
role models in their lives, especially their parents.
Role models Significant others who are respected
by those with less status (such as children) and
whose behaviour sets an example to be imitated.
Gender roles The social expectations that
underpin what is expected of a boy/man and a
girl/woman in any given society.
40
Feral children Children who have been deprived
of interaction with other humans because they
have been abandoned into the wild (and, in
some cases, allegedly raised by animals) or kept
in isolation.
Secondary socialisation The process of social
learning that is in addition to that which occurs
in the family. Agents of secondary socialisation
include formal education systems, religion, the
workplace and the media.
Hidden curriculum The unwritten, unofficial and
often unintended lessons, values and attitudes
that encourage conformity that students allegedly
learn in classrooms and schools.
Peer group A group of people of approximately
the same age, status and interests.
Cultural amnesia The collective loss of memory.
Summary
1. People’s role and place in society depends upon
them learning and internalising the key elements
of culture during the primary socialisation
experienced during childhood.
2. However, socialisation is a lifelong process
because of the existence of secondary sources or
agents of socialisation.
3. Some secondary agents of socialisation - for
example, TV, the internet and social media -
may be undermining the effectiveness of the
family and primary socialisation.
4. The most powerful agency of secondary
socialisation in Western societies is the
mass media.
5. Religion is probably the most influential agency
of secondary socialisation in non-Western
cultures.
Unit 2.1.3 The nature versus
nurture debate
In contrast to the sociological point of view that
culture is the product of social learning or nurture,
sociobiologists generally believe that culture is the
product of biology or nature, especially heredity
and genetics. In this unit, we will consider the
argument between these two points of view, often

known as the nature versus nurture debate.
The focus of this debate is often on gender and
whether males and females are acting in ways
which are hard-wired by biology into the brain
at birth or whether they are acting according to
social expectations.
The nature or biological argument
Sociobiologists such as Desmond Morris (1968) argue
that biology shapes culture, because sharing culture
is based on the inbuilt or genetic need to continue the
life of the social group over time. Similarly, Lionel Tiger
and Robin Fox (1971) argue that gender roles are
biologically determined and consequently any attempt
to interfere with what they see as the ‘fixed’ nature of
masculine and feminine behaviour is bound to end in
failure. Other neuroscientists and psychologists, such
as Simon Baron-Cohen (201 2), argue that the female
brain is genetically hard-wired for empathy while
the male brain is hard-wired for understanding and
building systems.
On the other hand, sociologists argue that if human
behaviour is influenced by biology at all, it is only
at a reflex or physical level. For example, we may
biologically feel the physical sensation of hunger but
culture determines what and how we eat. Indeed,
sociologists argue that many aspects of social life
that are taken to be natural are in fact produced by
society; that is, they are social constructs.
Sociologists argue that most aspects of social
behaviour are the product of the social environment
which nurtures members of society via the
experience of socialisation. Cordelia Fine (2011)
argues that neuroscience is a patriarchal ideology
used to justify gender inequality, such as the pay
gap and the exclusion of females from particular
occupational sectors. She argues that the scientific
evidence does not support the view that boys and
girls are ‘hard-wired’ to have different skills. Through
a quote in her book, Fine criticises these neurological
approaches to gender roles because they coat
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
1 0 M 1 Describe two types of secondary socialisation
[Q1 Explain two reasons why families are very effective at socialisation.
1.0 1 ?.J Explain one strength and one weakness of schools in the socialisation process.
2.1 THE PROCESS OF LEARNING AND SOCIALISATION
‘old-fashioned stereotypes with a veneer of scientific
credibility’ without convincing evidence.
However, Fine argues that gender roles cannot be
separated from culture, which enjoys a - as Fine
quotes - ‘deep reach’ into our minds. She argues
that all cultures contain stereotypical beliefs about
gender which have a cultural ‘ripple effect’ on the
mind. Such beliefs can ‘change self-perception, alter
interests, debilitate or enhance ability, and trigger
unintentional discrimination’.
Activity
‘Nature is more important than nurture in the
formation of gender roles.’
Explain this statement and, using sociological
material, outline one argument against it.
Key terms
Nature versus nurture debate The debate as to
whether human behaviour is the product of innate
biological influences such as instinct or genetics
or whether it is the product of environmental
influences such as social upbringing or the quality
of socialisation.
Social construct/construction A belief,
characteristic or set of behaviours and
assumptions that is produced or manufactured
by the actions of those who constitute society or
powerful social groups.
Summary
1. Sociologists reject the idea that nature in the
form of biology or genetics is responsible for
social behaviour.
2. In contrast, sociologists highlight the influence
of nurture - they believe that the social
environment in which socialisation occurs is
more important.
[4 marks]
[8 marks]
[6 marks]
41
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
PART 2 SOCIAL CONTROL. CONFORMITY
AND RESISTANCE
Contents
Unit 2.2.1 The role of structure and agency
in shaping the relationship between
the individual and society 42
Unit 2.2.2 Mechanisms of social control,
social order and conformity 44
Unit 2.2.3 The influence of social pressure,
sanctions, individualism and
social exchange on social order
and expectations 50
Unit 2.2.4 Explanations of deviance and
non-conformity 52
The first part of the chapter focuses on outlining
sociological theories that aim to explain the
relationship between the individual, socialisation
and society. Some of these sociological theories
claim that the only way of understanding the
relationship between identity, socialisation and
culture is to examine how societies are organised
or structured. These structuralist theories focus on
how identity and the social actions of individuals
may be shaped by social forces which emanate
independently from the social organisation of
Unit 2.2.1 The role of structure
and agency in shaping
the relationship
between the individual
and society
Structuralist theories, which include functionalism,
Marxism and feminism, suggest that the social
structure of society mainly determines or shapes the
behaviour of individuals. In contrast, social action
theories argue that people are not the pawns of
structural forces over which they can exercise little
control. Rather, social action theories stress the
active role of individuals and social groups in the
42
societies. Such theories claim that the influence
of structure is so pervasive that social actors
unconsciously establish predictable patterns of
behaviour. Human behaviour is therefore seen by
structuralists to be ultimately caused and shaped
by social forces which are beyond the control of
individuals and consequently difficult to oppose
and resist.
In contrast, another group of sociological theories
reject the notion that structure determines
individual action or shapes identity. These
interactionist or social action theories stress the
concept of ‘agency’ or free will, and claim that
people can act independently of social structure
and are responsible for their own actions.
In addition to sociological theory, this part will
examine the concept of social control and the
social agencies that societies employ to ensure
conformity, consensus and social order. Social
processes such as social pressure, individualism and
social exchange will be explained and evaluated in
terms of their influence on social expectations and
social stability. Finally, structural and social action
theories of crime, deviance and non-conformity will
be briefly outlined and evaluated.
social construction of society. They point out that
people have agency and free will and consequently
make choices to behave in particular ways.
Structuralist theories of society,
culture and identity
Structuralist theories of society claim that society
and the social forces that radiate from its social
structure determine the behaviour of individuals.
This approach to understanding human behaviour
is 'macro' because it focuses on the effects of
large-scale processes such as economic forces
and the influence of social institutions such as the
educational system or the economy on human
behaviour rather than the motivations of the
individual social actors who make up society. It is,
therefore, a ‘top-down’ theory in that it sees society
 2.2 SOCIAL CONTROL. CONFORMITY AND RESISTANCE
as exerting influence over the actions of individuals.
This approach is also 'positivist' because it claims
to be scientific; that is, underpinned by a rational
evidence-based way of thinking.
Julian Salisbury (2018) points out that structuralist
theories are divided into two broad types: consensus
and conflict theories. Consensus theories such
as functionalism believe that societies and social
structures are organised around common agreement
or consensus, while conflict theories such as Marxism
and feminism believe that societies are characterised
by difference and inequality, and consequently
underpinned by potential conflict.
Interactionist theories of society,
culture and identity
Salisbury (2018) observes that social action theory
starts with the premise that society is not an entity
‘out there’, and ‘if it exists at all it only does so inside
people’s heads’. This alternative way of looking at
society is a micro' or humanistic approach which
is underpinned by a focus on how social reality
is ‘interpreted’ by individuals during everyday
interaction with others. Social action theory is a
*bottom-up’ theory in that it sees individuals as
more important than societies or social systems,
in contrast with structuralist theories that are
‘top-down’ in their insistence that society is more
important than individuals.
In contrast to structural theories of society, social
action theories argue that people’s behaviour and
life chances are not determined by the structural
features of particular societies or their social
background. Rather, social action theory can be
described as a voluntarist approach because it
stresses the role of free will and choice in shaping
personal identity, culture and wider society. It sees
people as in charge of their own destiny rather
than being propelled along by social forces beyond
their control.
Social action theory argues that society is the
net sum of people interacting with each other
at home, at work, at college, in the street and
so on. Consequently, social action theory argues
that society, culture and identity are social
constructions - for example, society and culture
are the product of people voluntarily choosing to
associate with one another and to share in common
agreement particular values, norms, customs and
so on. Identity or self too is gradually socially
constructed, as we adapt our outlook, personality
and social behaviour in reaction to how others
respond to us in particular social contexts.
Social action approaches argue that the concept of
society as a social construct means that societies
should not be seen as rigid and unchangeable.
Rather they argue that ‘social constructs’ can
gradually change over time. For example, many
societies across the world have changed their internal
structures as values, norms and social meanings with
regard to the rights and roles of women have shifted.
Summary
1. Structural theories of society see the social
behaviour of both individuals and social groups
as the product of social forces over which people
have no control. These forces originate in the
social structure of society; that is, from the way
they are organised.
2. In contrast, social action theories reject
structural theories as too deterministic, because
they fail to appreciate that people have agency
and free will and therefore have the ability to
choose how they should behave.
Key terms
Social structure The social organisation of society.
Social construction An interactionist concept that
refers to behaviour that is thought to be natural
but is actually the product of cultural expectations
and processes.
Agency Free will or the ability to choose particular
courses of action.
Structuralist theories Theories such as
functionalism, Marxism and feminism which claim
people’s actions are the product of the ways their
societies are organised or structured.
Macro approaches A top-down approach which
is mainly interested in how society or aspects of it
influence individual actions.
Positivist A scientific approach which aims to
document the impact of social forces on human
behaviour by collecting large-scale data using
sociological methods which are regarded as highly
reliable and objective.
43
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Consensus theory A type of structuralist
approach which sees society as characterised by
agreement and order; for example, functionalism.
Conflict theories Theories such as Marxism and
feminism which see societies as characterised by
conflict between social classes or between men
and women.
Humanist approach A micro or ‘bottom-up’
approach which is interested in how social reality
is ‘interpreted’ by individuals during their everyday
interaction with others.
Voluntarism The idea that human action is
voluntary rather than imposed externally by social
forces beyond the individual’s control. Voluntarists
as represented by social action theories believe
that social behaviour is the result of people
having free will and the ability to choose how
to act.
Free will The power to make decisions or choices
that are not shaped by social forces beyond the
control of the individual.
Self This is composed of two parts; the ‘I’ is
how people see themselves, while the ‘me’ is
how we present ourselves when interacting
with others.
Unit 2.2.2 Mechanisms of social
control, social order
and conformity
We have seen that socialisation specifically refers
to the process by which people learn the skills,
knowledge, values, motives and roles (that is,
culture) of the groups to which they belong or the
communities in which they live. Socialisation is
generally quite effective but there is always the
possibility that members of society may be tempted
to deviate from agreed standards, norms and rules.
Consequently, most societies feel the need to use
'social controls’, to regulate and reinforce ‘ideal’
behaviour to make sure that citizens conform to
the rules or laws agreed upon by a society and to
publicly punish those who fail to abide by cultural
values and norms. Members of society agree to
consent to these social controls because they
realise that they benefit from them in the long term.
44
Sociologists tend to distinguish between two broad
agencies of social control: formal and informal.
Formal agencies of social control
Formal agencies of social control tend to deal in
repressive or coercive types of control which are
expressed in formal written laws. They often involve
negative or ‘hard’ sanctions that may result in physical
punishment, removal from society or some other
restriction on individual liberty. Examples of formal
agencies of social control that function to ensure
conformity include the military (although this agency
tends only to be used as an emergency measure), the
security or intelligence services, and the criminal justice
system, which includes agencies such as the police and
the judiciary, responsible for enforcing laws and civil
order. If a person is found guilty of breaking the law, a
range of negative sanctions is available to the courts.
Activity
Identify three negative sanctions available to the
courts in the country in which you live.
Some of the more extreme sanctions available to
formal agencies of control across the world may also
include capital punishment, extra-judicial (not legally
authorised) execution by police officers or death
squads, torture, imprisonment without trial, solitary
confinement and the denial of basic civil liberties.
However, evidence suggests that the regular use of
extreme negative sanctions such as violence and
physical coercion by formal agents of social control
often leads to hostility, dissent, defiance, protest
i and social instability. This oppositional resistance
to the real and symbolic violence used by some
I agents of social control may mean that social
order is constantly under threat because citizens
see themselves as outsiders and feel forced to
engage in deviant action such as rioting (which they
may interpret as ‘uprisings’), public protests and
demonstrations and, in extreme cases, terrorism
(which they may interpret as ‘freedom fighting’).
Control by consent
These potential problems with formal social controls
have led to many governments seeking to control by
consent. This involves those in power ‘persuading’
society that the law is ‘blind’, that it seeks to protect
all social groups equally and that all formal agencies
 2.2 SOCIAL CONTROL. CONFORMITY AND RESISTANCE
of social control operate in a just way according
to that law. For example, members of society are
persuaded to follow the traffic laws laid down by
the state because they protect life, and citizens are
persuaded to follow the law and consent to policing
because the state is willing to pursue justice on their
behalf if they are ever victims of crime.
However, control by consent is criticised by Marxists
as an ideological device which functions to convince
members of society that social controls are both fair
and necessary. Marxists claim that social controls
are actually aimed at controlling the poor and
the proletariat, who are seen by the wealthy and
powerful as a potentially dangerous class.
Activity
‘Control by consent is generally more successful
than control by coercion.’ Explain this statement
and, using sociological material, outline one
argument in favour of it.
Education as both formal and informal
social control
Education is an important agency of social control. On
the one hand, educational systems qualify as formal
agencies of social control, because in many societies
education is compulsory by law and parents who fail
to send their children to school may be criminalised.
Moreover, many schools operate a set of formal
rules, and failure to abide by these may result in
a range of official and negative sanctions ranging
from letters home to parents, detentions, corporal
punishment (this is banned in many countries but is
still an option in countries such as China, Japan, Korea
and Singapore), suspension and exclusion. However,
schools and particularly individual teachers can also
be seen as informal agencies of social control because
teachers usually have a great deal of discretion in
terms of how they manage their classrooms and
interact with students. They may, for example,
use informal modes of praise and reward such as
constructive criticism of students’ work and friendly
chat with students to make sure that classroom
behaviour is mainly focused on academic work.
The workplace as both formal and
informal social control
The workplace is an important agency of social control
because it is in the factory, office and so on that people
learn specialised skills 'on the job’ that are essential to
the smooth running of the economy. It is important that
those skills are effectively learned, especially if workers
are engaged in dangerous work such as coal-mining,
where a mistake made by one individual could
have severe consequences for the whole workforce.
Consequently, employers will employ a number of
positive sanctions to reward those who demonstrate
skill but also the appropriate attitude towards work
such as industry, dedication and commitment to
following orders. Employers may reward those who
show skill and willing commitment with pay rises and
promotion to supervisory and management positions.
Employers may encourage groups of workers with
promises of future reward if they continue to work
hard. However, employers can also use hard negative
sanctions which are often underpinned by the state
in the form of the law. If an employee is interpreted
as lazy, incompetent or is frequently late to work
or absent, employers have the power to give them
both informal and formal warnings before eventually
dismissing them. Threats by whole groups of workers
to take industrial action may be countered by the
employer with mass redundancy or by the threat to
move production to other parts of the world in which
workers are more easily controlled.
Informal agencies of social control
Informal agencies of social control are mainly made
up of primary groups such as families, communities
and tribes in which relationships are close, direct
and intimate. Social control is often maintained by
informal mechanisms such as customs, traditions,
mores and religion.
The family as an agency of informal
social control
David Morgan (1996) suggests that a great deal
of family interaction between parents and children
is concerned with social control and encouraging
conformity. For example, parents often use positive
sanctions to reinforce and reward socially approved
behaviour, and negative sanctions to discipline
and punish ‘naughty’ or deviant behaviour. Positive
sanctions might include praise, sweets and the
promise of extra television-viewing or new toys,
while negative sanctions may include the threat
to ‘withdraw’ love, sending children to sit on a
‘naughty step’ or to their room. Parents may
punish adolescents by banning them from going
out at night or by temporarily confiscating their
smartphone, tablet or laptop. Some cultures may
45
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
even encourage the physical punishment of children
via smacking or beating. A 2013 study by Sylvia
Y.C.L. Kwok, Wenyu Chai and Xuesong found that
about 72 per cent of Chinese children said that
their parents had beaten them. Kwok, Chai and
He conclude that the evidence suggests that at the
time of their study, Chinese parents used physical
and emotional punishment to solve parent-child
problems and conflict, which sometimes leads to
child abuse. Chinese law, specifically the Law on
the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency, authorised
‘strict discipline’ of children by parents and
guardians. However, over 40 countries around the
world have now made parental smacking, beating
and spanking of children illegal.
Contemporary issues: Smacking
. Cognitive difficulties and increased aggression are
The faces change.
The bruises don’t.
sTTZi.,
ft
■ *
£ concludes that smacking has numerous negative
$ physically punished as children grow up into adults
19S4
Campaign poster for the UK’s National Society for the
Prevention of Cruelty to Children. © National Society for
the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCQ Archive
created 1983/1984.
Research by UNICEF shows that around the world
80 per cent of children are subjected to some
routine form of hitting, smacking or beating as a
form of discipline by their parents. In many societies,
this use of physical punishment is not illegal.
However, longitudinal research suggests that
children who are smacked by their parents are
more likely to have mental health issues as well as
anti-social behaviour problems once they grow up.
46
Activities
1. What does the law say about smacking children
in the society in which you live?
2. Compose a brief questionnaire asking adults
whether they believe that smacking children
is justified. Ask them to identify in what
circumstances it might be used.
3. Can you think of any other harms that might be
caused by smacking in addition to those listed
by the research?
4. How might you criticise the reliability and validity’
of this research?
the other side-effects recorded in a meta-analysis of
50 years of research conducted by Joan Durrant and
Ron Emson (2012) on more than 160 000 children.
The study assesses the long-lasting impact into
adulthood that smacking has on children’s mental
health, life skills and development.
The researchers use the term ‘spanking’ to denote
smacking; that is, ‘hitting a child on their buttocks
or extremities using an open hand’. Their review
effects. For example, some teenagers may engage
in anti-social disruptive behaviour in the classroom.
There is also evidence that adults who have been
who demonstrate mental health problems (such
as high levels of anxiety and depression) who
find it difficult to form trusting relationships with
others. There is evidence, too, that such adults
demonstrate low self-esteem compared with their
peers who had not been smacked.
The researchers concluded that smacking or
spanking is a widespread practice, but there is
no evidence to suggest that it was effective in
correcting or improving children’s behaviour.
Rather, the research concludes that smacking does
more harm than good.
Source: Durrant, J. and Ensom, R., Physical
punishment of children: lessons from 20 years of
research, available online at https://www.ncbi.nlm.
nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3447048/.
 2.2 SOCIAL CONTROL. CONFORMITY AND RESISTANCE
Parental or family sanctions are frequently aimed at
encouraging the development of a conscience or ‘inner
policeman’ in children. This conscience is supposed to
equip children, adolescents and adults with a moral
compass which aims to guide their future actions and
to deter them from potential deviant behaviour by
invoking strong feelings of guilt.
The peer group/friendship network as an
agency of informal social control
There is evidence that peer groups, friendship
networks or subcultures are also successful informal
agents of social control. (A subculture is a group
that exists within a wider society which has a very
distinct and separate identity, for example, in terms
of the way they dress or behave - that stands out
from mainstream culture.) These groups, networks
and subcultures may put considerable peer pressure
on teenagers to conform to subcultural values and
norms which may differ from those of adult society,
and consequently encourage deviant and even
criminal behaviour. Some adolescents may identify
with spectacular youth subcultures (highly visible
groups of young people whose behaviour is often
interpreted by the media as ‘threatening’ the moral
order of society), for example, mods, punks, soulboys,
skinheads, metallers, goths or hippies - that they see
portrayed in the global media. They may aim to copy
the distinctive and often symbolically ‘shocking’ dress
and hairstyles of these global subcultures in order to
challenge and oppose adult society’s attempt to turn
them into conventional citizens.
Activity
w , * | Journalists are responsible for representing the
. actions of particular social groups and their
■nn^si1-’
The influence of peers might mean membership of a
spectacular youth subculture such as these punks in
Myanmar.
Look closely at the photograph.
1. What features that you can see unite this pair
of young people as a subculture or community?
2. What visible features of this subculture might
create anxiety among older conventional
members of Myanmar society?
This symbolisation makes the group stand out
from ‘normal’ society as ‘different’ and therefore
deviant. However, the majority of youth rarely come
into contact with spectacular youth subcultures.
Rather, their lives are much more likely to revolve
around their peer group in the mundane contexts
of school, the street and social media. Peer groups
may use positive sanctions such as the endowment
of respect or status (although this is often awarded
for deviant activities), as well as negative sanctions
such as gossip, ridicule, sarcasm, criticism, shame,
bullying, discrimination and exclusion, to socially
control the attitudes and behaviour of those in their
orbit. Consequently, the peer group sometimes has
more of an influence on the behaviour of adolescents
than their parents do, although sociological
studies generally demonstrate that the majority of
adolescents usually end up conforming to the same
set of cultural values and norms as their parents.
Activity
Think about how your peer group operates in your
local community or the school or college you attend.
Make a list of the ways in which the peer groups and
friendship networks that operate around you reward
and punish young people. Research how peer group
use of social media is now being used by peer
groups as a means of social control.
The media as agencies of informal social
control
A principal agency of social control in many cultures
is the media. Tabloid newspapers, magazines,
television and films often reinforce what count as the
boundaries between ‘normal’ and ‘deviant’ behaviour.
relationship to specific social problems as part of
the news reported in newspapers and on TV news
programmes. Critics of the media point out that
these representations are often ideological in that
they stereotype particular social groups as engaged
in either ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ behaviour. For example,
females may be ‘demonised’ or negatively labelled
because their behaviour is interpreted by journalists
as not sufficiently ‘feminine’. Some women may
be ‘fat-shamed’ by the media because journalists
47
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
subscribe to patriarchal stereotypes which interpret
slimness as best representing femininity. Similarly,
both men and women may be ‘persuaded’ by the
media that their social destinies should be on very
different trajectories. The media may reinforce the
idea that the certain arenas of work, such as science,
business, medicine and engineering, are best suited
to male abilities and traits. A great deal of media
content may represent females as either nurturers
Contemporary issues: An archipelago of Care: Filipino Migrants
and Global Networks
Deirdre McKay (2016) focuses on the experience
of Filipino caregivers in London, some of whom are
living and working illegally in their host country.
She considers what migrant workers must do to
navigate their way in a global marketplace. She
draws on interviews and participant observations,
her own long-term fieldwork in communities in the
Philippines, and digital ethnography, to present
Religion as an agency of social control
Another informal agency of socialisation is religion,
although in some societies religion is intertwined with
both the law and state and consequently acts as a
formal agency of social control. Those who believe in
48
and domestic workers, so reinforcing the notion that
women’s skills are better suited to the home and the
raising of children.
On a more positive note, Deirdre McKay (2016)
found that Filipinos living and working in Europe
used social network sites to stay true to the social
duties and obligations encouraged by Filipino culture
in their home villages and towns, despite being
thousands of miles away.
an intricate consideration of how these caregivers
create stability in potentially precarious living
situations. McKay found that they used social
network sites to insulate themselves from the
individualism that they saw as dominating Western
culture. Social networking with relatives and
friends in the Philippines meant they could digitally
return to the comfort of the types of cultural
relationships that they had left behind, which
were characterised by obligations to the extended
family and ancestors, involvement in the local
community and religious traditions. McKay argues
that these workers gain resilience from the bonding
networks they construct for themselves through
social media, faith groups and community centres.
These networks generate an elaborate ‘archipelago
of care’ through which migrants create their sense
of self.
Questions
1. What methods did McKay use to research
Filipinos living in London?
2. Flow does the culture of the Filipinos living in
London differ from Western culture?
3. In what ways do social media function for the
benefit of the culture and families of Filipino
migrants?
God, who regularly attend church, temple or mosque
and conform to religious norms, may find that that
their behaviour is controlled by the fear of what
might happen to them in an ‘afterlife’ if they fail to
have faith or to abide by religious mores. Religion
 2.2 SOCIAL CONTROL. CONFORMITY AND RESISTANCE
awards the faithful with promises of spiritual rebirth,
heavenly reward, nirvana and redemption, while
it threatens the sinful and wicked with hellfire and
eternal suffering. In those countries in which religion
shapes most social institutions, especially the law
and politics, non-believers and people who question
religion may be threatened with prison or death.
Activity
Construct a table with five columns labelled ‘peer
group’, ‘schools’, ‘media’, ‘family’ and ‘religion’,
and list in those columns the ways in which these
agencies of control regulate behaviour and ensure
conformity.
Key terms
Social controls Regulations and rules which
aim to reinforce ‘ideal’ behaviour and to ensure
conformity. Failure to abide by social controls may
result in public punishment.
Formal social control Sanctions enforced by
official agencies such as government in reaction to
the breaking of written formal rules.
Negative sanctions Punishments aimed at
deterring deviance.
Control by consent Persuading a social group that
they should obey rules because they will benefit
from them in the long term.
Ideological Based on untrue information,
propagated by a powerful group, aimed at
justifying and legitimating some type of inequality.
Informal social controls The negative reaction
of friends, relatives and peers to deviance that
encourages conformity to the informal rules
employed by such groups.
Conformity Abiding by or complying with social
norms, rules and laws.
Positive sanctions Rewards which encourage
conformity.
Subculture A distinct group that exists within a
wider society. A subculture has a very distinct and
separate identity, for example, in terms of the
way they dress or behave - that stands out from
mainstream culture.
Spectacular youth subculture Highly visible groups
of young people who commit themselves to a certain
‘shocking’ look in terms of hairstyle, dress codes and
so on, and whose behaviour is often interpreted by
the older generation and the media as ‘threatening’
the moral order or stability of society.
Symbolisation A process found in some news
reporting of social groups in which journalists
identify key features of particular groups, especially
young people, so that they can be avoided by others
or be easily identified and targeted by the police.
Demonisation The social practice of treating some
groups as if they were ‘social problems’ or a threat to
those who belong to mainstream law-abiding society.
Fat-shaming The action or practice of humiliating
someone judged to be fat or overweight by making
mocking or critical comments about their size.
Summary
1. The process of socialisation is generally effective
but sometimes needs to be reinforced by formal
and informal means of social control.
2. Formal agencies of social control are normally
organised by the state, for example, the police,
courts and prisons.
3. State agencies of social control can use coercion
or force, as well as hard sanctions, to ensure
conformity. However, coercion can often lead
to resentment and further non-conformity. The
state prefers to use ‘consensual’ control, which
is achieved by persuading citizens that rules
benefit them.
4. There also exist informal agencies of social
control, such as the family, peer group, media
and religion, that tend to use ‘softer’ controls to
ensure that people fit into social groups or society.
5. Some agencies of social control, for example,
educational institutions and workplaces - use a
combination of hard and soft strategies of social
control.
49
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Unit 2.2.3 The influence of social
pressure, sanctions,
individualism and social
exchange on social
order and expectations
Our examination of social control and the agencies
that regulate our behaviour clearly show that both
socialisation and social control function to exert
social pressure to ensure conformity and social
order. Such pressure is intended to deter any
temptation to behave in a socially unacceptable way.
Furthermore, sanctions are also available to agencies
of control to reward and reinforce the conformity of
those citizens who accept that complying with the
rules brings about a social exchange that benefits
both themselves and their community.
For example, in exchange for conformity, the criminal
justice system is authorised by society to protect the
lives, rights and property of its citizens. Consequently,
the police forces of most societies engage in
consensual policing; that is, most citizens accept
the need for policing and voluntarily cooperate with
the police when needed. Another example of this
social exchange is that in return for adherence to
the law, if a citizen is unlawfully killed or robbed,
a team of strangers employed by the state (police
detectives, forensic experts and so on) will work
towards finding and punishing those responsible. As
we saw earlier, social control agencies can also use
negative sanctions or punishments. Again, in return
for their acceptance of cultural values and norms,
citizens accept that punitive action may need to be
taken by the state against those who act outside
the law, including themselves. In other words, as
argued earlier by social exchange theory, members
of society engage in cost-benefit analysis - they
weigh up the benefits of conformity in obeying the
law against the costs of rejecting it (for example, their
lives, and those of their family may be put at high
risk if a state of anarchy - a lack of laws and rules -
was allowed to dominate society). Law is not just
imposed on people from on high. Rather, members
of society choose to submit to laws and regulations
in return or exchange for benefits that appeal to
their self-interest (for example, the protection of their
50
families and private property, and some retribution
or recompense if crime is committed against them).
Social exchange is an important social glue holding
varied groups of citizens together. As we saw earlier,
there are everyday norms or rules relating to civility,
such as politeness, etiquette, morality, deference to
those in authority, duty and obligation and so on, to
which most citizens subscribe in exchange for social
capital, social affiliation, community and reducing
the possibility of conflict. As Edward Shils and Steven
Grosby (1997) observed, ‘civility is a belief which
affirms the possibility of the common good’.
The concept of social capital refers to social bonds or
relationships that have productive benefits. It refers
especially to the reciprocal benefits that members of
a society or community might share. The concept has
especially been applied to the increasing popularity
of social media platforms such as Facebook in recent
years. First, it is argued that accumulating connections
or online relationships is empowering and enriching
because it produces resources and opportunities which
have collective value for all concerned. Membership
of an online community may provide opportunities for
people with similar interests to find and interact with one
another. This type of capital is known as ‘bonding social
capital’ and produces shared information flows that
may throw up opportunities for jobs or mutual aid. For
example, belonging to a Facebook community of A Level
Sociology students may bring about benefits in terms of
shared information about how to do well in the subject.
Second, membership of an online community may
lead to relationships being established with others
who seem to be very different to one another in
terms of their social characteristics and interests. This
is known as ‘bridging social capital’. For example,
feminists may wish to bond with other feminists, but
social networking sites such as Twitter may lead to
feminists realising that seemingly different political
causes such as fighting racism or economic inequality
have a great deal in common with their cause. This
may lead to social and political alliances or networks
which increase the potential for social change.
Flowever, social exchange (and its reciprocal
benefits) works well in societies with collectivist
value systems in which the individual is encouraged
to put the needs of the society first. This can
be illustrated using the work of Durkheim. He
argued that some societies were characterised
 2.2 SOCIAL CONTROL. CONFORMITY AND RESISTANCE
by 'mechanical solidarity’. This concept suggests
that agencies of socialisation and social control,
particularly the family, community and religion, are
so effective that the values, norms and laws of these
societies are rarely questioned or challenged. These
societies are, therefore, characterised by moral
certainty. Individuals are expected to submit to
the collectivistic interests of the wider society. The
individual is expected to carry out civic duties and
meet social obligations. In contrast, individualistic
behaviour is defined as deviance. Punishments for
such behaviour are harsh and may include exile or
death. Consequently, the fear of losing one’s place
in such a tightly integrated society is sufficient for
people to avoid deviant and criminal behaviour.
Durkheim suggested that these types of society were
the norm in medieval times. However, contemporary
examples of mechanical solidarity can be found
in pre-industrial cultures as well as societies such
as China or North Korea, where individuals are
expected to put the interests of the state or the
Communist Party before their own. Similarly, cultures
such as Iran and Saudi Arabia may also be good
examples of mechanical solidarity in action, as
citizens are expected to submit their individuality to
the greater good of the Islamic community.
In contrast, Durkheim sees the social structure
of modern industrial societies as characterised
by ‘organic solidarity’. Industrialisation in these
societies has generated massive urbanisation. The
impersonality of urban life (that is, living alongside
thousands of strangers) generates a diversity of
novel ideas which challenge traditional ways of
thinking, especially ideas that promote self-interest
or individualism, which have undermined the
effectiveness of the family, community and religion
as agents of both socialisation and social control.
Consequently, community and neighbourhood ties
are often weak. Values and norms in regard to
morality in such societies are constantly shifting.
Such societies and cultures are therefore plagued
by ‘anomie’ or moral uncertainty, which means that
people act primarily in their own interests rather
than in the interests of society as a whole. Such
societies are therefore likely to be unstable because
people are more likely to manage social interaction
and exchanges in ways that personally benefit them
rather than both parties. Such one-sided exchanges
are more likely to break down into disorder.
Key terms
Social pressure Influence exerted on an individual
or group by a more or equally powerful person
or group. The influence might take the form
of rational argument, persuasion or coercion
(threats, violence and so on). For example, a peer
group may exert social pressure on an adolescent
to behave in an anti-social manner.
Sanctions A negative sanction is a threatened
penalty for disobeying a law or rule. A positive
sanction may take the form of approval or a reward.
Consensual policing The power of the police to
fulfil their functions and duties is dependent on
public approval of their existence, actions and
behaviour and on their ability to secure and
maintain public respect.
Cost-benefit analysis A process that involves
members of society rationally weighing up the
benefit of, say, obeying the law against the
costs of not doing so or of rejecting the need for
law altogether.
Anarchy A state of disorder due to absence
or non-recognition of authority or agencies of
social control.
Social exchange Interaction and negotiation
between individuals that involves maximum benefit
and minimum cost for mutual or reciprocal benefit.
Bonding social capital The sharing of information
or resources that may create opportunities for
jobs or mutual help.
Bridging social capital Social and political
alliances or networks that increase the potential
for social change.
Mechanical solidarity The sense of togetherness
in a society that arises when people perform
similar work and share similar experiences,
customs, values and beliefs. Such societies view
society as more important than the individual.
Organic solidarity A type of system in which
community ties are loose because people are
exposed to a greater range of ideas, which
encourages individualism and less moral certainty.
Anomie According to Durkheim - a state of
normlessness or moral uncertainty in which the
social rules of behaviour are not clearly drawn,
therefore making people more prone to deviance.
51
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Summary
1. Members of society are generally happy to
cooperate with the processes of socialisation
and social control because cultural conformity
brings about social benefits in the form of social
exchange for those who comply.
2. Those who comply with the law benefit from it
because the law aims to protect us all equally.
3. We are happy to behave civilly towards others
because this behaviour ensures that others are
civil in return, thus maximising social bonds and
minimising the potential for conflict.
4. Another consequence of this social exchange
is the acquisition of bonding social capital
Onformation and resources that mutually benefit
those with similar interests) and bridging social
capital (the capacity to form alliances with others
of like mind).
Unit 2.2.4 Explanations of
deviance and
non-conformity
Deviance is any behaviour that violates cultural
or social norms. Another term for deviance is
‘non-conformity’. Non-conformists are generally seen
as a threat to social order because they challenge
convention. This challenge may be symbolised by
rebellion, protest and dissent against the prevailing
norms. Non-conformist behaviour may range from
the ‘odd’ and the ‘eccentric’ to the extremes of
dropping out of society altogether, committing crime
or committing acts of terrorism. Deviant behaviour
that breaks the law is known as crime. A number
of academic disciplines - biology, psychology and
sociology - have attempted to explain criminal and
deviant behaviour. For example, in the 19th century,
Cesare Lombroso (1835-1909) claimed that criminals
were ‘born’ with certain visible physical features that
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
|0|1 | Describe two agencies of forma! social control.
I 0 I 2 I Using sociological material, give one argument against the view that crime and deviance
is a product of social structure.
52
differentiated them from law-abiding citizens. Later
variations on this idea in the 20th century claimed
that criminals have inherited certain genetic defects.
However, these biological explanations for crime and
deviance are generally unsupported by evidence.
Psychologists have also attempted to explain the
origin of criminality. Their explanations tend to focus
on ‘weak’ character and personality traits (such
as poor self-control) which they see as shaped by
childhood experience, poor parenting, inadequate
socialisation or lack of intelligence.
In contrast, most sociologists tend to view crime
as the product of society. Some sociologists take a
‘structural’ or ‘macro’ approach and claim that the
social and economic organisation of societies creates
inequalities and tensions which give rise to criminal
behaviour. Other sociologists take a ‘micro’ approach
to explaining crime and deviance by locating its cause
in the interaction between relatively powerless groups
and agents of social control, such as the police. These
sociologists are interested in how some social groups
are more likely to be labelled as ‘criminal’ and how
criminality may be a legitimate and even rational
response to the circumstances in which powerless
groups, such as young people, find themselves.
Summary
1. Biologists claim that criminals have distinctive
physical or genetic characteristics which
differentiate them from members of mainstream
society although there is little evidence to
support these ideas.
2. Psychologists claim that criminality is the
product of weak character or personality traits
brought about during childhood.
3. Sociologists, in contrast, claim that both macro
and micro social factors are responsible for the
extent and character of crime and deviance.
Some sociologists argue that macro factors
originate in the structure of society while others
suggest micro factors originate in everyday social
interaction.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]

PART 3 SOCIAL 10ENTITY AND CHANGE
Contents
Unit 2.3.1 The construction of social identity 53
Unit 2.3.2 Globalisation, identity and social
change 71
This part of the chapter aims to examine the
relationship between social identity and social
change. Structuralist sociologists argue that the
identity of many individuals originates in their
membership of particular social groups. In this
sense, identity is not voluntarily chosen. Rather, it
is imposed on people from without. Good examples
Unit 2.3.1 The construction of
social identity
Sarah McLaughlin (201 7) observes that ‘the concept
of identity is important to sociologists because it is
only by establishing our own identities and learning
about the identities of individuals and groups,
that we come to know what makes us similar or
different, to other people. This helps us to form
social connections and establish group solidarity
and identification with others. It also creates
disconnections and divisions’.
Self-identity and social identity
McLaughlin argues that identity is made up of two
components. The first is how we see ourselves. This
is part of our identity is referred to as the ‘self. Mead
argued that the self can be broken down into the T
and ‘me’. The ‘me’ is the way you project yourself to the
world - your outgoing personality that other people
see and interact with. The T is your private self, which
is only revealed to your closest relatives and friends.
It may be at odds with the ‘me’ in the sense that
someone with a confident and extrovert, outgoing
personality might express to their close friends that
this masks a lack of confidence and insecurity about
their ability to deal with others.
The second aspect of identity is how others see
us. This is called ‘social identity’ and is the net
sum of all the socialisation experiences a person
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
of these types of identity include those related to
social class, gender, ethnicity, religion and age.
In contrast, social action theory argues that the
identity we adopt is socially constructed via the
voluntary choices that we make. The process of social
change is also contributing to this process because,
as structural forces such as social class, patriarchy,
consensus and culture decline in influence, so people
seek out other sources of identity, particularly
those associated with global change. This part will
therefore examine how and why these external social
influences on identity have undergone change and
how identities have consequently shifted and/or
become hybrid in nature.
has been through. In that sense, it is shaped by
the family, peer group, education, religion and
workplace. During the socialisation process (which
never really ends), we internalise all the social
expectations associated with the social roles that
we occupy. As part of our primary and secondary
socialisation, we learn how children, parents, siblings,
friends, students, workers and good citizens are
supposed to behave and adjust our social identity
accordingly. When we reach adulthood, we have
normally acquired a social identity that fits social
expectations about what constitutes a beloved
family member, a trustworthy friend, a respectable
citizen and a reliable worker. We also learn what
to expect in terms of appropriate behaviour from
people with more status than ourselves, such as
our parents, teachers, doctors, police officers and
so on. Furthermore, our social identity reflects our
commitment to conformity and our desire to avoid
being defined as deviant.
Activity
Make a list of words that sum up how you view your
self-identity. For example, do you believe that you
are honest, reliable, shy, confident, an introvert or
an extrovert? Also make a list of the various social
identities that you possess, for example student,
son, daughter, brother, sister, friend, best friend
and so on. What cultural expectations are attached
to each of these identities?
53
2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Approaches to identity
Structuralist sociologists argue that aspects of our
identity are imposed on us by social forces such
as social class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, religion
and nationality. Structuralist sociologists such as
functionalists see the identity of individuals as the
product of social structures including the family,
religion, schooling and work. They see identity as
essential to the functioning of society because it
helps to create a sense of common community,
consensus and solidarity across disparate groups.
Social action theories, on the other hand, argue that
identity is the product of choice. For example, we
may choose to identify with certain sports teams,
types of music, fashion and leisure activity. Goffman,
for example, claims that individuals perform and
actively construct their own identities.
Contemporary issues-. Facebook and self-identity
Derek Egan (2013) investigated the relationship
between Facebook use and self-identity among
a small section of the Irish population. He was
particularly interested in the impact of online social
networks on reflexivity, users’ sense of self, and the
ways in which they presented their self to a wider
online audience.
Egan used Facebook as his main sampling frame
because it is by far the most popular online social
networking platform. He employed an online
survey questionnaire consisting of 23 questions
in hopes of reaching as many Facebook users as
possible. Sixteen of the questions took the form of
statements, while two questions asked respondents
to rank the importance of Facebook to their
social life as a whole, and the importance of trust
within online social networks. Respondents were
also asked to divulge their age, gender, number
54
Sociologists such as Giddens take a structuration
approach to identity in that they argue that
structure and agency often interact and intersect
to bring about identity. Bauman argues that
consumers in the 21 st century have greater
freedom of choice in what they can purchase but
affluent consumers have greater freedom than
poorer consumers. In this sense, structure in the
form of the economy still constrains free will.
However, Giddens argues that individuals are not
passive receivers of identity. He argues that they
are actually ‘reflexive’, which means that they
often reflect on how others view them and alter
their identities accordingly. Both Bauman and
Giddens saw identity as relatively changeable and
co-dependent on both social factors such as family
expectations, education, laws and culture and how
we interpret and respond to such social influences.
of Facebook friends, and the frequency of their
Facebook use. In addition, he carried out in-depth
interviews with a small focus group composed
of four individuals who had taken part in the
online survey.
The online survey yielded 40 respondents, and was
relatively gender balanced, with a split of 55 per cent
female to 45 per cent male. The results unearthed a
certain degree of uncertainty among Facebook users
regarding their relationship with the site. There was a
noticeable reluctance to divulge too much information
about oneself online. However, respondents also
demonstrated some ambiguity regarding how they
viewed their relationship with Facebook. For example,
when they were asked to respond to the statement ‘I
feel that Facebook is useful in allowing me to display
aspects of my personality’, 55 per cent responded in
the affirmative, while a further 50 per cent reported
that they would miss their Facebook profile if they
were denied access to it for a prolonged length of
time. Finally, although users appeared to regard
Facebook as a separate sphere distinct from their
offline sense of self, they also espoused a degree of
reflexivity about how one should conduct oneself
when online - for example, many said it was tempting
to exaggerate one-selfs sense of identity online.
Source: Facebook and its Effect on the Shaping of
Social Self in Late Modernity by Derek Egan (2013),
available at https://www.maynoothuniversity.ie/sites/
default/files/assets/document/Derek%20Egan.pdf

Questions
1. What research methods did Egan use?
2. What sampling frame did he use and why?
Subcultures and identity
The identity of most members of society is likely to
shaped both by the dominant culture of the society
in which they live but also by their membership of
subcultures. These are groups which exist within a
larger culture but which have their own separate and
distinct values and cultural practices. Subcultural values
normally exist in harmony with the wider cultural value
system of societies, and their values often overlap
with mainstream culture. We can see the existence of
subcultures based on social class, ethnicity, religion,
nationality, gender, age and globalisation.
Social identity and social class
Socio-economic status or social class derives from a
number of economic sources. For a tiny minority of
people in capitalist societies worldwide, it may derive
from inheritance or the acquisition of wealth through
profit, especially if an individual owns or controls
companies that dominate particular financial,
manufacturing and consumer markets. For example,
the Mittal and the Ruia family own and control the
largest steelmaking companies in India. Lakshmi
Mittal was ranked by Forbes magazine in 2018 as
. likely that class identity is relatively well-developed
the third richest man in the world.
However, socio-economic status for the vast majority
of the world’s citizens derives from their occupation
and particularly the income they earn, which shapes
both their lifestyle and future life chances. For
example, lack of income may result in a lifestyle in
which poverty and low life expectancy may be the
norm. Income also determines standard of living and
consumption practices, for example, the ability to buy
a car or other consumer goods that the rest of the
society takes for granted.
In capitalist societies, socio-economic status is
synonymous with social class, a pyramid-shaped set
of hierarchical social categories based on occupation
that indicate an individual’s or household’s relative
position in capitalist societies (see Figure 2.3.1).
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
3. Identify and explain three criticisms of
Egan’s methodology.
4. How might Egan’s findings be used to support
Goffman’s conclusions about how people
construct and project their self-identity?
Before we can begin to examine the relationship
between identity and social class, three important
observations need to be made.
1. Social stratification is a global phenomenon.
This has been reliably documented in 2018 by
the Credit Suisse Global Wealth Report (CSGWR),
which concluded that 82 per cent of wealth
globally generated in 2017 went to the richest
1 per cent of the global population, while the
bottom 50 per cent of income earners shared only
1 per cent of the world’s total wealth. Furthermore,
the CSGWR also observed that 42 people now own
the same wealth as the poorest half of humanity.
2. Class stratification is mainly found in capitalist
societies. The vast majority of societies worldwide
are capitalist in terms of their social organisation
and experience similar levels of economic inequality.
However, we have to acknowledge that the nature
of capitalism may differ and, consequently, so
too may people’s potential to be aware of their
socio-economic status and identity. For example,
some societies, particularly in the West, have
well-established capitalist systems which have
been in place for over 300 years. It is therefore
in such societies. In societies such as China,
capitalist enterprise is jointly managed by private
entrepreneurs and the state, and consequently it
may be more difficult for wealth to be monopolised
by particular individuals or families.
Religion may also shape the nature of capitalism
in some countries. For example, Buddhism is
the dominant belief system in Bhutan, Tibet
and Thailand. Western capitalist ideologies that
promote money and power as ends in themselves
may not be compatible with Buddhist teachings
such as ‘satipatthana’, which encourages
Buddhists to divest themselves of the need to
measure happiness through the acquisition of
material things and to practise altruism - to work
for the common good and to assist those worse
55
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Figure 2.3.1 Class pyramid.
Middle classes
Highly educated professionals such as
lawyers, bankers, accountants, brokers,
wealth and trust fund managers and
tax experts who hire out their skills to
the upper class in return for high
financial rewards.
Other well-paid members of the
middle classes include consultants,
doctors, dentists, principals of academy
school chains.
This group also contains professionals
such as teachers. CPs. engineers and
social workers who are important to
the effective running of industrial-capitalist
societies.
off than themselves. Some Buddhists, therefore,
believe that socio-economic status undermines
the spiritual ethos of Buddhist teaching.
3. Socio-economic status in Hindu India is the result
of the caste system. This system has traditionally
functioned to place all Hindus at birth into
five hierarchical categories or ‘jatis’, based on
levels of religious purity. Membership of such
jatis is fixed for life and determines job, and
consequently income, wealth and socio-economic
status. In addition to the five jatis, there exists
a sixth socio-economic category or non-caste of
people known as 'Dalits’, or untouchables, that
do the ‘dirty’ unskilled jobs in Indian society and
are generally shunned by the five castes. Hindus
believe that if people accept their place in this
hierarchy, do not complain or challenge the caste
system, and humbly fulfil their duties, they will
reincarnate after death into a higher caste in
their next life. Donald and Jean Johnson (2018)
argue that the caste system is important to Indian
culture and identity because Indians primarily
identify themselves as members of the caste
community to which they belong or as Dalits. For
example, it is rare that an Indian marries outside
their caste group.
56
..... .
Upper class
Owners of industries, media moguls,
majority shareholders in transnational
companies, bankers, hedge fund
founders, major landowners, oligarchs,
heirs and celebrities.
Skilled working class
» Blue collar manual workers.
The precariat
Unskilled young workers who are
exploited by employers in terms of
» working very long hours for subsistence
wages.
These workers lack basic labour rights
and job security. In the developing world,
this group is mainly composed of childrer
and young women who work in hazardous
factory and sweatshop conditions or in
jobs in which they sift through rubbish
dumps looking for items of value.
Sociologists have generally identified four very
distinct and separate socio-economic groups or socia
classes in capitalist societies:
» a bourgeoisie or capitalist class
> a middle class composed of those who manage
capitalism on behalf of the bourgeoisie
» a working or labouring class that carries out the
skilled and semi-skilled work that is responsible for
either extracting the raw material essential to the
manufacture of goods in factories or whose labour
power is directly responsible for the manufacture o
the goods marketed and sold by the bourgeoisie
» An unskilled class (often referred to as the
‘underclass’) which is employed in low-paid
insecure work and which often experiences both
unemployment and poverty.
Identity and the bourgeoisie or
capitalist class
This socio-economic group is largely made up of the
economic elite that owns the means of production and
which benefits directly in terms of wealth acquisition
from the profits made in the capitalist system. This
group may have different labels attached to it in
other societies. For example, in the USA the terms

‘super-rich’ or ‘uber-wealthy’ are often used to
describe this group. In Europe, the term ‘upper class’
is sometimes used. It is important to understand that
not all members of this class may be actively involved
in the capitalist system. Some may have inherited
wealth or extensive landholdings that generate wealth
via rents. Some may belong to royal or aristocratic
houses. Some may have gained entry to this group via
marriage or because they have talents in sport, film or
music, which are highly regarded (and therefore highly
rewarded) by society. Some members of this group may
be part of a kleptocracy - their wealth may have been
accumulated by stealing the assets of society or by
exploiting its natural resources or via corruption.
In terms of social identity, it can be argued that
the capitalist class’s identity shares the following
common features.
i They monopolise global wealth and live a lavish
lifestyle beyond the reach of most individuals. For
example, a major influence on their social ability
may be the ability to engage in 'conspicuous
consumption' spending their wealth on high-end
luxury goods (yachts, high-performance cars,
jewellery, antiques and art) as well as designer
brands and labels.
> Members of this class wield great political power
and influence because a symbiotic relationship
often forms between the super-rich and the political
class. For example, politicians can guarantee low
tax rates, while political elites benefit from the
sponsorship of the wealthy in the form of generous
donations to their political parties and, more
controversially, corruption in the form of bribes.
» Members of this class wield disproportionate
ideological power. As Marx (1845) observed,
'the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch
the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling
material force of society, is at the same time
its ruling intellectual force’. In other words,
this social class has the power to shape public
opinion and debate by setting the agenda of the
media and political debate about issues such as
wealth and poverty.
1 Members of this class are likely to share the view
that the products of high culture have greater
value than the products of folk and popular culture.
» Members of this class often share the experience
of a privileged high-cost private education. For
example, male children belonging to this class in
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
Asian and African countries may be sent abroad to
board at exclusive fee-paying schools in the UK or
at military academies in the USA. The children of
the uber-wealthy are disproportionately more likely
than the children of other social classes to enter
the most prestigious and costly universities, either
in their home countries or abroad (for example,
Oxford or Cambridge in England, the Sorbonne in
France, or Yale and Harvard in the USA).
> Members of this social class are more likely to
possess the cultural and social capital that opens
the door to top jobs in their societies. The concept
of social capital was first used by Jane Jacobs
(1961) to refer to social contacts established
between privileged elites, contact that can prove
very useful when making business deals in
the global economy. For example, if a Western
billionaire wants to invest in a developing country,
the fact that an important government minister
went to the same prestigious school or university
can prove very helpful in overcoming any official
obstacles that might exist.
> This social class often practises ‘social closure', in
that parents strongly encourage their children to
marry only those from a similar socio-economic
background to ensure that wealth and property
stays in the hands of this minority stratum.
Identity and the middle class
Activity
I
Doctors ore members of the professional middle doss.
They ore usually highly educated, earn high incomes
and consequently enjoy high status.
Consider your society and rank professional and
managerial jobs in terms of status. Compare your
selection with other students and discuss the
differences and similarities in your ranking.
57
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY

The second most economically powerful status group Identity and the working class
which exists in most capitalist societies is known
as the middle classes. This is a fairly diverse group Activity
made up of professionals such as surgeons, doctors,
lawyers, accountants, architects and so on, as well
as the company executives, directors and senior
managers of private corporations. Sociologists
argue that in most capitalist societies worldwide, a
distinctive middle-class identity can be perceived that
shares the following traits or characteristics.

> This status group enjoys high salaries and job

security because they are responsible on behalf of
the bourgeoisie for the day-to-day management
and smooth running of the capitalist system. They
possess expert knowledge that is not available
to other socio-economic groups. This furnishes
them with the authority to hire, direct and control
workers of lesser status.
> Members of the middle class share a cultural
outlook and lifestyle that values economic
security based on home ownership, self-discipline,
thrift, saving, ambition and a sense of ethical
responsibility. Members of this stratum tend to
believe in ‘deferred gratification’ - the idea that it
is worth making sacrifices in the short term in order
to receive rewards in the long term.
* Members of this social class are more likely to
subscribe to an individualistic work ethic, as they
compete with others for jobs, promotion, pay and
so on.
» Members of this group share a similar experience
of education and training. For example,
professionals tend to be university-educated and
consequently this socio-economic group generally
subscribes to a positive view of higher education
and encourages their children from an early age
to aspire to educational achievement, especially at
degree level.
» Higher education furnishes this particular social
class with ‘cultural capital’, which they pass onto
their children in the home. Sociologists argue
that this group sees the educational advantage of
giving their children higher-cultural experiences
such as visits to theatres, museums and art
galleries. Sociological studies of parental attitudes
towards education in India, Nigeria and China
suggest that parents who are professionals and
managers are focused on equipping their children
with the appropriate cultural capital for educational
success in the form of positive attitudes towards
study, respect for teachers and so on.
Some members of the working doss ore skilled crofts
people, while others ore either semi-skilled ond unskilled.
Consider a number of working-class jobs (for
example, electrician, road-sweeper, bus driver,
assembly-line worker, plumber, window cleaner,
shop assistant, car mechanic, care assistant,
coal-miner). In your opinion, which level of skill is
the person doing each job likely to possess?
A third type of social identity that exists in capitalist
societies worldwide is that associated with the
proletariat or working class. This group of global
workers probably share the following aspects of
working-class identity.
» Most members of this group are manual or
blue-collar workers because they are engaged in
physical manual labour, although many of them
may possess a scarce technical skill for which
they are paid an above-average wage. However, in
contrast, groups such as the middle classes often
claim higher status because they are engaged in
supposedly ‘superior’ mental or intellectual labour
* Members of this group share a collectivist identity
because they work in dangerous jobs and are
dependent on their fellow workers for mutual
health and safety or because they spend their
days working alongside hundreds or thousands of
other workers in factories, sweatshops, foundries,
shipyards, mines and so on.
> Working-class identity is often underpinned by
class consciousness. Workers are often aware of
exploitation, inequality, injustice and class division
and conflict because of their everyday experience
of working life, and contact with supervisors,
managers and so on.
> Class consciousness means that they often express
solidarity with workers in other industries.

58

» Working-class consciousness and identity may also
be expressed via affiliation to socialist associations
and organisations such as trade unions, which
aspire to goals such as equality of opportunity, fair
pay and workers’ rights.
> Working-class identity may be expressed via
a strong attachment to a localised community
or neighbourhood in which they live and work,
symbolised by leisure pursuits such as following
a local football team, meeting in local pubs and
belonging to working men’s clubs.
» Sociological studies of the working class suggest
that many members of the working class live in
extended families that mutually support each other
by lending money, helping each other to find jobs
and so on.
Class identity and social change
Jan Pakulski and Malcolm Waters (1996) argue that
working-class identity is under threat, especially in
Western societies, because the global expansion of
capitalism has led to the decline of the industries
closely associated with working-class identity as
companies close their factories in the USA and Europe
and open cheaper and more profitable operations
in the less industrialised world. It is argued that this
massive change has had three major effects on the
class consciousness of manual workers in the West.
» In times of high unemployment, workers have
become more individualistic as they compete with
their peers for scarce skilled jobs. There are signs
that the collectivistic identity of manual workers
may be in decline.
> Despite the fact that capitalism has largely
abandoned the working class, there are few signs
that this has raised their class consciousness
in terms of their opposition to capitalism. Rather, the
evidence suggests that this class may be particularly
susceptible to the influence of a populist ‘divide
and rule’ ideology that suggests that they should
blame ‘outsiders’, particularly immigrants and ethnic
minorities, for their social and economic situation. In
the USA, this disenchanted working class may have
voted for Trump’s promise to ‘Make America Great
Again’. There is evidence that across Europe such
workers are voting for nationalistic, xenophobic and
racist politicians and political parties.
1 Many skilled workers have been forced to take on
unskilled and insecure low-paid jobs in order that
their families survive.
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
Consequently, a fourth socio-economic identity has
recently emerged in many modern capitalist societies
that Guy Standing (2016) has termed the ‘precariat’.
These are workers who in the past would have been
highly skilled manual workers but, because such
skills are no longer in demand, have been forced to
take on whatever casual work is available. This work
tends to be unskilled and insecure and, accordingly,
the precariat is particularly prone to long periods of
unemployment. Such workers work long hours with
few legal rights for very little economic reward.
In modern capitalist societies, Standing argues that
young people who are reasonably well educated
are disproportionately likely to be members of this
precariat. This group has little choice but to eke out a
living in what is known as the gig economy, working
for fast-food chains and as delivery couriers or Uber
drivers. Standing points out that young people are
often denied the career choices that were available
to previous generations because the specialised jobs
that the economy required people to do in the late
20th century have largely disappeared. Standing
argues that the precariat in Western economies is
often supplemented by migrants and minorities.
In less industrialised societies, the precariat tends
to be young women and children. For example,
children are often illegally employed in factories
and sweatshops in developing societies such as
Bangladesh producing consumer goods, including
textiles and sportswear for Western consumer
markets, for very long hours for very low rates of pay.
Another example of this type of unskilled worker is
the ‘untouchables’ or Dalits of India. What all these
workers have in common is that they have little or
no status because the work they do is unskilled.
Employers exploit the fact that there are more of
these workers than there are jobs available by paying
such workers the bare minimum, denying them the
rights enjoyed by other socio-economic groups and
by refusing to guarantee them job security.
The identity of those who belong to the precariat is
likely to be shaped by the nature of the jobs available
to them.
» Such workers are probably very present-day-
orientated and focused on survival. They are
likely to lack positive aspirations as to their future
because they have little or no job security or
promotion prospects.
» Such workers are more likely to subscribe to a
fatalistic outlook - the belief that they cannot
59
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
change the way events will happen and that
bad events cannot be avoided. Feelings of
marginalisation are probably habitual, because they
feel powerless to change their situation.
> The identity of such workers is probably
underpinned by constant anxiety about whether
they can earn enough to pay their rents and debts
and whether they can feed their families. Living on
the margins of poverty is the norm.
> The precariat lacks the occupational identity that is
central to the self and group identities of the skilled
working class and the professional/managerial
middle class.
> Research by Kate Pickett and Richard Wilkinson
(2018) suggests that the everyday experience of
insecurity and inequality experienced by members
of this global precariat can lead to a social identity
characterised by low levels of psychological and
social well-being and high levels of stress and
anxiety, which in turn may result in high levels of
criminality and suicide because they feel cheated,
devalued, useless, helpless, unhappy and bitter.
> Standing claims that the precariat is potentially a
dangerous class because the social identity of the
precariat is likely be shaped by feelings of anger,
hostility, envy, resentment, insecurity, hopelessness,
depression, unhappiness and social anxiety which
may spill over into social resistance in the form of
crime, anti-social behaviour and riots.
Activity
‘Social class identity is in decline in the 21 st
century.’ Explain this view and, using sociological
material, give one argument against this view.
Social identity and gender
Gender also has a significant independent effect on
both our self-identity and social identity because the
social structure of most societies worldwide is organised
along patriarchal lines. This means that males are
culturally regarded as having greater value than
females. This can be illustrated in a number of ways.
1. Men rather than women are likely to constitute the
wealthy minority of societies.
2. Men usually monopolise positions of political,
religious, military and cultural power.
3. Women are less likely to experience the same
educational, job and social mobility opportunities
as men; for example, they may be excluded from
60
particular jobs or management roles because thes
are thought to be ‘better suited’ to men.
4. Women tend to be paid less than men even when
they have similar jobs and responsibilities.
5. Inheritance of wealth, property and titles is often
: patrilineal, that is, inheritance follows the male
rather than female line.
6. Women are often confined to the domestic sphere
as mothers and wives and are expected to defer to
the authority of their husbands. In many societies,
girls are expected to defer to the wishes of parents
with regard to arranged marriage.
7. There is evidence that many cultures do not take
sexual violence against girls and women seriously.
8. In some societies, religious rules, laws and police
may attempt to apply social controls to the
activities of women. For example, in Iran it is
compulsory for women to keep their heads covered
in public, while in Saudi Arabia women have only
very recently been allowed to drive cars.
9. In some societies, it is regarded as legitimate for
male members of the family to use violence and
even kill a female relative if that girl or woman
is deemed by males to have brought ‘shame’ on
the family by marrying someone from a different
religion or by refusing to marry the man the family
has chosen for them.
Sociologists such as R.W. Connell (1987) argue that
many cultures believe that the behaviour of both men
and women should conform to hegemonic or dominant
sets of ideas about what constitutes masculine and
feminine identity and behaviour. Boys and girls learn
what is culturally expected of them - the norms of
behaviour associated with each gender - through
gender role socialisation. In other words, boys learn
how to be masculine and girls learn how to be
feminine. Any failure to conform to these gender role
expectations is likely to be interpreted as deviant.
Feminine identity
It is argued mainly by feminist sociologists
that throughout the 20th century gender role
socialisation was generally successful in terms of
teaching female children to take on a feminine
identity that reflected hegemonic (male-dominated)
definitions of femininity. For example, girls and
women were often encouraged to defer to the
power and authority of males, especially their
fathers and husbands, and to regard themselves

as having a subordinate identity compared with
boys. Additionally, it was rarely questioned that the
acquisition of a feminine identity meant prioritising
becoming full-time mothers and housewives.
Feminine identity and social change
However, there are signs in the 21 st century that the
hegemonic and patriarchal version of femininity is
being challenged as societies modernise and economies
and workforces become feminised. For example,
Sue Sharpe (1990) and Helen Wilkinson (1994)
observe that women experience greater educational
and employment opportunities in modern capitalist
societies worldwide and there is evidence that women’s
economic power has increased, although it is probably
still only a fraction of that possessed by men. Natasha
Walter (1999), Kat Banyard (2011), Catherine Redfern
and Kristin Aune (2013) suggest that the gradual
acquisition of greater opportunity and economic
power has had two major effects on the attitudes of
girls and women. First, girls today are more likely
than their mothers and grandmothers to aspire to
educational success and professional careers. Second,
young women have acquired a range of rights in many
societies, which means that they have more cultural
power at their disposal than previous generations
of women. For example, they can now choose to
initiate divorce in order to escape unhappy or abusive
marriages. Women in many societies have acquired
reproductive rights, which has given them access to
contraception. They no longer defer to their husbands
with regard to when they should have children or
how many they should have. A consequence of this is
that many women in modern industrial societies are
abandoning hegemonic or patriarchal definitions of
feminine identity and instead seeing themselves as
equal in status, rather than subordinate, to men.
There are also signs that women globally are
actively resisting the sexism and misogyny that
characterise their everyday experience of social
life. It can be argued that internet campaigns such
!
as that coordinated by www.everydaysexism.com
and social media movements such #MeToo and
#TimesUp indicate the emergence of a more assertive
feminist identity which is successfully challenging the
patriarchal exploitation of women in society in general.
Masculine identity
James Messerschmidt (2018) argues that the
hegemonic masculine value system that is visible in
modern industrial societies often stresses difference
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
from women, and in particular a set of masculine
goals that need to be achieved in order to become
a ‘real man’. Messerschmidt argues that hegemonic
masculinity emphasises the need to demonstrate
power, authority and control over women via
promiscuity and violence. Messerschmidt argues that
this version of masculinity expects boys and men to
acquire the respect of other males by demonstrating
indifference to emotion and by avoiding any hint of
vulnerability. Males are encouraged to use violent
confrontation and to aggressively pursue their ambition
to ‘prove’ (usually to other men) their masculinity.
Furthermore, socialisation into this hegemonic
form of masculinity also involves contempt for both
homosexuality and physical weakness. The socialisation
of boys into these hegemonic characteristics means
that they may be brought up by their fathers unable
and unwilling to see females as their equals.
Masculine identity and social change
Some sociologists believe that the hegemonic way
of bringing up boys is leading to two major social
problems. First, ‘toxic masculinity' refers to the ways
in which patriarchy may be harmful to males. Jaclyn
Friedman (2017) argues that hegemonic masculinity
encourages males to subscribe to a type of ‘hostile
sexism’ which dehumanises women by calling them
degrading names and by justifying sexual violence. It
also encourages misogyny (woman-hating) and the view
that women’s needs are subservient to those of men.
Second, some sociologists argue that hegemonic
masculinity has been made redundant by global
economic recession and the resulting decline of
industries that mainly employed men. It is argued
by Mairtm Mac an Ghaill (2004) that men are
experiencing a crisis of masculinity' in many
societies. Research by Malgorzata Matlak (2014)
suggests that many men feel that their masculinity is
undermined when they fail to find a job and cannot
perform what they see as their most important gender
role - providing for their families. Consequently, they
may suffer from depression and suicidal thoughts.
However, their experience of gender role socialisation
convinces them that seeking help or counselling is a
sign of weakness and therefore unmanly. Mac an Ghaill
argues that some working-class boys may deliberately
underachieve at school and may be turning to risky
behaviour such as crime and territorial street gangs
in order to compensate for what they see as their
uncertain futures as men.
61
2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Activity
Charities including CALM aim to prevent male suicide
by encouraging men to seek help.
Draw two columns. Label the first Toxic masculinity’
and the second 'Crisis of masculinity’. List the types of
deviant behaviour that might arise if boys and men are
exposed to these experiences.
Contemporary issues: Jordan Stephens on toxic masculinity
In an article in the UK Guardian newspaper (23/10/17),
Jordan Stephens (one half of hip-hop duo Rizzle Kicks)
discusses the effects of toxic masculinity.
'[...] Any man who has read a woman’s account
of harassment or assault and thought “that
doesn’t apply to me”: what you’re experiencing
in that moment is the exact privilege, power and
entitlement that women are finding space to battle
against. We have subconsciously benefited since
we were born from patriarchal privilege - in many
ways it’s invisible to us. I’ve been outspoken in
my support for women’s rights, but I’m not afraid
to admit that I’ve fallen foul of the patriarchy’s
malicious hardwiring. But in confronting it, rather
than continuing to abuse my power, I’ve found
more inner peace, understanding, love and truth
then I ever could have done had I continued as I
was [...]
I was raised predominantly by a strong mother,
and I’d like to think that I journey into the world
with good intent. I want to love, spread joy, help
people and inspire. But I’ve still found myself in
pockets of self-destruction [...]
62
CAMPAIGN
AGAINST
LIVING
MISERABLY
CALM
KEEPING MEN ALIVE BY TALKING
www.thecalmzone.net
If you’re one of these guys who takes pride in
jumping from girl to girl or brags about breaking
hearts, you have no idea what it feels like to truly
love and trust yourself [...]
I believe that the false power gifted to men in our
patriarchal society does not allow them the space
to understand, cry, and work through the pain of
their past. As far as I can see, this toxic notion of
masculinity is being championed by men who are
so terrified of confronting any trauma experienced
as children that they choose to project that torture
onto the lives of others rather than themselves [...]
Accepting the patriarchy from a place of false benefit
will prevent you from ever truly loving yourself or
understanding others. It’s OK to feel sad. It’s OK to
cry. It’s OK to have loved your mum and dad growing
up. It’s OK to have missed them or wanted more
affection. It’s OK to take a moment when you’re
reminded of these truths. When you allow your brain
to access these emotions, it knows exactly what to
do. So nurture yourself. Talk honestly to the people
around you, and welcome the notion of understanding
them more than you have ever done before.’
Source: Adapted from Toxic masculinity is
everywhere. It’s up to us men to fix this.’ Adapted
from Guardian, 23/10/17
Questions
1. What is the cause of toxic masculinity according
to Jordan Stephens?
2. What are the symptoms of toxic masculinity?
3. What are the effects of toxic masculinity for men
and women?

In response to the debate about toxic masculinity,
some sociologists claim to have seen the emergence
of what Connell calls ‘subordinate forms of
masculinity'. They are subordinate because
hegemonic sexist and misogynist forms of masculinity
are still dominant in many areas of social life.
Sociologists have noted the emergence of a feminised
version of masculinity promoted by male role models
such as Frank Ocean, David Beckham and Barack
Obama, which encourages men to seek healthier
versions of masculinity, for example, to be open about
their feelings, to admit unashamedly to emotional
vulnerability, to empathise with others (especially
women), to take equal responsibility for the care
and upbringing of their children and to interpret life
crises like unemployment or poverty as ‘bearable
rejection’ rather than ‘unbearable failure’. This version
of masculine identity may eventually replace the rigid
masculinity associated with the toxic hegemonic
version. Sarah Schoppe-Sullivan et al. (2017) suggest
that males in modern societies in 2018 are more likely
than their fathers or grandfathers to attend the birth
of their children and to be actively and emotionally
involved in parenthood. The 21 st century has also
seen the emergence of the metrosexual male in some
Western countries - an urban heterosexual male given
to enhancing his personal appearance by fastidious
grooming, beauty treatments and fashionable clothes.
Barack Obama and his daughters.
Make a list of celebrities which suggests that both
masculine and feminine identities are no longer
shaped by patriarchal influences about how a man
or woman should look and behave. Clearly state how
each celebrity represents a new type of femininity.
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
There is a strong overlap between gender identity
and sexual identity. For example, the hegemonic
definition of masculine identity sees females as sexual
objects who are fair game for sexual exploitation by
heterosexual males. In many societies around the
world, traditionally both masculine and feminine
identities are assumed to be heterosexual because
this sexual identity has close links to reproduction.
Connell and others point out that our choices
with regard to gender identity have become more
numerous in postmodern societies as cultures have
become more open to the idea that homosexuality is
socially acceptable. For example, in the 1980s and
1990s many societies decriminalised homosexual
behaviour and prohibited discrimination against
lesbian and gay people in employment, housing
and services. Many Western societies have recently
endorsed same-sex marriage. However, homosexuality
is still a criminal offence in 72 countries worldwide,
and in some countries it is punishable by death.
And, despite the fact that gay culture is more socially
acceptable in most Western cultures, there is evidence
that homophobic attitudes and practices still persist.
The last 20 years have also seen a great deal of
debate in Western societies about what constitutes
a man or a woman. For example, in recent years a
significant minority of both males and females have
reported a mismatch between the sex they were
assigned by biology and their personal sense of gender
identity. Some people who are biologically male report
that they feel female, and vice versa. This has led to
the emergence of a third type of gender identity in
both the USA and Europe known as transgender
identity. Often those who experience this mismatch
between their objective biological characteristics
and their sense of subjective self will seek surgery in
order to align their physical biology with their sense
of masculine or feminine self. Some will transition
from a man to a woman or from a woman to a man.
The increasing acceptability of transsexual identity
in Western societies has led to a debate about the
meaning of gender and whether gender identity is
fixed into just two distinct and opposite (often called
binary) gender categories: masculinity and femininity.
This debate has led to the conclusion among some
sociologists that gender identity is actually a very
changeable concept. There is evidence from other
cultures which supports this supposition.
The Indian government officially recognises a group
known as ‘Hjiras’ or two-spirited people as being
neither completely male nor female. Individuals
categorised in this way may be transgender,
63
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
transsexual, cross-dressers or eunuchs (men who
have been castrated). Germany, Australia. Nepal
and Pakistan officially recognise that there now exist
more than two gender categories and offer a third
gender option on official forms.
Activity
Members of the Hjira community in India
Using the internet, research the stories of
‘two-spirited’ people found in Native American
tribes.
Another global example of the flexibility of gender
roles are the ‘sworn virgins’ of Albania.
‘Sworn virgins’ ofAlbania. A ‘sworn virgin' vows to
practise celibacy for the rest of her life She is then
allowed to dress in male clothing, use a male name, take
on male work such as policing and act as the head of a
household. The men of the village treat such women as
equals
In what ways do the sworn virgins of Albania
resemble men? In what ways do they differ from the
Western hegemonic version of femininity?
64
There is also evidence that an increasing number of
people subscribe to an intersex identity. This refers
to the increasing recognition that some individuals
may be born with biological characteristics such as
genitalia and chromosomes that do not fit the typical
definition of male and female. It is estimated that at
least 1 in 5000 babies in the USA are born each year
with intersex conditions - ambiguous genitals because
of genetic glitches or hormone problems - which mean
that doctors are unable to classify these children as
either male or female.
An increasing number of people in the USA and
Europe are claiming to possess ‘non-binary’ gender
identities. This is a catch-all category for gender
identities which are not exclusively masculine
or feminine. People who possess non-binary
self-identities see themselves as neither male nor
female. Non-binary people often prefer to forego the
use of gendered pronouns such as ’he’ or ‘she’ and
favour more neutral pronouns such as ‘they’ or ‘their’.
In 2014 Facebook responded to the growing range of
non-binary identities by giving its users in the USA a
choice of 56 gender options to use when registering.
Social identity and ethnicity
An ethnic identity can best be defined as a sense of
cultural awareness and identity within groups that
share a common language, history, religion or national
ancestry and heritage. The notion of national ancestry
and heritage can be expanded to include regional
roots. For example, Indian society contains a diverse
range of ethnic identities based on regional origins,
including Punjabis, Gujaratis, Goans, Tamils and so
on. These ethnic groups have distinctive identities
organised around unique traditions and customs. For
example, ethnic groups may differ in terms of dress,
diet and how they organise marriage and family life.
Some aspects of ethnic identity may be based on
visible racial characteristics such as skin colour. In
the 1960s and 1970s, Black Americans and African
Caribbeans living in European societies such as the
UK and Germany were encouraged by their political
: leaders to emotionally invest and believe in ‘Black
Power’. In the USA, radical Black leaders who felt
that that the Reverend Martin Luther King’s civil
rights movement was too conservative in its dealings
with the White racist establishment set up the
‘Black Panther’ movement, which advocated violent
confrontation between Blacks and Whites. Politicised
young Blacks were encouraged to subscribe to
slogans such as ‘Black is Beautiful’, to grow their hair
Afro-style and to wear African-style dress in order

Contemporary issues: The case of Caster Semenya
‘Caster Semenya is a woman who is too much a
man, according to new wrongheaded rules in track
and field.
The South African runner moved up to gold in the
women’s 800 meters after the 201 2 London Games
because the Russian winner was caught doping.
Semenya finished first in the 800 at the 2016 Rio
Games - but can’t score a three-peat at the 2020
Tokyo Games unless she’s the one who’s doping.
[...]
The IAAF, governing body for track and field,
released new rules recently that are scheduled to go
into effect in November. The rules say women who
have high levels of naturally occurring testosterone
may not compete in women’s middle distance races
unless they take medication to reduce those levels.
The IAAF says the new rule - really a new version of
an old rule - is about fairness for the vast majority
of female athletes. That sounds like a noble motive,
but how do you balance athletes’ rights with
human rights?
Testosterone helps build muscle, endurance and
speed. It is one of the reasons that men and women
compete separately in most sports. But science
simply can’t say with precision how much advantage
female athletes with high levels of testosterone
have. And yet the IAAF would have these athletes
take medication to alter what their bodies
produce naturally.
The governing body says its new regulations are
not “intended as any kind of judgment on, or
questioning of, the sex or the gender identity of any
athlete,” though it would seem that is precisely what
it does, no matter what’s intended.
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
[...]
[Semenya] burst onto the world scene in 2009 and,
almost immediately, unseemly speculation about
her powerful physique burbled up. An Australian
newspaper said she had internal testes and three
times the testosterone level of most women. At
one point, IAAF general secretary Pierre Weiss
infamously said, “She is a woman, but maybe
not 100%.”
Some women are born with differences of sex
development, also known as intersex, which means
they “do not fit typical binary notions of male or
female bodies,” according to a definition by the
human rights arm of the United Nations.
[...]
Men have varying levels of naturally occurring
testosterone, but no one checks to see if that gives
some men an advantage over others. So why would
authorities assert an advantage for women? [...]
Elite athletes are typically born with natural
advantages. Many basketball players are tall;
some gymnasts are small. Michael Phelps, history’s
greatest Olympian, is blessed with a perfect
swimmer’s body. But genetics are not destiny; elite
athletes must work inexpressibly hard to make the
most of their God-given gifts. Why shouldn’t it be the
same for athletes such as Semenya?
[...]
Semenya is her own best spokesperson on all of this.
“God made me the way I am,” she wrote on Twitter,
“and I accept myself.”
So why won’t the rest of us?’
Source: ‘Is this woman too much a man?’ by Erik
Brady, USA Today, 8/5/18
Questions
1. Is intersex a biological or social condition?
2. What is a binary notion of male and female?
3. In your opinion, should Caster Semenya be
allowed to compete in female athletics? Give
reasons for your answer.
65
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
to reinforce their Black identity and its inherent
opposition to the Jim Crow segregation laws and the
racism practised by state governments and police
forces in the Deep South of the USA.
Some ethnic identity groups may use their ethnicity
to actively construct notions of cultural differences
or boundaries between themselves and other ethnic
groups - that is, to reinforce the notion of ‘them’ and
‘us’. Majority ethnic groups may use ideologies of
superiority and inferiority to suppress the identities
of less powerful ethnic minority groups. Particularly
horrifying examples of this include:
> the Holocaust - the Nazi attempt to wipe out
Jewish identity in Europe during World War II
> the ethnic cleansing carried out by Serbs and
Croatians in the 1990s of those Bosnians with a
Muslim identity
> the mass slaughter of between 500 000 and
1 000 000 people with a Tutsi identity in Rwanda
in 1994 by militias that identified with the Hutu
ethnic group.
A common consequence of these cultural clashes is
racism in the form of prejudice and discrimination.
A notorious example of this in action was the
apartheid system that dominated South Africa
between 1948 and 1993. This involved the White
ruling elite constructing an institutionalised system
of racial segregation that discriminated against those
with a Black or Asian identity.
Ethnic identity and social change
Global migration has dramatically increased in
the past 50 years. There are a number of reasons
for this; for example, many migrants to Europe
are refugees aiming to escape from persecution or
conflict in Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. Many of those
hoping to travel to the USA or Europe are economic
migrants who are migrating in the hope of economic
self-improvement, because these parts of the world
are made up of relatively stable economies in which
there are opportunities for both education and work.
In recent years, ethnic majority groups have
expressed their fears and anxieties about cultural
diversity, multiculturalism and global migration
by voting for far-right nationalistic parties that
legitimate racism and attacks on refugees and
immigrants. In the USA, President Trump has banned
people from particular Muslim countries from
entering the USA and has promised the American
66
people he will build a wall on the border between
Mexico and the USA.
It is important to understand that ethnicity
intersects with other important aspects of identity
such as nationality, age, gender, social class and
age. For example, most people with a Muslim
identity living in Europe are third or fourth
generation - this means that they were born in the
countries in which they live. Most are aged under
30 years old and are bilingual. Many are in low-paid
semi-skilled or unskilled jobs or are unemployed.
Research into young Muslims in the 1990s carried
out by Jessica Jacobson (2015) found that some
young Muslims living in European societies are
adopting a strong Islamist identity in response to
what they see and interpret as a deliberate Western
or Christian attack on Islam and the Muslim
ummah in areas such as Afghanistan and Iraq. They
also express unhappiness at Western support for
the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories.
Finally, research suggests that they interpret their
experience of everyday life in Western societies as
tainted with Islamophobia; that is, they feel that
the media, politicians and the general public are
generally anti-lslamic.
Activity
Class discussion: evaluate the view that ethnic
identity is a source of power and pride rather than
a source of conflict.
There are some positive signs that a new hybrid
ethnic identity is beginning to emerge in some
societies. For example, in the UK, 2.3 million
people in Britain are either married to or living
with someone of a different ethnicity. In 2018,
the wedding of Meghan Markle to Prince Harry
resulted in the first bi-racial member of the British
monarchy. In many European societies, children
of mixed-race or dual heritage identity are now
very common. However, Tony Sandset (2012)
argues that, although official discourses in Europe
refer to the emergence of a post-racial identity
or colour-blind era, colour and the racism that it
attracts still matters in the lives of people who
might be described as possessing a dual-heritage
identity. Moreover, Sandset argues that, despite
the increasing numbers of mixed-race children,
some ethnic minority and religious identity groups
have constructed cultural obstacles preventing
intermarriage and what they see as the potential
dilution of their ethnic identity.

Age and identity
Robert Roberts et al. (1999) observe that age is an
important aspect of identity which is experienced
by all regardless of socio-economic status, gender
and ethnicity.
Harriett Bradley (1996) identifies five major
generational stages of age identity that exist in
most modern industrial societies. These stages are
also relative to particular societies. The movement
from one stage to another may be symbolised and
celebrated by cultural markers such as rites of
passage. For example, the Bar-Mitzvah is a Jewish
coming of age ritual for boys that indicates that they
are ready to take part in adult religious activities.
1. Childhood
In modern industrial societies, childhood is
generally regarded as a special, innocent and
vulnerable time in which children’s identity should
be developed through their interaction with their
parents. In addition to the parental contribution
to a child's identity, Karen Wells (2014) notes that
many modern states also intervene in family life
to manage childhood identity. This management is
almost entirely organised around saving children
from internal threats (for example, neglectful or
abusive parents) and external threats (germs and
viruses, media representations of violence and adult
exploitation). In this sense, the state aims to take
responsibility for the emotional, physical, intellectual
and spiritual development of the child so that they
grow up to be a normal law-abiding citizen.
Many states have attempted to shape the identity of
children by forbidding particular types of behaviour
which are defined by adults as ‘deviant’. Many societies
have, for example, introduced a legal age at which
children can officially be regarded as having a criminal
identity. In the UK, 10 is the lowest age at which a child
can be held to be responsible for a criminal offence,
compared with 16 in Azerbaijan and 12 in China.
However, in some US states it can be as low as six.
An important influence on a child’s identity is the fact
that they spend many of their formative years in school
and college. Many modern states have made education
compulsory. However, Wells observes that, in many
less industrialised societies, many children - especially
girls - are denied basic education and consequently
grow up lacking numeracy and literacy skills.
Wells also points out that childhood identity in
some less industrialised societies may be radically
r\
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
different to that encouraged in richer societies. Very
young children may find themselves working for very
long hours for little reward in extremely hazardous
conditions. In some societies, for example, Uganda,
Liberia and Sierra Leone, children have been
recruited as child soldiers and been actively involved
in the killing of other children and adults.
Activity
Using the contents page of this book, read and note
the childhood section of Chapter 4 on the family so
you can discuss the way that childhood has changed
in the past century and how the experience of
childhood differs across other societies.
2. Adolescence
Adolescence or youth is the period between puberty
and the achievement of full adult status - that is,
the teenage years. Entrance to adulthood in Western
societies is usually celebrated on the 18th or 21 st
birthday, because this is the age at which the state
confers legal adulthood via the right to vote, marry,
sit on a jury and so on. There is evidence that
before the 1950s this life stage was not recognised
as the distinctive social stage as it is today. For
example, adolescents and their parents in the 1940s
frequently shared similar leisure interests.
i
In modern industrial societies, youth subcultures
appeared in the 1950s based on a growing consumer
market in teenage products such as clothes, cosmetics,
magazines, hairstyles and music, which the older
generation found threatening. These youth subcultures
were often defined as a problem of morality by the
older generation and consequently, according to studies
by Jock Young (1971) and Stanley Cohen (1973), were
policed quite harshly by agents of social control.
However, global studies of teenagers have found that
what young people value is not significantly different
to the values held by their parents. Most young
people are generally conformist - they respect and
get on well with their parents and place a high value
on traditional goals such as getting a job, getting
married and setting up a home.
In contrast to more industrial societies, many
pre-industrial societies do not recognise youth or
adolescence as a distinctive life stage. As soon as a
child reaches puberty, the community or tribe expects
them to go through ceremonies or rituals called rites of
passage, after which they take on the status of adults.
Girls are initiated in domestic skills by older women
67
 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
to prepare them for marriage, while boys are trained
by older men to prepare them for their adult role as
hunters or farmers. For example, in Papua New Guinea,
the Sepik tribe believe that boys should progress
through a rite of passage that involves a painful and
bloody skin-cutting ritual which leaves distinctive scars
on the face and body which symbolise manhood.
Activity 71
'"A■dZk
A
Ceremonial henna tattoo of the rite of passage of a
young Nepali girl.
Research examples of rites of passage used across
the world to initiate adolescents into adulthood.
3. Young adulthood
Young adulthood generally refers to the period
between leaving the parental home and middle
age. Gill Valentine (2003) suggests that private and
public cultural ‘markers’ exist in modern cultures
which signify the beginning of adult identity. For
example, private markers might include choosing
and buying one’s own clothes or going out clubbing
for the first time, whereas public markers may include
moving out of the parental home, getting a job,
getting engaged or getting married. Young adulthood
often involves independence from parents and taking
responsibility for the first time, for example, paying
rent, being faithful to one person and so on.
4. Middle age
Bradley claims that those who achieve middle age in
capitalist societies generally have higher status than
the young and elderly, because the middle-aged make
up the majority of those who constitute the most
successful socio-economic groups. Social indicators
of middle age include children leaving home for
university and more money being available for leisure
pursuits. There may also be emotional or psychological
indicators, such as the so-called 'midlife crisis’.
68
5. Old age
In many pre-industrial and tribal cultures, the elderly
are accorded great respect and status by the young
and their experience and wisdom is seen as an
important resource. The same is true of communities
in which religion is a prime shaper of morality and
family life. For example, failure to look after aged
parents is viewed as shameful in Hindu, Sikh, Muslim
and Confucian cultures.
In contrast, in societies which are heavily influenced
by Western culture and consumerism, attitudes
towards the elderly are often indifferent and
sometimes even hostile. Survey evidence collected by
Ulrich Orth and Kali Trzesniewski (2010) suggested
that consequently many elderly people in modern
Western societies subscribe to a negative self-identity
characterised by low self-esteem, because such
societies value youth and those in work but fail
to appreciate the experience and knowledge
accumulated by the elderly. Christin-Melanie Vauclair
et al. (2017) found that this negative self-identity is
compounded by the elderly’s experience of ageism -
prejudice and discrimination - which stereotypes
the elderly as vulnerable, dependent, inferior and
as a financial and social burden on the rest of
society. Consequently, the elderly are likely to feel
marginalised, isolated and lonely. Moreover, the
elderly are subjected to infantilisation - they are
assumed to be helpless and dependent on others.
They are rarely treated as independent adults
capable of actively making choices and decisions of
their own free will.
In evaluation, postmodernists argue that old age
is intersected by other influences such as social
class and ethnicity. Life expectancy, particularly
for affluent Whites in Western societies, is
increasing. Consequently, age identities are
becoming flexible and becoming less significant
as markers of self-identity. Mike Featherstone and
Mike Hepworth (1991) argue that global media
images of ageing are becoming less derogatory and
condescending towards the elderly. In part, this is
due to the fact that many global celebrities have
become elderly, but their wealth and status have
meant that they can project a relatively youthful
and dignified image of old age to the world. For
example, elderly celebrities such as Sir Mick Jagger
do not conform to the dominant stereotype of that
age group as vulnerable, dependent and in constant
need of care.

Activity
Mich Jagger.
Discuss with the rest of your classmates your
perceptions of the elderly. Would you conclude that
your generation is ageist?
Key terms
Structuration A theory of society invented by
Giddens which argues that human behaviour is
caused by a combination of structure and agency.
Sampling frame A list of people who might take
part in a sociological study.
Subculture A culture within a broader mainstream
culture, with its own separate values, practices
and beliefs.
Social class A socio-economic status and identity
which is hierarchically organised on the basis of
occupation, wealth, income and life chances.
Social stratification A system of social ranking,
usually based on wealth, income, race, education
and power.
Satipatthana A Buddhist concept that stresses
mindfulness or awareness of others.
Caste system A religious and ascribed system
of stratification mainly found in India and Indian
communities abroad that categorises people into
five status groups, which determine their occupation
and the Hindu concept of religious purity.
Jati The caste system.
Dalit The non-caste of 'untouchables’ who occupy
the lowest social rung of the Indian caste system
and who do the dirtiest jobs.
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
Middle class Those occupations that require
a professional qualification or who manage
capitalism on behalf of the capitalist class. This
group tends to be highly rewarded in terms of
income and status.
Unskilled class/underclass The lowest social
stratum or status group found in a society
consisting of the unskilled, low-paid and possibly
unemployed and welfare-dependent poor.
Super-rich/uber-wealthy An expression used to
describe the richest 1 per cent of billionaires and
multi-millionaires.
Upper class The social group that has the highest
status in society. This status is often inherited. It is
often called the ‘ruling class’.
Symbiotic Inter-dependent.
Ideological power Dominating culture or ideas.
Social closure Exclusionary practices employed
by wealthy high-status groups to protect their
monopoly and ownership of both wealth and
property, so preventing other groups from
becoming members of their class.
Deferred gratification The ability to forego or
postpone gratification or pleasure now by making
the decision to gain greater rewards later - say, by
saving for the future or studying for a degree.
Collectivism The practice or principle of giving a
group priority over each individual with in it.
Class consciousness A Marxist concept that
relates to awareness of one’s place in a system
of social class, especially as it relates to the
class struggle.
Socialism A left-wing political ideology or set
of beliefs that states all people are equal and
should enjoy equal opportunities with regard
to access to education, qualifications, jobs and
wealth creation.
Populism A system of ideas that claims to support
the will of the people.
Xenophobic Fear or hatred of foreigners such as
refugees or migrants.
Precariat People whose employment and income
are insecure, especially when considered as a class.
Gig economy A labour market characterised by
the prevalence of short-term contracts or freelance
work as opposed to permanent jobs.
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2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
Present-day orientation A view likely to be held
by members of the precariat, whose members may
believe that people should live for today and that
there is little hope for the future because of their
experience of job insecurity.
Fatalism The belief that all events are
predetermined and inevitable, and that we
are powerless and incapable of bringing about
social change.
Hegemonic Culturally dominant.
Hegemonic femininity A version of feminine
identity which stresses that females are subordinate
and their 'natural* roles should be confined to the
spheres of motherhood and the home.
Reproductive rights The right of women to
control their own bodies.
Misogyny Hatred of women.
Hegemonic masculinity A version of masculine
identity which defines a ‘real man’ in terms of
toughness, emotional hardness and the power to
provide for his family.
Toxic masculinity A consequence of hegemonic
masculinity in that males may suffer from depression
or suicidal thoughts because they believe they cannot
publicly display emotion or vulnerability. It may also
be expressed through violence and misogyny.
Crisis of masculinity The struggle of men who
have been socialised into the hegemonic version
of masculinity to cope with the disappearance of
traditional male roles.
Subordinate masculinity A type of masculine
identity that is only subscribed to by a minority of
men, for example, gay masculinity, men who look
after their children full-time while their partner
works, metrosexual men and so on.
Metrosexual A heterosexual urban man who enjoys
shopping, fashion and similar interests traditionally
associated with women or homosexual men.
Homophobia Hatred of homosexuals.
Transgender identity An umbrella term for
people whose gender identity, gender expression
or behaviour does not conform to that typically
associated with the sex to which they were
assigned at birth.
Transsexual A person who emotionally and
psychologically feels that they belong to the
opposite sex.
Binary The idea that there are only two sexes.
70
Intersex identity A general term used for a variety
of conditions in which a person is born with a
reproductive or sexual anatomy that does not seem
to fit the typical definitions of female or male.
Non-binary identity A term used to describe
somebody whose gender identity is not exclusively
male or female.
Ethnic cleansing The mass expulsion or killing of
members of one ethnic or religious group in an
area by those of another.
Apartheid A system of state-approved
institutionalised segregation that existed in South
Africa between 1948 and 1991.
Global migration A situation in which people go
to live in foreign countries, especially in order to
find work.
Cultural diversity The existence of a variety of
cultural or ethnic groups within a society.
Multiculturalism The practice of giving equal
attention to the cultural needs, interests and
traditions of all ethnic identity groups that exist in
an ethnically diverse society.
Islamophobia Dislike of or prejudice against Islam
or Muslims, especially as a political force.
Bi-racial Someone who is the product of parents
who belong to different ethnic groups.
Dual heritage Another term for bi-racial.
Discourse A dominant debate.
Post-racial identity The idea that race and ethnicity
are no longer important as a source of identity.
Rite of passage A ceremony or event marking an
important stage in someone’s life.
Cultural markers An event which symbolises a
significant change in self or social identity or one’s
place in a culture, for example, going from being
single to being married.
Ageism A form of prejudice and discrimination
that devalues a group because of their age.
Infantilisation Treating or condescending to
someone as if they were a young child.
Summary
1. Most societies around the world are capitalist
societies and consequently characterised by
social class inequalities in wealth and income as
well as exploitative work practices.

1. Four distinct social class identities can be
observed as existing in capitalist societies; the
bourgeoise or upper class, the middle classes,
the working classes and the precariat.
2. Capitalist societies are characterised by conflict
between social classes.
3. Standing argues that the precariat is a
dangerous class because it feels a strong sense
of grievance and hostility, especially towards the
bourgeoisie, because it feels that the wealthy
are denying them job security and a living wage.
4. The 20th century saw major changes in gender
identity. During most of this century, feminine
identity and aspirations were shaped by male
or hegemonic definitions about how females
should behave. For example, it was believed
that females were subordinate to men and
that they should only aspire to be mothers and
housewives. However, economic changes in the
late 20th century saw women acquiring more
economic and cultural power which meant they
aspired to higher education and careers. Surveys
consistently showed that females no longer saw
themselves as inferior or subordinate to males.
5. Male identity was focused on acquiring particular
masculine characteristics such as physical and
emotional toughness and avoiding vulnerability.
6. However, in many Western societies, women’s
identities began to change as they acquired
more economic power and became more
aspirational with regard to education and
careers. In many societies across the world,
many young women are questioning the idea
that females should be subordinate to males. In
many Western societies, it is being increasingly
recognised that traditional expressions of
masculinity are toxic and may be responsible
for a 'crisis of masculinity;’ which has emerged
among boys and young men.
7. There is an increasing realisation among
sociologists worldwide that gender identity
has become more complex because sexual
identities are becoming less binary and more
diverse. In multicultural societies, ethnic and
religious identities live alongside each other in
relative harmony.
8. However, ethnic identity can lead to powerful
ethnic groups imposing their identity in negative
ways on minority groups via racism, segregation
and ethnic cleansing.
2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE
9. As societies evolve and intermarriage increases,
hybridised mixed-race identities are increasing
in number.
10. All members of society have or will experience a
range of identities based on age relative to their
culture.
Unit 2.3.2 Globalisation, identity
and social change
This unit aims to briefly explore the relationship
between globalisation and social change, and in
particular the effect of this relationship on both
self-identity and social identity today. Many of
the issues, especially those relating to the debate
about how globalisation should be defined and
the sociological debates about the nature, extent,
causes and significance of globalisation, are
discussed in greater depth in Chapter 8. We also
briefly explore how social class, gender, ethnicity
and age identities may be increasingly shaped by
globalisation, and particularly the increased choices
that supporters of globalisation claim it has brought
about. Finally, we conclude by briefly investigating
whether globalisation has brought about the social
construction of new forms of identity which are a
hybrid or fusion of local and global influences.
Defining globalisation
Globalisation can be defined as an ongoing process
which involves the increasing interconnectedness and
inter-dependency of the world’s nations and their
people into a single global economic, political and
cultural system. As Allan Cochrane and Kathy Pain
(2000) note, ‘the lives of ordinary people everywhere
in the world seem increasingly to be shaped by
events, decisions and actions that take place far away
from where they live and work’.
The impact of globalisation on identity
Many sociologists argue that globalisation has had
a significant effect on local identities which have
traditionally been shaped by socio-economic status,
gender, ethnicity, religion and age. For example,
Giddens (1999) observes that globalisation is often
interpreted by some Islamic cultures as a deliberate
Western attempt to undermine traditional relationships
between Islamic parents and children and to encourage
liberal social norms which supposedly weaken Islamic
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 2 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY
identity among the young. Western norms such as
equal rights for women, free speech and the promotion
of democracy are regarded as threatening traditional
authoritarian power bases such as rule by elites based
on divine right, and particularly the male dominance
common in these societies.
Furthermore, globalisation has exposed many
traditional societies to the influence of Western
consumerism and materialism, whose ‘decadence’
or spiritual emptiness is seen by those who
subscribe to a fundamentalist Muslim identity as a
threat to their faith and identity, and especially the
commitment of the next generation to religious rules
regarding religious lifestyle and identity. The focus on
materialism, fashion, pop culture and so on in Western
culture is seen to be corrupt, in that it distracts young
people in traditional societies away from religion. In
response, in 2014, Iran sentenced six teenagers to a
year in prison and 91 lashes for dancing in public to
the global pop hit ‘Happy’ by Pharrell Williams.
Bauman (1992) also saw globalisation as having
a profound effect upon local identities, because
he claimed that it has undermined the collectivist
identity of many traditional societies. Globalisation
has increased the number of choices available to
citizens and consequently promoted the identity of
the individual at the expense of society. However,
globalisation has made us more aware of global risks to
our identity, thus promoting fear and uncertainty. This
has resulted in the questioning of the old certainties
which have governed our lives for hundreds of years. In
this situation, while some embrace the new freedoms,
others are attracted to fundamentalist forms of identity
because these promise absolute truth and certainty.
Hybrid identities
It is important, too, that we understand that local
identities interact with the global, especially via social
media, mass tourism and cultural commodities such
as film, television, sport, fast food and pop music.
The fusing of global products with local culture to
produce unique hybrids is known as ‘glocalisation’.
Luke Martell (2010) claims that glocalisation has
two elements to it. First, Western media and cultural
producers often adapt their products so that they
appeal to local markets and audiences. For example,
MTV adapts its programming according to the
cultural likes and dislikes of particular countries such
as Japan, India, Mexico, Spain and France and mixes
Western music with that produced locally. Moreover,
global brands such as McDonald’s, Starbucks and
KFC often adapt their menus to reflect local tastes
and to avoid offending local cultural traditions.
72
Second, local cultures select and appropriate
elements of Westernised global culture that please
them, which they modify and adapt to local culture
and needs. In other words, they localise the global to
produce a hybridised popular culture and identity.
A good example of this is the Indian film industry,
known as ‘Bollywood’, which combines contemporary
Western ideas about entertainment with traditional
Hindu myth, history and culture.
Miller (2011) argues that the Trinidadian use of
Facebook is a good example of glocalisation. He
argues that Trinidadians use Facebook in ways that
reflect their cultural priorities. He observes that locals
refer to Facebook as ‘Fasbook’ or ‘Macobook’. These
labels deliberately mirror the cultural inclinations of
Trinidadian society, especially the characteristic ‘to be
fas’ that refers to the uniquely Trinidadian way of trying
to get to know another person rather too quickly and
‘maco’, which Miller claims is a unique Trinidadian
cultural trait meaning ‘wanting to meddle in other
people’s business’. So, activity on Facebook in Trinidad
is mainly geared to getting to know somebody of the
opposite sex but, once users become friends with one
another, they use Facebook to gossip about one other
and to constantly pry into other people’s lives. Fasbook,
then, is a good example of cultural hybridity, because it
has appropriated the Western idea of a social network
to project one’s identity but it has been adapted by
Trinidadians for use as a source of gossip and as a
means of interfering in the private lives of others.
However, another effect of globalisation is cultural
appropriation. This is a sociological concept which
views the adoption or use of elements of one culture
by members of a different culture as a largely negative
phenomenon because it is a form of cultural theft.
When the cultural element is used in the West, it
is sometimes used in a disrespectful way and/or its
cultural source is rarely acknowledged. A number of
cultural artefacts which originated in other cultures have
been appropriated by Westerners in order to construct
their self-identity, including tattoos (from Polynesian
culture), manbuns (from Japan), body or facial piercing
(from India) and dreadlocks (from Rastafarianism).
Activity
1. 'Globalisation has generally had a positive
effect on the world.’ Explain this view and, using
sociological material, outline one argument in
support of the view and one argument against it.
2. Explain using examples what is meant by
cultural appropriation.
 2.3 SOCIAL IDENTITY AND CHANGE

Key terms Summary

Decadence Spiritual emptiness.
Global risks Globalisation has increased people’s
risk of being victims of global warming, terrorism,
crime and so on.
Fundamentalism A very conservative version
of religion which believes that God’s word and
religious texts are infallible and need to be
interpreted literally.
Glocalisation A trend which sees global actors
flexibly altering their global brands so that they
suit the needs of and respect local cultures. Local
cultures may take aspects of a global product and
adapt it so that it appeals to local consumers.
Hybridised identity A form of identity that is
constructed by combining aspects of two or
more cultures.
Cultural appropriation This involves members of
a dominant culture taking cultural artefacts from
a marginalised group without permission, and
usually with little respect for or knowledge about
that culture.
1. Globalisation refers to the increasing
interconnectedness of the world.
2. Developments in digital communication mean
that people who were previously separated
by geographical distance and national
boundaries, as well as time zones, can now be
linked instantaneously.
3. Globalisation may be viewed by some cultures
as a threat. There is some evidence that
globalisation may have questioned old moral
certainties and consequently it may have
encouraged the rise of religious fundamentalism
in some parts of the world.
4. Globalisation has resulted in the cultural
appropriation by Westerners of some cultural
features of the less industrialised world.
5. Globalisation has led to two types of glocalisation,
which have produced hybrid cultural forms
as Western global brands have adapted their
products to meet the needs of local markets.
6. Some local cultures have adapted Western cultural
products such as Hollywood and Facebook so
that they meet their own cultural needs.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
j 0 | 1 1 Describe the two components that make up identity. [4 marks]
1 0 1 2 | Explain one positive and one negative effect that globalisation might have on local
cultures and identity. [6 marks]
1 0 I 5 1 Explain two reasons why traditional notions of femininity are undergoing change in
modern societies. [8 marks]

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE QUESTIONS

roTTI Describe two factors that might influence a person’s social identity. [4 marks]
rom a. Explain two reasons why people usually conform to social expectations. [8 marks]
b. Explain one strength and one limitation of the view that individual behaviour
is shaped by the social structure. [6 marks]
roTsi The role of socialisation in shaping human behaviour has been exaggerated.’
a. Explain this view. [10 marks]
b. Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]
roT4i Evaluate the view that social control serves the interests of the ruling class. [26 marks]
foTsI Evaluate the view that people are free to choose their social identities today. [26 marks]
73
 mm
• A#*'' i ‘V V*

|3RESEARCH MET • ' ^jmsbibp' ■e ___________________ ___ _______ _

Bp uAi(Mer contents This chapter looks at the methods of research
that sociologists use to gather information and

■—
Section A Research methods, approaches find out what may or may not be true. Although
and issues 75 these methods are not perfect, they do show us
141 how information is produced and we can recognise
their strengths and limitations. This helps us
to form judgements about the quality of the
We are bombarded with information online, on the
information that each method produces. These
television and radio, in newspapers and magazines,
methods range from observations of people’s
in academic books and journals - facts and figures
behaviour to interviews and questionnaires. They
telling us what is happening, keeping us informed,
include interpreting and analysing information
and claiming to reflect reality. However, do any of
from photographs, websites, television broadcasts
these facts and figures come close to the truth? 6
and autobiographies.
What do we really know? How do we find out what
The chapter assesses the strengths and limitations
is true? We could observe something happening
of each method. It also examines the different
and then find evidence that supports our
theoretical approaches to sociological research
observation and confirms what we see. But we tend
and the debates about whether sociology can
not to look for evidence that might contradict what
and should be based on the natural sciences. It
we think we see. We could rely on common sense.
then looks at the different factors - practical,
But today’s common sense may well be tomorrow’s
ethical and theoretical - that influence sociological
nonsense. We could listen to experts. But they often
research and some of the possible sources of bias in
disagree among themselves. So how do we decide
SECTION A
RESEARCH METHODS. APPROACHES AND ISSUES
Contents
Part 1 Types of data, methods and research
design "76
Part 2 Approaches to sociological research 112
Part 3 Research issues 1 32
The key concept of structure and human agency,
which you were introduced to in Chapter 1, is
particularly important in this section. The idea of
structure is concerned with the influence of society
on the individual. Structural approaches emphasise
the way that society and its social structures - such
as families, class and education systems - influence,
shape and constrain our behaviour. For example,
through the socialisation process, education
systems have scope to influence students’ beliefs,
values and behaviour. Such approaches tend to
see people as playing a passive role within the
socialisation process, as being socialised into,
rather than challenging, their society’s norms and
values. How do structural approaches investigate
the social structures that they see as influencing our
behaviour? Are some methods more appropriate
than others for researching structure?
The idea of agency concerns the freedom that
individuals have to act in ways that can shape and
change society. For example, people might try to
influence decision-making in society and bring
about change by actively participating in feminist
or environmental groups. The emphasis here is on
people’s power to make choices and to act on these
choices. How do sociologists research the significance
°f agency and self-determination? In other words,
how do they investigate the choices and decisions
that individuals make in their daily lives? Are
qualitative research methods such as unstructured
interviews more suitable than quantitative methods
for capturing creative human agency, meaningful
action and the choices we make? Or is it possible
and desirable for sociologists to combine quantitative
and qualitative methods in one study to capture
aspects of both structure and agency?
This chapter comprises just one section, which
is divided into three parts. Part 1 examines
different types of data and research methods that
sociologists use, and explores their strengths and
limitations. It also looks at the stages involved in
planning and designing a piece of research.
Part 2 explores different approaches to research,
including debates about whether sociology can be
seen as a science and the role of values in research.
It also looks at the debate between positivist and
interpretivist approaches to research.
Part 3 focuses on issues arising from research,
including sources of bias in sociologists’ findings
and the question of how we assess the value of
different research methods.
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
PART 1 TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND
RESEARCH DESIGN
Contents
Unit 3.1.1 Different types of data used in
sociological research 76
Unit 3.1.2 Quantitative research methods 80
Unit 3.1.3 Qualitative research methods 88
Unit 3.1.4 Secondary sources of data g7
Unit 3.1.5 The stages of designing research 105
This part begins by looking at different types of
information produced by and used in sociological
research studies. What kind of information might
Unit 3.1.1 Different types of data
used in sociological
research
When carrying out research, sociologists collect data
in an organised way in order to address their research
aims and questions. They may generate new data during
the course of their research and/or draw on pre-existing
sources of information. The term ‘data’ refers to the
information produced and used in a research project.
Data provide sociologists with evidence to explain the
social world. This unit looks at the different types of data
that sociologists use in their research. It distinguishes
between primary and secondary data, and between
quantitative and qualitative data.
Primary and secondary data
There are two main types or sources of data -
primary data and secondary data. Often,
researchers use both sources within a single project.
Primary data were not present before the research
began. They are generated by the researcher
during the research process and include information
produced by questionnaires, interviews and
observations. By collecting primary data rather than
relying on pre-existing sources, researchers are more
likely to find out exactly what they want to know
76
sociologists want and what are the best methods for
collecting it? What are the strengths and limitations
of the different research methods that sociologists
use? How useful is pre-existing information such as
official statistics or autobiographies?
How do sociologists go about designing their
research? Put yourself in the position of a
researcher. What topic would you choose to
investigate? How would you choose to research
it? Is the way you plan to conduct your research
ethical - is it morally the right way to treat your
research participants? These are some of the
questions that this part answers.
about a particular issue. However, it is usually more
expensive and time consuming to generate primary
data compared to using secondary sources.
Secondary data existed before the research began.
They include data from official statistics such as crime
and unemployment rates, personal documents such as
diaries and letters, media sources such as newspapers
and television programmes, and digital content such
as emails and blogs. Many sociological studies draw
on secondary sources in one form or another.
Using secondary data can save time and money
because the information has already been collected.
Many public documents are readily available
and easily accessible. For example, sociologists
researching education can usually view prospectuses
and newsletters from school websites at no cost.
Government departments in many countries often
publish vast quantities of official statistics each year.
Sociologists do not have the resources to compile
these statistics themselves. In some cases, secondary
data may be the only source of information on a
particular topic, such as birth rates in different
parts of the world. However, a sociologist who uses
secondary sources has no control over the collection
or the quality of the data. Some secondary data, such
as students’ school reports or emails, may be difficult
to access. In other instances, the required information
may not actually exist. (See Unit 3.1.4 for a
discussion of other limitations of secondary data.)

Quantitative and qualitative data
There are two other categories of data - quantitative
data and qualitative data. Researchers often use
both forms within one piece of research.
Quantitative data are information in the form of
numbers or percentages. Examples include official
statistics on births and marriages, or statistical
data from questionnaires. Quantitative data are
particularly useful for measuring the strength of
possible relationships between various factors, for
example, between age and internet use, or gender
and employment. With quantitative data, sociologists
can compare social groups and measure trends (for
example, educational attainment by ethnicity) over time.
‘Qualitative data’ refers to all types of data that are
not in the form of numbers, including:
> descriptive data from observations, for example,
a description of behaviour in a workplace or
classroom, or at a football or soccer match
Activity
jT
rs>
i .''“M
Collecting qualitative data by observing fans’ behaviour at a soccer or football match.
Table 3.1.1 Quantitative data from a soccer or football match
Goals Possession Pass success
Winner 3 56% 82%
Loser 1 44% 74%
1. Give one example of a:
a. quantitative, primary source of data
b. qualitative, secondary source of data.
2. Using the material above, outline the difference between quantitative and qualitative data.
3. How might a combination of both types of data provide a fuller picture than just one type?
3.1 TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
i quotations from interviews, for example
participants’ views on marriage
i written sources, for example diaries, novels
and autobiographies
» pictures, for example photographs, paintings
and posters
> films and recorded music.
Qualitative data are naturally occurring rather
than being structured by researchers. As a result,
they often give a richer and more in-depth picture
of people’s lives than the numbers provided
by quantitative data. While crime statistics, for
instance, might provide figures on the number of
thefts recorded by the police, qualitative data might
help us to understand what it means to be a victim
of theft. Based on qualitative data, sociologists can
not only explore how people make sense of their
experiences but also explain the meaning behind
the statistics. In practice, many sociologists combine
quantitative and qualitative data in their research.
7, i
• /
••
l\
* $
Shots at goal Yellow cards Penalties
16 1 1
11 3 0
77
 3 RESEARCH METHODS

Validity and reliability of data

When conducting research, sociologists are
concerned about the validity and reliability
of the data they produce or use. Ideally, they
want to draw on data that are both valid
and reliable.

Validity
Data are valid if they present a true and accurate
description or measurement. For example, official
statistics on crime are valid if they provide an
accurate measurement of the extent of crime.
Statistics on crimes recorded by the police are
used to measure the extent of crime in many
countries. However, this is not a valid measure
for two main reasons. First, many crimes are
not reported to the police and therefore cannot
be recorded by them. Second, research by Her
Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (2014)
in the UK indicated that around 800 000 crimes
reported to the police each year (1 9 per cent of
all reported crime) were not recorded. Clearly,
police-recorded crime statistics do not provide
valid data on the extent of crime.
I
Reliability
Data are reliable when different researchers using
the same methods obtain the same results. For
example, if a number of researchers use the same
procedures to measure attendance rates at the
same school and they all get the same results,
then the data would be reliable. However, this
does not necessarily mean that the data are valid.
For instance, the researchers may have used class
registers to measure attendance and the registers
may not have been filled in accurately. As a result,
the registers would not measure what they were
designed to measure and the data drawn from them
would be invalid. (See also Unit 3.3.2.)
Different theoretical approaches
A number of sociologists have suggested that
there are two main research traditions or
approaches in sociology - positivism and
interpretivism. They are based on different views
The children were ashed to place wooden blocks
into appropriate holes.
Yakima Native American children were
given an intelligence test that consisted of
placing variously shaped wooden blocks into
appropriately shaped holes. The children had no
problem with the test, but they were all given
low scores because they failed to finish it in the
required time. Unlike Western culture, Yakima
culture did not place a high priority on speed
(Klineberg, 1971).
1. Explain why the test results are reliable.
2. Explain why the test results are not valid.
of human behaviour and sometimes lead to the use
of different research methods. These approaches
are explored in Unit 3.2.2, but here is a brief
introduction to them.
Positivism
Positivist sociology favours quantitative data. It
attempts to measure behaviour by presenting it
in the form of numbers. This makes it possible
to use statistical tests to measure the strength
of relationships between two or more factors.
A correlation - a statistical link - may indicate a
causal relationship, that one factor causes another.
However, correlation does not necessarily indicate
causation; it does not mean that one thing necessarily
causes another.

78
 3.1
Some research methods are more likely than others
to generate quantitative data. It is fairly easy
to translate the answers to a questionnaire and
responses to certain types of interview into numbers.
As a result, positivists are likely to prefer these
research methods. In terms of secondary data, they
tend to prefer information in a numerical form - for
example, official statistics such as unemployment and
crime statistics.
Positivists aim to make generalisations about
human behaviour. A generalisation is a statement
made about a whole group based on findings from
a relatively small number of members of that group.
To do this, they need to study a representative
sample (a subgroup that reflects the characteristics
of the population or wider group from which it is
drawn). So, if the study is based on middle-class,
African-American women aged 20-30 the sample
should have these characteristics. If the sample is
representative, then data from the sample are more
likely to reflect the group in society as a whole.
Interpretivism
Some sociologists argue that understanding human
behaviour involves seeing the world through the eyes
of those being studied. People give meaning to their
own behaviour and to the behaviour of others. They
define situations in certain ways and act accordingly.
To understand their behaviour, it is essential to
discover the meanings and definitions that guide
their actions. This approach is sometimes referred
to as interpretivism - the sociologist’s task is to
discover and interpret the meanings and definitions
of the situation.
Interpretivists tend to favour particular research
methods. Many see participant observation as one
of the best ways to discover meanings. It provides
researchers with the opportunity to observe
people in their normal, everyday situations, to
see life as it is lived. Interpretivists also favour
in-depth, unstructured interviews, which allow
research participants to express their own view of
the world and define situations in their own way.
Interpretivists see these methods as more likely
to provide qualitative data, which they believe is
richer and more meaningful than quantitative data.
In terms of secondary data, they prefer personal
documents such as diaries and autobiographies in
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
which people express their meanings and feelings
in their own way.
Key terms
Research methods Techniques for collecting data
such as interviews or questionnaires.
Ethical Relating to moral principles that state
what is right and wrong.
Research participants The people who
researchers study.
Data Information that a researcher draws on and/
or generates during a study.
Primary data New information produced by the
researcher during the research process.
Secondary data Pre-existing information used by
the researcher.
Quantitative data Information in the form
of statistics.
Qualitative data All data (such as quotations
from interview participants) that is not in
numerical form.
Official statistics Numerical data produced by
government departments and agencies.
Validity Data are valid if they represent a true or
accurate measurement.
Reliability Data are reliable when different
researchers using the same methods obtain the
same results.
Positivism An approach based partly on the
methods used in the natural sciences. It favours
quantitative data.
Interpretivism An approach that explores people’s
lived experiences and the meanings they attach to
their actions. It favours qualitative data.
Correlation A statistical link between two or more
variables or factors.
Generalisation A statement based on a
relatively small group which is then applied to a
larger group.
Representative sample A subgroup that is typical
of its population.
Population The group under study from which a
sample is selected.
79
 3 RESEARCH METHODS

In closed questions, the range of responses is fixed

Summary
1. Sociologists draw on different types of data in
their research - primary and secondary data,
and quantitative and qualitative data.
2. When undertaking research, researchers are
concerned about the reliability and validity of
their data.
by the researcher. The respondent (the person
from whom information is sought) has to select
their answer from two or more given alternatives.
Table 3.1.2 provides an example of a very simple
closed question which offers two possible answers.
This type of question can usually be answered quickly
and the answers are easily quantified.

3. In some cases, data may be reliable but Table 3.1.2

lack validity.
Do you have any brothers or sisters? (Please
4. Some sociologists argue that there are two
tick as appropriate.)
main research traditions or approaches in
sociology - positivism and interpretivism. Each Yes
of these favours particular research methods and No
types of data.

Table 3.1.3 gives an example of a closed question in

which the respondent has to select the answer that
Unit 3.1.2 Quantitative research best fits their experiences from seven alternatives. It is
taken from the Global School-based Student Health
methods Survey (GSHS), a self-completion questionnaire carried
out in many countries, including Mauritius, Tunisia and
Quantitative research methods produce statistical data. Morocco. The results relate to the survey carried out
This unit looks at some of the research methods that in Mauritius in 2011.
provide sociologists with primary sources of quantitative
data. It begins by focusing on questionnaires and
Table 3.1.3
structured interviews, which are the main ways of
gathering data in social surveys. However, what are the Question: During the past 30 days, on how
similarities and differences between these two methods? many days were you bullied?
The unit then examines experiments, which are usually
Results for Mauritius, 2011
designed to test hypotheses. Do all experiments
necessarily take place in laboratories? What are the Frequency %
main strengths of these different quantitative methods?
1 0 days 1364 65.2
What are their limitations?
2 1 or 2 days 418 20.0
Questionnaires 3 3 to 5 days 156 7.5
A social survey involves systematically collecting the
4 6 to 9 days 47 2.2
same type of data from a relatively large number
of people. Survey research is often carried out by 5 10 to 19 days 29 1.4
using self-completion questionnaires delivered to
6 20 to 29 days 10 0.5
respondents by post, email, the internet or by hand.
A questionnaire comprises a list of questions to which 7 All 30 days 60 2.9
participants provide the answers. The questions are
Missing 84
usually designed to measure, for instance, how many
people voted for a particular political party in the Source: http://www.who.int/ncds/surveillance/gshs/
last election according to gender and ethnicity. They MUBH2011_public_use_codebook.pdf?ua- 1
produce data that can be easily quantified - put into
numerical form. The answers to this question are easy to quantify.
The third column shows the actual number of
Types of question respondents who chose each alternative. The fourth
There are two main types of question - closed column shows the percentage of respondents who
questions and open-ended (or open) questions. chose each alternative.

80
 3.1
Activity
1. Devise your own example of a closed question
with pre-set answers.
2. Identify one disadvantage of closed questions.
Closed questions are the simplest way to produce
numerical data. The data are suitable for statistical
analysis. They make it possible to discover whether
there is a correlation between two or more variables
or factors, for example, between age, gender and the
incidence of bullying.
Open questions ask respondents to answer questions
in their own words. Several lines are left blank on
the questionnaire for the respondent to write their
answer. Open questions give the respondent more
freedom to respond in their own way.
Most researchers see closed questions as suitable
for simple, factual information such as age, gender
and income level. Open questions are usually seen as
more appropriate for data on meanings and beliefs,
where respondents are required to express how
they feel.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Constructing questionnaires
Questionnaires are based on the idea that all
respondents answer exactly the same set of questions.
This means that any differences in their answers should
indicate real differences between them. The questions
must mean the same thing to all respondents so that
their answers can be directly compared. The researcher
must ensure that the questions are clear and
unambiguous, that participants are able to understand
the words and phrases used and that the instructions
for completing the questionnaire are straightforward.
This not only provides good quality data; it is also an
ethical issue. If participants cannot understand the
questions, they might feel stupid, defensive or offended
and this may affect their answers. For this reason, a
pilot study (a small-scale trial run) is recommended to
sort out any problems with the questionnaire before the
main survey (The Research Ethics Guidebook, 2017).
Operationalisation and coding
Questionnaires are designed to measure things. In
order to do this, those ‘things’ (concepts or variables)
must be operationalised - put into a form that can
be measured and quantified. For example, concepts
81
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
such as poverty, inequality, power and identity must
be defined in such a way that they can be measured
in a questionnaire. The concept of poverty, for
instance, could be operationalised in terms of low
incomes and measured at below 60 per cent of the
average income in a particular country.
However, when concepts, beliefs and attitudes
are operationalised, they may not measure what
they are supposed to measure. It is often difficult
to assess whether operational definitions provide
valid measurements.
The answers to questions are coded or classified
into various categories. Answers to closed questions
are pre-coded. For example, possible answers to
the questionnaire in Table 3.1.3 are pre-coded into
seven categories. The researcher simply has to count
the number of people who chose each category.
Quantifying the data is easy.
Open questions are coded after the answer has been
given. It is sometimes difficult to code and quantify a
written answer. Consider the following.
Question Have you experienced bullying in the
workplace during the past 30 days?
Give reasons for your answer.
Answer It depends what you mean
by bullying. Do you mean
teasing? Or something physical?
My workmates often tease each
other and occasionally they can go
a bit too far and people get upset.
This happened to me last week. But
I wouldn’t necessarily call it bullying.
This answer is difficult to code. Researchers
usually have a list of categories in terms of which
written answers are coded. Sometimes, however,
written answers do not fit neatly into any of the
categories provided.
Response rates
The response rate is the percentage of the sample
(a subgroup of research participants drawn from
the larger group being studied) that actually
participates in the research. For example, if half
the sample completes a questionnaire, then the
response rate is 50 per cent. Response rates vary
widely. For instance, Shere Hite’s The Hite Report
on the Family (1994), based on questionnaires
82
in magazines, had a mere 3 per cent response
rate. A low response rate may result in an
unrepresentative sample. Those who do not respond
may differ in important respects from those who
do - for example, in terms of their age, gender,
ethnicity or social class. If this is the case, the
findings may be biased.
There are many reasons for non-response to
self-completion questionnaires, including lack of
time or interest. It is also easy to throw away the
questionnaire with few consequences.
Activity
??? MY ENGLISH
ISN'T GOOD
ENOUGH TO DO
THIS
Language difficulties may result in incomplete
questionnaires, group efforts to complete them
and low response rates.
Explain why a low response rate may be
problematic in sociological research.
Strengths of questionnaires
> Questionnaires can be a cost-effective way of
collecting large amounts of data from many people
over a relatively short period of time.
> The same questionnaire can be given to all
research participants and their answers can be
directly compared.
> It is relatively easy to quantify the results of
questionnaires, particularly if closed questions
are used. The data can be analysed quickly and
efficiently with the use of computers.
 3.1 TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN

> From a positivist perspective, a questionnaire
survey based on a representative sample provides
data for generalisations. Questionnaire surveys
are seen as a reliable method because they are
fairly easy to replicate (to repeat using the same
questions and a similar sample). Replication
allows the researcher to check the reliability of
the findings. If the findings are reliable, then it is
possible to generalise from them.
participant. The same questions are read in the same
order to all participants. They are usually simple and
straightforward. For example, ‘How old are you?’
‘What is your occupation?’ 'Did you vote in the last
election?’ Most questions are designed to produce
answers that do not require explanation.
Activity

Limitations of questionnaires

i
i If a questionnaire has a low response rate, the
findings may be biased. Those who respond may
not be typical of the sample and this will affect how
far sociologists can generalise from the results.
i Self-completion questionnaires are inappropriate
for some research participants, such as those with
limited literacy skills or language difficulties.
> Some researchers argue that the data produced
by questionnaires lack validity for several reasons,
including the following:
In a structured interview, the interviewer
- Respondents may interpret the questions reads the questions from a standardised
differently from each other. interview schedule.
- The questions might not be relevant to research Evaluate the view that structured interviews have
participants’ lives. limited use in sociological research because they
- What people say in response to questionnaires restrict participants’ responses.
may not reflect their behaviour in everyday life.
> Interpretivists question the validity of responses Non-response
to questionnaires. They argue that, when In the case of structured interviews, reasons for
operationalising concepts, researchers simply non-response include the following:
impose their own interpretations on the meanings
1. Failure to make contact because, for example,
they intend to discover. Translating operationalised
people have moved, are on holiday, in prison,
concepts into questions is problematic because
working away from home or simply not at home
the questions reflect the researchers’ concerns and
when the researcher tries to make contact.
priorities rather than those of the participants.
Coding the questions and answers further distorts 2. Contact is made, but the interview cannot be
social reality. Pre-coded questions give participants conducted because, for instance, the person is ill or
little opportunity to express themselves or to experiencing a personal tragedy.
say exactly what they mean. Coding answers to
3. The person refuses to participate due to lack
open-ended questions also involves imposing the
of time or interest. They may also dislike or be
researchers’ interpretations on the participants’
suspicious of the researcher.
answers. From an interpretivist view, this whole
process takes the researcher further and further away
from the meanings that direct participants' actions. Strengths of structured interviews
t Structured interviews are usually faster and
Structured interviews cheaper to conduct than less structured interviews
(see Unit 3.1.3).
Some social surveys are based on structured
interviews, which are questionnaires or lists » Compared to other types of interview, virtually
of questions that the interviewer reads to the all the interviewer has to do is read out the

83
3 RESEARCH METHODS
questions and record the answers. Because of
this, there is less chance of interviewer bias — of
the participant’s answers being influenced by the
interviewer, by their age, gender, ethnicity and
manner, for example.
1 When closed questions are used, the responses
are relatively easy to quantify.
1 Structured interviews are more likely to
produce data that can be directly compared.
Participants are asked standardised questions
so their answers are not affected by possible
differences in the wording of questions. As a
result, researchers can identify patterns and
correlations in the data.
> Positivists favour structured interviews because
they generate responses that can be coded
and compared. Structured interviews can also
be replicated to check for reliability and
allow generalisations.
Limitations of structured interviews
> Researchers set the questions based on their
priorities and concerns. In this respect, they
have imposed on the participant what they
see as important. With closed questions, the
researcher also determines the possible answers
in advance. Participants have little control over
the interview and no opportunity to qualify
their answers or to introduce issues that reflect
their concerns.
* Interview bias is a potential problem with all
interviews, including structured interviews. For
example, participants may give answers that they
see as socially acceptable or that they think will
be viewed positively rather than reveal their true
thoughts, particularly on controversial topics. This
is known as the social desirability effect.
* Interviewer bias arising from the interviewer’s
social characteristics, such as their age, gender,
ethnicity or class, is another potential problem.
Interview and interviewer bias can reduce the
validity of the findings.
) From an interpretivist perspective, standardised
interviews cannot provide rich data or meaningful
insights into people’s lives.
Activity
Evaluate the usefulness of self-completion
questionnaires to investigate people's experiences
of bullying.
84
Experiments
There are two types of experiment in which people
are asked to participate - laboratory experiments
and field experiments. Laboratory experiments
are usually conducted in closed rooms, cut off
from outside factors such as noise or passers-by.
Field experiments usually take place in everyday
surroundings, such as streets or workplaces.
Laboratory experiments
A laboratory experiment is a setting and a
situation that is designed to test a hypothesis - an
assumption or proposition about the relationship
between two or more variables. Variables are
things that can vary, such as social class, gender
and ethnicity or temperature, sound and light.
In a laboratory experiment, they can be held
constant (kept the same) or manipulated (changed).
Experiments are usually designed to see whether one
variable - the independent variable - has a causal
effect on another variable - the dependent variable.
The variables and results of laboratory experiments
are usually quantified.
The main aspects of the experimental method can
be illustrated by the example of an experiment
designed to test the hypothesis that noise has an
effect on memory. The hypothesis is stated in such
a way that it can be tested - the louder the noise,
the more it will reduce the ability to remember.
Every variable in the laboratory except the level
of noise - the independent variable - is held
constant throughout the experiment. For example,
the temperature and lighting remain the same. The
participant is given a list of 20 random numbers,
asked to memorise them within one minute and
■ then to recall them. The experiment is repeated
■
five times with the noise starting from nothing -
silence - then steadily rising in measured units. If
the participant recalls fewer and fewer numbers,
then this may provide support for the hypothesis
i being tested.
I
If the experiment’s results show a correlation
between the independent variable (the level of
noise) and the dependent variable (the amount
of recall), this might indicate that one causes the
other. Correlation does not, of course, necessarily
mean causation. However, the ability to control
variables in the closed system of a laboratory helps
the researcher to judge whether the correlation
is causative or coincidental, as does the use of
quantitative measurements.
 3.1
Activity
If two things are correlated, they may increase
together, decrease together, or one may increase
as the other decreases. This might be due to one
causing the other, to a third factor which causes
both, or due to chance.
Select one of the above possibilities for the following
correlations and give reasons for your choice.
Research example: Researching teacher expectations and social class
Dale Harvey and Gerald Slatin (1975) carried out
research to assess how far teachers’ expectations
of students’ performance were related to their
perceptions of the children’s social class. The
experiment involved a sample of 96 teachers
from four elementary schools (which are similar
to primary or first schools) serving ‘lower-class’
and ‘middle-upper-class’ neighbourhoods in a US
city. They asked this sample to judge the potential
(for example to succeed or fail academically) and
the socio-economic background of a set of 18
anonymous photographs of Black and White school
children aged 8-12 years.
Harvey and Slatin found that perceived
socio-economic class was more strongly associated
with success among the White children and with
Field experiments
Field experiments take place in normal, everyday
settings such as classrooms, factories or street corners.
Research example: Researching social class and interaction between strangers
Mary Sissons (1970) devised a field experiment
to test the effect of social class on interaction
between strangers. A male actor stood outside
Paddington Station in London, England, and asked
people for directions. The actor, place and request
were kept the same but the actor’s dress varied
from that of a businessperson to a labourer.
The experiment indicated that people were more
helpful to the ‘businessperson’. It could therefore be
argued that people were responding to what they
perceived to be the actor’s social class. However,
there are other possibilities. For example, the actor
may have behaved more confidently in his role as a
businessperson and people might have responded
to his level of confidence rather than to his class.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
1. In Copenhagen, Denmark, for 12 years following
World War II, the number of storks nesting in the
city and the number of human babies born went
up and down together.
2. There appears to be a link between yellow grass
and the sale of cold drinks. The yellower the grass,
the more cold drinks are sold.
failure among the Black children. However, the
experiment did not show that the middle-class
bias in teachers’ perceptions affected students’
academic performance in real-world classrooms or
that this bias would be communicated to children.
It is also difficult to generalise from a small sample
of teachers.
Questions
1. Why do you think the researchers used
photographs rather than real children
in their experiment?
2. Evaluate the view that teachers’
responses to photographs are a valid
measure of the judgements they make
in the classroom.
Field experiments are always going to be inexact
and ‘messy’. It is impossible to identify and control
all the variables that might affect the results. For
example, it is difficult, if not impossible, to control
the social class of the people who were asked for
directions in Sissons’ experiment. Most of them
may have been middle class. If so, they may have
been more helpful to the ‘businessperson’ because
he seemed ‘more like them’.
Questions
Explain why it is difficult to control all variables
in a field experiment, and why this is likely to be
problematic for social researchers.
85
3 RESEARCH METHODS
Strengths of experiments
Laboratory experiments have been very
successful in the natural sciences such as physics
and chemistry.
1 Laboratory experiments allow researchers to
control variables.
> They can provide quantitative data.
> Laboratory experiments can be replicated and
the results can be directly compared in order to
check reliability.
> Field experiments provide a more realistic setting
than laboratories.
Limitations of experiments
> Whether in the laboratory or in more everyday
social contexts, people are often aware that they
are participating in an experiment. This in itself
is likely to affect their behaviour. Any unintended
impact of an experiment on participants is
referred to as an experimental effect.
Research example: The Hawthorne effect
One example of the experimental effect is known
as the Hawthorne effect, because it was first
observed during a study at the Hawthorne Works
of the Western Electricity Company in Chicago,
USA, in the late 1920s. The researchers conducted
an experiment to discover whether there was a
relationship between the workers’ productivity and
variables such as lighting and heating levels and
The Hawthorne Works --productivity increased whether the lighting was
turned up or down.
86
» People act in terms of how they perceive others. They
will tend to respond differently if the experimenter
is young or old, male or female, Black or White
and so on. People also tend to act in terms of how
they think others expect them to act. This might
explain the results in the experiment involving the
actor dressed as a businessperson and a labourer
(see the research example ‘Researching social class
and interaction between strangers’). He might
have been conveying two different expectations
and this may have affected the responses to his
request for directions. For example, he may have
expected more help in his role as businessperson
and unintentionally conveyed this to the participants.
The unintended effect of the experimenter on those
being studied is known as experimenter bias.
» Experiments sometimes involve deception and can
therefore be seen as unethical. If participants are not
informed of the true purpose of the experiment, they
are not given the information necessary for informed
consent. If they were, the experiment might not
work. Participants might change their behaviour
if they knew what the experiment was about.
the frequency of rest periods. The researchers were
puzzled because the results appeared to make little
or no sense. For example, productivity increased
whether the temperature in the workplace was
turned up or down. The only factor that appeared to
explain the increase in productivity was the workers’
awareness that they were part of an experiment -
which explains the term ‘Hawthorne effect’.
1. Explain what is
meant by the term
'Hawthorne effect’.
2. Suggest reasons for the
Hawthorne effect.
3. Identify one difference
between experimenting
with people and with
variables such as heat
or light.
 3.1
For example, if the participants in Harvey and Slatin’s
experiment (see the research example 'Researching
teacher expectations and social class] knew what
was being measured, then they would probably have
changed their responses. In some circumstances, it
is considered acceptable not to provide participants
with the full information. This might be the case if,
for instance, there is no alternative method, and
participants are debriefed after the experiment and
given the opportunity to withdraw their consent.
> Most sociologists have serious doubts about
the use of laboratory experiments with human
beings. This is partly because people act in terms
of their definitions of situations. They are likely
to define laboratories as artificial situations and
act accordingly. As a result, their behaviour in
a laboratory may not reflect their behaviour in
the ‘real’ world. Although field experiments may
provide more realistic contexts, it is not possible
to control all the important variables.
Key terms
Social survey Systematic collection of the same
type of data from a fairly large number of people.
Hypothesis A testable statement about the
relationship between two or more variables.
Self-completion questionnaire A questionnaire
that the respondent fills in.
Closed questions Questions in which the range of
responses is fixed by the researcher.
Open-ended/open questions Questions which
allow the respondent to answer in their own words.
Ethical issue A concern with morals and how to
conduct morally acceptable research.
Pilot study A small-scale study to check the
suitability of the methods to be used in the
main study.
Operationalise Translate abstract concepts into a
form that can be measured.
Coded Answers are classified into various categories.
Response rate The percentage of the sample that
participates in the research.
Sample A subgroup of research participants from
the larger group to be studied.
Replication Repeating an experiment or research
study under the same conditions.
Structured interview A questionnaire which the
interviewer read outs and fills in.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Interviewer bias The effect of the interviewer on a
research participant’s answers.
Interview bias The effect of the interview situation
itself on a participant’s responses.
Social desirability effect Bias resulting from a
research participant’s desire to reflect in their
responses what is generally seen as the right way
to behave.
Laboratory experiment An experiment conducted
in a specially designed setting.
Field experiment An experiment conducted in
everyday social settings.
Variables Factors that affect behaviour. Variables
can vary, for example, temperature can increase
or decrease.
Experimental effect Any unintended impact of
the experiment on participants.
Experimenter bias The unintended effect of the
experimenter on a participant.
Informed consent The participant only agrees to
participate in the research once the sociologist has
explained fully what the research is about and why
it is being undertaken.
Hawthorne effect Changes in participants’
behaviour resulting from an awareness that they
are taking part in an experiment.
Summary
1. Questionnaires are the main method for
collecting data in social surveys.
2. In theory, questionnaires provide directly
comparable data.
3. Closed questions are pre-coded and produce
data that are easy to quantify. Answers
to open questions can be difficult to code
and quantify.
4. It is difficult to assess whether operational
definitions provide valid measurements.
5. Positivists favour social surveys based on
questionnaires that produce quantitative data.
However, the response rate may be low.
Interpretivists argue that numerical data
produced by questionnaires often lack validity.
6. Positivists prefer the quantitative data
produced by structured interviews, but
interpretivists prefer less standardised
approaches to interviewing.
87
... 3 research methods
7. There are two main types of experiment -
laboratory experiments and field experiments.
8. Experiments are designed to test hypotheses.
They are usually intended to measure the
strength of relationships between two or
more variables.
9. Ideally, laboratory experiments allow the
researcher to control all important variables.
However, critics argue that laboratories are
artificial situations and therefore, that findings
from laboratory experiments may not apply to
everyday social situations. Field experiments
help to avoid artificiality, but do not provide
the same control of variables.
10. Both laboratory and field experiments
are criticised for experimental effect and
experimenter bias. As a result, their findings
may be low in validity.
Unit 3.1.3 Qualitative research
methods
Qualitative research methods produce data in verbal
or visual form. This unit looks at different research
methods that generate primary sources of qualitative
data. It explores semi-structured, unstructured and
group interviews. What are the differences between
semi-structured and unstructured interviews? How
do group interviews work?
The unit also looks at different forms of observation
including participant and non-participant
observation. Why might sociologists use one of these
rather than the other? How do participant observers
gain entry into groups of people? Should they tell
those they are observing what they are really doing?
What are the strengths and limitations of each of
these qualitative methods?
Semi-structured interviews
Each semi-structured interview in a particular study
is usually based around the same set of questions.
In this respect, semi-structured interviews share
some of the advantages of structured interviews.
However, a semi-structured interview enables the
interviewer to ‘probe’ - to jog participants’ memories
and ask them to develop, clarify or give examples
88
of particular points. This adds depth and detail to
the answers.
This gain, however, is accompanied by a loss of
standardisation and comparability. Although
the basic questions are pre-set, the probes are
not so each interview is different. Consequently,
the data are not directly comparable because,
to some extent, participants are responding to
different questions.
Unstructured interviews
An unstructured interview is more like a guided
conversation. Rather than using an interview
schedule, the researcher usually draws on a list of
topics or prompts that they want to cover during
the course of the interview. Unstructured interviews
are more informal, open-ended, flexible and
free-flowing than semi-structured and structured
interviews. The setting tends to be less formal and the
atmosphere more relaxed - for example, armchairs
and a cup of coffee.
The interview process
Interviewers are often trained to conduct effective
interviews and to avoid pitfalls. The standard advice
is to be non-directive, to avoid leading participants
and to allow them to express themselves in their
own way. The idea is to minimise interviewer bias.
It is important to establish rapport - a friendly and
understanding relationship - while at the same time
appearing professional. Probing - digging a little
deeper with further questions - is used in order to
get participants to clarify or develop their answers.
However, this must be utilised carefully, as it can
result in leading questions - questions that direct
participants to a certain answer (Fielding, 1993).
Advice about how to conduct interviews usually
focuses on asking questions. However, Rosalind
Edwards and Janet Holland (2013) point out that
listening to participants is the key to probing and
following up their answers.
Strengths of unstructured interviews
An unstructured interview offers more opportunities
for participants to take control and direct the
interview into areas that they see as interesting and
significant. In this way, they have more chance to
express their own viewpoints. This can lead to new
and important insights for the researcher.
 3.1
Many researchers see unstructured interviews as
particularly suitable for discovering meanings. They
give participants the opportunity to express how
they feel about a range of issues. Meanings are
complex. A skilled interviewer can help participants
to spell out this complexity. For example, what does
family life mean to the participant? The pre-set
questions in a structured interview are unlikely to
capture the shades of meaning associated with
issues such as family life. However, if participants
open up and say what they really mean in an
unstructured interview, they are more likely to
provide data that are valid, rich and colourful.
Members of some groups, such as a religious
group or gang members, may be less likely to
provide information for researchers. They might be
suspicious of outsiders, hostile towards them, afraid
of them or simply uncomfortable in their presence.
An unstructured interview can reduce these feelings,
as it provides an opportunity for rapport and trust
to develop between interviewer and participant.
Unstructured interviews are seen as particularly
suitable for sensitive topics such as people’s
experiences of racism or bullying. Participants
may be more likely to discuss sensitive and painful
experiences if they feel that the interviewer is
sympathetic and understanding. Unstructured
interviews provide the opportunity for developing
this kind of relationship. Joan Smith et al.'s (1998)
study about the family background of homeless
Activity
f WHEN YOU'VE \
BEEN A MANAGER AS HE SEES WHY ARE YOU
LONG AS I HAVE. ME AS ASKING ME? I'M
YOUNG MAN. YOU'LL. A NOVICE.
ONLY AN OFFICE
V UNDERSTAND. S S. JUNIOR. >
£P
1
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-
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In a study of business organisations, Martin Parker (2000) found that participants saw him in
different ways.
1. How did each participant see Parker, and how might this affect their answers?
2. How might Parker’s age, gender and dress affect the participants’ responses?
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
young people produced in-depth information using
unstructured interviews.
Interpretivists prefer unstructured interviews, in
particular in-depth interviews that are designed
to discover meanings. They give participants the
freedom to express themselves in their own way.
The qualitative data produced are seen as more
likely to be valid than the information generated by
structured interviews.
Limitations of unstructured interviews
Unstructured interviews involve interaction between
an interviewer and a participant, and this can
lead to interviewer bias. To some extent, this
bias is unavoidable. Interviewers are people with
social characteristics - they have a nationality,
ethnicity, gender, social class and so on. They
also have particular personalities - they may be
shy or outgoing, caring or uncaring, aggressive
or unaggressive. These social and psychological
characteristics will be perceived in certain ways
by participants and will have some impact on
their responses.
Several studies have examined the effect of the social
characteristics of interviewers. J. Allen Williams Jr
(1971) claims that the greater the status difference
between interviewer and participant, the less likely
participants are to express their true feelings. He
found that African Americans in the 1960s were
more likely to say they approved of civil rights
I'LL TELL
/ SHE SEES ME
HE SEES ME YOU WHAT
AS AN EXPERT. I REALLY AS SOMEONE T<
THINK. CONFIDE IN.
ho rOQ ho
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✓ J
89
 3 RESEARCH METHODS

demonstrations if the interviewer was Black rather

Group interviews Focus groups
than White.
In general, people like to present themselves in *are interview * explore how partic­
a favourable light. Participants might emphasise situations in which ipants interact within
socially desirable aspects of their behaviour and the interviewer asks the group and how
attitudes in the presence of interviewers. This can questions and the they respond to each
reduce the validity of interview data, particularly participants respond other’s views
in unstructured interviews that develop into * usually cover a wide * focus on one particular
friendly conversations. range of themes or theme or topic in depth
topics
*may be used to save *are used to gain extra
Activity time and money. insights into group
interaction rather than to
save time and money.

Strengths of group interviews

What does it mean to be a parent for the first
time? Some methods are more appropriate
than others for discovering people's subjective
experiences and the meaning of their actions.
1. Explain one reason why unstructured interviews
are more appropriate than structured interviews
for investigating women’s subjective experiences
of motherhood.
2. Write brief notes to summarise the strengths
and limitations of unstructured interviews.
Unstructured interviews can develop in all
sorts of directions. As a result, data from one
interview to the next can vary considerably and
it is difficult to make comparisons between them.
From a positivist perspective, they are difficult
to replicate, and lack reliability and
generalisability.
Group interviews
In a group interview, the researcher interviews and
collects data from a number of people at the same
time. A group interview usually covers several areas,
themes or topics. A focus group is a group interview
that focuses on one particular topic.
> The researcher can access wide-ranging views
and experiences and obtain a rich source of
information on relevant topics.
i By interviewing several people together, the
researcher can save time and money.
> Individuals may feel more comfortable describing
their experiences in a group setting because they
are supported by others.
> Participants may be recruited to take part in
follow-up individual interviews.
> Group interviews may generate new ideas for the
I researcher to explore.
Limitations of group interviews
» The researcher must manage the group interview
i carefully, particularly when the topics are
potentially sensitive.
» In a group setting, the participants may influence
each other. Some may dominate and others may
be less open than in an individual interview.
> If participants talk over each other, it is difficult
to transcribe (write down) the contents of
i
group interviews.
> Confidentiality and privacy can be problematic when
using group interviews. The researcher can request,
but cannot guarantee, that participants’ identities
and what they say remain within the group.
Focus groups
Focus groups are sometimes called group interviews
but they are usually more like discussions. Group

90
 3.1
members are asked to talk among themselves. They
are guided by a moderator who asks them to focus
on particular topics. Focus groups usually have
between 4 and 10 members.
Activity
m aim. MUSCULAR.
. ?o
EJCERCrSE TO
L LOOKOObb:
Five focus groups each mode up of four boys or men
of similar ages were asked to discuss body image,
diet and exercise. According to the researchers, the
participants were more likely to disclose sensitive,
personal feelings in a small group of people like
themselves than in a one-to-one interview situation
(Grogan and Richards, 2002).
1. Would you prefer to participate in a focus group
or in a one-to one interview? Or would you
rather not participate in either? What factors
would influence your decision?
2. Assess the view that the similarities of the focus
group members help them to disclose sensitive
and personal feelings.
Strengths of focus groups
» Often focus group members have certain things
in common - for example, similarities of age,
gender, experience or expertise. These similarities
can encourage discussion and interest, and
minimise the intervention of the moderator
(Morgan, 2006).
* A focus group involves interaction between
participants. Compared to a one-to-one
interview, this can produce different kinds of
data. Participants in a focus group discuss and
debate, agree and disagree. This encourages
them to really think about their views. Focus
groups can also show how people make
sense of things collectively and develop a
shared viewpoint.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS ANO RESEARCH DESIGN
> Focus groups have been successfully used to
study sensitive topics such as homelessness. They
can provide social support and empowerment for
vulnerable participants with shared experiences
(Edwards and Holland, 2013).
Limitations of focus groups
> Researchers have less control than in standardised
interviews. (This, however, can also be seen as
a strength.)
» Despite trying to minimise their intervention,
the moderator sometimes has to get involved to
ensure that things run smoothly - for example,
to prevent one member of the group dominating
the discussion.
» It is not clear how far agreement on particular
views reflects group pressure rather than the
actual beliefs of all participants.
» It can be difficult to assess how far social
desirability influences the views expressed in a
group context.
> The discussion may move onto unanticipated
topics that some participants would not
have agreed to discuss in public. Although
participants should be told that they can
withdraw at any time, some may feel under
pressure to remain.
Activity
1. Explain one difference between focus groups and
group interviews.
2. Explain one reason why a researcher might
choose to use focus groups rather than group
interviews as a research method.
Observation
One of the aims of sociological research is to
discover how people behave in their normal,
everyday settings - at work, in their leisure time
or with their friends and family. One way to do
this is by interviewing them, but another way
is to observe group members in their everyday
settings. This might involve joining the group and
getting involved in some of its activities in order
to gather data. This is referred to as participant
observation. The researcher can also observe people
91
 3 RESEARCH METHOOS
.............

Activity

I. Dominates 3. Bored and

conversation restless
I CANT 1
I THINK... \ I KNOW. N KEEP STILL.
IN MY VIEW.., I'M AN THEY'RE I'M TOO1-
vl BELIEVE..., EXPERT. BORING ME. SHY TO SAY

In focus groups, the moderator's role is to encourage rather than control discussion so there is less of a
power imbalance than with individual interviews. However, the moderator must be able to manage a group.

In each case above, explain how the moderator might respond to the participant (for example, verbally or
using non-verbal communication such as eye contact).

without directly joining them. This is known as
non-participant observation.
Participant observation
Participant observation has been used in a variety
of settings. It was used by John Howard Griffin
(1960), a White journalist who dyed his skin black
in order to discover what it was like to live as a
Black man in the southern states of the USA in
the late 1950s. It was also used by the sociologist
Erving Goffman (1968) when he adopted the role of
assistant to the athletics director in order to study
the experience of patients in a psychiatric hospital
in Washington, DC.
| enabled him to gain entry into the world of the
Participant observation gives researchers the
opportunity to observe people in their normal
settings as opposed to the more artificial contexts
of laboratories or interviews. It allows researchers
to see what people do as opposed to what they say
they do.
Gaining entry Participant observation cannot
work unless the researcher gains entry into
the group and acceptance from its members.
Achieving this can be difficult. Many groups do
not want to be studied, especially those whose
activities are seen as criminal or anti-social by the
wider society.
In some instances, researchers have to participate
directly in order to gain entry. Dick Hobbs (1 988)
wanted to research the relationship between
criminals and detectives in the East End of London,
England. He was coaching a local soccer team
when he discovered that Simon, a detective, was
the father of one of the players. He developed
a friendship with Simon, who provided him with
introductions and vouched for him (said he was
OK). Hobbs also spent time in a local bar that was
frequented by several detectives. These contacts
detectives - he joined in their conversations and
observed their activities.
Covert and overt research The above method of
gaining entry involves the researcher hiding their
identity and purpose. This is known as covert or
hidden research. Covert observation has certain
advantages. If the group sees the observer as
‘one of them’, they will be more likely to behave
normally and reveal information they may not give

92
 3.1
to an outsider. However, many sociologists regard
covert research as unethical - morally wrong. For
example, it does not give those being observed the
opportunity to consent (or otherwise) to participating
in the research.
Overt observation (open research) has its own
problems of entry and acceptance as Sudhir
Venkatesh (2009) found during his first day with the
Black Kings, an African-American gang in Chicago, in
the USA. Some gang members saw him as a possible
threat or a harmless source of amusement. One gang
member saw him as a spy from a rival Mexican gang.
The gang leader, J.T., gave Venkatesh his support,
which provided entry and eventual acceptance into
the world of the Black Kings.
One of the advantages of overt participant
observation is that it can lead to the development of
key informants, who go out of their way to assist in the
research. A key informant is a member of the group
being studied who has a special relationship with
the researcher, provides important information and
often acts as a sponsor, telling the rest of the group
that the researcher can be trusted. J.T., the leader
of the Black Kings, was a key informant for Sudhir
Venkatesh. In Venkatesh’s words, ‘I felt a strange kind
Research example: Researching the service sector in China
A five-star hotel in Beijing was a setting for Eileen
M. Otis’s study of the service sector in China.
Eileen M. Otis (2016), a Mandarin-speaking
American sociologist, used observations and
semi-structured interviews in a luxury, five-star hotel
in Beijing, China, operated by an American firm.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
of intimacy with J.T., unlike the bond I’d felt even with
good friends’
Activity
Suggest reasons why the gang members initially
rejected Venkatesh.
Participant observation involves looking and
listening while trying not to influence people’s
behaviour. As the aim is to observe people in their
normal setting, the researcher must not disturb
that setting. Blending into the background is
usually recommended, though this is not always
possible. For example, a participant observer in a
classroom can stand out in an obvious way. This
may result in an artificial and untypical lesson which
can reduce the validity of the observations. But
it is surprising how soon the researcher becomes
‘invisible’ and taken for granted. In his study of a
British secondary school, Geoffrey Walford (1993)
found that it took four weeks of observation before
any students misbehaved. However, the situation
changed rapidly after this time and Walford was
soon watching ‘mock wrestling’ and chairs flying
around the classroom!
The majority of the guests were male and Western.
She gained access to the hotel by working there as
an unpaid English teacher. She observed training
courses, meetings and training exercises and also
shadowed workers.
Otis explored the mode of femininity that the
hotel’s managers sought to introduce among the
young, working-class, female staff who worked there
as hostesses, waitresses, butlers and cleaners.
The female workers were trained ‘to perform an
American variant of middle-class femininity’ which
involved, for example, displaying elegance, poise
and sociability.
Question
Drawing on this information, explain one advantage
and one disadvantage of using overt participant
observation in the workplace.
93
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Strengths of participant observation
1 Participant observation gives researchers the
opportunity to observe people in their normal,
everyday situations and in a variety of contexts.
It can provide insights and knowledge which may
not be available from other research methods.
William Whyte (1955) undertook a lengthy study
of an Italian-American gang in Boston based on
participant observation. He discovered things that
he had previously known nothing about. In his
words, ‘As I sat and listened, I learned the answers
to questions that I would not even have had the
sense to ask if I had been getting my information
solely on an interviewing basis.’
> Participant observation generates rich and
in-depth qualitative data. Spending possibly
years observing a fairly small group of people
means that the researcher can get to know
them well. This provides a real opportunity
to discover the meanings that direct their
behaviour, and how they construct their view of
the world and make sense of their experiences.
By using participant observation, a researcher
can capture the ‘insider’s view’ and see the
world from the viewpoint of those being
observed. By contrast, quantitative research
methods such as questionnaires provide one-off,
snapshot accounts rather than a full picture.
> Supporters of participant observation see
it as the best method for obtaining valid
data - for providing a true picture of the topic
being investigated.
> Interpretivists are concerned with the meanings
and definitions that direct action. Often, these
meanings and definitions are taken for granted -
people are unaware of them. Observing their
behaviour provides an opportunity for the
researcher to interpret these taken-for-granted
meanings. Consequently, interpretivists tend to
favour participant observation as a method for
collecting data.
Limitations of participant observation
> It can sometimes be difficult to gain entry to,
and acceptance by, the group being studied
because, for example, the members distrust the
researcher’s motives or fear their criminal or
anti-social activities will be exposed.
94
» Participant observation can be a long and
expensive process that requires dedication,
stamina and courage. Researchers are often
cut off from the normal supports of family and
friends, sometimes living a double life in an
unfamiliar setting. Participant observation can
also be dangerous if, for example, the researcher
is studying gangs involved in violent and criminal
activities. However, given the quality of information
that participant observation can produce, some
might see these risks as acceptable.
> The presence of an observer in an overt
observation study may change the behaviour
of the group being studied. This is known as
the observer effect. The relationship between
a researcher and a key informant may have
drawbacks. In his study of an Italian-American
gang (1955), Whyte had a special relationship
with Doc, the gang leader. In Whyte’s words, ‘Doc
became, in a very real sense, a collaborator in
the research.’ However, this close relationship
may cause problems if it changes the informant’s
behaviour. In Doc’s words, ‘Now, when I do
something, I have to think what Bill Whyte would
want to know about it and how I can explain it.
Before, I used to do things by instinct.’ It might
also change the researcher’s behaviour, as the
picture in the Activity box indicates.
> The personal involvement that participant
observation demands can reduce objectivity and
prevent an impartial view. This can affect the
validity of research observations. An observer
can identify so strongly with a group that the
behaviour of its members is seen in a positive
light. In rare cases, this identification is carried
to its extreme when observers join the group and
never return to their former lives.
) From a positivist viewpoint, participant
observation has its uses. For example, it provides
information that can be used to construct relevant
questions for questionnaires. This will improve the
quality of the questions and of the quantitative
data they produce. However, positivists do not see
a participant observation study as particularly
useful as an end in itself. The numbers observed
are too small to provide a representative sample
from which to generalise. Participant observation
is difficult to replicate and lacks reliability, in that
different researchers are unlikely to produce the
 3.1
same results. There are various reasons for this.
Participant observation is unsystematic, as there
are no fixed procedures to follow, things happen
and the observer tags along. Data are rarely
quantified. Participant observation also relies
heavily on the personal qualities of the individual
researcher. To some degree, these qualities
will affect how well they get on with those they
observe, what they see and note down, and how
they interpret particular events or incidents.
Activity
Explain one strength of covert participant
observation.
Non-participant observation
The researcher need not participate in order to observe
people’s behaviour. A non-participant observer is a
bit like a birdwatcher in a hide, observing behaviour
without joining in. For example, a researcher may
observe children’s behaviour in a school playground
from an upstairs staffroom or stand back and observe
the audience at a music festival.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Types of non-participant observation There are
two main types of non-participant observation -
structured and unstructured observation. Structured
observation, sometimes known as systematic
observation, is a quantitative research method. It
uses a pre-set observation schedule, which tells the
observer exactly what to look for and how to record
it. Completing an observation schedule is a bit like
ticking pre-set boxes on a questionnaire.
Unstructured observation is a qualitative research
method. As its name suggests, it does not use an
observation schedule to record specified aspects
of behaviour systematically. Instead, it simply
describes the behaviour being investigated (such
as gendered behaviour in a classroom) as seen by
the researcher.
Ethics and non-participant observation
Non-participant observation is often covert - people
are not aware that they are being observed. As a
result, informed consent is not sought at the outset.
However, there are many cases where obtaining
consent is impractical - for instance, observing
a crowd at a baseball match. Examples such as
this do not necessarily break ethical guidelines if
the research takes place in a public setting and is
unlikely to put participants at risk.
Strengths of unstructured
non-participant observation
* Because people are often unaware that they are
being observed, the researcher is unlikely to affect
their behaviour.
» Interpretivists favour the qualitative data provided
by unstructured non-participant observation.
There is no observation schedule to impose rules
on the descriptions of the behaviour observed.
Limitations of unstructured
non-participant observation
* Non-participant observers are less likely than
participant observers to get to know the
people they observe or to see them in various
contexts. This reduces the chances of discovering
the meanings that direct their behaviour.
Consequently, non-participant observers are
more likely to impose their meanings and
interpretations on the behaviour of those
they observe.
95
3 RESEARCH METHODS
> Positivists prefer structured non-participant
observation based on an observation schedule
because the results can be quantified. The
strict instructions of the observation schedule
make this method easier to replicate. If different
observers produce similar results, then the data
can be seen as reliable. By contrast, unstructured
non-participant observation is difficult to replicate
and different observers are unlikely to produce
consistent results.
Key terms
Semi-structured interview Similar to a structured
interview, but the interviewer probes with
additional questions.
Unstructured interview An interview with few, if
any, pre-set questions, though researchers usually
have certain topics they wish to cover.
Non-directive interviewing An interviewing
technique that seeks to avoid leading participants
to answer in particular ways.
Rapport A friendly, trusting and understanding
relationship.
Group interview A type of interview covering
a range of themes or topics; the researcher
questions and collects data from several people
at once.
Focus group A group discussion about one
particular theme or topic guided by a moderator;
it explores how participants interact and respond
to each other’s views.
Moderator An interviewer who guides focus
group discussions.
Participant observation A qualitative method
in which the researcher gathers data by joining a
group and taking part in its activities.
Non-participant observation An
observation-based study in which the researcher
does not join those they are studying.
Covert observation Observation-based
research in which the observer’s true identity
and the purpose of their study are hidden
from participants.
Overt observation Open research in which the
observer’s true identity and the purpose of their
research are revealed to participants.
96
..... .
Key informant A member of the group being
studied who provides important information and
often sponsors the researcher.
Observer effect This occurs in an
observation-based study when the observer’s
known presence changes the behaviour of the
people being studied.
Objectivity A value-free, impartial, unbiased view.
Structured/systematic observation An
observation-based study which usually
employs an observation schedule to generate
quantitative data.
Observation schedule Instructions which tell the
observer what to look for and how to record it.
Unstructured observation An observation-based
study that produces a detailed description of
behaviour as seen by the researcher.
Ethical guidelines Guidance provided by
social science organisations and universities on
how to conduct morally acceptable research,
covering issues such as informed consent and
confidentiality.
Summary
1. Various types of interview generate qualitative
data, including semi-structured, unstructured
and group interviews, and focus groups. Each
has its strengths and limitations.
2. To some extent, all qualitative interviews
are influenced by interviewer bias and social
desirability effects.
3. Interpretivists prefer qualitative data produced
by unstructured and group interviews, while
positivists prefer quantitative data produced by
structured interviews.
4. The standard advice to interviewers is to avoid
direction and develop rapport. Interviewers are
advised that listening is a ‘crucial skill’.
5. Participant observation involves the
researcher joining those they wish to study. It
can be overt (open) or covert (hidden). Covert
participant observation is usually regarded
as unethical.
6. Participant observation is based mainly on
looking, listening and, where possible, standing
back to avoid influencing participants’ behaviour.
 3.1
7. Positivists tend not to favour participant
observation, as it produces little, if any,
quantitative data, the samples are too small
for generalisation and the method is not seen
as reliable. Interpretivists favour participant
observation, seeing it as an excellent method
for discovering meanings, and for providing
rich and valid data.
8. There are two main types of non-participant
observation - structured and non-structured
observation - which generate different kinds
of data.
9. Structured observation is based on an
observation schedule and produces quantitative
data. Non-structured observation provides a
detailed description of the behaviour observed.
Unit 3.1.4 Secondary sources
of data
So far, this chapter has examined methods that
produce primary data - information that was
created during the research process. This unit
explores secondary data - information that already
existed before the research began. It looks at two
types or forms of secondary data: quantitative and
qualitative secondary data. Official statistics are
an example of quantitative secondary data. But
do they really measure what they are intended
to measure? Personal documents, digital content
and media sources are examples of qualitative
secondary data. How do sociologists use these
different sources of data? What are their strengths
and limitations?
Official statistics
Official statistics are numerical data produced by
national and local governments. They cover a wide
range of issues, including births, deaths, marriages
and divorces, the distribution of income and wealth,
crime and sentencing, and unemployment. Sources
of official statistics include government departments
and agencies, and surveys such as censuses of
the population.
Crime statistics
Crime statistics are a widely used form of official
statistics. In many countries, they are published
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
annually, reported by the media and commented on
by the government of the day.
In the USA and the UK, for example, there are two
sets of official statistics that measure the extent
of crime - one that counts crimes recorded by the
police and one that counts crime victimisation. In the
USA, for instance, the Uniform Crime Reports are
based on law enforcement agencies’ monthly crime
reports to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).
The National Crime Victimization Survey is based
on a survey of households and individuals. It covers
reported and unreported crime from the victims’
perspectives.
Police recorded crime Police recorded crime
(PRC) consists of crimes actually recorded by the
police. Most PRC is based on reports by the public.
Although statistics on PRC may appear to be a
straightforward measure of the extent of crime in
any one year, they have limitations. Critics argue that
they do not provide an accurate or complete picture
of the total amount of crime committed. For example,
they exclude crimes that have
> not been discovered or witnessed
> been witnessed but not reported to the police
because, for example, the victim sees the crime as
too trivial (for instance, petty vandalism)
* been reported to the police but not recorded by
them because they are under pressure to meet
performance targets.
>
Activity
m■y;.
A crime or on accident?
One reason why victims might not report a crime
to the police is that they suffered no financial loss
as a result of the crime. What other reasons can
you think of to explain why some victims do not
report crimes to the police?
97
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
In theory, PRC statistics allow researchers to identify
trends in crime over time. However, changes in the
classification of offences mean that trends cannot
necessarily be identified (Office for National Statistics,
20.10.2016). Police priorities are a particular
problem for the accurate identification of trends in
crime. For example, if the police prioritise weapons
offences, then time, money and personnel may be
directed at apprehending criminals who commit these
offences. Partly due to this, PRC statistics on weapons
offences may increase over time even though the
actual number of these offences remains stable.
Victim surveys Victim surveys are another source
official statistics on crime. They might take the
)rm of a structured interview and ask participants
whether they have been victims of particular crimes
ver the past year. They are used to measure trends
in the crimes they cover.
Victim surveys include unreported crime, so they give
information on offences that are not included in PRC
statistics. However, a victim survey does not cover
the full range of crimes recorded by the police. For
example, it excludes murder (or homicide), given that
the victim is dead, so-called victimless crimes such as
possession of drugs, and crimes such as theft from
a shop where the victim is a business rather than a
person or household. Until recently, victim surveys
have not included cyber-crime.
Strengths of official statistics
) In more industrialised societies today, official
statistics are often readily available and cost little
or nothing to use. Sometimes official statistics
are the only major source of information on a
particular topic.
» Care is taken to select representative samples, and
sample sizes are often large. Such big surveys are
usually outside sociologists’ research budgets.
» Many government surveys are well planned
and organised, with detailed questionnaires
or interview schedules. As such, they meet the
rigorous standards of sociological research.
» Surveys are often conducted regularly, for example
on a three-monthly, annual or ten-yearly basis.
This can allow for comparisons over time and the
identification of trends.
» Some official statistics, such as those on births,
deaths, marriages and divorce in contemporary
Western societies, are seen as both valid and
reliable. Definitions of these events are clear and
98
............
there is no disagreement about what is being
measured. There are also standardised procedures
for reporting and recording these events. As a result,
the statistics are likely to be valid in that they will
provide a true and accurate picture of what they are
intended to measure. The statistics are also likely to
be reliable in that the use of the same procedures
for measurement will produce similar statistics.
» Positivists recognise the problems of validity and
reliability with some official statistics. Nonetheless,
they favour the quantitative data available from
this source. They argue that statistics based on
large, representative samples can provide reliable
data from which to draw generalisations.
Limitations of official statistics
> Official statistics from previous periods in
the history of Western nations and from less
industrialised societies today may be less reliable
than those currently collected in the West. This
is due to, for example, the underfunding of
government research and the relatively low levels
of literacy and numeracy in the target population.
> Some official statistics (such as PRC) are seen as
less likely to be valid and reliable than others.
» Victim surveys do not provide an accurate measure
of the extent of crime in a particular country. For
example, they do not include victimless crimes.
> The definitions on which official statistics
are based - for example, the definition of
unemployment - can change. As a result, it may
not be possible to measure trends over time.
» Official statistics measure what governments
decide is important. To some extent, this is a
political decision.
i Interpretivists tend to focus on how statistics are
constructed and to question their validity. Some
go further and argue that statistics are simply
meanings. For example, J. Maxwell Atkinson
(1978) states that suicide is a social construction,
a meaning used by coroners to officially classify
certain deaths as suicide (see Unit 3.2.2). There
is no reality beyond that meaning. The job of a
sociologist is simply to discover the meanings used
to construct suicide statistics and other statistics.
Activity
Evaluate the usefulness of official statistics as
sources of data.
 3.1
Personal documents
Personal documents are a type of qualitative data.
As secondary sources, they have not been generated
by sociologists using sociological research methods
or at the request of a researcher for research
purposes. Instead, they are produced by people
during their everyday lives - as part of their family
life, paid employment, education or leisure activities.
Such data are ready-made forms of evidence.
Written personal documents include letters, diaries,
notes and autobiographies, while visual personal
documents include family photographs. Personal
documents can be an expression of people’s hopes,
feelings, worries and concerns - just the kind of data
that many sociologists look for.
Assessing documents
John Scott (1990) offers four ‘quality control
criteria’ for assessing documents including personal
documents and other qualitative secondary sources.
These are authenticity, credibility, representativeness
and meaning.
Authenticity Is the document original or a copy? If it
is a copy, is it an exact copy? Has it been tampered
with in any way, such as the photograph below of
Lenin (one of the founders of the Soviet Union)? Is
the document a forgery?
Activity
m
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• ■ -'f—
:^V __
k. v a
•V -m-mgj
?-
2 rWi
.y*t
Ri&j! £ WLJJ
(Left) Lenin addressing troops in Moscow. On the right of the podium are Trotsky and Kamenev.
(Right) When Stalin came to power, he ‘removed’ Trotsky (he was murdered) and Kamenev (he was executed), j
They were then also ‘removed’ from the photograph.
Why is it important to know whether an original document has been altered?
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Credibility Is the author of the document ‘sincere’
and honest in revealing their true feelings or do
they distort the evidence in order to mislead the
audience? There are plenty of examples of distortion,
deceit and lies in documents.
Representativeness To what extent is the document
representative? For example, is an old family
photograph that was kept in an archive typical of
those taken at the time? Did people throw away
photographs that they disliked? Were the authors
of historical documents typically middle-class
men rather than women or working-class people?
The question of representativeness is particularly
important in the case of historical documents, as
many have been lost or destroyed. Those that remain
may not be typical.
Meaning What does a document mean? Researchers
must be able to understand words and phrases when
analysing written material such as notes and letters.
Ideally, they should know the meanings intended
by the writer and what is understood by various
members of the audience.
Ethics and documentary research
Data protection legislation may prevent certain
documents from being used without permission from
the individuals concerned and from possible copyright
holders. The use of some documents, including visual
-y;: "
fcyjjfl ;S! tSi-
Ai
i
;
99
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Research example: Researching immigrants to the USA and their families in Poland
The importance of personal documents is
illustrated by a classic sociological work entitled
The Polish Peasant in Europe and America by
William I. Thomas and Florian Znaniecki (1919,
originally published in five volumes from 1918 to
1920). It is partly based on 764 letters exchanged
between immigrants to the USA and their families
in Poland. The letters give a valuable insight
into village life in Poland and the experience of
migration to the USA. The letters also represent
the writers’ world view, their picture of their lives,
and their reflections on their relationships with
data, raises issues of ‘confidentiality, anonymity and
consent’ (Ali, 2011). For example, can individuals be
ecognised and identified in family photographs? If
;o, should the people concerned or their relatives (if
:he people have died) be informed and their permission
requested? These are some of the questions about
ethics which need to be considered when conducting
documentary research.
Strengths of personal documents
> Personal documents provide a unique and valuable
source of information on people’s hopes and fears,
wishes and desires, their world views and reflections
on their situation. Such data may not be available
from primary sources.
> As personal documents were not created
specifically for research purposes, they are seen as
non-reactive. For example, they are not subject to
interview bias or the observer effect.
> In some respects, personal documents are just
the kind of data that interpretivists seek. They can
provide qualitative data with a richness and depth
not always found in data produced by sociological
i
research. Most have not been influenced by
sociologists. Documents might present a false
picture (either intentionally or unintentionally), they
may distort, they may be based on ignorance and
misunderstanding. However, they are still valid in
that they are actual products of human behaviour.
Limitations of personal documents
» Like many documents, personal documents are
often written for a particular audience. They
may say more about the writer than the events
they describe.
100
families and friends (Stanley, 2010). Personal
documents such as these provide data that are not
available from primary data generated by standard
sociological research methods.
Question
Drawing on this information:
a. Describe one type of personal document.
b. Identify one strength and one limitation of
this type of personal document as a source
of data.
> The writer may not be representative of the group
they belong to.
> Rather than providing an objective account,
personal documents tend to be one-sided,
prejudiced, and based on particular viewpoints and
value judgements. However, not all sociologists
would necessarily see this as a disadvantage, as it
does provide people’s perspectives.
» Analysis of personal documents is often based
on the researcher’s interpretation of the
contents. This may result in the imposition of the
researcher’s meanings and priorities.
» Positivists tend not to use personal documents
as their main source of data. It is often difficult to
quantify documents. It is also difficult to obtain
representative samples of documentary material
and to make generalisations from the data. This
is particularly true of historical documents, as
the authors were not representative of the wider
population. In many eras, literate people were in
a minority and were usually the better off, and
documents were more likely to be written by men
than women.
Digital content
Digital content relies on the internet for distribution.
It includes virtual or online documents such as
websites, email, postings to online forums and blogs,
videos and social media such as Facebook and Twitter.
The four criteria (authenticity, credibility,
representativeness and meaning) for assessing personal
documents can also be applied to digital content. For
example, why was a particular website built? Does it
exist to promote a cause or sell something?
p
3.1
i
Contemporary issues: Fake news
US presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and
Donald Trump debating before the election in 2016.
The Macedonian town of Veles in Eastern Europe
has launched over 140 United States political
news websites. Almost all support Donald
Trump, mostly with fake news stories. Here
are a couple of false news stories for Trump
supporters about Hillary Clinton, his opponent
for the presidency.
Strengths of digital content
> An enormous amount and variety of digital
content is available to researchers. Information
can usually be accessed at no cost.
> Digital content provides researchers with a rich
source of qualitative data that can be used as an
object of study.
» Researchers can apply both quantitative and
qualitative forms of analysis to digital content.
> As the content was not created for research purposes,
it is not influenced by an interviewer or observer.
Limitations of digital content
» Not everyone has access to the internet to post
blogs, and the people who post on forums may
differ significantly from those who do not post.
As a result, the authors of digital content may not
be typical of the wider population. In general, for
example, younger people are more likely to post
blogs than people in their 80s.
1 There is no quality control of material on most
websites and, as a result, they cannot be seen as a
source of reliable and valid information.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
A ‘quote’ from Hillary Clinton Hillary Clinton is
falsely quoted on one website as saying, in 2013,
‘I would like to see people like Donald Trump
running for office. They’re honest and can’t be
bought and sold.' In its first week on Facebook, this
post had 480 000 shares, reactions and comments.
Source: Buzzfeed News online.
‘Your Prayers Have Been Answered’ Under this
headline, the article claimed that Hillary Clinton
would be indicted and tried in 2017 for crimes
related to her supposed misuse of her personal email.
This fake news produced 140 000 shares, reactions
and comments on Facebook.
Questions
1. Why is it important to study fake news?
2. Should fake news be censored? Think about
freedom of expression in your answer.
3. How might fake news have influenced the US
presidential election in 2016?
> The researcher cannot probe to find out more
about the poster or their postings.
> The number of research questions that can be
explored via postings is limited compared to the
use of unstructured interviews, for example.
Traditional media sources
Traditional media sources include radio and television
broadcasts, music, films, novels, newspapers and
magazines. They contain both visual and written
text and are usually referred to as the ‘mass media’
as opposed to the ‘new media’ of digital content.
Although some parts of the mass media may provide
sociologists with useful data, their main importance
is as objects of study. Mass media reports can be
used to analyse the ideologies of those who produce
them. Some sociologists have been highly critical
of parts of the mass media for producing distorted
images of society that might mislead the public or
adversely affect the socialisation of children.
Strengths of media sources
> The media provide a useful source of information
on a variety of issues and events.
101
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Activity
ODQQ
; 114 countries. The 2015 report showed persistent
QQ@0
Digital content and social media are important
secondary sources of qualitative data.
1. Why do you think it is important to study
digital sources?
2. Roughly what proportion of people in your
society have access to the internet on a
daily basis?
3. Explain the view that digital content does not
provide a representative source of information.
) Television programmes and newspaper articles
were not produced by, or for, a researcher for
research purposes. As a result, there is no reactive
effect to limit the validity of the data.
Limitations of media sources
> Many parts of the mass media are notoriously
inaccurate and are unlikely to provide objective
accounts of social life.
Methods used to analyse qualitative
secondary data
Various types of content analysis are used to analyse
qualitative secondary data such as media images
on television or in newspapers. Ray Pawson (1995)
identifies four main approaches to content analysis:
formal content analysis, thematic analysis, textual
analysis and audience analysis.
102
Formal content analysis is a quantitative research
method that attempts to classify and quantify the
contents of a source in a systematic way. At its
simplest, it counts how often words, phrases and
images appear. An example is provided by the Global
Media Monitoring Project (GMMP). Every five years,
the project presents a content analysis of women in
the news media. In 2015, it had contributors from
under-representation of women in global news
media (Global Media Monitoring Project, 2015). In
Mauritius, for instance, no women were presented in
print, radio and television stories for politics-related
news on the day of the monitoring.
Activity
r ................ y
-
.
The GMMP monitors the presentation of women
in the media in countries such as Mauritius,
Pakistan, the USA and Cyprus.
1. What type of data does formal content
analysis provide?
2. Why is it important to monitor the presentation
of women and men in the media?
Thematic analysis looks for the guiding themes of
the professionals (such as newspaper journalists)
who produce mass media reports. It focuses on
the motives, intentions and underlying ideologies
of the authors. For example, a news broadcast or
newspaper article about a war or an international
conflict may reflect the interests of particular groups
in society. Rather than reporting events neutrally,
war correspondents may take sides by describing one
side as terrorists, guerrillas or subversives.
Textual analysis involves a close examination of
the ‘text’ to see how the words and phrases used
encourage a particular reading of it. The Glasgow
 3.1
University Media Group’s (1976) study of televised
reporting of strikes in Britain provides an example.
Strikers tended to be reported using verbs such
as ‘claim’ or ‘demand’, while management were
reported using verbs such as ‘offer’ and ‘propose’. As
a result, managers appeared to be reasonable and
ready to negotiate, whereas the strikers appeared to
be demanding and uncompromising. Textual analysis
often involves the use of semiology or the analysis of
signs (see ‘Semiotic analysis’ in this section).
With audience analysis, the focus of research is on
the audience as well as on the content of the media.
For example, what do different audiences make of a
particular television programme? Researchers might
focus, for example, on how TV news broadcasts about an
international conflict affect the audience’s knowledge and
understanding of the conflict. The emphasis is on what
audiences make of particular television programmes.
Researchers who adopt this approach see audiences
as actively negotiating the meaning of messages rather
than passively consuming them. The outcomes of these
negotiations range from acceptance of the messages,
to indifference, to opposition (Pawson, 1995).
Activity
1. Flave you noticed any instances of media
professionals in your country taking sides when
reporting on issues such as wars or conflicts
between groups or states? Do they take sides
when covering international sporting events such
as the World Cup or the Olympics? Or do they
report in neutral terms? In your view, should
they remain neutral? Explain your reasoning.
2. Give one argument against the view that
photographs can be taken at face value as a
source of secondary data.
Strengths of content analysis
* Formal content analysis provides a way
of dealing systematically with a variety of
personal documents and visual images. It
generates quantitative data from qualitative
secondary sources and allows researchers to
systematically compare products such as different
advertisements on television.
1 With formal content analysis, the researcher works
with a set of predetermined categories so the
analysis can be replicated to check the reliability
of the findings.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
» Positivists are likely to favour formal content
analysis when suitable documentary data are
available, for quantification by counting words and
images, for obtaining representative samples and
for making generalisations.
> Forms of content analysis that focus on newspaper
articles or television programmes do not involve
research participants who may be influenced by
the researcher.
» Audience research allows researchers to discover
the meanings that people give to media sources
such as televised news and the understandings
they draw from them.
Limitations of content analysis
> All types of content analysis can be time
consuming and laborious.
> Formal content analysis says little about what a
particular text or image means to an audience. It
also involves subjective judgements, which may
create quantitative but invalid data.
> While thematic analysis may uncover motives, it
has its problems. The sociologist’s interpretation
of underlying themes is subjective and audiences
may not interpret the articles in the same way as
the researcher.
» As with thematic analysis, textual analysis relies
on the researcher’s interpretation, which may not
correspond to the audience’s view.
* Audience research involves ‘asking the audience’,
but the research methods employed to do
this, such as interviews or focus groups, have
their limitations.
Semiotic analysis
Semiology is the study of signs and symbols, what
they stand for and how they work together to create
meanings. Semiotic analysis is often used as a
method to analyse the hidden meanings underlying
visual images such as those in photographs, films
and advertising. It aims to reveal how signs are
designed to affect the people who consume them.
One key area that semiology explores is advertising
in magazines, websites and on television.
The methods used to analyse documents tend not
to meet positivist requirements. Methods such as
semiology, and thematic and textual analysis rely
heavily on the researcher’s interpretations. This makes
them difficult to replicate (to check for reliability).
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 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Research example: Researching magazine covers
The magazine cover analysed by Barthes.
Key terms
Trend The general direction in which statistics on
something (such as the divorce rate) change or
move over time.
Victim surveys Surveys that ask respondents
whether they have been victims of particular
crimes during a specified period and, if so,
whether they reported them to the police.
Personal documents Letters, diaries, notes
and photographs.
Historical documents Documents from the past.
! digital content and traditional media sources.
Digital content Information such as social media
that is distributed via the internet.
Formal content analysis Counting how often
particular words, phrases and images occur.
Thematic analysis Interpreting the meanings,
motives and ideologies that underlie documents.
Textual analysis Examining how the words and
phrases chosen encourage a particular reading of
a document.
Semiology The analysis of signs.
104
Roland Barthes (1986, cited in Ali, 2011) provides
an example of semiotic analysis. Barthes analysed
the cover of a 1966 edition of Paris Match, a
French-language news magazine. Barthes noted that
the image represented a young black man wearing
a military uniform saluting something that is out of
sight. The image was accompanied by text in French.
Barthes claimed that the connotations, or the
meanings, of the magazine cover were as follows.
Although there was no flag in the image, a flag
was implied by the way the young man was raising
his eyes and looking into the middle distance.
The image was published within the context of
fighting by Algerians for independence from France.
However, this image implies continuing loyalty to
France among ethnically diverse groups who see
themselves, above all else, as French.
Questions
1. What background information would you need
to know in order to carry out your own semiotic
analysis of this image?
2. Give two criticisms of semiology from a positivist
approach.
Audience analysis Examining how audiences
respond to and interpret documentary material.
Semiotic analysis The study of signs and symbols
and how they combine to create meaning.
Summary
1. Secondary sources of quantitative data
include official statistics. Secondary sources of
qualitative data include personal documents,
Each has its strengths and limitations.
2. Researchers need to know how official statistics
are constructed in order to assess their validity.
3. Police recorded crime is regarded as an
inadequate measure of the extent of crime and
trends in crime.
4. Some researchers argue that official statistics
can be politically biased in order to present
governments in a favourable light.
 w
3.1
5. Despite their shortcomings, official
statistics can provide valuable data for
; sociological research.
6. Personal documents provide data on people’s
feelings and concerns, and hundreds of years
of history and visual images in the form
of photographs.
7. Various types of content analysis can be used
to analyse documents. They include formal
content analysis, thematic analysis, textual
analysis and audience analysis.
Unit 3.1.5 The stages of
designing research
So far, this chapter has looked at the different
research methods and sources of data available
to sociologists. But how do sociologists go about
designing their research? Where do they get their
research questions? How do they select samples
of research participants? This unit examines the
various stages involved in planning and designing
a piece of sociological research from deciding on a
research strategy to interpreting the results.
Deciding on a research strategy
A research strategy is ‘a general orientation to the
conduct of social research’ (Bryman, 2016). Alan
Bryman (2016) distinguishes between quantitative and
qualitative research strategies. Quantitative research
emphasises quantification or measurement during the
process of collecting and analysing data. By contrast,
qualitative research puts more emphasis on words
than on numbers. (See also Unit 3.2.2 for a discussion
of positivism and interpretivism.) A researcher must
decide which of these strategies they will use.
Formulating research questions and
hypotheses
Sociologists ask questions about the social world
and, during the research process, they may address
these questions in the form of aims or hypotheses.
Research aims set out what the researcher is planning
to investigate and provide a clear focus to the study.
A hypothesis is a supposition, hunch or informed guess
to be tested. It is usually written as a statement that
can either be supported by the evidence or refuted.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
8. Visual images such as photographs and
advertisements in magazines can be analysed
and interpreted in a variety of ways, including
formal content analysis and semiotic analysis.
9. Qualitative secondary data can be assessed in
terms of:
> authenticity - are they genuine?
> credibility - are they true?
* representativeness - are they typical?
» meaning - are they comprehensible?
Researchers develop their research questions, aims
and hypotheses from several sources, including:
> a critical review of the existing literature (including
relevant books and journal articles) on a particular
area - by carrying out a literature review,
researchers may spot a gap, focus their own study
on new ground and ensure that their research will
contribute original knowledge to the field
i a previous study they carried out in which, for
example, something struck them as unexpected,
puzzling or interesting
new developments in technology such as the
internet and social media
} their personal lives, experiences or interests
> a pressing social problem such as poverty
or racism.
Samples, sampling frames and
sampling techniques
Nearly all social surveys are based on a sample of
the population under investigation. The population
might be female prisoners, male manual workers,
16- to 19-year-old students and so on. Samples are
necessary because researchers rarely have sufficient
time or funding to study the full population.
Most researchers aim to select a sample that is
representative of its population. Thus, if a researcher
is studying the attitudes of Malaysian women, the
sample should not consist of 1000 single women or
1000 university-educated women, as such groups
are hardly representative of Malaysian women. With
a representative sample, generalisations are more
likely to be true - findings from the sample are more
likely to apply to their overall population.
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 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Sample design and composition
In many cases, it is fairly easy to define a sampling
unit - that is. a member of the population to be
studied. Dentists, males between 30 and 40 years
of age, females who own their own businesses or
people with degrees can be defined without too
many problems. However, other groups are less
easy to define - how would you define a semi-skilled
manual worker or a person living in poverty?
Activity
A sample is a subgroup drawn from the
population.
1. What is a representative sample?
2. Explain one reason why a researcher might want
a representative sample.
Sampling frames
Once the research population has been defined,
the sample is selected from a sampling frame - a
list of members of the population to be studied. In
some cases, an appropriate sampling frame is readily
available. In countries such as Mauritius and the UK,
for example, the register of electors (a list of people
registered to vote) is likely to be used for a study of
voting behaviour. In other cases, researchers may
have to rely on listings such as telephone directories,
which may not be entirely suitable for their purposes.
All listings have drawbacks. Not everyone is included,
they are often out of date and certain groups are likely to
be under-represented. For instance, younger people may
be less likely to appear on electoral registers in many
countries, as they are less likely to register to vote.
Sampling techniques
A sampling technique is a procedure used to obtain
a sample. Tim May (2001) divides sampling into two
categories: random (or probability) sampling and
non-probability sampling. With random sampling,
each member of the sampling frame has a known
106
chance of being selected. Non-probability sampling is
used where a sampling frame is unavailable.
Random sampling Simple random sampling gives
every member of the sampling frame an equal chance
of being included in the sample. Every name is given a
number and then a list of random numbers is used to
select a sample. This avoids bias in selection. It prevents
the researcher from selecting a sample that provides a
result that fits their theory or supports their hypothesis.
Random samples are not necessarily representative.
For example, if the sample is intended to represent
parents, it might include mostly fathers. This can
happen when the sample is randomly drawn,
even though fathers might make up only half of
the population.
Stratified random sampling Stratified random
sampling offers a possible solution to the problem of
representativeness. The sampling frame is divided into
groups or strata which reflect the wider population -
for example, age, gender, ethnic and class groups. For
instance, if the sampling frame is based on women in
Malaysia, the researcher might divide the women into
age, ethnic and class groups and then draw a random
sample from each of these groups. This would be more
likely to provide a representative sample of Malaysian
women. In practice, researchers include strata that are
important to their research.
Non-random sampling Quota sampling is a type of
stratified sampling in which the selection of people
within each stratum is not random. For example, a
market researcher stands on a street corner looking
for people to fill her quota. She has to find 20
women aged between 30 and 45 years to answer
a questionnaire on magazine readership. She fills
her quota with the first 20 women passing by who
fit the required age group and agree to answer her
questions. The sample is not randomly selected from
a sampling frame. The researcher simply fills their
quota from the first available people.
Activity
Give one reason why quota sampling is unlikely
to produce a sample that is representative of its
population.
Quota sampling is often used for opinion polls
and market research. It has its advantages - it is
simpler, quicker and cheaper than stratified random
sampling. However, it is less likely to produce a
’
3.1
representative sample. For example, where and when
a quota is filled can make significant differences to
the sample. Stopping people on the street during
weekday working hours would exclude many people
in paid employment. The fact that researchers can
choose who they interview can bias the sample still
further. If faced, for example, with two young men,
many researchers would probably choose the one
who is more smartly dressed and ‘pleasant’ looking.
In quota sampling, people in the same stratum do
not have an equal chance of being selected.
Snowball sampling is used when researchers have
difficulty obtaining people for their samples. First,
lists for a sampling frame might be unavailable.
Second, the research population might be so small
that normal sampling methods would not supply the
numbers needed. Third, members of the research
population (such as burglars, former prisoners or
people who avoid paying tax) might not wish to be
identified. One possibility is to use a network of
like-minded or like-situated individuals. This is the
basis of snowball sampling.
With snowballing, the researcher finds one member
of the population and gradually gains their confidence
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
until they are willing to identify others. In this way, a
network of members of the population is built up and
forms the basis for the sample. Additionally, if the
researcher establishes a good relationship with the first
member of the sample, then that person can vouch for
the researcher with their friends and acquaintances.
Snowballing has the advantage of creating a sampling
frame when other methods have failed. However, it is
unlikely to provide a representative sample because it
is not random and relies on personal contacts.
Volunteer samples are made up of people who
volunteer to participate in the research.
For example, posters, radio or television
broadcasts, magazine articles, social media
and emails announce the research and request
volunteers for the sample.
One advantage of volunteer samples is that those
who take part are likely to be interested in the
topic and keen to participate. However, volunteer
samples are unlikely to be representative because
they are self-selected. Those who volunteer may have
a particular reason for doing so - they may have a
grievance or a strong view to express (Seale, 2012).
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 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Activity
1. Explain one reason why sociologists may be
unable to obtain a representative sample.
2. Explain one strength and one limitation of
snowball sampling.
Pilot studies
Before starting their main research, some sociologists
conduct a pilot study. This is a small-scale feasibility
study to check the suitability of the methods to be used
in the main research. It can save time and money in the
long run. Pilot studies often use a small sample of the
main group to be studied. Members of this sample will
not, however, take part in the final research. The uses of
a pilot study include the following:
. If interviews or questionnaires are to be used,
the questions can be tested to ensure that they
are understood by, and make sense to, the
research participants.
2. With self-completion questionnaires, the researcher
is not present to explain any difficulties or clear up
any confusion. A preliminary test might reveal that
the questionnaire’s instructions or the wording of a
question need clarifying.
3. Piloting an in-depth interview may prove useful
when constructing a questionnaire for the main
research. It may identify participants’ concerns
and priorities, which could be incorporated into
the questionnaire.
Operationalisation
Sociological research is designed to measure or
explore things. In order to do this, those ‘things’ must
be operationalised - put into a form that can be
measured. However, when designing questionnaires
or interview schedules, it is difficult to operationalise
or define abstract concepts such as social class or
poverty in order to measure them.
When investigating the influence of social class
on educational achievements, for example, the
researcher must operationalise the concept of social
class. Students’ social class is often measured in
terms of their parents’ occupation. However, this data
may be missing. In Africa, students’ socio-economic
status is often measured by the type of school they
attend (Morley and Lussier, 2009).
Alice Sullivan (2007) investigated students’ knowledge
of the dominant culture (focusing on the arts, science
108
and politics) in four schools in England. In her
questionnaire survey, she operationalised the concept
of‘cultural knowledge’. She did this by testing students’
knowledge of 25 famous cultural figures, including
Karl Marx, Mahatma Gandhi and Bill Clinton. The data
from the survey allowed her to compare the levels of
cultural knowledge of students aged around 16 years
old from graduate and non-graduate homes. (See Unit
5.5.2 for details of Sullivan’s findings.)
However, it is often difficult to assess whether
operational definitions provide valid measurements of
what they are supposed to be measuring.
Conducting the research
The next stage in the research process involves
carrying out the research in an organised manner to
collect the raw data. In practice, a researcher may
use one or more quantitative or qualitative methods,
or a combination of these. They may use primary
or secondary sources of data, or both of these. (See
mixed methods in Unit 3.2.2.) The raw data provide
the researcher with evidence to help explain the social
world and contribute to our knowledge about society.
Interpreting the results
Research produces vast quantities of raw data, for
example, in the form of completed questionnaires or
interview transcripts. The researcher then has the
task of interpreting the data, that is, analysing and
making sense of the information and presenting the
main findings.
Assessing the quality of the research
Sociologists present conference papers and submit
articles about their research to academic journals.
Research outputs such as journal articles are
evaluated by other experienced sociologists before
being accepted for publication. This is known as peer
review and operates as a form of quality control.
In order to evaluate a piece of research, sociologists
focus on several key features including validity
and reliability (see Unit 3.1.1). They also focus on
objectivity, representativeness and generalisability.
Objectivity
Most sociologists try to be objective when conducting
their research. This means that they try to prevent
their values, political views, religious beliefs and
prejudices from influencing their research.
 3.1
Representativeness and generalisation
When planning research, sociologists must decide
whether they want to generalise. Generalising
involves making a statement about the sample
and applying that statement to members of its
population. For example, making a statement about
the attitudes of all men aged 20 to 30 in Pakistan
based on the attitudes of some men aged 20 to 30
in Pakistan. If a sociologist aims to generalise, then
they must try to select a representative sample, one
that is typical of the whole group.
Research ethics
One important criterion for assessing a piece
of research concerns how far it is ethical. Ethics
are moral principles - beliefs about what is right
and wrong. In terms of research, ethics are the
moral principles that guide research. Sociological
associations in many countries have a set of ethical
guidelines for conducting research. Sociologists
may have to submit their research proposals
to a research ethics committee (REC) at their
university. RECs ensure that research conducted
by staff complies with ethical guidelines. They help
to safeguard research participants, advise on the
ethical implications of a study and grant approval
(or otherwise) to the research.
Ethical considerations when
conducting research
Here are some of the ethical guidelines that
sociologists usually follow when designing and
conducting research.
Informed consent Many researchers argue that
prospective participants should be given the
opportunity to agree, or refuse, to participate
in research. The decision should be ‘informed’ -
information must be made available on which to base
this decision. Researchers should therefore provide
information about the aims of the research, what the
conduct of the research involves and the purposes to
which the findings will be put.
Deception Ethical guidelines often state that
research participants should not be deceived.
Deception can take various forms. Information might
be withheld from participants or they might be given
false information. They might be unaware they are
participating in a research study. They might be
misled about the purpose and conduct of the study.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Some researchers argue that deception is justified if
there is no other way of gathering data. Others argue
that, in certain instances, ethical guidelines should
not apply. For example, in a study of child abuse,
deception might be judged as acceptable if it helps to
i
bring abusers to justice.
Privacy Researchers generally agree that
participants’ privacy should be respected, but most
research intrudes into people’s lives. One view is that
if participants consent to take part in research, then
they accept this. However, they may be unaware of
the extent of the intrusion. With hindsight, they may
see it as an invasion of privacy.
Certain research methods which are generally
considered ethical may involve an invasion of
privacy. For example, an in-depth, unstructured
interview often develops into a friendly chat and, in
this relaxed atmosphere, participants may reveal
personal and private matters which they later regret.
Anonymity and confidentiality It is generally agreed
that research participants’ identities should be
kept secret and information about them should be
confidential. The International Sociological Association’s
(2001) Code of Ethics states that the ‘anonymity and
privacy of research subjects and informants should
be respected rigorously ... The sources of personal
information obtained by researchers should be kept
confidential, unless the informants have asked or
agreed to be cited.’ One argument is that there may
be a case for naming names when people in powerful
positions misuse their power (Homan, 1991).
Protection from harm There is general agreement
that research participants should be protected
from physical and psychological harm. This includes
any harmful effects of participating in the research
and any harmful consequences of the research. For
example, publication of research findings may harm
those who participated. Particular care should be
taken to protect members of vulnerable groups, for
example, victims of domestic violence.
Activity
1. Researching children raises particular ethical
concerns that may not apply when researching
adults. Why might it be more difficult to get
informed consent from children than from adults?
2. Assess the view that it would be unethical to
use social media postings for research purposes
without permission.
109
3 RESEARCH METHODS

Research example: Research ethics in action

The American Psychological Association justifies the use of deception if no other procedures are available.
However, it cannot be used if it may cause 'physical pain or severe emotional destress’. Informed consent must
follow after the data collection. Participants can then withdraw the use of their data (Behnke, 2009).

£
i
!

YOU MUST GO ONf

THE EXPERIMENT
DO I HAVE TO GO ON? REQUIRES YOU TO
I'M ALREADY GIVING CONTINUE.
SEVERE SHOCKS.

Milgram’s experiment on obedience is now widely seen os unethical.

Experiments are often used in psychology. The
American psychologist Stanley Milgram (1963)
conducted an experiment to investigate how far
people would obey commands which they felt
were wrong and would harm others. The research
participants were told that the experiment was
a ‘scientific study’ of the effect of punishment -
electric shocks - on learning. Unknown to the
participants, the shocks were not real.
The man on the left of the picture is a participant,
but the two other men are actors. The man on
the right is pretending to be in extreme pain.
Milgram describes the response of one of the
participants. ‘At one point he pushed his fist into
his forehead and muttered: “Oh God, let’s stop
it”. And yet he continued to respond to every
word of the experimenter, and obeyed to the end.'
The participants were only free to withdraw from the
experiment after several commands to continue.
Milgram defends his experiment by arguing that
the importance of his findings justifies his methods.
For example, his findings raise questions about
what governments, with their authority and status,
could order people to do. Milgram admits that,
in some cases, there was psychological harm, but
claims that this was only short-term. He hired a
psychiatrist to interview the participants one year
after the experiment. There appeared to be no
long-term harm.
Milgram’s experiment was based on deception
throughout the conduct of the research. He
justifies this by saying, ‘I had to deceive them for
the experiment to work.’ Over 80 per cent of the
participants saw the deception as necessary and
therefore acceptable.
Questions
1. Make brief notes on the role of ethics in
sociological research.
2. Evaluate the view that Milgram was justified in
conducting this experiment.

110
 3.1
I
Key terms
Sampling unit A member of the research
population such as a household or a student.
Sampling frame A list of members of the
research population.
Sampling technique A procedure (such as
snowball or stratified random sampling) used to
obtain a sample.
Random sampling A sampling technique in which
every member of the sampling frame has a known
chance of being selected.
Simple random sampling A technique in which
all members of the sampling frame have an equal
chance of being selected.
Stratified random sampling A technique in
which the population is divided into strata
and the sample is randomly drawn from
each stratum. It attempts to reflect particular
characteristics, such as age and gender, of
the population.
Quota sampling A type of stratified sampling
in which selection from the strata is not
random.
Snowball sampling A technique in which members
of the sample select each other.
Volunteer sample A sample in which members of
the sample are self-selected.
Research ethics committees Bodies in
universities that scrutinise research proposals.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
rom Describe two secondary sources of qualitative data.
roT2i Explain one strength and one limitation of unstructured interviews as a research method.
roTsi ‘Overt participant observation lacks validity.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
TYPES OF DATA. METHODS AND RESEARCH DESIGN
Summary
1. Designing research involves several stages
from deciding on a research strategy to
interpreting the results.
2. dhere are two categories of sampling:
random (or probability) sampling and
non-probability sampling.
3. Examples of random sampling include simple
random and stratified random sampling.
Examples of non-random sampling include
quota, snowball and volunteer sampling.
4. To make generalisations, sociologists try to
ensure that their sample is representative of
its population.
5. Whatever type of sample is used, there is no
guarantee that it will be representative.
6. Pilot studies can save time and money in the
long run.
7. Operationalising or measuring concepts such
as social class and poverty can be difficult.
8. Research studies are subject to peer review.
The quality of research can also be assessed
in terms of its validity, reliability, objectivity,
representativeness and generalisability.
9. Research ethics cover issues such as informed
consent, deception, privacy, confidentiality and
protection from harm.
10. There are occasions when ethical guidelines
may not be followed - for example, when
research participants are harming others.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
111
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
PART 2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL
RESEARCH
Contents
Unit 3.2.1 Different approaches to
sociological research
Unit 3.2.2 Positivism, interpretivism and
mixed methods
Unit 3.2.3 Sociology, the natural sciences
and values 124
Some approaches to sociological research -
such as case studies and surveys - provide a
framework or a structure for a study and draw
on different research methods. Part 2 begins by
examining examples of such approaches. It then
Unii 3.2.1 Different approaches to
sociological research
Some approaches provide frameworks or structures
for sociological research. Examples include
case studies, social surveys, ethnographies and
longitudinal studies. They are not research methods
as such, but they do draw on one or more methods.
A case study of an individual’s life, for instance,
might use unstructured interviews as a means of
gathering data, while an ethnographic study of a
group might combine participant observation with
unstructured interviews. This unit explores these
approaches to sociological research that draw on
different methods.
Case studies
A case study is a detailed study of a particular
instance of something - for example, a study of an
individual or a community.
Strengths of case studies
> Focusing on a particular case can provide an
insider’s view, a richer and more detailed picture
than research based on large samples. This may
result in new insights and fresh ideas.
112
explores positivist and interpretivist approaches,
two important research traditions in sociology.
What does positivism involve? How does it view
112 the pursuit of objectivity and reliability? What
emphasis does interpretivism place on meaning
117 and validity? How do positivism and interpretivism
influence sociologists’ choice of data and research
methods? Mixed-methods approaches have
become increasingly popular in sociology, but
why is this the case? What are the uses of mixed
methods? Finally, this part examines debates
about sociology, the natural sciences and value
freedom. Can sociology be based on the natural
sciences? Should it strive for value freedom?
» Case studies can provide useful information for a
larger research project. There is a better chance
of a questionnaire or interview being relevant and
meaningful if it is based, at least in part, on a
case study.
> Case studies are an important warning against
sweeping generalisations. The findings from a
single case study can call into question those of a
much larger study. Case studies can provide data
that might lead to the modification or rejection
of a theory.
Limitations of case studies
Case studies have sometimes been criticised as
being limited and unrepresentative. As they are
one-off instances, they cannot be used as a basis for
generalisation. However, as noted above, this can
sometimes be a strength - it can question the results
of a larger study.
Ethnographies
Ethnography involves the study of the way of life of
a group of people in, for example, a community, a
gang or a boarding school. It explores the group’s
lifestyle, culture and the structure of their society.
I Often researchers attempt to ‘walk a mile in their

Research example: Researching an individual
Case studies based on life histories such os that
of John Stands In Timber con provide o unique
insider’s view.
shoes’ - to see the world from their perspective,
discover their meanings and appreciate their
experiences. Ethnographers immerse themselves
(either overtly or covertly) in the daily lives of the
group being studied, often for a long time. They
usually gather their data by using several
Research example: Researching a community
Paul Heelas, Linda Woodhead et al. (2005)
undertook a detailed study of spirituality and
religion in Kendal, a town in the Lake District in
England. Kendal was small enough to investigate
systematically, but large enough to have a range
of spiritual and Christian activities. The research
methods they used included a church attendance
count, a questionnaire, participant observation,
semi-structured and unstructured interviews.
Heelas et al. found a decline in traditional
Christianity. They also discovered a rise in
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
A life history is a case study of an individual,
usually based on a series of in-depth interviews.
The American anthropologist Margot Liberty
produced a life history of John Stands In Timber,
one of the last Cheyenne Native Americans to
have lived their traditional way of life. According
to Liberty, ‘John’s narrative provides white
readers with a rare insight into the history and
culture of his people...[He] has given us a history
of the Cheyennes as they themselves recall and
interpret it...His kind of inside view will never be
achieved again’ (Stands In Timber and
Liberty, 1967).
Questions
1. Why do you think life histories are often based on
a series of in-depth interviews?
2. Explain one advantage and one disadvantage of
life histories as an approach to research.
qualitative methods, such as participant
observation and in-depth interviews. A number of
classic ethnographies are based on participant
observation including Whyte’s (1955) account
of an Italian-American gang in Boston in the USA
(see Unit 3.1.3).
spirituality expressed, for example, in yoga and Tai
Chi (see Unit 7.5.2).
Questions
1. Can you think of any communities in your society
that could form the basis of an important or
valuable case study? Explain your reasoning.
2. Evaluate the view that case studies are of limited
value because they do not provide a basis for
generalisations.
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Research examples.- Ethnography in practice
Researching clothing factories in Sri
Lanka
Ethnography allows researchers to gather rich and
detailed data.
Kanchana N. Ruwanpura (2015) carried out
an ethnographic study of two clothing factories
in a semi-rural location in Sri Lanka based on
participant observation and in-depth interviews.
The period of extended fieldwork lasted around
seven months. During this time, Ruwanpura visited
the factories daily to get to know the workers. She
also stayed in a local home and got to know the
workers outside the workplace. After this period,
she made return field trips, maintained contact
and gathered data through monthly telephone
conversations with groups of the workers. This
allowed her to gather rich and detailed data
about specific incidents linked to unionisation
at one factory as events played out. By using an
ethnographic approach, she was able to explore
the interactions between management and workers
during a struggle over the formation of a union in
this factory.
Researching deviant students’
subculture in China
Lin Liu and Ailei Xie (2017) used an ethnographic
approach to investigate the subculture of a group
of deviant students in a school located in a city in
the south of China. Lin Liu (a postgraduate student
researcher at the time) carried out the fieldwork.
Strengths of ethnography
Many of the strengths (and limitations) of
participant observation apply to ethnography. For
example, an ethnographer using overt participant
observation can openly question participants
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..........
She used participant observation and unobtrusive
observation as the main methods to collect the data.
While at the school, she also helped the teachers
with tasks such as grading the students’ work and
provided tutoring to students who were experiencing
difficulties in maths and Chinese. This helped her to
build rapport with the research participants.
The first phase of data collection lasted one
month and during this time Lin Liu undertook
classroom-based unobtrusive observation.
This allowed her to gather information on the
atmosphere within the class and the school, on
the daily interactions between students and their
teachers and peers, and on relationships between
students and their teachers.
After the first month, Lin Liu also began to
focus on a group of five students (one girl and
four boys) from one class who were seen as
‘notorious troublemakers’ within the school. She
used participant observation and unstructured
interviews to gather data about this group’s
activities beyond the school. She spent time with
them in places such as cafes, interviewed them
individually and arranged group discussions with
them. She also interviewed relevant teachers at the
school in order to develop a deeper understanding
of issues such as school policies and teachers’
perspectives on handling deviant students. (See
Unit 5.5.3 for an account of their findings.)
Questions
1. How do you think the students in your school
or college might react to the presence of a
researcher carrying out an ethnographic study in
their classroom? How might their reactions affect
the quality of the data collected?
2. Drawing on these two studies, explain one
strength and one limitation of ethnography.
about their behaviour and take field notes while
observing or questioning them. Ethnographic
studies also enable the researcher to gather
rich, detailed data and gain extra insights by
participating in activities.

Limitations of ethnography
The limitations linked to overt participant
observation include difficulties in accessing the
group and in maintaining trust, and the Hawthorne
effect. Limitations linked to covert participant
observation include the impracticality of taking field
notes, the risk of being exposed as a researcher,
and ethical dilemmas concerning informed consent
and deception. Other problems with ethnography
include the risk of over-involvement and loss
of objectivity.
Longitudinal studies
Many sociological studies are like a snapshot and
show what is happening at a particular point in
time. However, situations and people change. A
longitudinal study is concerned with change. It
studies the same group of people over an extended
period of time. In this respect, it can be seen as
similar to an ethnographic study. However, in
ethnography based on participant observation,
the researcher participates in group members’
Research example: The General Household Survey Panel
The panel survey component of the General
Household Survey (GHS) in Nigeria is a national
longitudinal survey that runs every two to three years.
The first wave was conducted in 2010/11, the second
wave in 2012/13 and the third wave in 2015/16. The
GHS Panel follows the same households over time
and questions household members on topics such as
their living standards, education, health and welfare.
The data inform policy makers.
A total of 5000 households were selected in the
first wave and, of these, 4916 were interviewed.
By the third wave, 4581 households were
Although longitudinal studies are usually
associated with quantitative research methods,
qualitative longitudinal studies are becoming
increasingly popular among sociologists. The
Timescapes Initiative, for example, was a major
qualitative study that ran from 2007 to 201 2.
It involved seven different research projects in
five UK universities which explored how people’s
personal and family relationships developed and
changed over time. Research methods included
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
daily lives on an ongoing basis and gathers data
throughout the course of the fieldwork. By contrast,
in a longitudinal study, the researcher revisits
the same sample at particular points in time
to gather data.
Quantitative longitudinal studies are usually based
on self-completion questionnaires or structured
interviews. The sample is questioned at the outset,
and the same people are surveyed again at least
once more to build a picture of how their lives are
changing over time.
Bryman (2016) identifies two types of longitudinal
design which differ in terms of their sample:
1. A cohort study, in which either a whole cohort of
people or a random sample of them is selected.
Everyone in the cohort shares a particular
experience or characteristic, such as being born in
the same week.
2. A panel study, in which a sample is selected from
the full population. The sample might comprise, for
example, people, schools or households.
interviewed. The National Bureau of Statistics in
Nigeria produces the survey and the World Bank
is involved in its implementation. The survey is
funded by the Federal Government of Nigeria and
the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.
Questions
1. Would you be willing to participate in a
longitudinal study? Explain your reasoning.
2. Suggest two possible reasons for the decrease
in the number of households participating in the
GHS over time.
in-depth interviews, observation, video diaries
and photography.
Ethics and longitudinal studies
Longitudinal studies raise particular ethical concerns.
For example, participants may have experienced
divorce, bereavement, longstanding illness and, as
they grow older, they may be unable to give informed
consent. Researchers need to be prepared to deal
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with the grief, stress or embarrassment that talking
about such issues may cause.
Strengths of longitudinal studies
1 Longitudinal studies provide a picture of social
trends and developments over time. By studying
the same individuals, researchers can be sure
that any changes in behaviour and attitudes are
not simply due to changes in the make-up of
the sample.
1 They focus on continuity (what stays the same) as
well as social change.
> Longitudinal studies avoid asking people to recall
events from much earlier in their lives, when
memory might fail them. In this respect, the data
are more likely to be valid.
Limitations of longitudinal studies
> The main problem with longitudinal studies
is sample attrition, the reduction in size
of the original sample. This may be due to
death, emigration, refusal to participate or the
researcher’s inability to locate participants.
The researchers make considerable efforts to
maintain contact. Despite this, samples inevitably
Research example: The Nepal Demographic and Health Survey
The Nepal Demographic and Health Survey
(NDHS) is a national survey that provides data
on basic demographic and health indicators
in Nepal. The 2016 survey was based on six
questionnaires - including one for households,
one for women and one for men - which were
delivered via structured interviews. The household
questionnaire, for example, collected information
on each household’s dwelling unit, its residents
and visitors. The response rates were relatively
high. For instance, a total of 13 089 women aged
15-49 were eligible to be interviewed. Of these,
12 862 were interviewed - a response rate of
98.3 per cent.
The NDHS provides information on a wide range of
issues, including education and literacy, exposure to
the mass media, internet usage and employment.
Trends can be identified by comparing data from
2016 to data from previous surveys. For example,
83 per cent of women were employed in 2006, but
this fell to 68 per cent in 2016.
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grow smaller and probably less representative
of the population if more people from particular
social groups (such as homeless or older
people) withdraw. This makes it more difficult
to generalise.
> Few organisations can afford to fund an
investigation that may last for 20 years or more.
Even a longitudinal study over a shorter time
period can be very expensive.
» Involvement in a longitudinal study may affect
participants’ behaviour, in that they might think
about an issue more and act differently as a result
of their involvement in the research.
Activity
Explain one similarity and one difference between
an ethnographic study and a longitudinal study.
Social surveys
A social survey involves the systematic collection of
the same type of data from a fairly large number
of people at one point in time. Questionnaires and
structured interviews are the main methods used to
collect data in survey research.
Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) are carried
out in over 90 developing countries, including
Pakistan, Guyana, Brazil, Nigeria and Kenya.
They provide comparative, cross-national data
on population and health issues. The surveys are
funded by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID), a US government agency.
Questions
1. In your view, how important is it to gather
cross-national data on population and health
issues in developing countries in this way. Explain
your answer.
2. Should participants be paid for taking part in
research such as the DHSs? How far would it be
ethical to pay people who participate? Should
prospective participants be told who funds the
DHSs? Explain your reasoning.
3. Make brief notes on the strengths and limitations
of case studies, ethnographies, longitudinal
studies and social surveys.

Key terms
Mixed-methods approaches Using more than
one method in a research project, often combining
both qualitative and quantitative techniques.
Case study A study of a particular instance
of something.
Ethnography The study of the way of life of a
group of people in order to understand their world
from their perspective.
Life history A case study of an individual’s life.
Longitudinal study A study of the same group of
people over time.
Sample attrition The reduction in the size of the
original sample over time.
Summary
1. A case study is an in-depth study of an individual
(known as a life history) or a community.
2. Case studies can produce new insights
and generate data that question existing
generalisations and theories.
Unit 3.2.2 Positivism, interpretivism
and mixed methods
In broad terms, it is possible to identify two main
approaches or research traditions in sociology:
positivism and interpretivism (see Unit 3.1.1).
Positivism argues that sociologists should study the
social world in the same way that scientists such as
physicists and chemists study the natural world. It
stresses the importance of objectivity, value freedom,
reliability and generalisability in sociological
research. By contrast, interpretivism emphasises
meaning, subjectivity and validity. This unit looks at
the positivist ideas of Comte and Durkheim. It then
explores the ideas of Atkinson, Douglas and Weber,
whose approaches are influenced by interpretivism.
Finally, it examines mixed-methods approaches to
sociological research.
Positivism and quantitative methods
The founders of sociology in the 19th century saw
sociology as a scientific discipline. By following the
rules and logic of the scientific method, sociology
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
3. An ethnography involves the study of a
group in its everyday setting and is usually
based on participant observation and
unstructured interviews.
4. Many of the strengths and limitations
of participant observation also apply
to ethnographies.
5. Longitudinal studies are usually based
on quantitative methods, but qualitative
longitudinal studies are increasingly popular.
6. Longitudinal studies provide data for studying
social change, developments and continuities
over a fairly long period of time.
7. The data from longitudinal studies are
more likely to be valid compared to relying
on people’s long-term memory. However,
they are costly and sample attrition is
problematic.
8. A social survey is usually based on presenting
all participants with standardised questions
in the form of a structured interview or a
self-completion questionnaire.
could discover the laws underlying the development
of human society. In this respect, it was a science
just like the natural sciences of physics and
chemistry, which seek to discover the laws underlying
the behaviour of matter.
Auguste Comte and positivism
Auguste Comte (1798-1857) is credited with
inventing the term ‘sociology’. He argued that
sociology should be based on the methods of the
natural sciences. According to Comte, this would
produce a ‘science of society’ that would reveal
the ‘invariable laws’ that governed the evolution
of human society. Comte’s approach is known
as positivism.
Comte insisted that only directly observable ‘facts’
were acceptable in a positive science of society.
This ruled out anything that could not be directly
observed, such as meanings. Positivism assumes that
behaviour in the natural and social world is based
on similar principles. The behaviour of matter is a
reaction to external factors such as temperature
and pressure. In much the same way, human
behaviour is a reaction to external forces beyond the
individual, such as economic and political systems.
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vv.
Behaviour in both the natural and social worlds is
determined by external stimuli. As a result, natural
science methodology is appropriate for the study of
human behaviour.
Scientists explain the behaviour of matter in
terms of cause and effect relationships. In order
to discover these relationships, behaviour must be
objectively quantified. It must be measured in the
form of numbers and these measurements must be
objective - unbiased and value free. They should
not be affected by the researcher’s values, morality
or politics.
Statistical analysis of quantitative data can be used
to discover possible correlations - links or
connections - between social facts. Correlations may
indicate relationships between social facts. Theories
can then be developed to explain these
relationships. In this way, the ‘positive science of
sociology’ may uncover the ‘invariable laws’
governing human behaviour.
Activity
Comte argued that sociology should be based on
the methods of the natural sciences.
1. Did Comte place more emphasis on structure or
human agency? Explain your answer.
2. How far do you agree that your behaviour is a
reaction to external forces beyond your control
such as the economic and political system in
your society?
Emile Durkheim - the rules of
sociological method
The French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858-1917)
is one of the founders of sociology. He saw sociology
118
as a science and his approach illustrates many
aspects of positivism.
Social facts In The Rules of Sociological Method,
first published in 1895, Durkheim outlined the logic
and methods to be followed in order for sociology to
become a science of society. The starting point, 'the
first and most fundamental rule is: Consider social
facts as things’. Social facts are the institutions,
norms and values of society. As 'things’, social facts
can be treated in the same way as the material
objects of the natural world. They can be studied
with the same degree of objectivity that scientists
apply when studying the natural world. Social
facts can be objectively measured, quantified and
subjected to statistical analysis. Correlations can
be drawn between social facts, cause and effect
relationships established and theories developed
to explain those relationships. In this way, ‘real
laws are discoverable’ in the social world as in the
natural world.
Activity
1. How similar are the subject matters of sociology
and the natural sciences?
2. To what extent can they be studied in the same
way?
Critics question whether social facts can be
treated as things. In their view, human beings have
consciousness and are, therefore, fundamentally
different from the inanimate objects that make up
the natural world. Consequently, critics question
whether natural science methods are appropriate for
the study of human behaviour.
Durkheim accepted that social facts form part of our
consciousness - they have to in order for society to
exist. Without shared norms and values, for example,
society could not operate. However, although they
are a part of us, social facts also exist outside of
us. In Durkheim’s words, ‘collective ways of acting
and thinking have a reality outside the individuals’.
Members of society do not simply act in terms of
; their own particular psychology and personal beliefs.
! Instead, they are directed and constrained to act by
social facts, by values and beliefs that are over and
above the individual and part of the wider society.
In this respect, social facts ‘have a reality outside the
individuals’ and can therefore be studied objectively
‘as external things’.

Thus, just as matter is constrained to act by natural
forces, so human beings are constrained to act by
social facts. Matter reacts to external stimuli, and
people react to social facts in the wider society.
Given this, social facts can be studied using the
methodology of the natural sciences.
Durkheim adopted a structural perspective
and put more emphasis on structure than
on human agency. He saw social structure as
being external to the individual and as limiting
people’s behaviour. For instance, the legal system
and social customs existed before a particular
Research example: Durkheim’s study of suicide
Durkheim’s Suicide: A Study in Sociology (1897)
exemplified his rules of sociological method.
Durkheim argued that the causes of suicide rates
(the number of suicides per million of the population)
are to be found in society, not in the psychology of
individuals. Suicide rates are social facts. They are
also a product of social facts, of ‘real, living, active
forces which, because of the way they determine the
individual, prove their independence from him’.
Durkheim compared official statistics on suicide
(a secondary source of quantitative data) from a
number of European countries. He found that: 1)
suicide rates within each country were fairly
constant over a number of years, and 2) there were
significant differences in the rates both between
societies and between social groups within
the same society. Durkheim found correlations
between suicide rates and a wide range of social
facts. For example, he found statistical relationships
between suicide rates and religion, age and
family situation. Some of these are illustrated in
Table 3.2.1. In each of the pairs, the group in the
Table 3.2.1 Some of the variations that
Durkheim identified in the suicide rates
between different social groups
Higher suicide rate Lower suicide rate
Catholics
Protestants
City dwellers Rural dwellers
Older adults Younger adults
Unmarried Married
Married without children Married with children
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
individual was born and they constrain that
individual’s behaviour. However, critics argue that
structural approaches downplay human agency
and the existence of free will.
Activity
Drawing on your own experiences, how far do you
agree that social structures limit your behaviour
in your daily life? Can you think of any ways in
which you exercise agency during your everyday
activities?
left column had a higher suicide rate than the group
in the right one.
Having established correlations between social
facts, Durkheim looked at whether he could discover
causal connections. He argued that variations in
suicide rates were caused by variations in levels
of social integration - that is, the extent to which
individuals are part of a wider social group. In
the case of the examples given in Table 3.2.1,
the groups on the left have lower levels of social
integration than those on the right. For example,
older adults are less socially integrated than younger
adults, because their children have grown up and left
home, many of their friends and relatives have died,
and if they have retired from work they may have
lost contact with their workmates. Using examples
such as this, Durkheim claimed that 'suicide varies
inversely with the degree of integration of the social
groups of which the individual forms a part’. So, the
higher an individual’s social integration, the less
likely they are to take their own life.
Durkheim’s final task was to explain why suicide
rates vary with levels of social integration. Part
of his explanation runs as follows. As members of
society, people are social beings - they have been
socialised to play a part in society. The greater
their social isolation, the less they can participate
in society. Their lives lack meaning and purpose
unless they are shared with others. In a situation
of social isolation, ‘the individual yields to the
slightest shock of circumstance because the state
of society has made him a ready prey to suicide’.
Durkheim did not claim to explain all aspects of
suicide. For example, he did not explain why only
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a small minority of socially isolated individuals
commit suicide. He saw this as the job of the
psychologist because it concerns individual
behaviour rather than social facts.
Durkheim believed that his research on
suicide proved that scientific methodology was
appropriate for the study of society because
it had shown that ‘real laws are discoverable’.
However, few sociologists would agree with this
view today.
Activity
1. ‘Social surveys closely fit into the
positivist perspective.’
Give one argument to support this view.
2. ‘Quantitative methods enable researchers
to study the social facts that constrain
human behaviour.’
Explain this view.
Interpretivism and qualitative methods
Interpretivists reject the view that the methods and
assumptions of the natural sciences are applicable to
the study of human beings. They argue that matter
lacks agency and simply reacts to external stimuli such
as temperature and pressure. Human beings have
agency - that is, free will and self-determination -
and their actions can shape and change society. For
example, individuals make choices and decisions
about their education, religion and family life. They
Research example: Atkinson's study of suicide
In Discovering Suicide, Atkinson (1978) asks, ‘How
do deaths get categorised as suicides?’ Atkinson
rejects the view that the suicide rate is a ‘social
fact’, arguing that there is no such thing as a ‘real’
or objective suicide rate.
Atkinson sees suicide as a meaning. His research
attempts to discover the meanings that coroners in
England and Wales use to classify deaths as suicide.
Coroners are officials who examine the reasons for
someone’s death, particularly a sudden or violent
120
Questions
1. Drawing on Durkheim’s ideas, explain why
married people without children might have
higher suicide rates than married people
with children.
2. ‘In his study of suicide, Durkheim focused
on structure while largely overlooking
human agency.’
Give one argument to support this view.
act in terms of meanings, which they use to direct
their behaviour.
Interpretivists tend to prefer qualitative methods.
The aim of qualitative research is to see the world
through the eyes of the research participants,
to discover their subjective experiences, the
meanings of their actions and their definitions of
the situation. This means avoiding the imposition
of the researcher’s categories, classifications
and frameworks. David Silverman (201 3, 2015)
argues that ‘Qualitative research gives deeper
understanding. It provides naturally occurring data
rather than data structured by the researcher.’
Obtaining ‘naturally occurring data’ often
means studying research participants in their
normal, everyday settings through, for example,
participant observation.
Suicide and the construction of meaning
Interpretivist approaches to the study of suicide
can be contrasted with Durkheim’s approach. This
illustrates some of the differences between positivist/
quantitative and interpretivist/qualitative approaches.
death. Atkinson held discussions with coroners,
attended inquests (official inquiries into the cause
of death), observed a coroner’s officer at work
and analysed a coroner’s records. He argues that
coroners have a ‘commonsense theory of suicide’,
which they use to classify and explain deaths
as suicide. In terms of his theory, the following
evidence is seen as relevant for reaching a verdict:
1. Whether suicide threats were made or suicide
notes were left.

2. The type of death - hanging, gassing and drug
overdose are seen as typical suicide deaths.
3. The location of death - death by gunshot at
home is more likely to be seen as suicide than in
the countryside, where it may be interpreted as a
hunting accident.
4. The biography of the deceased - a recent
divorce, the death of a close friend or relative, a
history of depression, problems at work, financial
difficulties and lack of friends are seen as typical
reasons for suicide.
The closer the deceased fits this common-sense
theory of suicide, the more likely their death will
be defined as suicide. In Atkinson’s words, coroners
‘are engaged in analysing features of the deaths
and of the biographies of the deceased according
The social meanings of suicide Compared to
Atkinson, Jack Douglas (1967) takes a less extreme
interpretivist view of suicide. He argues that suicide
is not simply a meaning; it has a reality. He claims
that it is possible for researchers to discover whether
a death actually was suicide.
In The Social Meanings of Suicide, Douglas (1967)
argues that suicide is an act that is defined and
given meaning by the victim, their family, friends
and acquaintances, and the coroner. The job of the
sociologist is to discover these meanings and to
judge whether or not they indicate actual suicides.
To do this, Douglas suggests three steps.
Step 1 Examine the meanings that victims give to
their possible suicide. This involves:
» an analysis of suicide notes, if available
» an examination of diaries, if kept
» interviews with families and friends
» building up a biography of the victim.
Step 2 Look for the meanings that appear
common to a number of possible suicides. These
might include:
> a ‘cry for help’ suicide when all else has failed
» a self-punishment suicide for one’s misdeeds
» an escape suicide when life becomes unbearable.
Step 3 Link these patterns of meaning with the wider
beliefs of the culture. For example:
1 In Western culture, suicide is often seen as an act
of desperation when all else fails.
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
to a variety of taken-for-granted assumptions about
what constitutes a “typical suicide”, “a typical
suicide biography”, and so on’.
According to Atkinson, suicides are not objective
‘social facts’ with causes that can be explained.
Trying to discover the ‘causes’ of suicide will simply
result in uncovering the meanings used to classify
a death as suicide. Thus, it comes as no surprise
that the ‘typical suicide biography’ - the friendless,
divorced loner - is very similar to Durkheim’s
socially isolated individual. For Atkinson, suicides,
like any other aspect of social reality, are simply
constructions of meaning.
Question
Explain two differences between Durkheim’s and
Atkinson’s approach to the study of suicide.
» In some nomadic hunter-gatherer bands, such
as the traditional Inuit, older people who can no
longer physically keep up with the band leave the
encampment to die.
Douglas argues that suicide statistics (on which
Durkheim based his research) are the result of
negotiated meanings and social interactions. For
example, although family and friends might believe
that the deceased has committed suicide, they might
nevertheless do their best to conceal the ‘suicide’.
This, in turn, may lead the coroner to deliver a
verdict of accidental death or death by natural
causes. Douglas argues that only by discovering
meanings by following the above steps can the
researcher have a chance of judging whether or not
a death is suicide.
Activity
1. Explain one difference between Atkinson’s and
Douglas’ approach to the study of suicide.
2. ‘Qualitative methods allow sociologists
to explore how people exercise agency in
their lives.’
Explain this view.
Max Weber, social action and verstehen
Max Weber (1864-1920) saw sociology as based
on ‘the interpretive understanding of social action’.
By social action, he meant action that is subjectively
meaningful to the actor and takes account of
other people. His social action approach involves
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interpreting the meanings and motives that direct
individual action. For example, what meaning does
an actor give to the action of chopping wood? Weber
calls his approach verstehen, which roughly translates
as ‘empathetic understanding’. It involves researchers
putting themselves in the place of those they are
researching and attempting to see the world through
their eyes.
Weber accepted that social structures existed.
However, he saw these structures as created by the
actions of individuals. In this sense, he emphasised
human agency.
Activity
Weber’s social action approach involved
understanding the meanings and motives that
direct individual action.
1. What are the possible meanings and motives
for the action of the person in the photograph?
2. a) Which research method would you use in
order to understand this individual’s meanings
and motives?
b) Why would you use this method?
Criticisms of the positivism vs
interpretivism dichotomy
So far, this unit has divided sociological approaches
or research traditions into two distinct parts -
positivist/quantitative and interpretivist/qualitative.
To some extent, this division reflects real differences
in the assumptions and theories underlying these
two approaches and the research methods favoured
by each. However, this split has been criticised by
some sociologists. According to Pawson (1989),
rather than just two approaches, there is a whole
122
range of approaches with different assumptions
and emphases.
A second criticism focuses on an examination of
actual research. This indicates that sociologists often
use a mixture of qualitative and quantitative methods
and combine the different kinds of data that each
produces. For instance, they might use participant
observation and questionnaires within a single
research project.
Mixed-methods approaches
A mixed-methods approach uses more than one
method in a particular study. Ethnographic studies,
for example, usually combine qualitative methods
such as participant observation and unstructured
interviews. Alternatively, a mixed-methods approach
might combine both quantitative and qualitative
methods such as questionnaires and group interviews
within the same study. This is sometimes referred to
as methodological pluralism.
For example, Johnson Oluwole Ayodele (2015)
combined qualitative and quantitative approaches
to study reporting of crime among female market
traders in Oyo town, Nigeria. He used questionnaires
with female traders and five focus group discussions
with female traders, their customers and police
officers. Ayodele found that many crimes committed
against the female traders were not reported to the
police. One possible reason for this under-reporting
is that the women did not regard the police as
able or willing to apprehend the perpetrators of
the crimes. The majority of those who reported the
crimes to the police were dissatisfied with the way
the police handled their complaints.
Uses of mixed methods
> In practice, many sociologists do not think in terms
of positivism versus interpretivism. Because of this,
they see no problem in combining methods that
some might see as more appropriate for one or the
other approach.
> Mixing methods can generate different
types of data within a study. Qualitative data
might provide rich data and meanings, while
quantitative data might provide reliable and
generalisable findings.
» By mixing methods, the researcher can draw
on the strengths of several different methods to
obtain a more detailed picture and reduce the
limitations of one method.

i Using one method can help to develop another
method. For example, information from in-depth
interviews can be used when designing a
questionnaire to make it more relevant to participants.
i Mixed methods is used in the process of
triangulation (see below).
Triangulation Triangulation is a way of
cross-checking the validity of research findings.
This can be done in several ways. First, it can be
done by using more than one method. If the two
methods produce conflicting rather than consistent
results, this raises questions about validity. Have one
or both methods generated incorrect data?
Second, triangulation can combine different types of
data - for example, primary and secondary data and/
or qualitative and quantitative data. If one form of
data contradicts the other, this suggests that further
research is needed to get a true picture. If the findings
from the quantitative and qualitative methods are
consistent, then they are likely to be more reliable
and valid than the findings from just one method.
Third, if two researchers’ findings differ, then one
of them may have made an incorrect observation.
Again, this raises the question of validity and
suggests the need for additional research.
Triangulation is useful for cross-checking one source
of data or evidence, or one set of research findings
against another. It offers a means of improving
validity. However, different findings do not necessarily
mean that one is correct and another incorrect. They
may simply reflect different perspectives, with neither
being right nor wrong.
Activity
1. Identify one way in which sociologists might use
mixed methods in a study to capture aspects of
both structure and agency.
2. Make brief notes to summarise positivist
and interpretivist approaches to sociological
research.
Key terms
Methodology A theory about how research
should proceed.
Value free Objective, impartial and unbiased.
Social facts The institutions, norms and values
of society.
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Verstehen As used by Weber, an approach for
interpreting the meanings and motives that
direct individual action. It involves understanding
research participants’ situations as they
themselves understand them.
Methodological pluralism The use of a plurality
or range of research methods, including both
quantitative and qualitative methods.
Triangulation A way of cross-checking the validity
of research findings by, for example, using mixed
methods.
Summary
1. Positivism argues that sociology should be
based on the methods of the natural sciences
with an emphasis on objectivity, value freedom,
reliability and generalisations.
2. Comte assumed that behaviour in the natural
and social worlds is determined by external
stimuli. As a result, natural science methods are
appropriate for the study of human behaviour.
3. Durkheim saw social facts (society’s institutions,
norms and values) as external to individuals.
They become part of human consciousness, and
direct and constrain behaviour. He emphasised
structure rather than human agency.
4. Durkheim argued that social facts can be
considered as things and studied in the same
way as the subject matter of the natural sciences.
5. Interpretivism focuses on discovering the
meanings that direct action. Interpretivists
emphasise meaning, subjectivity and validity.
6. Ethnography and methods such as participant
observation and in-depth, unstructured
interviews are favoured for discovering
meanings and generating rich, deep and more
valid data.
7. Weber advocated verstehen, which involves
developing an empathetic understanding of the
meanings that direct individuals’ actions. He
emphasised human agency and saw structures
as created by individuals’ actions.
8. In practice, sociologists often mix methods or
use methodological pluralism in a single project.
9. Triangulation provides a way of checking the
validity of research findings.
123
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Unit 3.2.3 Sociology, the natural
sciences and values
Natural sciences such as physics and chemistry
often enjoy high status as superior forms of
knowledge. Sociology is sometimes referred to
as a social science. Can it be seen as a scientific
discipline? For many years, sociologists have been
debating whether sociology is a science, could be
a science or should be a science. Answers to these
questions depend on a number of factors, including
how science is defined and how human beings and
society are viewed. This unit explores the question
of whether sociology can and should be based
on the natural sciences. It also examines debates
about the role of values in sociological research.
Is value freedom possible? If so. is it necessary
or desirable?
Positivism and natural science
methodology
As discussed in Unit 3.2.2, the early positivists
saw sociology as a ‘positive science of society’.
They argued that natural science methodology was
appropriate for the study of human behaviour. Its
use would reveal the ‘invariable laws’ that governed
society. Data consist of observable facts which
could be directly measured and quantified. The
research process would be objective - free from
the researcher’s values.
Positivism aims to discover the cause and effect
relationships that are seen as underlying human
behaviour. Statistical techniques are applied to
numerical data in order to identify and measure
possible cause and effect relationships. A hypothesis
or prediction is developed. A hypothesis translates
the theory into a form that can be tested.
Observation and measurement are then used
either to accept or reject the hypothesis. This, in
turn, can result in a confirmation, modification or
rejection of the theory.
This process is known as a deductive approach. It is
sometimes described as a ‘top-down’ approach, as it
starts at the top from a theory and moves downwards,
as shown in Figure 3.2.1.
Today, few quantitative researchers would call
themselves positivists. This is partly because
the term ‘positivist’ is sometimes used in a
124
Figure 3.2.1 A deductive approach.
Theory
I
Hypothesis
—
Confirmation,
modification or
rejection of theory
negative way. It is also partly because quantitative
sociologists do not look for ‘laws’ underlying human
behaviour, as few (if any) now believe that such laws
exist. Nor do they necessarily start their research
with a hypothesis. They do, however, attempt
to generalise from quantitative data based on
representative samples.
Karl Popper and falsification
Like positivists, the philosopher of science Karl
Popper (1902-94) adopted a deductive approach
but in a rather different way. He started with a
theory and used data to test that theory. However,
instead of looking to confirm theories, Popper
argued that scientists should look for evidence
to disprove or falsify theories. This means that
theories must be constructed in such a way that
falsification is possible, that theories can be
i shown to be untrue.
Theories that survive falsification tests, however,
are not necessarily true. They have simply not been
falsified. The following example illustrates this
point. ‘All swans are white’ is a scientific statement
because it can be falsified. But, however many
times it is confirmed by observation, it cannot
be accepted as true because the very next swan
might be black, red, blue or yellow. In this respect,
there are no absolute truths in science. Scientific
knowledge is provisional rather than certain or true
for all time.
Popper saw no reason why the methodology of the
natural sciences cannot be applied to the social
sciences. Theories of human behaviour which
are open to the possibility of falsification can be

developed. However, not all sociological theories are
open to falsification. Theories that cannot be falsified
are non-scientific.
Activity
r ‘complete ignorance’ and that ‘all preconceptions
rf
p
Ir n & :• -*
&
A \
In Popper's view, we only need one observation
of a black swan to falsify the idea that all swans
are white.
To what extent do you agree with Popper’s view
that all scientific knowledge is provisional?
Grounded theory and induction
Grounded theory, as its name suggests, starts
from ‘concrete data’ ‘on the ground’. It then builds
upwards to theory. This is known as an inductive
approach. As shown in Figure 3.2.2, it moves in
a ‘bottom-up’ rather than a ‘top-down’ direction.
Starting with data, an inductive approach
moves on to an analysis of the data looking
for connections, patterns and relationships.
From this, it develops a theory to explain
these relationships.
Figure 3.2.2 An inductive approach
Theory
Patterns and
relationships
Analysis
I
Data
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Inductive grounded theory does not start with a
hypothesis to test. It tends to begin with a largely
blank sheet without preconceptions. Durkheim
(1895) argued that sociological research should
be based on an inductive approach. He stated that
researchers should start with a recognition of their
have to be eradicated’.
Activity
Identify two differences between an inductive and a
deductive approach.
Today, participant observation and in-depth
qualitative interviews are the main methods used
in grounded theory. Participant observers often
begin their research by looking and listening with
no fixed ideas about what they might find and no
hypotheses to test. Their observations lead to the
discovery of patterns and relationships from which
theories are developed. This was the starting point
for Venkatesh’s (2009) participant observation
study of the Black Kings, an African-American gang
in Chicago (see Unit 3.1.3). In his words, ‘[I had] no
experience whatsoever in an urban ghetto...[I was]
an outsider looking at life from the inside.’
In practice, many researchers combine inductive
and deductive approaches. For example, Durkheim
began his research on suicide with an inductive
approach. He examined and compared official
statistics on suicide from 11 European countries
(see Unit 3.2.2). He found patterns in the statistics,
from which he moved towards theories which
may have explained them. Then he tested these
theories by using a deductive approach (Swedberg,
2011).
Thomas Kuhn - normal science
For Durkheim, science consists of accumulating
evidence and developing theories from that evidence.
For Popper, science consists of creating testable
theories and attempting to falsify them. For Thomas
Kuhn, normal science - the vast majority of work
which is called science - differs from both these
views. Kuhn (1962) argued that the way science has
developed bears little relationship to conventional
views of the scientific method.
125
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
Paradigms
According to Kuhn, most of the time scientists are
busily preoccupied with ‘normal science’. Normal
science operates within a paradigm. A paradigm is a
framework of concepts and theories which states how
the natural world operates. It identifies appropriate
methods for studying that world and specifies what
questions to ask and how to answer them. A paradigm
is shared by members of the scientific community. It
shapes the way they see the world that they study.
Normal science operates within the confines of
a paradigm - developing and refining it but not
challenging it. For example, until the 16th century
Western astronomy was based on the theory of
terracentricity - the idea that planets and the sun move
around the earth. It is perfectly possible to confirm
this idea with observations and measurements. It is
also possible to ignore or explain away contradictory
evidence that might challenge it. Scientists are so
committed to the existing paradigm that they operate
within it rather than attempting to falsify it.
Scientific revolutions
Kuhn rejects the conventional view that sees science
as a progressive accumulation of knowledge based on
the testing and proving or disproving of hypotheses.
Change does occur, but only when one paradigm
is replaced by another. Kuhn calls this process a
scientific revolution. It is sudden and revolutionary,
because a whole way of thinking about the world is
swept away within a relatively short period of time.
An example is the replacement of Newton’s paradigm
in physics with Einstein’s. Once a new paradigm is
established, normal science resumes and any real
change has to wait until the next scientific revolution
or breakthrough.
Scientific revolutions occur when evidence
accumulates that cannot be explained in terms of the
existing paradigm. This evidence builds to the point
where it cannot be ignored or dismissed as the result
of incorrect observation and measurement.
Sociology and paradigms
In terms of Kuhn’s view of science, it has been argued
that sociology is in a pre-paradigmatic and therefore
pre-scientific situation. There is a range of competing
sociological perspectives but scant indication that
this variety will develop into a single paradigm that
would be acceptable to the sociological community.
However, Kuhn’s view of paradigms and scientific
revolutions has been criticised as a distortion of the
126
history of science. For example, Imre Lakatos (1970)
rejects the view that normal science is dominated by
a single paradigm. Instead, he sees the development
of science as a history of constantly competing
paradigms. In terms of Lakatos’ view, this does not
disqualify sociology from being a science. In fact,
sociology’s history of competing perspectives largely
accords with his view of the history of science.
The realist approach to science
The realist view of science, while accepting that
there are basic differences between the social and
natural worlds, maintains that a social science is
possible. It argues that events in both the social and
natural worlds are produced by underlying structures
and mechanisms. According to Roy Bhaskar, the
essential task of realism is to uncover and explain
these structures and mechanisms (Bhaskar, 1978).
Open and closed systems
Andrew Sayer (1992) distinguishes between
open and closed systems as arenas of study. The
laboratory is the prime example of a closed system.
Sciences such as physics and chemistry have the
advantage of being able to create closed systems
in which conditions can be fixed and variables
controlled. This allows them to reveal ‘more clearly
the operation of mechanisms’ (Sayer, 1992).
Flowever, a large body of scientific research
takes place within open systems where it is not
possible to control variables. Meteorology is an
example of a natural science where closed systems
are rare. As a result, it is unable to predict the
weather with any degree of accuracy, as weather
forecasts indicate. However, it is able to offer an
explanation of the weather after the event in terms of
underlying mechanisms.
One of the most famous non-predictive explanations
is the theory of evolution. This specifies mechanisms
such as natural selection and mutation which are
seen to underlie the evolutionary process. However,
because evolution takes place within an open system,
i it is not possible to predict its future.
Human behaviour takes place in open systems.
As a result, it is not possible to predict its course
with any degree of accuracy. There is no way of
controlling all the variables that affect human action.
However, from a realist viewpoint, this does not rule
out a social science. It is still possible to explain
human behaviour in terms of underlying structures
 3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH

and mechanisms, just as meteorologists, geologists

and evolutionary biologists explain behaviour in the Activity
natural world.

Realism, sociology and science

From a realist viewpoint, events in both the natural
and social worlds are produced by structures and
mechanisms. Given this, social science is based on
the same principles as natural science. Both are
concerned with the identification and explanation of
structures and mechanisms. In this respect, the social
scientist’s job is the same as the natural scientist’s.
So just as an evolutionary biologist identifies
mechanisms such as natural selection to account
for biological change, so a sociologist identifies Some feminists see Western science os dominated
mechanisms such as the class struggle to account for by privileged White men.
social change.
1. Which research method would you
use to investigate whether Western
Interpretivism and natural science science is dominated by White men from
privileged backgrounds?
methodology
Interpretivism starts from the view that the 2. Evaluate the usefulness of your chosen method
to investigate this particular topic.
subject matter of the natural and social sciences
is fundamentally different. The natural scientist
investigates the behaviour of matter. Matter is
inanimate and does not have agency, so it reacts in
predictable ways to external stimuli. Human beings The role of values in sociological
act and interact rather than react. They have agency research
and their actions and interactions are directed
The founders of sociology saw the subject as an
by meaning. Any understanding of human action
objective science of society. Objectivity involves value
must, therefore, involve an understanding of these
freedom, impartiality and lack of bias. It means that
meanings. For many researchers, this necessitates
the research process and findings are not influenced
employing methods that are very different from those
by the researcher’s values, their moral, political or
used in the natural sciences.
religious beliefs, their gender, ethnicity, social class,
The sociologist’s job is to discover meanings. This nationality, sexual orientation, their world view or
involves observation and interpretation. Qualitative by their personality. Subjectivity is the opposite of
methods, in particular participant observation and objectivity. It refers to a personal viewpoint, based on
in-depth interviews, are seen as the main ways of a particular individual’s values and beliefs.
discovering meanings. The research process is viewed
Until the mid-1950s, many sociologists believed
as an art rather than a science.
that an objective, value-free sociology was possible
Interpretivists accept that objectivity is not and desirable. Since then, growing numbers have
possible. The discovery of meanings cannot be questioned this view. The American sociologist Alvin
value free. It is inevitably affected by the researcher, W. Gouldner (1975) stated that ‘a value-free sociology
who becomes personally involved and immersed in is a myth’; that it is ‘absurd’ to claim that it is possible.
their research. He believes that his political views led him to condemn
the system of social inequality which generates poverty
There are many views of science and scientific
and powerlessness. Gouldner argues that this belief will
methods. As a result, there are many views about
inevitably influence his choice of research project, the
the relationship between sociology and science,
research process, his findings and his conclusions.
and about the appropriateness of applying the
assumptions and methods of the natural sciences to The American sociologist Howard S. Becker (1970)
the study of human behaviour. shares this view. He states that it is impossible

127
3 RESEARCH METHODS
to conduct research and produce findings that
are ‘uncontaminated by personal and political
sympathies’ He argues that There is no position
from which sociological research can be done
that is not biased in one way or another.’ Becker
sees society as divided into the powerful and the
powerless. He believes that ‘we cannot avoid taking
sides’ and he sides with powerless ‘underdogs’.
Activity
K ©
■
m
WwM
VI K
‘We cannot avoid taking sides.’
1. How does this picture reflect Becker’s views?
2. Do you have any values that could influence the
way you conduct research? Do you think people
are necessarily aware of the values they hold?
Explain your reasoning.
Geertz argued that complete objectivity may be impossible but sociologists cannot let their beliefs and
views run loose.
1. How do these pictures reflect the arguments of Becker and Geertz?
2. To what extent do you agree with their arguments?
128
Does the view that a value-free sociology is impossible
mean that sociologists should no longer be concerned
about objectivity? Many sociologists see the pursuit of
objectivity as essential. Becker puts it this way: ‘Our
problem is to make sure that, whatever point of view
we take, our research meets the standards of good
scientific work, that our unavoidable sympathies do
not render our results invalid.’
What does this mean in practice? According to Becker,
it means ‘we must not misuse the tools and techniques
of our discipline’. It means that sociologists should
avoid asking leading questions and advertising their
sympathies to research participants or encouraging
them to give a particular response. Sociologists should
not reject findings which go against their sympathies.
Becker argues that sociologists should be as objective
as possible, guard against their ‘personal and
political commitments’ and do their best to ‘avoid the
distortion’ they might bring to the findings.
Today, most sociologists recognise that complete
objectivity is impossible. But this does not mean giving
up on objectivity. Clifford Geertz (1973) makes the
following case for the pursuit of objectivity: 'I have never
been impressed by the argument that, as complete
objectivity is impossible... one might as well let one’s
sentiments run loose... [That] is like saying that as a
perfectly aseptic [germ-free] environment is impossible,
one might as well conduct surgery in a sewer.’

A postmodernist view of objectivity
and research
Most sociologists aim to be objective, to present the
social world of those they are studying as it really
is, to give us the ‘facts'. Many sociologists accept
that complete objectivity is an unattainable ideal.
However, they do their best to get there and believe
that their research reports are a lot better than the
views of other people.
From a postmodernist view, objectivity is a myth.
Research findings are constructions that are
designed to persuade, to give the impression of
rational, analytical thinking and to convince the
reader that the researcher’s view is 'the truth'.
Often, the persuasion works. Sociologists are a bit
like conjurers. They deceive, they play tricks, they
create illusions. For example, they skilfully present an
illusion of objectivity where none exists.
This view is an extreme version of relativism, the idea
that all knowledge is relative to time, place, culture
and the individual. According to this view, there is no
such thing as objective knowledge, because everything
is seen through the lens of our values and experience,
the time we live in and our culture. Sociological
research is not, and cannot be, objective.
Postmodernism rejects the idea that it is possible
to produce valid knowledge. Instead, many
postmodernists argue that all knowledge (including
that produced within sociology and the natural
sciences) is relative and uncertain rather than
absolute. There are many versions of reality, none of
which is superior to any of the others. A sociologist’s
account of religion or education, for example, is no
better than anyone else’s.
Postmodernists see knowledge as a product
rather than as absolute truth. They use the idea of
narratives (or stories) rather than truths. Different
people have different backgrounds and, as a result,
they will have different narratives. Rather than
search for the truth, postmodernism compares
these narratives.
Postmodernists argue that meta-narratives or
grand theories (such as functionalism, feminism or
Marxism or world religions including Islam, Judaism
and Christianity) that claim to have discovered the
truth are misleading. They reject all meta-narratives
that claim to provide definitive, authoritative or
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
complete guides to the truth. Jean-Fran<;ois Lyotard
(1984) argued that people no longer have faith in
meta-narratives or big, all-embracing theories about
how the world works. They are increasingly sceptical
about the claim that any set of beliefs, including
scientific and religious beliefs, can provide a way
of understanding and resolving the problems faced
by humanity.
Feminist politics and methodology
Some feminists argue that the ‘women’s struggle’
against patriarchal oppression is inseparable from
feminist methodology. The term ‘malestream’
sociology refers to the male bias built into the
assumptions of mainstream sociological approaches
such as functionalism. Many feminists argue
that malestream sociology is so saturated with
assumptions of male dominance that a feminist
alternative is required. Maria Mies (1993) provides
an example of this approach. She argues that the
idea of so-called value-free research has to be
replaced by conscious partiality. In practice, this
means that feminist researchers cannot be neutral;
they must positively identify with the women
they study.
Mies argues that valid knowledge can only emerge
from the struggles waged by the oppressed against
their oppressors. The journey to truth involves
just the opposite of value freedom. It requires a
wholehearted commitment to women’s liberation. In
her view, feminist research must become an active
part in the women’s struggle to bring about change.
Feminists have been at the forefront of recent
developments in methodology. For example, feminist
researchers have emphasised the significance of
reflexivity - that is, reflecting on and critically
examining the process of research. (See Unit 3.3.2
for a discussion of reflexivity.) They have generated
important debates about the ethical implications of
research and power relationships within the research
process. Many feminists challenge the notion of
objectivity and argue that sociology is not, should
not and cannot be value free. They emphasise the
importance of capturing women’s experiences and
of expressing these experiences directly. They argue
that emotion has an important part to play in the
research process. As a result, they have opened up,
questioned and presented alternatives to established
research methodology.
129
3 RESEARCH METHODS
Research example: Researching subject choice and gender identity from
a feminist perspective
In Gender and the Politics of the Curriculum.
Sheila Riddell (1992) examines the relationship
between subject choice and gender identity among
14-year-old students who were selecting their
exam-level options. She focuses on the role of the
family, the school and students’ construction of
masculinity and femininity. What part did these
factors play in producing gender divisions in
subject choice?
Riddell carried out case studies of two schools
in England: Millbridge Upper School, where she
had previously worked as a teacher; and Greenhill
Upper School. Her research focused on the
question of why working-class girls continue to
make option choices that are likely to mean that
they will experience disadvantages in the labour
market in the future.
Riddell used a mixed-methods approach. She
observed students interacting daily with their peers
and teachers in the classroom. She also carried
out detailed, in-depth, semi-structured interviews
with students, parents and teachers in the two
schools. This enabled her to cross-check her own
observations with the students’ accounts of events.
She reflects that her status as a former teacher
or non-teacher impacted on her interaction with
students and teachers. As a former teacher at
Millbridge, she was accepted by teachers but not
by students. At Greenhill, her role as a non-teacher
resulted in her being more accepted by students
than teachers.
The qualitative data enabled Riddell to explore
the participants’ lived experiences and their
subjective meanings. However, she also wanted
to explore the connections between key variables
and to compare different groups. Consequently,
she administered questionnaires to parents
and students. She also drew on school-based
documentary sources. By mixing methods, she was
able to use the qualitative and quantitative data in
a complementary way to provide a more rounded
and complete picture of the social world that she
was investigating.
130
Riddell found that the option choice system (for
example, the information and advice that the
schools provided) generated clear differences based
on gender and social class. Students tended to
make traditional choices (with girls, for instance,
likely to choose arts subjects and unlikely to choose
physics) and these decisions were influenced by their
gender identities. Once the students had made their
subject choices, this further reinforced their gender
identities. For their part, few teachers saw gender
segregation in the curriculum as a problem.
Working-class female students were not passively
subordinate in their attitudes and behaviour.
They were hostile to gender discrimination and
supported the idea of equality within paid work.
However, many still chose subjects that would
result in them taking low-paid jobs rather than
becoming financially independent.
Riddell’s choice of research methods was influenced
by her political position as a feminist and by
debates on feminist methodology. In broad terms,
she tried to stick to the principle of reflexivity,
making her theoretical and political position and
its impact on the data collection process explicit.
Drawing on the ideas of Mies (1983), Riddell
states that feminist research insists on respect for
research participants within a more democratic
research relationship. Consequently, she provided
the two schools with feedback on her findings and
discussed the data with interested students and
teachers, incorporating their ideas into the analysis
and achieving a degree of accountability to the
research participants.
Questions
Drawing on this information, explain:
1. one strength of using a mixed-methods
approach to investigate subject choice and
gender identity
2. two features of a feminist methodology
3. one advantage and one disadvantage of a
feminist approach to sociological research.

Key terms
Deductive approach Starting with a theory and
using evidence to test that theory.
Falsification Looking for evidence to disprove
a theory.
Grounded theory Starting from ‘concrete data’
and building upwards to theory.
Inductive approach Starting with evidence and
developing a theory from that evidence.
Normal science Science which operates within an
established paradigm.
Paradigm A framework of concepts and theories
which states how the natural world operates.
Scientific revolution The overthrow of an
established paradigm by a new paradigm.
Realist view An approach which assumes
that events in both the natural and social
worlds are produced by underlying structures
and mechanisms.
Closed system A system in which all the variables
can be controlled.
Open system A system in which it is impossible to
control all the variables.
Subjectivity A personal view based on an
individual’s values and beliefs.
Relativism The idea that all knowledge is relative
to time, place, culture and the individual.
Meta-narratives Grand stories which claim to
explain things.
Feminist methodology A methodology designed
to reflect feminist ideals and values.
Reflexivity In the context of research, reflecting
on yourself, looking back at your research, and
examining how your values and background might
have influenced your findings.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
l 0 l t | Describe two features of the interpretivist approach to sociological research.
I 0 l 2 | Explain one strength and one limitation of the positivist approach to sociological research.
I 0 l 3 | ‘Sociology should be based on the methods and procedures of the natural sciences’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
3.2 APPROACHES TO SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Summary
1. The early positivists saw sociology as a ‘positive
science of society’.
2. According to Popper, natural science
methodology could be applied to explain
human behaviour. However, he argued that not
all sociological theories are ‘scientific’, because
they cannot be falsified.
3. According to Kuhn, 'normal science’ operates
within a paradigm. A scientific revolution occurs
when the existing paradigm is overthrown by a
new paradigm.
4. Sociology has a range of competing perspectives
rather than a single paradigm. In terms of Kuhn’s
view of science, it is in a pre-paradigmatic and,
therefore, pre-scientific situation.
5. From a realist viewpoint, events in both the social
and natural worlds are produced by underlying
structures and mechanisms. In view of this, there
is no reason why sociology cannot be a science.
6. Human society is an open system. So is the
world that sciences, such as meteorology and
geology, study. In this respect, there is no reason
why sociology cannot be a science.
7. In view of the differences between the natural
and social worlds, between inanimate objects
and human beings, interpretivists argue that
natural science methodology is inappropriate
for the study of society.
8. Most, if not all, sociologists now recognise
that complete objectivity and value freedom
are impossible, but many see objectivity as an
important aim for sociological research. However,
postmodernism sees objectivity as a myth.
9. Some feminists argue that feminist politics and
methodology are inseparable and that true
knowledge can only emerge from the struggle
between the oppressed and their oppressors.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
131
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
PART 3 RESEARCH ISSUES
Contents
Unit 3.3.1 Practical, ethical and theoretical
influences on sociological
research 132
Unit 3.3.2 Sources of bias and assessing
the value of different methods 136
This chapter has examined some of the theoretical
and ethical influences on sociological research.
This part focuses on these and other issues that
sociologists have to consider when planning and
conducting their research. How might feminist or
Unit 3.3.1 Practical ethical and
theoretical influences on
sociological research
This unit looks at some of the practical, ethical
and theoretical factors that influence sociological
research. How do these different factors affect a
sociologist’s choice of topic? What impact do they
have on the choice of research methods? How do
they inform the conduct of the research? The unit
addresses these and other questions.
Practical influences
on sociological research
The practical influences on research include
accessibility, money, time, and the nature of the topic
i concerns of young African Americans.
and research questions.
Access to and availability of data
It does not make sense to choose a research topic
if there is little chance of generating data about it.
Ease of access to people and research sites varies.
Getting access to public places is relatively easy.
People can usually be observed without too much
trouble in streets, shopping malls, clubs, museums,
art galleries and music festivals.
However, permission is needed from gatekeepers to
research in sites such as schools, hospitals and
132
Marxist perspectives influence sociologists’ choice
of topic? How might ethical issues affect the way
you conduct your research? How do practical issues
such as your budget affect your choice of method?
This part also explores the issue of bias in research
findings. What are the possible sources of bias?
How might your findings be biased by your actions
and the choices you make? Finally, it provides a
summary of the criteria that sociologists use when
assessing the value of different research methods.
Why are validity, reliability and representativeness
important criteria?
prisons (or jails). It can be difficult to gain access
to, and conduct research with, groups such as
criminal gangs or young children in schools.
Similarly, gatekeepers are unlikely to allow access
to a country’s secret service organisations for
research purposes.
Activity
Why do you think some people might not
want to participate in sociological research on
families?
Interests of the researcher
Researchers sometimes choose a research topic
because it reflects their hobbies and interests. For
examPle' they mi6ht like a Partjcular *** of ™sic
such as raP and exa™me wAhether 11 reflects the
Activity
1. Think about your interests or hobbies. Make a
note of three possible research questions arising
from your interests.
2. Which research method would you use to
investigate your research questions?
3. Explain why you would use this particular
research method in your investigation.
I
Funding
Choosing a research topic is influenced by cost
and funding issues. Most research undertaken
by sociologists requires funding. Research
grants may be available from various sources,
including charitable foundations, government and
business organisations.
Each funding body has its own priorities. For
example, industrial organisations tend to fund
projects dealing with their particular concerns,
such as solutions to workplace stress. Choice
of topic is sometimes shaped by the priorities
of the funding body. When making competitive
applications for funding, sociologists must take
funding bodies’ priorities into account if they are to
be successful.
Financial considerations also influence choice of
methods. Research is expensive and the costs of
travel, stationery and transcribing interviews, for
example, must be covered. Some methods are more
expensive than others, so sociologists must choose
methods that match their budget. For example,
if they were doing research into equality in the
workplace, their budget might not cover lengthy
unstructured interviews but it might be enough for
group interviews or a self-completion questionnaire.
Funding also affects the number of interviews that
can be conducted.
Time
Some methods are more time consuming and
labour intensive than others. For example,
participant observation sometimes takes more
than a year. A researcher’s time is limited and,
given this, they might decide to conduct interviews
rather than a lengthy participant observation
study.
The topic and research questions
The topic and research questions influence the choice
of methods. For example, a researcher studying the
experience of becoming a parent for the first time
is more likely to use qualitative methods such as
unstructured interviews rather than standardised
questionnaires to capture participants’ subjective
experiences and meanings.
3.3 RESEARCH ISSUES
The people being studied
Some methods are less suitable than others for
studying certain groups. For example, self-completion
questionnaires are unsuitable for people with literacy
problems or for young children. Asking teenage gang
members to participate in interviews or complete
questionnaires is unlikely to produce the required
information. However, joining in their activities,
gaining their trust and observing their behaviour can
generate valuable data.
Characteristics of the researcher
Researchers have a number of characteristics such
as age, gender, ethnicity and class which must
be considered when selecting methods. An older
participant observer, for example, may find it more
difficult to be accepted by members of a teenage
gang than a younger researcher.
Ethical influences on sociological
research
Today, professional bodies and funding bodies have
ethical guidelines that cover the right and wrong
ways to conduct research. For example, people
should be made aware that they are participating in
research, be able to decide whether to take part, and
be protected from physical and psychological harm.
These guidelines apply to all stages of the research
process, including choice of topic and methods, and
the conduct of the research. They also relate to any
publications arising from the research. In practice,
ethical issues may arise during the course of the
fieldwork and the sociologist must be prepared to
deal with them. (See Unit 3.1.5 for a full discussion
of research ethics.)
Theoretical influences on
sociological research
A sociologist’s theoretical position can influence their
choice of research topic. Every theoretical position
sees certain aspects of society as particularly
important. For example, Marxism sees the class
system as the foundation of capitalist society. As
a result, Marxists tend to focus on topics such as
class inequality, class conflict and class identity.
133
3 RESEARCH METHODS
Then and now: Becky Francis, Boys. Girls and Achievement (2000)
In Boys, Girls ond Achievement, Becky Francis
(2000) explored the ways in which students
aged 14 to 16 years construct gender in the
classroom. She used a combination of research
methods including classroom observation and
semi-structured interviews with individual
students in three schools in London, England. She
used classroom observation so that she could
see gendered interaction and student behaviour
first-hand. She followed this up with interviews
to ask the participants about their views on, and
interpretations of, this interaction. (See Unit 5.7.4
for a summary of Becky Francis’s findings.) In the
following account, she reflects on her study and
raises some key questions about research ethics.
‘It is interesting to reflect back on my study
today. Since that time I have continued with
mixed-methods research, because gathering data
in different ways and from different perspectives
sheds so much more light on an issue than just a
single methodological approach. Most recently,
I have been involved with very large-scale
longitudinal studies, including both qualitative
and quantitative research. But each time I embark
on an educational research project that doesn’t
involve classroom observation, I find that it
misses the richness and directness that direct
observation provides.
There are of course issues of power and ethics
involved with observation that it is important to
consider - and to try to address. In this, I think
Sociological researchers are more sensitive than
other scientists (including social scientists). For
example, in different branches of Psychology it is
quite common not to reveal all the circumstances
of the experiment in which subjects are asked
to participate. This is often seen as legitimate in
the interests of the pursuit of science. I think it is
right that we balance such interests with attempts
to ensure that the subjects of our research are
not disempowered.
Working with young people in schools adds an
additional ethical dimension - school relies on
134
young people obeying adults, and of course they
have no choice about attending school either! I
have found that piloting research approaches and
interview questions with young people can help to
ensure sensitivity, enabling a change of question
or even method if this seems more appropriate.
(For example, at times I have changed from focus
group to individual interviews if topics seem too
personal; or from individual interviews to focus
groups on topics where young people appear to
appreciate “strength in numbers”).
But it’s the revelations within qualitative work
with children that still trouble me. We researchers
tell young people that their interviews are
confidential. Yet sometimes children reveal awful
things that need addressing: being smacked by
a teacher, for example; or that they are being
bullied. Each time something like this happens,
it requires a judgement from the researcher.
And how would you feel as an interviewer
if your respondent says something racist or
homophobic - do you just continue to listen,
because your role is to accurately capture the
respondent’s views, rather than exercise a
judgement or hierarchal power relationship? Or,
does not intervening to challenge those views
legitimate and perhaps even perpetuate them?
These are dilemmas for all researchers, but
especially for feminist researchers concerned to
avoid disempowering respondents, while also
contesting inequality.’
Questions
1. Why does Becky Francis continue to use a
mixed-methods approach?
2. How does she try to ensure sensitivity when
researching young people in schools?
3. How do ethical considerations influence the way
Becky Francis conducts research?
4. What concern does Becky Francis identify for
feminist researchers?

Feminist sociologists tend to focus on gender issues -
in particular, gender inequality. Some feminists
prefer a qualitative approach to research because,
for example, unstructured interviews can reduce
the power relationships between researcher and
participants. (See also the discussion of feminist
methodology in Unit 3.2.3.)
Activity
V
J; %
/s
. :
■y
Feminist researchers often want to avoid
disempowering research participants and this has
implications for their choice of methods and the
conduct of their research.
Give one argument for and one argument against
the view that unstructured interviews reduce
power imbalances between researchers and
participants.
Theoretical issues also concern questions
about the validity, reliability and generalisability
of the data gathered during research. For example,
studies of gangs are usually based on participant
observation. This allows the researcher to build a
strong rapport with participants and gather rich
and detailed data. However, if gang members do
not trust the participant observer or question
their motives, for instance, this may reduce the
data's validity.
Positivism and interpretivism
According to some sociologists, positivist and
interpretivist approaches are a key influence on the
choice of data and the selection of methods (see
3.3 RESEARCH ISSUES
Unit 3.2.2). Increasingly, however, sociologists mix
quantitative and qualitative methods within one
project. The choice of methods in mixed-methods
approaches is likely to be determined by the
research questions and practical factors rather than
by issues related to positivism or interpretivism.
Activity
1. Explain one factor that may influence the choice
of methods in mixed-methods research.
2. ‘Positivism and interpretivism favour completely
different research methods.’ Evaluate this view.
3. Assess the view that ethical considerations are
the most important influence on sociological
research.
Activity
Here are three topics for research:
» the relationship between gender and choice of
TV programmes
> the relationship between ethnicity and tastes
in music
» the relationship between social class and diet.
1. Select one of these topics for research and say
why you chose it.
2. Which factors will you need to consider when
choosing a method for your research?
3. Which issues will you need to consider when
conducting your research?
K©y term
Gatekeeper The person or group in a particular
setting such as a school with responsibility for
allowing (or otherwise) a researcher to undertake
research in that site.
Summary
1. Practical, ethical and theoretical factors
influence sociological research.
2. Practical considerations - such as whether the
data are available, whether the research sites
135
 3 RESEARCH METHODS
and participants are accessible, whether the
funding is sufficient, and whether the topic fits
the funding body’s priorities - affect choice of
research topic.
3. Practical issues - including whether funding and
time are sufficient, and whether the method
suits the people being studied - affect choice
of methods.
4. Ethical considerations relate to the choice of
topic and methods, and the conduct of research.
5. Choice of topic is linked to theoretical position
when, for example, feminists focus on research
linked to gender inequality.
6. Theoretical considerations include questions
about the validity and reliability of different
methods and types of data.
7. One view is that positivist and interpretivist
approaches are linked to the choice of data
and methods. In practice, however, researchers
are likely to mix quantitative and qualitative
methods in one study.
Unit 3.3.2 Sources of bias and
assessing the value of
different methods
There are many potential sources of bias (errors or
distortions in the data) in sociological research arising
from the way that evidence is collected or interpreted.
If bias is introduced into the research process, then
this would raise questions about the validity and
reliability of the findings and distort the conclusions.
Many of the potential sources of bias have been
touched upon in this chapter already. Findings may
be biased by researchers’ actions and values, and by
their choices in funding, designing and conducting
research. Bias can occur, for example, as a result
of the way that a sample is selected. A sociologist’s
values, for instance, may lead them to side with a
particular group and influence how they collect and
analyse the data, and interpret the findings. This unit
examines some of the sources of bias in research
findings. It then looks at the criteria that sociologists
136
use to assess the value of different research methods,
including validity and reliability.
Bias linked to research design
and conduct
The choices that a sociologist makes in designing
and conducting their research may lead to bias in
the findings.
» Sociologists must choose one or more research
methods, each of which is potentially subject
to bias. For example, interviews are subject to
interview bias and experiments are subject to the
Hawthorne effect.
> If a sociologist chooses a non-random sampling
technique, sampling bias may occur. With
non-random sampling, some members of the
population have less chance than others of
being selected. In practice, researchers use their
own judgement when selecting non-random
samples. They may be more likely to select some
members of the population (for example, people
like themselves) than others. In these cases, the
sample will not be representative of the wider
population, making generalisations difficult.
> Sampling bias is linked to non-response when
people in the sample cannot be contacted or refuse
to participate. Systematic bias in a study’s findings
may occur if, for instance, schools without strong
equal opportunities policies decline to participate
in a study on equality in education. It may also
occur if particular groups, such as working-class
men, refuse to participate in research.
> Sampling bias is also linked to the use of an
inadequate sampling frame, for example, one that
is incomplete or out of date.
> When gathering primary data, the researcher’s
presence could impact on the participants and
the findings. This can be seen, for instance, with
interviewer bias, experimenter bias and the
observer effect.
» Bias can arise from the social desirability effect,
which may invalidate the findings. With survey
research, the way the survey is administered
makes a difference. For example, self-completion
questionnaires reduce the chances of socially
desirable answers and eliminate interviewer bias.

» If the researcher asks leading questions in
unstructured interviews, this may impact on
participants’ answers.
> Coding errors may be introduced when
the researcher processes responses to
questionnaire surveys.
Activity
To what extent do questionnaires eliminate the
social desirability effect?
Researchers’ values
Researchers are likely to study something they
consider to be important. What they see as
important is influenced by their values - their beliefs
about right and wrong, good and bad. For example,
a sociologist’s belief in gender equality may influence
how they view participants’ responses during
interviews. A sociologist’s values may lead them to
take sides (for example, siding with the underdog)
and influence how they analyse interview data.
Many researchers argue that values affect the whole
research process from the choice of topic to the
collection and interpretation of data to the final
conclusions. Karl Marx (1880-83) saw capitalism as
an evil and exploitative system. Today, David Harvey
(2010) shares Marx’s vision and values. They direct his
research and the questions he asks. Harvey’s values are
clear from his words, ‘We need revolutionary politics to
replace capitalism with a just and fair society.’
3.3 RESEARCH ISSUES
Funding
Research in higher education is funded by
several sources, including public bodies such as
governments, and private bodies such as charities,
industrial and commercial organisations.
If a public funding body identifies a skills shortage
in quantitative methods, it might try to address this
deficit by funding more studies based on quantitative
methods. This might, in turn, have an impact on what
researchers investigate, the types of data they collect
and their research findings.
Public funding bodies often have research priorities
such as housing or digital media. If a researcher
applies for funding from one of these bodies, they
will tailor their proposal to these priorities. Applying
for funding is usually a highly competitive process.
Research funds may be allocated according to criteria
such as the impact of the work on people, its benefits
to society and its success in bringing about change.
This might pressurise sociologists to research topics
and produce findings in which the impact is visible in
the short term.
Activity
1. Why is it important to know who funded a
particular piece of research?
2. How might sociologists cross-check the validity
of their research findings?
137
 3 RESEARCH METHODS

Research examples: Reflexivity in action

In the 1920s, Robert Redfield (1930) studied the
village of Tepoztlan in Mexico. He found a warm,
generous and close-knit community. Oscar Lewis
(1951) studied the same village 17 years later.
He saw a community divided by envy, distrust
and conflict. Redfield and Lewis reflected on
themselves and their research to try and explain
why their pictures of Tepoztlan were so different
(Critchfield, 1978).
They agreed that the 17 years between their
research projects could not account for the
different pictures. According to Redfield, the main
reasons were ‘personal differences between the
investigators’ - ‘differences in interests and values’
which resulted in ‘different questions asked’ and
patrol with the officer. She had proved herself
in a male-dominated occupation. As a result,
she gained the trust, respect and cooperation of
the police.
Looking back on her research, she notes that ‘the
officers were increasingly likely to talk to me and
accept me as part of the group after this incident’
Reflexivity allowed her to assess the quality of the
data she collected. Gaining acceptance from the
police officers probably indicated to Hollis that her
data were more likely to be valid.
\
Z
rVE BEEN
PER SPRAYED

different conclusions drawn. Redfield clearly liked

the people of Tepoztlan. He found them friendly,
generous and welcoming: ‘I found doors were open
to me.’ Lewis did not appear to like them. He wrote
that the kindness, generosity and joy described
by Redfield ‘appeared much less often than anger,
hate, irritability, jealousy, fear and envy’.
The studies of Tepoztlan indicate the importance
of reflexivity. Looking at themselves and looking
back at their research, Redfield and Lewis
recognised what a difference the personal Meghon Hollis outside the club.
characteristics of the researcher can make to the
results of research. Questions
Meghan Hollis (2014) used participant observation 1. Explain one way in which a researcher’s personal
to study female and ethnic minority police officers characteristics might influence their findings.
in the USA. As part of her research, she observed 2. Why was it important for Meghan Hollis to
a fight on a Saturday night outside a club in a ‘prove herself?
New England city. The police officer she was with
accidentally pepper sprayed her. Despite her 3. How might reflexivity help researchers to assess
discomfort, Hollis spent a further four hours on the validity of their data?

Reflexivity Assessing the value of different

Sociologists are increasingly looking at themselves, research methods
at their values, beliefs, concerns, theoretical
This chapter has examined different types of
assumptions and their position in society, to see how
research method used by sociologists as well as
these factors might influence their research. This
different approaches to sociological research. But
process is known as reflexivity. It means reflecting
how do sociologists assess the value of the methods
on yourself, how you as a person might have affected
available to them? The short answer is that they
the findings you produced and the conclusions you
use the concepts of validity, reliability, objectivity,
reached. Sociologists can assess their research by
representativeness and ethics. These concepts have
being reflexive and also provide lessons for others to
been discussed already in this chapter and Table
apply to their own research.
3.3.1 provides a summary of them.

138
 3.3 RESEARCH ISSUES

Table 3.3.1 Criteria used to assess the value of a particular research method

Validity * Validity concerns whether the method used to gather data actually measures
what it is intended to measure. Does it generate data that give a true and accurate
description of what they are supposed to describe?

*lf participants open up in an unstructured interview and say what they really mean,
for example, they are likely to provide rich and valid data. However, validity may be
reduced by the social desirability effect.

Reliability * Reliability concerns whether the method produces the same or consistent results
the second time round. Official statistics on birth and death rates are more likely
than others to be both reliable and valid. With questionnaires, different researchers
can ask the same questions and are likely to get the same results from the same
participants. However, reliable results may lack validity.

"With qualitative methods such as unstructured interviews and participant observa­

tion, it is difficult to check reliability, because the study cannot be replicated easily.

Objectivity * Objectivity concerns whether the method produces impartial and unbiased data
and whether the researcher’s values intrude.

* Participant observation, for example, demands a high level of personal

involvement. If this reduces objectivity and prevents an impartial view, it is likely to
affect the validity of research observations.

Representativeness * Representativeness concerns whether the sample is typical of the population

that it is drawn from. It is possible to generalise from a representative sample.
Questionnaires based on stratified random samples can form a basis for generalising.

+ With participant observation, the numbers observed are too small to provide a
representative sample.

Ethics * Ethics concern whether the researcher conducted the research and used the
methods in ways that comply with ethical guidelines on informed consent,
confidentiality, privacy, deception and harm.

*A researcher would be seen as unethical if, for example, they used a particular
method in a way that caused distress or involved deception.

Activity
Take each of these five criteria in turn and apply it
to one of the studies discussed in this chapter.

139
3 RESEARCH METHODS
Key term
Bias Error or distortion in the data arising from
the way evidence is collected or interpreted.
Summary
1. Findings may be biased by the choices a
sociologist makes in funding, designing and
conducting the research.
2. Findings from all research methods may
be subject to bias. Distortion may arise, for
example, because of interview bias or the
Hawthorne effect
3. Sampling bias is linked to non-random sampling.
4. The social desirability' effect can impact on
research findings.
140
5. Findings may be distorted by the sociologist's
values if they affect the research process.
6. Funding providers’ priorities may influence
sociologists’ decisions to research particular
topics, the methods they use and the types of
data they collect.
7. Reflexivity is increasingly seen as an important
part of the research process. It provides
researchers with an opportunity to assess
possible sources of bias within their findings.
8. Sociologists use the concepts of validity,
reliability', objectivity, representativeness and
ethics to assess the value of the different
research methods.
 3.3 RESEARCH ISSUES

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 l 1 | Describe two sources of bias in research findings. [4 marks]
I Q | 2 | Explain one strength and one limitation of using reliability to assess the value of questionnaires. [6 marks]
| 0 | 5 l Theoretical considerations are the most important influence on sociological research.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE QUESTIONS

foTTI Describe two types of sampling method. [4 marks]
roiri a. Explain two reasons why laboratory experiments are rarely used in sociological research. [8 marks]
b. Explain one strength and one limitation of questionnaires. [6 marks]

foTH ‘Qualitative research data lack validity.’

a. Explain this view. [10 marks]
b. Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]
FoTaH Evaluate the use of structured interviews in sociological research. [26 marks]
foTsI Evaluate the view that sociological research should be value free. [26 marks]

141

The problem with studying the family is that we all
think we are experts - not surprisingly, given that
most of us are born into families and socialised into
■P" family roles and responsibilities. For many of us,
the family is the cornerstone of our social world,
a place to which we can retreat and where we can
take refuge from the stresses of the outside world.
It is the place in which we are loved for who we are,
rather than for what we are. Moreover, studying
the family is important because it is often a primary
source of love, nurturance, support, affection,
142
A
commitment, responsibility, obligation, duty and
sense of belonging, yet at the same time it can also
be a site of significant conflict, tension and violence.
Family life can be both positive and negative. It often
provokes strong and contradictory feelings in most
of us. This chapter, therefore, deals with sociological
theories of the family that have contributed in
some way to our understanding of family life in
the 21 st century. What all these theories tell us is
that, although we all operate with a common-sense
definition and understanding of what we mean by
the ‘family’, once we examine sociological theories
of families and family life, it soon becomes obvious
that the way family life is organised is not so
straightforward. There is both a huge cultural and
global variation in how families are organised and
how family life is lived. It is important to understand
that there is no such thing as a ‘right’ or ‘wrong’ way
to organise family life and that family groupings may
differ according to cultural location.

SECTION A
THEORIES OF THE FAMIUf AND SOCIAL CHANGE
Contents
Part 1 Perspectives on the role of the family 144
Part 2 Diversity and social change 157
Three of the key concepts that you were introduced
to in the introductory chapter are particularly
relevant to your study of the family.
» First, power, control and resistance. The family
has enormous power to shape children’s
understanding of the wider world, and to mould
children and adolescents into the type of citizens
and workers that are going to benefit society.
It is, therefore, important to examine how the
family shapes social action via the processes of
socialisation and social control. Moreover, as we
shall see during the course of this chapter, some
sociologists genuinely believe that what is taught
to children by parents is the product of consensus
and ultimately beneficial to society in terms of
bringing about order and stability. However,
other sociologists are critical of what happens
during family life. They argue that the cultural
values passed down from parents to children are
potentially damaging to society, because these
values ‘enslave’ our minds and consequently we
are unable to fully see or understand how society
works in practice.
» Second, social change and development. The
family, as we shall see, was an integral feature
of the movement from traditional to modern
industrial societies. But what role does it play
in social change and development today?
We will particularly examine the relationship
w
between the family and globalisation. Some
sociologists, particularly postmodernists, argue
that the concept of ‘family’ should be abandoned
because it has become too prescriptive. Instead,
these sociologists argue that we should focus
on the everyday components of people’s
personal lives that contribute to their overall
family experience.
» Third, sociolisotion, culture and identity. As we
saw in Chapter 2, the family is central to the
reproduction, generation by generation, of both
society and culture. The interaction between
parents and children is organised around the
socialisation of children into the central values
and norms of society so that they grow up to
be law-abiding citizens and willing workers. Our
identity, too, as individuals and as members of a
social group is formed within the family unit.
Section A is divided into two parts.
In Part 1, we seek to gain an overview of how
different sociological perspectives view the
relationship between family, society and the
individual. Some are extremely positive about the
contribution that the family has made towards
society and social change, while other perspectives
have been critical and even go as far as suggesting
that the relationship between the family, society
and the individual is unhealthy.
In Part 2, we look at how social change has ■
produced diversity in family forms and family
life. We consequently examine how changes in
the nature of adult relationships, especially with
regard to marriage, have impacted on family life,
relationships and structure.
 4 THE FAMILY
PART 1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE
OF THE FAMILY
Contents
Unit 4. 1.1 Definitions 144
Unit 4.1.2 Functionalist accounts of
the family 146
Unit 4.1.3 Marxism, the family and
capitalism 153
Functionalist theories of the family see the family as
making a very positive contribution to society. For
example, George Peter Murdock (1949) went as far
as to argue that it is such an important institution
that it is universal - meaning that it can be found
in virtually every society in the world. Talcott
Unit 4.1.1 Definitions
It is important that you have a clear understanding
of some of the common concepts used in different
theoretical perspectives on the family. For example,
kinship refers to people who are biologically
related by descent or who have attained the status
of relatives via marriage, cohabitation, adoption
or fostering. Kin normally enjoy legal rights such
as those relating to the inheritance of property.
Moreover, they may feel obliged to offer each other
material and emotional support.
The most common family type experienced by the
majority of people in modern industrial societies,
especially among urban populations, is the ‘nuclear
family’. Traditionally, this has been defined as a
two-generational social group - two parents and one
or more children - who share a common residence.
Evidence suggests that the most common type of
family found in pre-industrial societies or the rural
districts of societies which are rapidly undergoing
urbanisation such as China is the 'extended family’.
There are three types of extended family:
1. The vertical extended family, in which three
generations of kin - grandparents, parents and
their children - live under the same roof.
144
Parsons (1902-79) argued that the multi-functional
extended family was exceptionally well-suited for
meeting the needs of agricultural pre-industrial
societies but evolved and adapted to the needs
of industrial society by becoming a smaller, more
streamlined unit, shedding some of its functions and
adopting more specialist functions better suited to
modern demands. Not all functionalist sociologists
agree with this ‘loss of functions’ argument, though.
Finally, Marxist explanations of family life tend to
question the functionalist view that family life is
beneficial both for its members and for society.
Marxists tend to argue that the family benefits
a select few - especially those who benefit from
capitalism, and men - rather than the many.
2. The horizontal extended family, in which brothers
and their wives and children live under the same
roof. These are mainly found in Sikh communities.
3. The attenuated extended family, in which extended
kin live in close proximity to each other, and contact
between them - which is shaped by a strong sense
of duty and obligation - is frequent and based on
offering each other mutual support.
Activity
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An extended family.
Construct a family tree that includes all your
relatives or kin. Set it out so different-coloured
arrows symbolise the strength of the relationship
and/or the frequency with which you interact with

them. For example, a dark-blue line might indicate
kin you see every day because you live with them.
A green line might indicate relatives you see
fairly frequently. A red line might indicate kin you
only ever see at special events such as funerals,
weddings or religious ceremonies. Show the tree
to your parents, and ask them to identify kin not
included in your tree. Some people regard close
friends - symbolic ‘uncles’ and 'aunts’ - and pets
as members of their families. If you do, feel free to
add them.
Finally, the concept of ‘household’ is central to an
understanding of family. All families that share a
common residence are households. However, there
are also household set-ups that are not families. For
example, a single person who lives alone, a couple
of friends who share a rented apartment, students
who share a house and elderly people who live in
a retirement home are all examples of non-family
households. In the USA in the 1960s and 1970s,
some members of a youth counter-culture known as
‘hippies’ as well as members of religious sects such
as the Moonies, set up types of households known as
communes. Communes are self-sustaining collectives
based on sharing property and responsibilities - for
example, for raising children. In Israel, communes
(known collectively as kibbutzim and based on
socialist values such as economic cooperation and
equality) are popular. In 2016, it was estimated that
150000 people lived in 274 kibbutzim.
Activity
Colin Turnbull was an anthropologist who
specialised in studying primitive communities
or tribes. Between 1964 and 1967, he lived
among the Ik - a tribe of hunter-gatherers who
spent most of the year moving around Northern
Uganda in search of food. The Ik had a harsh life
and were constantly on the verge of starvation.
Turnbull noted that this struggle for survival had
led to them rejecting basic human values such as
love, kindness, sentiment or honesty. Instead, the
Ik were motivated almost entirely by individual
self-interest.
The Ik regarded anyone who could not take care
of themselves as a useless burden and a hazard to
the survival of the others. This included children,
4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE FAMILY
the sick and disabled and the elderly, who were
often abandoned by parents and other relatives to
die. Children were thrown out of the village at the
age of 3 and formed themselves into gangs which
raided crops, fought each other and generally
competed for survival.
Questions
1. What positive features of your experience of
family life simply do not exist in Ik culture?
2. Identify three similarities between modern family
life and Ik family life.
3. Why is it a sociological mistake to judge Ik
culture negatively?
Key terms
Kinship Relationship between people who
are related to each other by blood, marriage
or adoption.
Nuclear family A unit that comprises mother,
father and children, natural or adopted.
Extended family A unit consisting of the nuclear
family plus other kin who may live under the same
roof or in close proximity so that contact is regular
and frequent.
Household This includes all those who live under
the same roof or occupy the same dwelling. These
people need not be necessarily related.
Commune A type of cooperative household
made up of mainly unrelated people who agree
to share work, possessions and religious or
social objectives.
Kibbutz A type of commune or household found in
Israel (plural ‘kibbutzim’).
Summary
1. Sociologists agree that there are two types
of family: the nuclear unit, which is common
in modern industrial societies, and the
extended family, which is more common in
pre-industrial societies.
2. Some people choose to live in households or
non-family units with friends, fellow students,
or in communes or kibbutzim with people who
share their collectivist ideals.
145
 4 THE FAMILY
Unit 4.1.2 Functionalist accounts
of the family
Functionalism is a structuralist or systems theory
in that it believes that society and the way it is
organised (that is, its social structure/system) is
more important than the individuals who comprise
it. Functionalism examines the social institutions
(such as the economy, education, media, law, family,
religion) that make up society. It sees these social
institutions as moulding and shaping the individuals
who belong to them. Functionalists often assume
that if a social institution such as the family exists,
then it must have a function or purpose - it must do
something useful. As a result, the family is usually
seen to perform functions which benefit both its
members and society as a whole. In this unit, we will
examine the functionalist idea that the nuclear family
is so important to the maintenance of social order
and stability that it is a universal institution; that is,
it is found in every known human society. We will also
examine the functionalist argument that the family,
whether it is extended or nuclear, functions for the
benefit of both society and the individuals who
comprise it.
The female The husband
role is provides for
concerned and protects
with the family,
motherhood and is a
and disciplinary
housework. role model.
Iffl
y Children are the outcome of their
parents’love.
The traditional nuclear family.
! the social or cultural requirements of pre-industrial
The universality of the family argument
The functionalist sociologist, Murdock (1949)
claimed that the nuclear family is universal (that is,
it is the most common type of family found in any
society) and that it performs four basic functions:
t Reproductive - it provides new members of
society, without which society would cease to exist.
» Sexual regulation - the idea that sex should be
confined to marriage contributes to social order
146
and stability because such fidelity sets the moral
rules for sexual behaviour in general.
* Economic - parents take responsibility for the
economic welfare of their children.
» Educational - parents socialise the next
generation into consensual social values.
However, Murdock’s view that the nuclear family
is universal has been criticised because, although
families do tend to exist in most societies, his
argument fails to take account of the increasing
diversity of modern family structures and
relationships. For example, in many societies today,
reproduction and sex are no longer exclusive to
family and marriage. In some societies, households
rather than families (for example, communes and
kibbutzim) have successfully raised children. Finally,
Murdock’s idea of a family is an ideological construct
in that it is conservative. He seems to suggest
that marriage and heterosexuality are central to
the concept of family and consequently excludes
alternative set-ups involving single, gay or surrogate
parents, as not ‘proper’ families.
Talcott Parsons
Parsons (1965), an American sociologist, was the
most important contributor to the functionalist
theory of the family. His theory of the family
examined how the social and economic change
associated with industrialisation and modernisation
shaped family structures and relationships.
He argued that most pre-industrial societies
are composed of relatively small farming or
hunter-gatherer communities. Land and other
economic resources were commonly owned or
rented by extended families. For example, it was
not uncommon to live with and work alongside
extended kin on the land, either tending herds of
animals or raising crops. Parsons claimed that there
was a functional ‘fit’ between extended families and
societies in that such families performed a range of
functions which was beneficial to both society and
the kin that made up such families. In this sense, the
pre-industrial family was a multi-functional unit. The
extended family, therefore, functioned:
i To meet the basic needs of extended kin through
the production of food, clothing and shelter. They
would trade or barter with other family groups
for those things they could not produce or make
themselves. In times of poor harvest or famine,

the extended family rallied around to provide a
subsistence living.
> To educate children in whatever skills the family
specialised in. These skills were not highly
specialised and were probably limited to hunting,
gathering, growing particular crops, soldiering
and providing the community with basic services
such as baking, brewing, metalwork, shoeing
horses and so on. Most of these skills were shared
and passed down through generations from
parents to children. However, this socialisation
rarely extended to literacy or numeracy.
Specialised occupational roles which required
these skills were often restricted to children from
high-status families.
» To take responsibility for the health of its
members in the absence of a system of universal
healthcare. However, the high infant mortality
rates and low life expectancy of the pre-industrial
period suggest that this was probably a
constant struggle.
» To take responsibility for the welfare of disabled
and elderly members of the family. For example,
the relatively few family members who did make it
into old age would be cared for by extended kin,
in exchange for services such as looking after very
young children.
» Extended kin, in the absence of a criminal justice
system, often pursued vendettas to seek revenge
for perceived slights. If a family member was
unlawfully killed, blood feuds between extended
families could last for three or four generations.
For example, the War of the Roses in England
in the 15th century was a conflict between two
extended families, as represented by the royal
Houses of Lancaster and York.
The decline of the extended family and
the growth of the nuclear family
Parsons argued that extended families were very
effective for the needs of pre-industrial society,
but he claims that they were too unwieldly and
impractical to continue in societies that experienced
industrialisation and the urbanisation that inevitably
followed the industrial revolution. Parsons claimed
that the extended kinship network was generally
unsuitable in meeting the needs of an economy
based on manufacturing industry.
Consequently, Parsons argued that the extended
family evolved into the smaller and more streamlined
4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE FAMILY
isolated nuclear family in order to function
in a way that effectively met the needs of an
industrial-capitalist society. He argued then that the
industrial revolution brought about five fundamental
social changes to the family.
1. The new industrial economy demanded a
more geographically mobile workforce. The
responsibilities and duties that underpinned
extended families (for example, members of
such families felt a strong sense of obligation to
remain near to their extended kin and to defer to
their elders) did not suit these modern economic
demands. Members of extended families were
consequently reluctant to move to the urban areas
in which factories and textile mills were being built.
Nuclear families, on the other hand, because they
were smaller, were more geographically mobile
than extended families. Parsons, therefore, argued
that as industrialisation spread nuclear families
broke away from their extended kin to move to
the growing urban centres to take advantage of
the jobs and wages offered by the new factories
and textile mills. In the UK, in which the world’s
first industrial revolution occurred, this resulted in
a mass migration from rural areas to cities. Most
of this urbanisation occurred between 1700 and
1830, when the proportion of the UK population
living in cities and towns increased from 15 per
cent to 34 per cent.
We can see similar trends in countries which have
experienced rapid industrialisation during the past
20 years. For example, in 1982 China was still a
mainly rural society and only one in five Chinese
people lived in cities. However, the massive and
rapid industrialisation and urbanisation that
has taken place in China over the past 20 years
now means that just over 50 per cent of China’s
population now live in cities. It is predicted that
75 per cent of the Chinese population will be living
in cities by 2030.
2. Another social change brought about by
industrialisation was the opportunity to improve
oneself materially. This is known as social mobility.
In pre-industrial societies and in extended families,
social mobility and status was/is ascribed. For
example, the head of the household to whom
all other members of the family were expected
to defer was usually the oldest male. However,
Parsons claimed that ascription was not suitable as
a means of allocating roles in an industrial society.
This is because such societies needed to ensure
147
4 THE FAMILY
that the most skilled and talented occupied the
most important occupational roles if they were to
be economically successful.
Parsons claimed that industrial societies needed to
be meritocratic in order make sure that the most
skilled and talented are allocated to jobs in which
they will be most effective.
3. Parsons believed that members of nuclear
families were more independent as individuals
and less prone to the sorts of social pressures
from extended kin and community that might
have made them less adventurous in their social
ambitions and choice of jobs or location. Parsons
argued that the ascribed roles that were part
and parcel of the extended family were likely to
come into conflict with the roles required by a
competitive industrial-capitalist economic system
in which jobs and status were allocated on the
basis of ability and qualification rather than being
passed down and/or inherited. For example, the
social stability of a family and community may
be undermined if junior members of an extended
family wield more economic power than the
traditional head of the household.
4. A key difference between rural extended families
and urban nuclear families was that the latter
had experienced a separation between home and
workplace, as they had become wage-earners
in the factory system. They were no longer in a
position to grow or rear their own food, build
their own homes or make their own clothing.
Consequently, as industrialisation extended
its influence over society, specialised agencies
gradually took over many of the functions of the
pre-industrial extended family. Parsons referred
to this process as ‘structural differentiation’ and
argued that it was often accompanied by a social
process that he called ‘functional specialisation’.
This meant that more effective specialist
institutions evolved to produce the goods and
services previously provided by extended families.
Members of urban nuclear families, therefore,
became dependent on outside agencies -
businesses - which evolved to meet many of
their needs. For example, processed canned and
frozen food was mass produced in factories and
sold in stores that eventually developed into
supermarket chains. Other products which had
traditionally been produced by extended families,
such as clothing, furniture and even homes, were
produced by businesses which specialised in
these commodities. In this sense, Parsons saw the
148
nuclear family as largely losing its most important
economic function - that of production.
5. Industrialisation also encouraged the development
of the modern bureaucratic state as society and
the economy grew more formal and complex.
For example, the development of a monetary
system resulted in people entering contractual
relationships in which they were expected to
engage in official legal exchanges such as money
for goods. Bureaucratic government increasingly
took on the responsibility of regulating such
relationships. The state also increasingly took over
the functions of education, health, welfare and
justice, which prior to industrialisation had largely
been the responsibility of the extended family.
Parsons suggested that this process of structural
differentiation meant that the multi-functional
family effectively disappeared and was replaced
by the isolated nuclear family, which focused on
performing two basic and irreducible functions:
(a) the primary socialisation of children and (b) the
stabilisation of adult personalities.
Primary socialisation of children Parsons believed
that the family should bear the main responsibility
for the socialisation of children into the core cultural
values of industrial-capitalist societies, such as:
» achievement
> competition
» equality of opportunity
» respect for private property.
For a more detailed account of the functions of the
family as an agent of primary socialisation and its
effectiveness in helping bring about value consensus,
conformity, social solidarity - the main foundation
stones of social order - you should refer to Unit 2.2.2.
Parsons viewed the nuclear family as a ‘personality
factory’ whose manufactured products were young
i workers and citizens committed to the rules, patterns
of behaviour and belief systems that make positive
involvement in economic life and good citizenship
possible. In this sense, Parsons saw the family as a
crucial bridge connecting the individual child/adult to
wider society.
Activity
What evidence would you use to challenge Parsons’
idea that primary socialisation is successful in
producing young citizens committed to the rules?
 4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE FAMILY

not be acceptable in the outside adult world but

Home and family which nevertheless need release.
Commuting Deadlines Competition
Pace of life Budgets Money
Productivity Stress Overtime
Hard work Promotion Hiring and firing
Job insecurity

The'worm both’ theory. This emotional support and security, and the
opportunity to engage in play with children, acts as a
Stabilisation of adult personality Parsons argued safety valve that prevents stress from overwhelming
that the second major specialised function of the adult family members. As a result, it both stabilises
family is to relieve the stresses of modern-day living the adult personality by de-stressing the individual
for its adult members. He observes that modern-day and strengthens social bonds within the family as
workplaces are very hectic, competitive and well as stability in wider society.
stressful places.
Members of a nuclear family no longer have
extended kin easily available for advice and guidance
Activity
to help them cope with modern-day living. However, Feature Pre­ Modern
Parsons saw this as an opportunity for spouses and industrial industrial
children in the nuclear family to positively reinforce society society
their relationships.
Family type
Parsons claimed that the nuclear family could act
Family
as a ‘warm bath’ - he suggested that immersion
functions
in family life could relieve the pressures of work
and contemporary society just as a warm bath Ascribed or
soothes and relaxes the body. John Pullinger (2014) achieved roles?
claims that Parsons viewed the nuclear family as Relations with
a ‘retreat’, especially for the male breadwinner, extended kin?
‘from the competitive demands and formality of the
workplace, so as to provide replenishment within a Question
haven of emotional security. Moreover, it caters for
Drawing on what you have read so far, fill in the
the therapeutic needs of adults to act out childish
table.
residues - affective, childlike behaviour which would

149
 4 THE FAMILY
Instrumental and expressive roles Parsons
particularly saw marriage as essential to the health,
happiness and stability of adults in modern societies.
Parsons therefore viewed the family as a positive and
beneficial place for all its members - as ‘home sweet
home’, as a ‘haven in a heartless world’ and a place
in which people could be their natural selves.
Parsons argued that this new nuclear unit provided
the husband and wife with very clear and distinct
social roles. Parsons claimed that the male should
be the ‘instrumental leader’ - responsible for the
economic welfare and living standards of the family
group and the protection of other family members.
He is the wage-earner and consequently the head of
the household.
Parsons claimed that the female is best suited to
being the ‘expressive leader’ - this means that the
mother and wife should be primarily responsible
for the socialisation of children and particularly the
emotional care and support of family members.
Parsons argued that this sexual division of labour
is ‘natural’, because it is based on biological
differences. However, Parsons did see the relationship
between husbands and wives as complementary, with
each equally contributing to the maintenance of the
family but in a qualitatively different way.
In conclusion, then, Parsons argued that extended
families, with their emphasis on tradition, hindered
progress and modernity. In contrast, he argued that
the nuclear family unit was superior because it was
more adaptable to the needs of modern industrial
societies. Parsons believed that only the modern
nuclear family could produce dutiful citizens and the
achievement-orientated and geographically mobile
workforce required to make modern industrial
economies successful.
Activity
If possible, interview your grandparents and/
or great-grandparents about their experience of
family life.
i Ask them how they met, what cultural
expectations in their day governed their contact
with one another before marriage and how their
wedding was organised.
» Ask them what was expected by society
about the role of men and women in marriage
with regard to parenting, housework,
decision-making, women taking on paid work
and so on.
150
> Ask about their contact with (and the influence
of) extended kin, especially parents, on how
they managed their marriage and family life.
» Ask them what they think has changed for the
better and what has changed for the worse.
> Think about how their recollections might
support or challenge the sociological studies
mentioned in this chapter.
» Finally, compare your own experience of family
life to theirs.
Evaluating the functionalist theory
of the family
Functionalism was the first theory to point out that in
almost all societies throughout the world we can see
the two-generation nuclear family with adults of both
sexes and dependent children. Furthermore, many
state policy initiatives aimed at regulating family life,
especially those in modern industrial societies, have
their origin in functionalist theories of the family.
However, the functionalist theory of the family has
been criticised for several reasons:
1. Ronald Fletcher (1988) argued that Parsons was
wrong to suggest that the nuclear family had
undergone a 'loss of functions’. Fletcher argued
that the nuclear family continues to perform three
unique and crucial functions that no other social
institution can carry out in most of the societies
in which it is found. These include: satisfying the
long-term sexual and emotional needs of parents;
raising children in a stable environment; and the
provision of a home to which all family members
return after work, school and so on. Moreover,
Fletcher argued that the nuclear family continues
to perform the functions that Parsons believes it
lost to the state. He observed that most parents
continue to take primary responsibility for
providing their children with educational supports
and daily healthcare. Moreover, even after children
have left home to marry or have moved away to
work, parents continue to provide welfare for their
children and extended kin. Deborah Chambers
(2012) agrees and observes that many nuclear
families continue to ‘opt in’ to provide care or
financial support to extended kin.
Fletcher argued that Western governments never
intended to replace the family and that the role
of social policy is actually to supplement the
functions of the family, for example, by providing

social, economic and educational supports such as
postnatal care, free healthcare from the cradle to
the grave and compulsory education.
Fletcher accepted that the nuclear family has
largely lost its economic function of production,
although many family-based companies continue
to be successful. However, Fletcher argued that
the family functions as a major unit of economic
consumption, because the modern nuclear family
spends a great proportion of its income on family
or home-orientated consumer goods, such as
the family car, garden paraphernalia, the latest
electrical appliances for the kitchen and leisure use.
and toys. The consumption function of the family,
therefore, motivates its members as workers to
earn as much as possible, as well as motivating
capitalist entrepreneurs and businesses to produce
and market what families want. In other words, the
nuclear family is essential to a successful economy.
2. Parsons failed to consider the impact of global
migration on family life in the USA and other
industrial nations. This migration has resulted in
a diversity of family types existing alongside each
other. The nuclear family is, therefore, no longer as
dominant as it once was.
3. Parsons neglected agency and free will.
Interactionist sociologists argue that Parsons
paints a picture of children as ‘empty vessels’
being pumped full of culture by their parents. They
claim that this is an over-deterministic and passive
view of children which fails to acknowledge that
in reality socialisation is a two-way interaction
in which children have the power to modify their
parents’ behaviour - for example, by taking part
in family decision-making with regard to consumer
spending, television viewing, use of social media
i moments of intense emotion. He notes that ‘we
sites and so on.
4. Historians suggest that Parsons was far too
simplistic in his interpretation of the impact of
industrialisation on the family. They point out
that the evidence suggests that industrialisation
follows different historical patterns in different
industrial societies. For example, until the 1980s,
the Japanese experience of industrialisation
stressed the importance of a job for life with the
same company. Employees were encouraged to
view the company and their workmates as part of a
larger extended family and consequently duty and
obligation were encouraged as important cultural
values. As a result, Japanese extended kinship
4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE FAMILY
networks continue to exert a profound influence on
their members and the isolated nuclear family failed
to gain a significant foothold in Japanese culture.
5. Some sociologists and social historians claim that
Parsons confused cause and effect. For example,
Parsons hypothesised that industrialisation
resulted in the decline of the extended family and
its replacement with the nuclear family. However,
this is not supported by the limited historical data
that we have. Social historians now hypothesise
that industrialisation was able to take off so quickly
and effectively in some societies because nuclear
families already existed in large numbers, so people
could move quickly to those parts of the country
where their skills were in demand.
6. Similarly, studies of urban areas undergoing
industrialisation suggest that the need for the
extended family was actually strengthened by
migration to towns and cities. For example,
extended kinship networks probably functioned
as a mutual economic support system for
migrants. It is very likely that migrants sought out
extended kin when they arrived in an urban area
and that such kin pooled their wages in order to
share the high cost of rents and to help out kin
who were sick, disabled and elderly. Moreover, in
European countries such as the UK, social surveys
indicate that the extended family continued to
exist well into the late 20th century.
7. Parsons presented a very positive picture of -
relationships within the nuclear family, but
evidence suggests that living in such a unit can
sometimes be very dysfunctional or harmful to its
members. As David Cheal (2002) notes, functional
relationships can easily slip into damaging
relationships, and love can often turn into hate in
have to face the paradox that families are contexts
of love and nurturance, but they are also contexts
of violence and murder’ (Cheal 2002). Feminists
are critical of functionalists for ignoring the ‘dark
side of family life’. They point out that, in many
societies, most recorded murders of women and
children, assaults and abuse of children, sexual or
otherwise, take place within the family unit. For
example, the United Nations Commission on the
Status of Women (UNCSW) estimated that of all
women who were the victims of homicide globally
in 2012, almost half were killed by intimate
partners or family members, compared to less
than 6 per cent of men killed in the same year.
151
4 THE FAMILY
The UNCSW also observed that 43 per cent of
women in the 28 European Union member states
have experienced some form of psychological
violence by an intimate partner in their lifetime.
8. Finally. Parsons’ theory of family has been
criticised as ‘ethnocentric’ This means that
Parsons assumed that his American experience of
the nuclear family life was a universal experience.
However, he failed to consider the fact that wealth
or poverty may determine whether women stay
at home to look after children or not. Religious
and ethnic subcultural differences may mean that
Parsons’ version of the family is no longer relevant
in societies that are multicultural.
9. Feminists are particularly critical of functionalism,
which they describe as a patriarchal ideology that
justifies sexism, misogyny and gender inequality
in its insistence that family roles are somehow
biological in origin, and that males and females
are somehow more ‘naturally’ suited to being
instrumental leaders and expressive leaders
respectively. Feminists such as Cordelia Fine (2017)
point out that there is absolutely no scientific
evidence for such assertions. Moreover, such ideas
seep into popular consciousness and undermine
the aspirations of females, consequently limiting
the number of positive female role models that are
available to girls and young women. As Sally Ride,
the first female commander of the Space Shuttle
commented, ‘you can’t be what you can’t see’
Activity
Evaluate the view that Parsons’ ideas about the
relationship between men and women in families
are patriarchal.
Activity
nil hli VnT a Parsons claimed that this is usually the role of
ft
V the male.
r{,
* Expressive leader The role of nurturer of children,
! primarily responsible for the primary socialisation
4
Solly Ride in the flight deck of Space Shuttle
Challenger S75-7 in June 1983.
Why are female role models so important to the
aspirations of girls and young women?
152
Key terms
Fidelity Faithfulness, usually in a relationship.
Consensual All involved agree willingly.
Multi-functional Performing lots of functions, such
as the pre-industrial family.
Urbanisation The process of people who had
previously lived in the countryside moving to the
towns and cities, usually to find work in factories,
mills and so on.
Isolated nuclear family A family that is
self-contained and which has little contact with
extended kin.
Geographical mobility Refers to people and
families physically moving across the country,
usually in search of work or education.
Ascription/ascribed role A role assigned at birth
over which an individual has little choice or say.
For example, members of a royal family inherit a
role. In patriarchal societies, females involuntarily
occupy a subordinate role.
Structural differentiation The emergence of
specialised agencies which gradually took over
many of the functions of the pre-industrial
extended family.
Basic and irreducible functions The two crucial
functions performed by the nuclear family
in modern capitalist societies: the primary
socialisation of children, and the stabilisation of
adult personalities.
Stabilisation of adult personality An irreducible
function of the nuclear family according to
Parsons, in which the male worker’s immersion in
his family supposedly relieves him of the pressures
of work and contemporary society, just as a warm
bath soothes and relaxes the body.
Instrumental leader The role of economic
provider or breadwinner for the nuclear family.
of children, and emotional caretaker. According
to Parsons, females have a ‘natural’ empathy for
this role.
Loss of functions The functionalist idea that
the multi-functional extended family of the
pre-industrial era lost many of its functions after
the industrial revolution.

Consumption Refers to the spending of money on
goods and services. A successful economy needs to
competitively market its goods and services in ways
that attract consumers to spend their cash on them.
Ethnocentric Judging other cultures according to
preconceptions originating in the standards and
customs of one’s own culture.
Summary
1. The functionalist sociologist Talcott Parsons
believed that there was a strong relationship
between structural social change and changes
in family life.
2. Parsons claimed that multi-functional extended
families were the norm in pre-industrial
societies because they functionally fitted the
needs of that type of society.
3. Industrialisation was the catalyst of
family change.
4. Parsons claimed that the nuclear family evolved
out of the extended family, and became
the universal norm in more industrialised
societies because it met the functional needs
of industrial society for a geographically and
socially mobile workforce.
5. Parsons claimed that the nuclear family was
functionally beneficial for both modern industrial
societies and for the individuals that comprised it.
6. However, Parsons has been criticised for being
ethnocentric and over-deterministic and for
neglecting or ignoring the 'dark side of family life’.
Unit 4.1.3 Marxism, the family
and capitalism
Marxism and functionalism are both examples of
structural theories (see Unit 2.2.1 on structuralism).
They are mainly interested in how the family
contributes to the overall running of society rather
than how people experience family life on a daily
basis. Like functionalists, then, Marxists are keen to
find out what the overall purpose or function of the
family is for society.
Marxists reject the functionalist view that society is
based on value consensus and therefore operates for
the benefit of all. Instead they argue that capitalist
society is organised around conflict between social
classes and exploitation rather than social order (as
4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE FAMILY
functionalists believe). This unit will examine the two
main Marxist approaches to the family that originate
with Engels and Zaretsky.
Friedrich Engels: the family, the
bourgeoise and private property
Engels speculated that the history of humanity could
be divided into two main eras:
1. The era of primitive communism - Engels claimed
that during the early stages of human evolution
there was no private property and the family as we
know it today did not exist. Human beings lived in
‘promiscuous hordes’ or tribes. There were very few
rules limiting sexual relationships, and marriage as
we know it today also did not exist. Children were
brought up by the whole tribe rather than parents.
2. The era of capitalism - Engels claimed that the
nuclear family based on monogamy (marriage
between one man and one woman) only developed
with the emergence of capitalism, which led to the
accumulation of private property and wealth. Engels
claimed that the monogamous nuclear family was
adopted by capitalists because it provided the
most efficient way of ensuring that wealth and
private property was inherited by a person’s direct
descendants. If there is only one husband and
one wife in a family, questions about the paternity
of children or about which wife’s children should
inherit were unlikely to arise. Engels claimed that
monogamous marriage, in particular, was useful to
the capitalist class because it conferred legitimacy
on children and, therefore, members of the
bourgeoisie were able to ensure that their fortunes
were inherited by their direct descendants.
Evaluating Engels
1 There is strong evidence that suggests that
monogamous nuclear families have grown in
popularity as capitalism has evolved although
there is also evidence that nuclear families existed
in large numbers pre-capitalism.
> Feminists point out that there is no historical
evidence of an era of primitive communism. This is
pure speculation on Engels’ part.
* However, anthropologists (people who study
primitive tribal societies) such as Kathleen Gough
(1973) have supported Engels’ idea that primitive
human societies were characterised by promiscuous
sexual relations because our nearest relatives -
chimpanzees - live in promiscuous groups.
153
4 THE FAMILY
Eli Zaretsky: The family as an
ideological agency
Eli Zaretsky (1976), like most other Marxists, claims
that the modern nuclear family is an ideological
agency which operates as part of the superstructure
of capitalist society to reproduce and legitimate the
inequality and exploitation found in the economic
infrastructure. Consequently, nuclear family life
mainly benefits capitalism and the capitalist class at
the expense of other members of society. This can be
illustrated in four key ways:
1. Zaretsky saw the family as a crucial agent of
socialisation. However, Zaretsky believed that
the family socialised children into capitalist
ideology in order to turn them into passive
and falsely conscious workers, citizens and
consumers who uncritically accept the inequality
that is generated by the organisation of capitalist
societies. Zaretsky argues that a working-class
child’s experience of socialisation usually involves
learning obedience, conformity, showing respect
for those in authority and so on. Marxists,
therefore, suggest that the family is partially
responsible for the ideological control of the
working class and especially the suppression
of ideas which might challenge the current
organisation of the capitalist system.
2. Zaretsky is very critical of Parsons’ ‘stabilisation
of adult personality’ argument. In contrast, he
argues that the role of the family is more sinister
because its real function is to help workers
manage their resentment of the capitalist
workplace, which generally oppresses and exploits
them. Zaretsky notes that the nuclear family
dampens such feelings because the worker who
has a family is unlikely to engage in actions which
threaten their income and therefore their family’s
standard of living. Research by Huw Beynon
(1984) found that companies such as Ford would
only employ married men with families in the
1980s, because they were more reluctant than
single men to take strike action, feeling that
their main responsibility was to their wives and
children rather than their fellow workers.
Similarly, Fran Ansley (1972) argued that
capitalism has stripped male workers of dignity,
power and control at work. Surveys of factory
workers suggest that many are bored by the
tedious nature of their work. Many are alienated -
meaning that they cannot identify with or bring
154
themselves to care about the product they are
producing. They feel powerless and consequently
feel that their masculinity is being challenged.
However, Ansley argues that this male frustration
and alienation is often absorbed by the family
and particularly the female partner. She argues
that the powerlessness that men experience
in the workplace leads to problems such as
domestic violence and child abuse, as men
attempt to assert power, control and authority
in the home. Wives, therefore, act as safety
valves for capitalism because these men are
not directing their anger at the real cause of
their problems - the nature and organisation
of capitalism.
3. Some Marxists have claimed that the extended
family was deliberately discouraged by the
capitalist class. This is because the mutual support
system on which the extended family depends
encourages socialist ideas such as collectivism,
altruism, equality of opportunity, egalitarianism
and selflessness rather than capitalist values,
which encourage competitiveness, individualism,
greed and selfishness.
4. Zaretsky argued that the nuclear family is an
essential component of capitalism because
it is the major unit for the consumption of
manufactured goods and services and therefore
it is essential to the success and profitability of
the capitalist system. Moreover, the pursuit of
consumerism may have the added bonus for the
capitalist class of distracting workers from the
unjust organisation of capitalism. For example,
Marxists argue that parents are encouraged
to teach their children that the main route to
happiness and status lies in consumerism and the
acquisition of material possessions. Consequently,
the inequalities in wealth and income produced by
capitalism often go unchallenged by a generation
fixated on the acquisition of the latest designer
labels and gadgets.
Similarly, the neo-Marxist Herbert Marcuse
(1964) noted that the profitability of capitalism
depends on the family spending money on ‘false
needs’ These are consumer goods which are
mainly bought to be conspicuously consumed;
that is, their ownership is noticed by others
because they are ‘trendy’ or high-status items.
However, the logic of capitalism dictates that
these items quickly become obsolete as they
are replaced by improved technology or more

fashionable items. Capitalist ideology transmitted
by advertising and the mass media, and aimed at
the family, ensures that family income continues
to be spent on such items. This ensures that the
capitalist class continues to make vast profits.
Evaluating Marxist theories
of the family
In terms of strengths, Marxist sociologists have
questioned the notion that the nuclear family is
always good for society and have drawn sociological
attention to the possibility that powerful interests
may be shaping family life. For example, there is
little doubt that the nuclear family is deliberately
targeted by advertisers as a unit of consumption
and that the family is essential to the health of the
capitalist economy.
4.1 PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF THE FAMILY
However, Marxists such as Zaretsky tend to be
over-deterministic in their view of human behaviour
and consequently they fail to take account of agency
and free will. Interactionists point out that Marxists
rarely consider that some working-class parents may
actually resist ruling-class ideology by teaching their
children values and norms which are the product of
working-class culture, therefore empowering their
children with knowledge of capitalist inequality and
exploitation. Another possibility is that working-class
parents may be well aware of the pitfalls of capitalism,
such as inequalities in wealth, but feel that the
standard of living provided by capitalism is so
comfortable that they are willing to dismiss inequality
as a lesser evil.
Marxism also fails to consider how individuals
interpret their family set-up and its relationship to
other social institutions. Consequently, interactionists
argue that Marxism may be guilty of ignoring the
very real emotional and social satisfaction that
people get from being members of a family. The
Marxist tendency to write off such satisfaction as the
product of capitalist ideology is both too simplistic
and patronising.
Feminists make two very important criticisms
of Marxism. First, they point out that the great
weakness of Marxist theory is its economic
reductionism; that is, Marxists see women’s
experience in the family solely as a reflection of class
experience and fail to consider that non-economic
factors, particularly patriarchy, misogyny, ethnicity
and religious beliefs, can also shape women’s
experience of the family. Second, feminists argue
that this Marxist account of the family is very dated
and does not take account of recent global economic
and educational changes which have transformed
women’s experience of family life and their attitudes
towards it. Women in many countries have acquired
a greater number of reproductive and legal rights,
which mean that they, rather than their husband,
choose when to have children or how many children
they wish to have. Improved legal rights mean that
they can now escape unhappy marriages.
Activity
Interview a sample of females from different
generations in order to see how female attitudes
towards education, employment, family, children
and equality with males have changed in the
society in which you live. Do your data support the
feminist case?
155
4 THE FAMILY

Key terms sell as many commodities to consumers as

Ideology A set of ideas which most people
believe to be true but which in fact are myths or
misrepresentations. They are usually encouraged
by powerful groups because such ideas tend to
justify and legitimate the power and wealth of
those groups.
Falsely conscious A way of thinking that prevents
a person from perceiving the true nature of their
social or economic situation.
Alienation A concept which Marxists in particular
suggest is now becoming a common characteristic
of how workers feel about their jobs. Alienation
refers to the lack of satisfaction, identification and
control that workers experience on a daily basis
and the fact that they work merely for a wage.
Domestic violence Violence, usually committed by
2. Marxists argue that nuclear families exist
the male spouse on his female partner and/or his
children.
Child abuse Physical maltreatment or sexual
molestation of a child.
False needs According to Marxism, the logic of
capitalism as expressed through advertising is to
possible. This often involves ‘persuading’
consumers to indulge in false wants or needs, that
is, to buy commodities that are not essential and
not built to last.
Unit of consumption The family is the main
unit of consumption in capitalist society because
agents of capitalism such as advertisers and the
media promote consumer items in such a way that
they are specifically aimed at encouraging family
members to buy them.
Summary
1. Marxists claim that the nuclear family evolved
in order to meet the needs of capitalist society
rather than all sections of industrial society.
to socialise their members into false class
consciousness, so that they conform to their
expected roles as obedient citizens and passive
workers, and do not challenge the present
organisation of capitalist society that only
benefits the ruling classes.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 1 1 1 Describe any two functions of the nuclear family. [4 marks]

1 0 | 2 1 Explain two ways in which the nuclear family is supportive of the capitalist system according
to Marxists. [6 marks]

| 0 | 5 1 Explain two reasons why the isolated nuclear family is functional for modern industrial
societies according to functionalist theory. [8 marks]

156

PART 2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
Contents
Unit 4.2.1 Changing patterns of marriage
and cohabitation 157
Unit 4.2.2 Marital breakdown 163
Unit 4.2.3 Family diversity 165
Unit 4.2.4 New Right perspectives on
family diversity 169
Unit 4.2.5 Postmodernist perspectives on
family diversity 171
Part 2 focuses on the concept of social change and
how family structure and internal organisation has
been transformed by changing patterns in marriage.
The idea that marriage is in decline and is being
replaced by cohabitation (living together and having
children without being married) is explored and
examined. Moreover, some sociologists are anxious
that the nuclear family is under threat from the fact
that many societies have experienced fairly high
Unit 4.2.1 Changing patterns
of marriage and
cohabitation
Sociological studies of the family worldwide suggest
that marriage is a universal institution that is
practised by most societies, although the form that
marriage takes and the functions it performs may
differ. This unit will consider various forms of marriage
as well as global trends in marriage and cohabitation.
Marriage
Marriage may exist in several forms depending
upon culture. Until fairly recently, Western societies
promoted monogamy; that is, lifelong heterosexual
marriage. The functionalist sociologist Murdock
surveyed 1231 societies from around the world and
observed that 186 practised legalised monogamy.
This means that these societies had laws which
only permitted marriage between one man and one
woman at any one time. Consequently, bigamy - the
act of being married to more than one person at the
same time is illegal and therefore a punishable crime.
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
increases in divorce over the past 30 years. These
trends in divorce have resulted in family diversity, as
variations on the nuclear family - the single-parent
family, the reconstituted family and the blended
family - have significantly increased in number. This
part particularly explores the idea that families in
modern societies are increasingly diverse and that
the nuclear family is no longer dominant. Some
sociologists, notably Robert Chester (1985), argue
that most people at some stage in their lives spend
time in a nuclear family. A similar argument that
originates in New Right thinking suggests that
state policies have severely damaged the nuclear
family by encouraging cohabitation, divorce and the
legalisation of gay marriage, as well as encouraging
married women with children to go out to work.
Finally, this part examines postmodern ideas about
family, which argue that the concept of the ‘family’
is too rigid to describe the current state of family
dynamics in modern societies.
Flowever, the nature of monogamy is undergoing
some significant change in Western societies. For
example, serial monogamy is probably now the
norm - because of divorce and cohabitation, people
in Western societies are likely to experience more
than one long-term monogamous relationship over
the course of their lifetime. Moreover, a number of
Western societies have now legalised same-sex or
gay marriage.
Other types of marriage
In some societies, particularly in the Middle East and
Africa, people are more likely to practise polygamy -
marriage to more than one partner at the same time.
There are essentially two types of polygamy. First,
polygyny is the most common type. This is when a
religion or culture allows a man to take more than
one wife. In 1998, the University of Wisconsin found
that 453 societies practised occasional polygyny,
while in another 588 societies it was a common
practice. For example, in 2012, the then President
of South Africa, Jacob Zuma, married his sixth wife
in a traditional KwaZulu ceremony in the presence of
his other three wives (he had previously divorced one
wife and a second committed suicide).
157
4 THE FAMILY

is still a fact of life in rural Zulu communities in South

Africa today, because it is the outcome of the Zulu
cultural expectation that every family member should
work for the betterment of the family. Young males
are strongly encouraged during family socialisation
to demonstrate adult responsibility by becoming a
husband. A common way of achieving both the status
of adult and of improving a family’s status and income
is to add extra members in the form of co-wives.
Second, ‘polyandry’ is the term used when cultures
allow a woman to take more than one husband.
It is less common than polygyny, but Katherine
Starkweather and Raymond Hames (2012) identified
nearly 80 cultural groups that practise it. For
example, in some parts of Tibet, India and China
women are often married to four or five husbands at
the same time.

Jacob Zuma and his sixth wife, Gloria Bongekile Ngema.

Ndela Ntshangase (2017), an expert in Zulu studies
at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, observes that
the British colonial powers which ruled South Africa
in the late 19th century attempted to stamp out
polygyny in the Zulu nation, and to replace it with the
Christian tradition of monogamy, by charging extra
taxes for each additional wife and allocating land
on a basis which did not provide sufficient space for
polygamous families. However, he notes that polygyny
Same-sex marriage
Same-sex marriage refers to the marriage of a
same-sex couple, whether they are gay men or
lesbians. In 2018, same-sex marriage was recognised
in law by 27 societies worldwide. A further three
countries recognise such marriages if they are
entered into in another country. However, there are
72 societies that have criminalised homosexuality
and in which same-sex marriage and families are
illegal. In some of these societies, homosexuality is
punishable by death.

Activity
Copy the table shown and complete it by adding two strengths and two weaknesses for each type of
marriage. Consider strengths and weaknesses for both the individuals concerned and for society as a whole.

Identify strengths weaknesses

Monogamy 1. 1.

2. 2.

Polygyny 1. 1.

2. 2.

Polyandry 1. 1.

2. 2.
:

158

Arranged marriages
Some societies practise arranged marriage,
especially Middle Eastern and Asian societies in
which the religions of Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism and
Orthodox Judaism are the main source of cultural
values and beliefs. It is important to note that such
marriages do not involve parents forcing a child
to marry against his or her will. Instead, an arranged
marriage usually involves children and parents in
mutual discussion about a proposed marital match.
Children and parents may even jointly consult online
sites that list potential wives and husbands, who, for
example, share the same religious beliefs, caste and
socio-economic status. No decision can usually be
agreed unless both families, as well as the potential
bride and groom, consent.
Global trends in marriage
If we examine societies worldwide, we can make
a number of general observations about trends
in marriage.
» There is some evidence that in many societies
worldwide the marriage rate (the number of
marriages per 1000 people per year) has gone
into significant decline. For example, in the UK in
1972, 480 000 couples got married, compared
with only 239020 couples in 2015. Mark
Regnerus (2017) observes that, in 2000, 55 per
cent of Americans aged between 25 and 34 were
married but that in 2015 this figure had dropped
to 40 per cent. According to the Ministry of Civil
Affairs, China, which had seen an annual increase
in marriage since 2000, is now experiencing
a steep decline. For example, in 2016 new
marriages fell by 6.7 per cent to 11.4 million,
marking the third consecutive year of decline since
2013. Moreover, fewer Japanese couples got
married in 201 7 than at any time since 1945.
* The age at which both men and women are getting
married is rising in many countries worldwide. For
example, in the UK, the average age for a first
marriage is 37.5 years for men and 35.1 years
for women. In 1988, it was 30.9 years and 28.3
years respectively.
Evidence from China also suggests that the average
age at which people first get married is creeping
up and that this is creating some cultural anxiety
because in Chinese culture an individual was
traditionally looked down upon if they were not
married by the age of 25 years. Since 2007, single
women over the age of 27 in China have been
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
commonly known as ‘leftover women’, or ‘sheng
nil’ in Chinese. In contrast, the average age at
which people get married in societies dominated
by religions such as Islam is much younger.
For example, three-quarters of Pakistani and
Bangladeshi women are married by the age of 25.
> Women worldwide tend to marry at a younger
age than men. This pattern reflects the fact that
men generally tend to marry women younger
than themselves.
» People worldwide tend to marry people who come
from similar groups to themselves, whether this is
religion, caste or socio-economic group.
» People from poorer backgrounds are less likely
to get married than those from more affluent
backgrounds. Sarah Corse et al. (201 3) found in
the USA that the decline of full-time factory jobs
and the rise in precarious and casual low-paid
employment mean that working-class men and
women are now less likely to get (and stay)
married and have children within marriage. The
research also found that the unemployed and
those living on low wages or in poverty were
less likely to marry because of the high cost of
traditional weddings.
Recession and austerity have been the norm in
Western societies for some time now and may
account for the 7.5 per cent decline in marriage
rates for the poorest sections of those societies
since 2001. Consequently, marriage is increasingly
becoming a middle-class institution.
* Global migration means that there is a greater
likelihood of inter-ethnic marriage in modern
Western societies.
» Most marriages worldwide are based on choice
and consent, but there is evidence that forced
marriage is acceptable in some societies, and that
many of these involve children. A forced marriage
is defined as ‘a marriage conducted without
the valid consent of both parties where duress
(emotional pressure in addition to physical abuse)
is a factor’. According to a 2017 UNICEF report,
Niger has the highest rate of forced child marriage
in the world - 76 per cent of girls aged under 18
years were forced to marry between 2010-2016.
The charity WorldVision in 2015 observed that, in
at least 12 less industrialised countries in Africa,
as well as in Bangladesh (in which 65 per cent
of girls experience forced marriage), one in three
girls are married before reaching the age of 18.
According to the Indian Ministry of Home Affairs,
159
 4 THE FAMILY

nearly 34000 women and nearly 17 000 girls

were forced into marriage in 2016 in India. It is
important to understand that, because of global
migration, forced marriage is also found in modern
Western societies. For example, statistics from the
UK in 2013 suggest that there are 8000 forced
marriages a year in Britain. However, it can be
very difficult to assess the real degree of this
problem, as victims are reluctant to come forward
because they are often unwilling to report their
parents to the authorities. They may also not wish
to bring shame upon themselves or their families
by not fulfilling what they see as a family duty.
They may also be fearful of the consequences.

Explanations for global trends in

marriage
Much of this cultural shift in attitudes towards
marriage is rooted in the social change that many
females across many societies experienced in
the latter part of the 20th century. For example,
education for girls improved considerably across
the world, although not at the same pace in all
societies. Education in many societies meant that
many women worldwide were able to take advantage
of the economic opportunities that opened up
because of globalisation (many Western transnational
companies transferred their service call centres
and manufacturing hubs to developing countries
or contracted out manufacturing - for example,
in textiles, sportswear and electronics - to local
manufacturers, particularly in China).
These economic trends improved women’s economic
power and significantly increased the global number
of dual-career/income families in which a woman’s
earnings were just as important to a couple’s living
standards as the earnings of her husband. In China,
the evidence suggests that these economic changes
have resulted in an increase in DINK - dual income,
no kids - families. Surveys conducted in China
suggest that 7 per cent of married people identified
themselves as living in this type of family. Beijing,
for example, now has 10000 DINK families. When
combined with those in Shanghai and Guangzhou,
the figures rise to about 600000, according to
Youth League Committee of Beijing statistics.
Moreover, many governments responded to this
economic change by introducing social policies
which strengthened women’s position in their
societies and consequently their determination and
ability to make successful marriages and to reject
unsuccessful ones.
Helen Wilkinson (1994) argues that young women
worldwide now weigh up the costs of marriage and
having children against the benefits of a career and
economic independence. The result of this is that
many women, particularly middle-class graduates,
are postponing or delaying both marriage and family
life until their careers are established. For example,
Chinese sociologists have suggested that a significant
number of Chinese women working in high-income
jobs are voluntarily choosing to marry at a later age
in order to ensure that they find a partner who is
willing to enter into a companionate marriage.
From the feminist perspective, then, the global
decline in marriage rates is not a negative trend.
It indicates that couples in general, and especially
women, are less carefree about marriage. People
now see marriage as a serious proposition and as as
a result are more careful in their choice of partner
and more willing to make the personal sacrifices
necessary to make the marriage work. As a result,
the institution of marriage has become stronger
rather than weaker.
There are other pieces of evidence that also suggest
that marriage is far from dead. First, surveys indicate
that most people, whether single, divorced or
cohabiting, still see marriage as a desirable life-goal.
For example, European surveys have found that,
although members of society are now more liberal
about pre-marital sex, the most common view was
that marriage should precede parenthood. Marriage
is still considered by both married and unmarried
people to be the ‘gold standard’ - there is nothing
beyond marriage and the wedding ceremony, which
publicly expresses overall and complete commitment
to another person.

160

Second, around 40 per cent of all marriages in the
USA and Europe are remarriages (in which one or
both partners have been divorced or widowed). More
men than women remarry. This is probably because
taking responsibility for children reduces women's
opportunities in the re-partnering market. Whatever
the reasons for remarriage, the fact that it occurs
so often indicates that marriage is still popular as
a social institution, despite some people’s previous
negative experience of it.
Finally, there is a danger that concerns about
the decline of marriage have been exaggerated.
Despite the decrease in the overall number of
people marrying over the last 40 years, marriage
is still the main type of partnership for men and
women in most societies worldwide. In addition,
New Right perspectives on marriage and family
life can be criticised for using statistics selectively.
For example, the New Right often highlight the
number of single people who remain unmarried.
However, the emphasis on single people ignores
the fact that the majority of them will eventually
marry or remarry at some stage.
Activity
Design a questionnaire aimed at both males and
females and different generational groups, asking
whether people in the society in which you live
value marriage and/or can see themselves getting
married in the future. Design your questions around
some of the issues just discussed.
Cohabitation
Cohabitation is an arrangement where two people
who are not married but are romantically and
emotionally involved with one another voluntarily
choose to live together intimately as a couple.
Research by Zoya Gubernskaya (2008) suggests
that worldwide cohabitation is becoming a popular
domestic set-up or family option. She looked at
cohabitation practices in 28 nations and found
considerable cross-country variation in both the
prevalence and level of support for cohabitation.
Sweden has the highest cohabitation rate (24
per cent), followed by Finland, Norway, Brazil and
Denmark, while the lowest cohabitation rates are
found in Israel (3 per cent), Mexico (2.43 per cent)
and Poland (2.36 per cent). Cohabitation tends to
be less popular in Roman Catholic societies such
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
as Poland and those found in Central and South
America, although Brazil has recently experienced
an increase in the number of couples living together
outside of marriage.
In societies with large Islamic populations and which
are subject to sharia law, cohabitation is generally
regarded as deviant, and in some societies, such as
Indonesia, it is defined as a crime punishable by a
two-year prison sentence. Islamic societies generally
disapprove of cohabitation outside of marriage.
There is also some evidence that discussion of
cohabitation is taboo and that the families of those
who do cohabit feel that the couple are bringing
shame on their wider extended family. Cohabitation
is virtually non-existent in highly Islamic countries
such as Pakistan. In India, cohabitation attracts
great disapproval in rural districts but has grown in
popularity in urban areas.
Maire NT Bhrolchain and Eva Beaujouan (2011)
carried out an extensive study of cohabitation in
Britain which concluded that cohabitation actually
strengthens marriage rather than bringing about
its decline. They found that the vast majority of
marriages in the UK - 80 per cent in 2008-10 -
are actually preceded by a spell of cohabitation.
Only 30 per cent of marriages were preceded
by cohabitation in 1980-84. Indeed, they note
that ‘marriage without first living together’ is now
as unusual as pre-marital cohabitation was in
the 1970s.
NT Bhrolchain and Beaujouan’s research found that,
at the 10th anniversary of moving in together, half of
cohabiting couples in their study had married each
other, whereas just under four in ten had separated
and just over one in ten were still living together
unmarried. They conclude from this evidence that
cohabitation should be viewed as an increasingly
popular option taken up by couples who want their
future marriages to succeed. Moreover, they also
point out that surveys and official statistics indicate
that marriage rather than cohabitation is still the
main cultural goal for most people in most societies.
For example, 84 per cent of women are married by
their 40th birthday in both the USA and Europe.
Some sociologists argue that this indicates that
marriage is stronger in 2018 than it has been for
a generation.
Beaujouan and NT Bhrolchain also suggest that
cohabitation may be responsible for the decline in
marital breakdown that can be seen across a range
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4 THE FAMILY
of modern societies. They argue that the experience
of cohabitation ‘screens out’ weaker relationships
which without cohabitation might have immediately
progressed to marriage. In other words, marriages
are more likely to last today because couples have
undergone a severe test of compatibility during the
cohabitation process. Those couples who successfully
survive the cohabitation test and marry have already
worked out and resolved the potential problems that
might sabotage their marriage.
Finally, there are also a number of other practical
reasons for the rise in cohabitation; for example,
people may be separated from a previous partner
and awaiting a divorce. Once the official separation
period is over, they may intend to marry a new
partner. In the meantime, they may cohabit with that
new partner. The couple may also cohabit to save
money that they intend to invest in a wedding. For
example, the average cost of an American wedding
was S35,329 in 2016.
Key terms
Monogamy The state of only being married to one
person at any one time.
Bigamy The state of being married to two people
at the same time. It is a criminal offence in
Western societies.
Serial monogamy The practice of engaging
in a succession of monogamous cohabiting
relationships or marriages.
Same-sex marriage Also known as gay marriage -
the marriage of same-sex couples recognised
by law as having the same status and rights as
marriage of opposite-sex couples.
Polygamy A cultural norm which allows spouses to
have more than one husband or wife.
Polygyny A type of polygamy in which a man can
marry more than one woman or can be married to
a set of co-wives.
Polyandry A type of polygamy in which a woman
can marry more than one husband. It is quite rare
compared with polygyny.
Arranged marriage A type of marriage organised
or arranged by the parents of the couple and/or
matchmakers.
162
Marriage rate The number of marriages per
1000 people per year.
Leftover women A term used in China to describe
women who are still not married by the age of 27.
They are seen to be 'left on the shelf.
Forced marriage A marriage in which one or
more of the parties is married without his or her
consent or against his or her will.
Dual-career/income families Families in which
both adult partners pursue a career and in which
each contribute income that is important to the
family’s standard of living.
DINK families ‘Dual income, no kids’. A term
which refers to a couple who both earn an income
and do not (yet) have children.
Remarriage The act of marrying again after
experiencing a divorce.
Cohabitation The state of living together and having
an intimate relationship without being married.
Summary
1. Marriage is a universal practice. It can be
found in some shape or form in virtually every
society worldwide.
2. Across the world, there are three main types
of marriage systems: monogamy, polygyny
and polyandry.
3. Marriage rates are in decline in industrial
societies.
4. However, most people in most societies still
see marriage as an ideal goal to achieve. They
also note that people are delaying marriage
rather than opting out of it altogether. Most
people eventually marry.
5. Studies of cohabitation suggest that it is not
always an alternative to marriage and that
experience of cohabitation before marriage
may actually strengthen marriage.
6. Same-sex marriages are increasingly being
recognised and permitted worldwide.

Unit 4.2.2 Marital breakdown
Marital breakdown can take three different forms:
divorce, separation and empty-shell marriages. This
unit will discuss these different forms, trends in divorce
and possible explanations for the increase in divorce.
Types of marital breakdown
i Divorce refers to the legal ending of a marriage.
Every nation in the world allows its residents to
divorce under some conditions, except the Vatican
City, an ecclesiastical sovereign city-state which
has no procedure for divorce.
Many societies have no-fault divorce in which
couples agree that the marriage has ‘irretrievably’
broken down. In Britain, for example, if the couple
have lived apart for two years and agree that the
marriage cannot be salvaged, divorce is usually
granted by the courts. However, if one partner
disagrees, the court may insist on a five-year
separation before granting the divorce.
The vast majority of countries introduced divorce
into law between 1960 and 2005. However, some
countries, for example, only grant divorce if one
partner is ‘guilty’ of a ‘marital offence’ such as
cruelty, desertion, adultery, impotency and so on.
» Separation is where a couple agrees to live apart
after the breakdown of a marriage. Some people,
especially those with strong religious beliefs, often
prefer this option rather than undergoing the
‘shame’ of divorce proceedings, although in many
countries their partner can still obtain a divorce
after a certain period of time has passed even if
the other party objects.
> Empty-shell marriages are those in which
husband and wife stay together in name only.
There may no longer be any love or intimacy
between them. Today, such marriages are likely to j There is no doubt that the introduction of divorce
end in separation or divorce, although this type of j laws> especially the no-fault and ‘irretrievable
relationship may persist for the sake of children or breakdown’ options, have made divorce both easier
for religious or economic reasons. The couple may
wish to avoid bringing shame down on themselves
and their extended family.
Trends in divorce
Four distinct major trends in divorce can be observed
since 1970 worldwide:
a. The global divorce rate has increased by over 250
per cent since 1960. The United Nations estimates
that the Maldives has the highest divorce rate
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
in the world: 11 divorces for every 1000 people.
The average Maldivian woman, by the age of 30,
has been divorced three times. The lowest divorce
rates are found in less industrialised societies in
which religions such as Islam and Hinduism still
exert a powerful influence and marriages are
generally arranged by parents and matchmakers.
Another way of looking at divorce is to examine
the percentage of marriages that end in divorce.
For example, 87 per cent of marriages in
Luxembourg break down, compared with 46 per
cent in the USA, 42 per cent in the UK and 38
per cent in Australia. In contrast, only 15 per cent
of marriages break down in Kenya, 1 7 per cent in
Egypt and 1 per cent in India.
b. Divorce statistics from both the USA and Europe
suggest that the younger a couple are when
they get married, the more likely it is that the
marriage will end in divorce. For example, divorce
is highest in the 25-29 age group - these people
are more likely to have married in their late teens
or early twenties.
c. In both the USA and Europe, about 30 per cent
of marriages end in divorce by the couple’s 20th
wedding anniversary. About 60 per cent are
ended by the death of one of the spouses.
d. In the USA, divorce is more likely to be the outcome
if one or both partners have been married before,
compared with marriages in which both partners
are marrying for the first time.
Explanations for the increase in divorce
Explanations for the increase in divorce obviously
differ by country and to some extent religion.
Changes in the law
and cheaper to obtain in most countries around the
world. However, sociologists argue that there are
other important influences to consider in addition to
divorce laws, including changes in social attitudes,
a more secular society, the declining influence of
the extended family and the late-modernist theory
of divorce.
Changes in social attitudes
Sociologists note that legal changes often reflect
other changes in society, especially changes in social
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4 THE FAMILY
attitudes. In particular, sociologists argue that social
expectations about marriage have dramatically
changed over the past 50 years. This can be
illustrated in a number of ways.
1 Functionalist sociologists argue that high divorce
rates are evidence that marriage is more valued
today and that people are demanding higher
standards of marital behaviour from their partners
compared with the past. Couples are no longer
prepared to put up with unhappy, ‘empty-shell’
marriages or to take their relationships for
granted. People want more from their marriage
than just companionship - they are increasingly
demanding emotional and sexual compatibility
and equality in decision-making and domestic
tasks. Functionalists argue that some people are
willing to go through a number of partners to
achieve these goals.
* Feminists note that women’s expectations of
marriage have radically changed compared with
previous generations from the 1970s on. In 2012,
the majority of divorce petitions in the USA and
Europe were initiated by wives. Barbara Thornes
and Jean Collard (1979) argue that this trend
supports the view that women expect far more
from marriage than men and, in particular, that
they value friendship in marriage and emotional
gratification more than men do. Women may be
using divorce to escape marriages when their
husbands fail to live up to their high expectations.
» Before the 1970s, if women were unhappily
married and/or trapped in empty-shell marriages,
they found it difficult to escape the marriage
because they were likely to be highly dependent on
their husband’s wages. The entry of women into the
labour force in large numbers resulted in women
becoming independent wage-earners and improved
the range of choices available to women when it
came to the ending of a marriage.
» Nicky Hart (1976) notes that increasing divorce
rates may also be a reaction to the frustration and
injustice that many working wives experience if
they feel that the distribution of housework and
childcare tasks between themselves and their
husbands is unequal and unfair.
» Similarly, increased divorce may be the outcome
of tensions produced by women taking over the
traditional male role of breadwinner in some
households, especially if the male is long-term
164
unemployed. Some men may regard this as a
threat to their masculinity and traditional head
of household status and then react with violence.
However, modern women are no longer tolerant
of male violence and are more likely than previous
generations of women to react by petitioning for
divorce on the grounds of unreasonable behaviour
or by legally separating from the husband.
Secularisation
Western Christian societies in particular saw
some profound attitudinal change as church
attendance and religious belief went into decline
(secularisation). Divorce was no longer associated
with stigma and shame. Increasingly, divorce began
to be seen as a ‘lesser moral evil’ or source of shame
than unhappiness. In contrast, divorce rates are very
low in societies in which religious belief and practice
are still strong.
The declining influence of the
extended family
In modern urban societies in which geographical
mobility has become the norm, the social controls
exerted by extended kin and close-knit communities
have declined. These extended kin and communities
traditionally put pressure on couples to stay together
in order to avoid the ‘shameful’ labels associated
with divorce. In societies dominated by privatised
nuclear families, the view that divorce can lead to
greater happiness for the individual became more
acceptable. It was even more so if divorce involved
escaping from an abusive relationship or if an
unhappy marriage was causing emotional damage
to children. However, it is important to recognise
that such attitudes are not necessarily a sign of
a casual attitude towards divorce. Most people
experience divorce as an emotional and traumatic
event, equivalent to bereavement. They are normally
also very aware of the severe impact it may have
on children.
Individualism
The late-modernist sociologist Ulrich Beck (1995)
: argued that increasing divorce rates are the product of
| a rapidly changing world in which the traditional rules,
rituals and traditions of love, romance and relationships
no longer apply. He argued that more industrialised
societies are characterised by two important social
influences: individualisation, and conflict.

» Individualisation - People are under less pressure
to conform to traditional collective goals set
by members of the extended family, religion or
culture. They now have the freedom to pursue
individual goals. This makes them more egoistic
and narcissistic (self-centred and obsessed with
self-identity).
» Conflict - However, Beck observes that there are
now more potential points of conflict between
spouses because there is a natural clash of
interest between the selflessness required by
marriage and the selfishness encouraged by
individualisation. He argues that partners may
enter a marriage wanting different things. For
example, one partner may be focused on their
career while the other may want children. In a
highly individualistic society, Beck argues that this
potential conflict, which he terms the ‘chaos of
love’, means that all too often marriage becomes
a battleground in which self-interest triumphs over
self-sacrifice.
Key terms
Divorce The legal dissolution of a marriage by a
court or other competent body.
Irretrievable breakdown When both spouses
agree that the marriage is over and that there is
no hope that it will be ever revived.
Separation Informal separation occurs when
spouses live apart, but do not pursue formal
separation or divorce.
Empty-shell marriage A loveless marriage in which
husband and wife stay together for financial or
religious reasons or for the sake of the children, but
essentially lead separate lives in the same house.
Secularisation A general decline in religious belief
in God and religious practices such as regularly
going to church.
Individualisation A concept associated with Beck
that refers to a dominant ideology that stresses
freedom from obligation or community pressure
and gives people the freedom to look out for
themselves first and foremost.
Conflict A clash of interests that can cause
inequality.
Chaos of love Beck believes that marriage is
potentially a battleground, because the institution of
marriage demands compromise and selflessness but
people often look out for their own interests first.
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
Summary
1. Divorce has increased worldwide.
2. There are a number of explanations for rising
divorce rates; states have generally moved in
the direction of making divorce both cheaper
and less complex so that it is universally
available; social attitudes towards divorce have
grown more liberal and consequently divorce
is no longer regarded as shameful; society has
become less religious and people have become
more individualised.
3. Feminists argue that high divorce rates may be
evidence that marriage is actually highly valued
and that women in particular are no longer
willing to tolerate the unhappy empty-shell
marriages experienced by previous generations.
Unit 4.2.3 Family diversity
The availability of divorce in more industrialised
societies has had a significant influence on family and
household diversity in those types of society.
Types of family diversity
Three very distinctive forms of family diversity are
probably the direct consequence of the availability
of divorce: the single-parent family (also known as
the lone-parent family and one-parent family), the
reconstituted family and the blended family. Divorce
has probably increased the number of single-person
households in more industrialised societies too.
Single-parent families
If we use the case-study of the UK, in 1961 only 2
per cent of all UK households were made up of single
parent families. However, by 201 2, it was estimated
that there were approximately 2 million such families
with dependent children in Britain, making up about
a quarter of all families in the UK. Similar trends
can be found elsewhere. According to the US Census
Board, there were 12 million single-parent families in
the USA in 2017.
However, according to United Nations data on
families and households collected in 2017, the lowest
numbers of single-parent families headed by females
are found in less industrialised societies located in
Africa and Asia.
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 4 THE FAMILY
Over 80 per cent of single-parent families worldwide
are headed by women. About 50 per cent of these
mothers had their children within marriage but are
now separated, divorced or widowed. It is culturally
expected in many societies that women should take
on the main caring responsibilities for any children
when relationships break down. Family courts are
therefore more likely to award custody of children to
mothers, unless fathers can prove that the mother is
incapable of performing the role of primary carer.
Reconstituted families
Reconstituted families are one of the fastest growing
types of family in Europe and the US. A reconstituted
family is a family unit where one or both parents have
children from a previous relationship, but they have
combined to form a new family. They are sometimes
referred to a step-families, because one or both of the
adults is a step-parent rather than a natural parent.
The main causes of this family form are divorce and
remarriage. For example, in 2009, 19.1 per cent of
marriages in the UK involved the remarriage of one
partner, while 15.8 per cent involved the remarriage
of both partners. In France, 940000 children live with
a natural parent and a step-parent. In the US, over 50
per cent of families are remarried or recoupled; 80
per cent of remarried people bring children to the
relationship. Consequently, about 30 million children
under the age of 13 in the US have a step-parent. In
contrast, reconstituted families are fairly rare in less
industrialised societies because of cultural disapproval
of divorce. If such families exist, it is often because a
widow has come under family or community pressure to
remarry, because such cultures believe that men should
be responsible for the welfare of women and children.
Erica De’Ath and Dee Slater’s (1992) study of
step-parenting identified a number of challenges
facing reconstituted families:
> Children may find themselves pulled in two
directions, especially if the relationship between
their natural parents continues to be strained. They
may feel they are being disloyal to their natural
parent if they are seen to like or get on with the
step-parent. Wednesday Martin (2013) notes that
the step-mother with good intentions may become
a target for the children’s resentment about the
amount of change in their lives and their natural
mother’s unhappiness. In the children’s minds, she
is transformed into the 'wicked’ step-mother who is
the cause of all their problems.
166
» Strained relations between step-parents and
children may, therefore, be the norm in these
families, especially if the step-child is unwilling to
accept the newcomer as a ‘mother’ or ‘father’ or
is unwilling to accept disciplinary action from the
step-parent. Martin argues that such conflict is
normal in the first few years of step-family life.
Blended families
A blended family is a variation on the reconstituted
family. In this type of family, couples who have
remarried have chosen to have more children with
their new partner. These ‘new’ children become the
half-brothers and sisters of the step-children. For
example, in 2001, it was estimated that 57 per cent
of married couples in step-families in the UK have
their own children, while in France about 530000
children live in blended families with a parent and a
step-parent and half-brothers or half-sisters.
Single-person households
One of the most dramatic post-war changes in
modern urban societies has been the increase in
single-person households. In 2013, 7.7 million
people (13 per cent of the UK population) lived
alone. This is nearly four times higher than it was
40 years ago. However, this reflects a common trend
across Europe where the average proportion of
single households is 14 per cent of all households.
A report by China National Radio estimated
that in 2013 there were 58 million single-person
households in China, accounting for 14 per cent of all
Chinese households.
Wherever such households appear in the world,
the majority of them are made up of males aged
between 20 and 50 years of age. There are a
number of reasons for this. First, in societies such
as China, males outnumber females in urban areas
because of the traditional preference for sons and
China’s one-child policy. Daisy Guo (2017) also
reports that highly educated and high-earning young
women prefer to remain single rather than to marry
a husband who is likely to occupy a lower social
status. In European countries and the USA, males
are more likely than females never to marry and
to take longer to remarry if divorced. In contrast,
such single households are less likely to exist in less
industrialised societies, because such men would be
incorporated into extended kinship networks.

Contemporary issues: Single-person households in Mongolia: Lily Kuo (2018)
A society which has seen a rapid increase in
single-person households is Mongolia. However,
most of the single-person households in this
culture are composed of successful women. Kuo
(2018) observes that Mongolian families have
been investing in their daughters by sending
them to school and university in the capital,
Ulaanbaatar. She notes that some parents believe
their daughters will take better care of them in
their old age. Others think women need to learn
other skills such as herding, but livestock is work
reserved for men. In Mongolia, boys are kept
at home to tend the animals. Kuo argues that
this trend has given rise to a ‘reverse gender
gap’. Women are more educated than men. They
are less likely to be unemployed. They also live
longer - by a decade, on average. However, by
outpacing men, Mongolian women in the city
struggle to find husbands the way their parents
did. The marriage rate has consequently fallen
steeply because there is a shortage of men in the
capital city. For example, Ulaanbaatar has about
I industrialised societies, especially those found in
Dimensions of family diversity
» Organisational diversity - this simply refers to
variations in internal structural organisation. For
example, some of these families involve marriage
while others are a product of cohabitation.
Rhona and Robert Rapoport (1982) observed
that whether family structure is underpinned
by marriage or cohabitation, the nuclear family
structure is still the most common type of family
set-up in more industrialised societies. However,
they also pointed out that the vertical extended
family (three generations of the same family living
under the same roof or in very close proximity so
that there is daily contact) is the norm in most less
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
60000 more women than men. Kuo argues that
Mongolian women face the dual cultural pressures
of establishing a career and getting married before
the age of 29. However, many women in their 30s
remain single and unmarried and many Mongolian
women now rely on social media such as Facebook,
Instagram and Tinder in order to meet the right
sort of educated and cultured man who can
match their expectations in terms of education,
intelligence and professional status, and so escape
from the undesirable state of singlehood.
Questions
1. Identify two reasons why Mongolian females
are better educated than Mongolian males.
2. What are the main features of the ‘reverse
gender gap’ in Mongolian society?
3. Explain why female singlehood is regarded as
an ‘undesirable state’ in Mongolian society.
Africa and Asia. There is even a case for arguing
that nuclear families, wherever they are located,
are members of ‘dispersed extended families’,
which means that, although their extended kin are
geographically scattered, nuclear family members
still retain contact via digital technology such as
Skype, email and social media platforms. There
is evidence too that extended kin still physically
come together for special occasions and that they
feel a strong sense of duty or obligation to help
and support one another in times of family crisis -
for example, when children are born or when
elderly relatives suffer debilitating illnesses such
as dementia.
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4 THE FAMILY
> Domestic diversity - The Rapoports argued
that there are often variations in the way men
and women divide and manage childcare and
housework. The domestic division of labour in
some nuclear families may be equally distributed.
However, in some nuclear units, and particularly in
traditional extended families, the domestic tasks
are likely to be segregated in that some domestic
tasks are allocated to men or women on the basis
of patriarchal beliefs about the roles of men and
women. In some dual-income or dual-career
nuclear families, women may find themselves
with a ‘dual burden’ - they work all day for pay
yet are still responsible for most of the childcare
and housework. In a very small minority of
households, roles may have been swapped. Women
may be the main breadwinners while men may
be househusbands.
» Cultural diversity - global migration has led to
multiculturalism becoming a major feature
of many more industrialised societies. This has
had a significant effect on family structures and
relationships. For example, migrants bring their
own cultural and religious beliefs and values
about how they should organise family life to
their host countries. This can sometimes cause
cultural conflict.
t The evidence suggests that an important aspect of
assimilation is intermarriage between indigenous
ethnic groups and migrant groups. In many
European societies, dual-heritage children - the
offspring of inter-ethnic marriages - are the
fastest growing group of children in those societies.
Some sociologists have suggested that young
people from mixed-race backgrounds face their
own unique problems in the form of prejudice and
discrimination from the communities from which
their parents originate.
» Class diversity - this refers to social class
variations in the quality of family relationships and
lifestyles. For example, the family life experienced
by the affluent may be very different to that
experienced by middle-class or working-class
families. In some countries, the children of the rich
may spend most of their childhood in a fee-paying
boarding school. The children of the educated
middle classes may receive more economic help
from their parents while studying at university. The
children of the poor, especially in less industrialised
societies, may not be able to afford to send their
children to school, and, if they can, may only
choose to send their male children.
168
The beanpole family
Julia Brannen (2003) claims that a new type of
family has appeared in industrialised societies,
which she terms the ‘beanpole family’ This
is a four-generational family which includes
great-grandparents and great-grandchildren.
Brannen argues that these families are less likely
to experience horizontal intra-generational ties -
for example, millennial are likely to have fewer
aunts, uncles and cousins compared with previous
generations. Brannen argues that we are now
more likely to experience closer ties with both
grandparents and great-grandparents.
The debate about the extent of family
diversity and the dominance of the
nuclear family
Chester (1985) claims that arguments about family
diversity are exaggerated, and that the basic features
of family life modelled on the nuclear family (which
he calls the neo-conventional family) have remained
largely unchanged for the majority of the population
since the 1950s. Chester argues that it is important
not to dismiss the nuclear family as irrelevant. He
argues that most adults still marry and have children.
Most children are reared by their natural married
parents. Most people live in a household shared by
a married couple. Most marriages continue until
parted by death. It may be true that about 40 per
cent of all marriages will end in divorce, but 60 per
cent are successful.
Chester concludes that nuclear families are still very
common, although he acknowledges that they have
undergone some changes over the generations -
for example, mothers are more likely to go out
to work rather than staying at home full-time. He
therefore argues that nuclear families are the most
conventional family type because most people will
pass through one at some stage in their life.
Key terms
Single-parent families Families with children
under age 18 headed by a parent who is widowed
or divorced and who has not remarried, or by a
parent who has never married.
Reconstituted family Also called a step-family -
a family unit where one or both parents have
children from a previous relationship but have
; combined to form a new family.
 4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE

Blended family A variation on the reconstituted Summary

family that includes, in addition to step-children,
1. Divorce has certainly increased family
the natural children of the remarried couple.
and household diversity because it has
Single-person households A person living alone. resulted in an increase in single-parent,
Organisational diversity Differences in the size reconstituted and blended families as well as
or organisation of families. Extended families are single-person households.
obviously larger than nuclear families, which in
2. Other diverse family and household forms
turn are larger than one-parent families.
include the vertical extended family, the
Vertical extended family Families composed of beanpole family, the dual-career family, the
three generations that may live under the same bi-nuclear family and gay families.
roof or in very close proximity who are in frequent
daily contact. 3. Not all sociologists believe in family diversity.
Chester believes it to be exaggerated and
Dispersed extended family Extended kin
convincingly argues that most people in more
(grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins)
industrialised societies will find themselves
who normally live in geographically scattered
living in a nuclear family at some stage of
nuclear families but who feel a sense of duty
their lives.
and obligation to provide mutual support and
assistance to each other in times of need or to get
together on symbolic occasions such as Christmas.
Domestic diversity Differences of internal
arrangements of families. For example, in some Unit 4.2.4 New Right
families the mother has a career and goes out to
work. In others, the mother stays at home full-time,
perspectives on
and in a rare number of families the father stays at
home as a full-time carer.
family diversity
Dual income/dual career nuclear families A New Right perspectives on the family are very
family in which both adults have a career and in similar to functionalist theories in that they agree
which the wage of each partner makes a significant that the nuclear family is the best possible type of
contribution to the lifestyle of the family. family to bring children up in. Flowever, they also
Cultural diversity Refers to how families might believe that the nuclear family is under attack and
differ in organisation across different societies in decline because of state policies.
and across ethnic and religious groups within the
same society.
The state and social policy as
Dual-heritage children The children of inter­
ethnic marriages. influences on the family
Inter-ethnic marriage Marriages that take place Patricia Morgan (2007) argues that government
between people who are from different racial or social policy across the world, particularly in more
ethnic groups. industrialised societies in which religion has declined
in influence, has done little to protect marriage
Class diversity Refers to how social class,
and nuclear family life. In her view, government
especially wealth and poverty, may shape family
social policy should promote marriage (through, for
living arrangements and the opportunities for a
example, lower rates of taxation for married couples).
quality childhood.
She argues that government social policy should aim
Beanpole family A four-generational type of to penalise those who cohabit rather than marry and
family that has few extended kin such as aunts, to make divorce more difficult to obtain.
uncles and cousins.
Morgan argues that state social policies have
Neo-conventional family Chester’s term for
actually weakened both marriage and family life
the modern form of nuclear family. According to
by introducing laws and social policies which have
Chester, most of us will live as a child or adult in
encouraged females to enter education and the
this type of family at some point in our lives.
workforce on equal terms with males, therefore

169
 i THE FAMILY
encouraging them to abandon their aspirations
to marry and to have children, and to forego their
'natural’ roles’ as caregivers and nurturers. It
has even been suggested that the rise in juvenile
crime rates and anti-social behaviour seen in some
Western societies may be a result of the supposedly
inadequate socialisation that occurs if females are
not fully focused on raising children because they go
out to work.
New Right sociologists are also critical of liberal
social policies such as the reform of divorce laws,
which have supposedly made it cheaper and easier
for couples to divorce; the failure to use taxation to
encourage marriage and discourage cohabitation;
and the legalisation of gay marriage.
It is alleged by Charles Murray (1994) that state
policies aimed at economically helping poorer
couples have created a dependency culture which
has encouraged the emergence of a criminal
underclass composed of welfare-dependent
‘problem’ families. Robert Rector (2014) claims
that social policies which offer financial benefits to
the poor have seriously damaged the institution of
marriage. He argues that such social policies have
encouraged single parenthood at the expense of
married parenthood, because the payment of welfare
benefits reduces the financial need for marriage.
He notes that less educated mothers in European
countries such as the UK are symbolically married
to the state and to the taxpayer rather than to the
fathers of their children. This is because, if such
mothers get married, the rules which underpin
eligibility for benefits reduce the amount of money
they can claim from the state. He therefore argues
that welfare has become a substitute for a husband.
He notes that welfare benefits create a destructive
feedback loop: they promote the decline of marriage,
which generates a need for more welfare.
Murray claims that there is a large group of single
mothers who have never married or cohabited,
who are long-term unemployed and less educated
and attracted to lone motherhood by the ‘perverse
incentive’ of being able to claim state welfare
benefits in the USA and those European societies
that offer welfare assistance. Murray sees the single­
parent family as an inherently second-rate imperfect
or ‘broken’ family that is doing a poor job in terms of
raising children.
In criticism of the New Right view of lone mothers
and single-parent families, Reuben Ford and
170
Jane Millar (1998) suggest that the New Right
analyses strongly imply that the poverty that single
mothers experience is the effect of ‘choosing’ this
lifestyle. However, Ford and Millar argue that the
New Right have misinterpreted this relationship.
Their survey of single mothers in the UK suggests
that poverty is a major cause rather than effect
of single parenthood. Single women from poor
socio-economic backgrounds living in deprived areas
with higher than average rates of unemployment
are more likely than others to become single
mothers. Motherhood is regarded as a desired and
valued goal by these women because it is a realistic
alternative to their poor economic prospects.
Surveys of such women suggest that children are
a great source of love and pride, and most lone
parents put family life at the top of the list of things
they see as important.
Key terms
Dependency culture According to New Right
sociologists, a way of life characterised by
dependency on state benefits.
Underclass The lowest social stratum in a
country or community, consisting of the poor
and unemployed. The New Right claim that
i members of the underclass are most likely to be
welfare-dependent and criminal.
Welfare-dependent The New Right claim that
some individuals are no longer capable of taking
responsibility for themselves because they have
grown too dependent on state benefits. They are
no longer motivated to seek work.
Perverse incentive An incentive that results in
unintended negative consequences; for example,
females may find it advantageous to get pregnant
and bring up a child alone rather than get married,
because state benefits are generous.
Summary
1. New Right sociologists claim that the nuclear
family has been undermined by government
policies which have encouraged cohabitation
and divorce at the expense of marriage.
2. They also argue that state policies have
encouraged married women to go out to work,
therefore undermining their roles as wives and j
mothers.
 4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE

ways. For example, a child might experience a settled

Unit 4.2.5 Postmodernist nuclear family from early childhood to adolescence

perspectives on but experience a single-parent family thereafter

family diversity
Postmodernist sociologists argue that sociological
studies of the family should focus on the ‘life-courses’
of individuals rather than family structures or units.
In other words, sociologists should examine the way
that lives evolve and change as people experience
personal events or rites of passage such as marriage,
the birth of a child or the death of a partner. Other
postmodernist sociologists argue that we should
focus on ‘personal life’ instead of the ‘family’.
Life-course analysis
Tamara Hareven (2000) noted that the life-course is
made up of several stages:
a. Birth
b. Early childhood (being a baby)
c. Infancy (being a toddler)
d. Childhood (beginning with compulsory schooling)
e. Adolescence (being a teenager)
f. Young adulthood (18-29)
g. Adulthood (30-50)
h. Middle age (51-64)
i. Old age (officially begins with retirement)
j. Death
Hareven notes that a life-course might affect the
structure and dynamics of family life in a number of
because their parents separate and divorce. This in
turn might lead to a dual-parenting arrangement
or the child may no longer have any contact with
the father. As adolescence develops, they may
experience the reconstituted or step-family (in which
relationships might be tense).
As people progress through the life-course stages
into young adulthood, they may leave home for, say,
university, leaving an ‘empty nest’ family behind.
They may share houses or apartments with friends,
who become more important than kin for a while.
They may decide to cohabitate with someone from
the opposite sex. They may decide to come out as
gay, trans or intersex and enter relationships that
reflect their sexual identity. Such relationships are
likely to impact, both positively and negatively, on
their relations with parents, siblings and extended
kin. In middle and old age, family life and interaction
experiences continue to evolve. For example, when
the children leave home, parents have to cope
with the concept of the empty nest household or
the family may evolve into a ‘boomerang’ family
as the children return home after a period at
university because they cannot find secure well-paid
employment or afford to buy or rent a home of their
own. Some older people may choose to divorce
at this stage. Many of them will derive emotional
satisfaction from being grandparents and helping
their adult children with childcare. However, many
of these decisions and choices may be shaped by
events such as death, sickness, disability, migration
and influences such as wealth, poverty, ethnicity
and globalisation. Some people will decide to

LIFE EVENT
birth parents mother go to move in with move away find steady have
marry
divorce remarries university friends for first job partner child

TYPE OF HOUSEHOLD
How an individual can live in eight types of household before the age of 30.

171
 4 THE FAMILY
continue as a single-person household after the
death of their partner. Others may elect to live
with their children or go into a residential home or
sheltered accommodation.
Life-course analysis, therefore, focuses on the
diversity and flexibility of family practices that
occur during these stages. Postmodernists argue
that family life is not about living in a static and
unchanging ideal type of family structure. Families
and households are not concrete things that people
should strive to attain, as argued by functionalist
and New Right sociologists. Rather, family life is in a
continual state of fluctuation and change. There is,
therefore, no such thing as the perfect family because
interactions between family members, and the family
dynamics that result, are unique to that group of
people. If every experience of family is different, there
can be no universal criteria by which ‘families’ can be
judged as right or wrong. Postmodernists, therefore,
argue that sociologists need to focus on what family
members regard as important (as opposed to what
sociologists think are important) in order to find out
how family dynamics give meaning to people’s lives.
Ray Pahl and Liz Spencer (2001) also argue that the
concept of ‘family’ is no longer useful to describe
personal relationships in the 21st century. They
argue that people no longer feel they have to
maintain relationships with other kin out of duty
or obligation. Instead, people are now more likely
to subscribe to ‘personal communities’, which are
made up of a combination of those relatives, fictive
kin (close friends of spouses who are unrelated
by birth or marriage but who have such a close
emotional relationship with them that they are
regarded as ‘honorary’ aunts and uncles of the
spouses’ children and considered part of the family).
The sociology of personal life
Another postmodernist, Carol Smart (2007),
recommends using the term ‘personal life’ instead
of ‘family’ because the latter concept is too often
associated with value judgements about ‘ideal’ or
‘normal’ family types. Smart argues that the concept
of ‘personal life’ is more neutral and flexible, because
it goes beyond marriage and biological kin to include
newer types of relationships such as post-divorce
relationships, same-sex relationships, fictive kin and
friendships. For example, she notes that the wide range
172
of choices open to both men and women may result in
the following diverse forms of family and person life.
1. Women’s control of their own fertility has seen
an increasing number of women voluntarily
choosing to reject child-bearing altogether. Some
studies note that one in three female graduates
in European societies have opted not to have
children. More and more women are choosing to
be child-free in more industrialised societies.
Catherine Hakim (2010) argues that voluntary
childlessness is a relatively new lifestyle choice
that could only have been brought about by
the contraception revolution. However, deciding
not to have children can still attract social
disapproval, especially from parents who wish
to be grandparents. There may also be social
pressure from relatives, friends and colleagues
because, as Hakim notes, a woman’s fertility
status is still considered public property. Many
regard childlessness as a type of feminine defect
because the role of motherhood is still regarded
as central to female identity. Hakim argues that
the positive term ‘child-free’ should replace the
rather negative phrase ‘childless’.
Rosemary Gillespie (2003) identifies two
motivational factors for choosing to be child-free.
» There may be a ‘pull’ factor in that some women
will be attracted by the increased freedom and
better relationships with partners that it affords. A
number of studies indicate that couples are happier
without children. Ed Wallander (2001) notes
that married couples without children have more
disposable income than households with children.
> There may be a ‘push’ away from motherhood.
Kristin Park (2005) found that women who were
motivated by this factor tended to see parenting
as conflicting with their careers or leisure interests.
These women claimed to be uninterested in
children and often rejected the notion of a
maternal instinct.
2. Another fairly new ‘family’ type that can be spotted
by highlighting the personal life of children is the
co-parenting model in which a divorced couple
may agree to share the custody of a child or
children. For example, many children may spend
the week living with their mother but spend every
weekend and half the holidays living at the home
of their father and his partner. Both mother and
father and their respective partners share legal

co-parenting responsibility for their children. Some
family experts see co-parenting as a characteristic
of bi-nuclear families - two separate post-divorce
or separation households are really one family
system, as far as children are concerned.
3. Gay and lesbian couples are increasingly choosing
to start families via adoption, surrogacy or in vitro
fertilisation.
4. A very small minority of couples in long-term
relationships agree to bring up their children while
living in separate households. These are known
as living apart together (LAT) households. LAT
households may be popular among young couples
because, as Simon Duncan (2014) notes, they
allow individuals to combine the freedom of living
alone with the intimacy of being part of a couple.
However, research by John Haskey and Jane Lewis
(2006) suggests that younger LAT households are
likely to evolve into cohabitation, marriage and
eventually nuclear families. Irene Levin (2004)
observes that some people entering a relationship
in old age may prefer to maintain a relationship
with a partner who lives elsewhere.
5. The existence of a ‘boomerang’ and a 'failure to
launch’ generation has been highlighted by recent
studies of family practices and personal life. Many
young adults may return (like a boomerang) after
initially leaving home for university or work, or they
may never leave in the first place (fail to launch).
Both these situations may be caused by a range of
structural constraints beyond the control of family
members (for example, the precarious nature of a
minimum wage, zero-hours economy; the nature of
the housing market; the lack of political will to help
young people become independent of their parents
and so on). Living with parents provides various
types of support but may inhibit children’s ability
to be independent and responsible. It may also
negatively impact on parents’ ability to enjoy their
later years free of the burden of childcare. Roles
and expectations of both parents and children need
to be refined and revised if this aspect of personal
life is to be successful.
6. Some families are dependent upon new
reproductive technologies - for example, the first
‘test-tube’ baby, Louise Brown, was born 40 years
ago through in vitro fertilisation. Other children
are the product of surrogate motherhood where
one woman carries a foetus produced by the egg
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
of another woman. This raises questions about
who the parents of the child are, because the birth
parents and the genetic parents are different. It
adds to the complexity of possible family types
and has even led to a grandmother giving birth to
her own grandchild. Such technologies have also
extended the period when a woman can give birth.
For example, the actress Brigitte Nielsen gave birth
to her fifth child in 2018 when aged 54. Maria del
Carmen Bousada de Lara, a Spanish mother, gave
birth to twins at the age of 66 years.
The radical feminists Shelley Budgeon (2011) and
Sasha Roseneil (2013) suggest that the traditional
nuclear family does not appeal to some women
because it is based on the hetero-norm - the idea
that women should marry men forms the heart of
the family. They argue that intimate and emotional
relationships are often part and parcel of female
friendship and that for many women friendships with
other females are just as important as relationships
with lovers, work colleagues and other family
members. They also argue that there has been
a decentring of conjugal relationships’, which
means that some women do not subscribe to the
hetero-norm and are not interested in solely building
their lives and identities around a relationship with
a man, marriage or a nuclear family. For these
women, the most important relationship in their
lives may be with someone such as a best female
friend or male gay friend who she regards as much a
member of her ‘family’ as any of her blood relatives.
Roseneil argues that such friendships are no longer
tied together by heterosexuality. It is now normal
for heterosexuals, especially women, to have strong
emotional relationships with gay people. However,
Yvette Taylor (2011) points out that Roseneil and
Budgeon’s evidence is limited to a small number of
case studies and may not be generalisable to the
population at large.
1. Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim (2001)
argued that the spread of the ideology of
individualisation in the 21 st century has seen
the emergence of what they call ‘families of
choice’, in which individuals may choose to
include people as family members who are not
traditionally related. For example, a cohabiting
couple may interpret each other as ‘husband’ and
‘wife’ despite the fact that they are not formally
married, or close friends of parents may be
adopted as honorary aunts and uncles. Studies
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4 THE FAMILY
of how children interpret the concept of families
suggest that some even see pets such as dogs
and cats as family members.
2. Eric Klinenberg (2014) argues that people in
more industrial societies such as the UK and USA
are influenced by the ‘cult of the individual’ in
which people put their own needs before those
that are expected of them by society. Klinenberg
argues that this philosophy may be responsible
for the large increase in single-person households.
Then and now.- Carol Smart, Personal Life (2W)
Personal Life was published in 2007. It was the
culmination of many years of research, both
empirical and theoretical, and so it is important to
recognise that its intricate roots go much further
back than the date of publication. When I was a
sociology student I could never relate to courses
on The Family’ (as they were then called) because
the idealised image of families we were presented
with bore no resemblance at all to my own family
or the families of my friends. Yet, paradoxically, as
a teacher I was always keen to put on courses for
students on families and relationships. This was
because by then I had become fascinated by how
close relationships work and because I wanted to
explore and expose the complexities and challenges
of these important relationships. These interests set
in train a number of empirical projects which gave
me the opportunity, over several decades, to talk
to hundreds of people about their relationships.
So Personal Life is not a single study, but rather
distilled insights from many of my projects.
Given this history to the book, I was somewhat
taken aback to discover that some sociologists
felt that I had abandoned my interest in family
life and that I was trying to devalue the study of
families - simply because I was trying to stretch
the study of important relationships beyond the
conventional limits of families by using the term
‘personal life’. It remains a mystery to me how
anyone could come to the conclusion that Personal
Life is not substantially about family life. It is true
that it is more than just this, of course. Yet I prefer
to think of it as being about 'family life plus’,
although we should always remember that families
do not provide the primary source of relationships
for all people or for all time.
It was because I felt it was more important to
study what people do, and how they relate to one
174
For example, while a woman is expected to settle
down with a man and start a family, the cult of
the individual means she puts her needs before,
say, her parents’ desire to be grandparents and
this may mean she lives alone while establishing
a career and independent lifestyle for herself.
Klinenberg notes that the digital revolution,
especially the availability of smartphones and
the popularity of social media, make such
single-household lifestyles more attractive.
another, that I moved decisively away from the
study of the structures of the family and the kind of
sociology I had been taught as an undergraduate.
Instead I moved towards studying what David
Morgan (1996, 2011) has called family practices.
This epistemological shift away from structures
towards practices opened up a completely new way
of understanding relationships as well as providing
much more engaging methods of researching
families, kinships and friendships. These included
such things as basing discussions of relationships
on photographs to evoke memories and stories;
using vignettes or hypothetical situations as ways
of eliciting sensitive ideas; and using written
accounts of family histories. It even led me to the
study of family secrets as a way of getting ‘behind’
the public front of family life.
Since the book was published, families and
relationships have inevitably continued to change.
Same-sex marriage is now well established in
England, Wales and Scotland (although not in
Northern Ireland). Assisted reproduction (in the
form of egg, sperm and embryo donation) and
surrogacy are changing the shape of many families
as children born from such methods may not be
genetically related to one or both of their parents.
This in turn means they are not genetically related
to their grandparents. We need to understand
how these new relationships work, and from my
perspective, and from the perspective of Personal
Life, this is a much more important question than
simply bemoaning the fact that families in 2017
don’t look like the families formed in 1917 or 1957.
In the second chapter of the book I stated that family
‘relationships are very sticky’ and I went on to say ‘it
is hard to shake free from them at an emotional level
and their existence can continue to influence our
practices and not just our thoughts’ (2007: 45). I still

stand by that statement but wish to underline that
this does not mean that such relationships are ideal,
unremittingly positive or even supportive. I wanted
this ‘warts and all’ perspective on family/kin/friend
relationships to be more clearly understood without
throwing the baby out with the bathwater - to use
Key terms
Personal life Smart believes that, rather than
study families, sociologists should study how
individuals negotiate their way through their
personal lives. By doing this, we can see that a
vast range of people beyond immediate kin play
important roles in our lives.
Life-course The stages that all human beings
go through during their life, covering birth
to death.
Empty nest families Households in which only the
parents remain once their grown-up children have
left home.
Boomerang family Families in which children
leave home, but because of circumstances beyond
their control they are forced to return to live with
their parents as young adults.
Personal communities A network of close friends
and kin (even pets) that a person might regard as
closest to them.
Fictive kin Normally, close friends of the family,
particularly parents, who have been given the
honorary title of ‘uncle’ or ‘aunt’.
Voluntary childlessness Consciously and
voluntarily choosing not to have children. It should
be distinguished from the state of not being
able to have children for medical or biological
reasons.
Child-free The decision usually taken in
conjunction with a partner not to have children.
Childlessness The state of not having children.
This may be voluntary or involuntary.
Co-parenting When a separated, divorced or
unmarried couple share the duties of parenting,
for example, a child may spend part of a week
living with one parent and the rest of the week
living with the other.
4.2 DIVERSITY AND SOCIAL CHANGE
an overworked cliche. I hope that this at least is what
future students will take from the book.
D. Morgan (1996) Family Connections, Cambridge:
Polity
D. Morgan (2011) Rethinking Family Practices,
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan
Bi-nuclear family Children of divorced or
separated couples often belong to two nuclear
families because their natural parents have
remarried or are cohabiting with a new partner.
Surrogacy The process in which a woman agrees
to bear a child on behalf of another woman, either
from her own egg fertilised by the other woman’s
partner, or from the implantation in her uterus of
a fertilised egg from the other woman.
In vitro fertilisation A medical procedure whereby
an egg is fertilised by sperm in a test tube or
elsewhere outside the body.
Living apart together (LAT) A modern household
set-up in which a couple who are romantically
involved make the decision to maintain separate
households rather than move in together.
Failure to launch generation Children who for
a variety of reasons have not been able to leave
home and therefore still live with their parents
despite being adults.
Test-tube babies Children who are the product
of reproductive technology such as in vitro
fertilisation or artificial insemination because
their parents cannot conceive naturally for
medical reasons.
Hetero-norm The idea that relationships should
be heterosexual.
Decentring of conjugal relationships A radical
feminist idea that rejects the idea that the most
important relationship a woman has is with a man.
Radical feminists believe that women can have
the same quality family relationships with other
women and/or gay men.
Families of choice An idea which suggests that
members of our family are who we choose them
to be - for example, we might regard close friends *
as symbolic family members, as well as cats and
dogs.
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4 THE FAMILY

Cult of the individual An idea very similar to Summary

Beck's concept of individualisation. It refers
1. Postmodernists argue that the concept of the
to the increasing trend to put ourselves
family is too rigid and judgemental. They argue
before others and a desire not to live or mix
that sociologists need to study concepts such
with others, thus the trend towards living in
as ‘life-course’, ‘personal life’ and 'families
single-person households.
of choice’ in order to truly understand the
Empirical Based on experience or observation. social changes that 21 st-century families
Epistemological Relating to how knowledge of a are experiencing.
given subject is obtained.
2. Postmodernists consequently are strong
believers in family diversity and have identified
a range of new ways of managing family
dynamics and personal life.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 1 1 | Describe two types of marriage that exist worldwide. [4 marks)
! 0 | 2 1 Explain two limitations of the New Right view of marriage and cohabitation. [6 marks]
1 0 I 5 1 Explain two ways in which divorce has contributed towards family diversity. [8 marks]

176
SECTION B
FAMILY ROLES AND CHANGING RELATIONSHIPS
Section B focuses on different feminist perspectives
on the family, and especially the key concept of
povzer, control and resistance. Most feminist
theories of the family see it as a patriarchal
institution and attempt to explain how and why
the family may be responsible for the general
subordination and lack of power widely experienced
by females in a range of societies. Our examination
of these theoretical arguments is followed by an
exploration of evidence relating to the internal
organisation of families, particularly its domestic
division of labour, and whether family life may be
damaging for family members who lack power.
The key concept of inequality and opportunity is
particularly relevant here in the analysis of who
takes the major responsibility for housework,
childcare, decision-making and emotion work. The
key concept of social change and development is
important here, too, as we consider whether the
family’s domestic organisation has ‘progressed from
segregated families in which males dominate and
exercise power because of their superior earnings
to more egalitarian families based on shared
responsibilities. This section will also focus on age
and family life. In particular, the idea that childhood
and the role of grandparents have undergone
social change and development will be examined.
As we shall see, the concepts of inequality and
opportunity, particularly with regard to social
class, gender and ethnicity, are also important in
understanding both the experience and quality of
childhood today.
Part 3 will focus on how females experience family
life. We will particularly examine the view that
marriage is now more likely to be characterised
by equality today and that family life is generally a
positive experience for women and children. Part
4 will examine the relationship between age and
family life, and especially changes in the role and
social position of children in families, the changing
role of grandparents, and how the social meaning of
concepts such as motherhood and fatherhood have
changed over time.
 4 THE FAMILY
PART 3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES
OF FAMILY LIFE
Contents
Unit 4.3.1 Feminist theories of the
family 178
Unit 4.3.2 Conjugal roles and debates
about gender equality in
the family 194
Unit 4.3.3 The dark side of family
relationships 200
This part of the chapter generally focuses on the
experience of women within the family and the
development of a specific theory - feminism -
which has evolved to explain the existence of a
gender-specific form of oppression, exploitation,
inequality and male supremacy known as
‘patriarchy’. Patriarchy refers to any social system in
which males hold primary power and predominate
in leadership roles, moral authority, social privilege
Unit 4.3.1 Feminist theories of
the family
Feminists aim to describe the extent of gender
inequality that exists across the world. This unit
briefly outlines the history of feminism before
discussing a number of feminist perspectives on the
family, including liberal feminism, radical feminism,
Marxist-feminism and intersectional feminism.
Sociological history of feminism
If we examine the sociological history of feminism,
j married) and allowing women to initiate divorce
we can see four eras or waves which have made a
significant contribution to the position of women
today both in society and in the family.
First-wave feminism
The first wave of feminism began with the
1792 publication of Mary Wollstonecraft’s book
178
and control of property. At its simplest, Charlotte
Higgins (2018) observes that 'male supremacy’
operates at the expense of women in much the
same way that ‘White supremacy’ operates at the
expense of Black people.
This part, therefore, critically reviews a range of
feminist theories in some depth before going on to
examine the evidence collected from sociological
research relating to the organisation of the domestic
division of labour and especially those tasks relating
to childcare, housework and the management of
emotion. We particularly examine the view that
power and decision-making in marriage in most
societies in 2018 is egalitarian. Finally, using
sociological research and official statistics, we
need to examine whether family life is positive or
negative for family members, because some radical
feminists believe that the family as an institution is a
patriarchy ruled by fear, intimidation and coercion.
A Vindication of the Rights of Women, which
argued that females should have the same right
to education as males because this would make
them more effective partners in marriage as well
as more successful mothers. Wollstonecraft also
highlighted blatant inequalities in marriage that
allowed unscrupulous husbands to exploit the
inherited wealth of their wives. Over the 19th
century, Wollstonecraft’s followers won a notable
set of victories for married women’s rights.
Legislation was eventually passed in both the
USA and in many European nations protecting
women’s property rights (previously a husband
could claim ownership of his wife’s property once
proceedings (previously only husbands could
instigate divorce). This first wave of feminism
culminated in some groups of women being given
the vote in the USA and several European countries
after a sustained (and sometimes violent) campaign
by a group of feminists known as the women’s
suffrage movement.
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
A suffragette protester is arrested, London, 1913.
Describe the contribution that first-wave feminism
made to the position of women today.
Second-wave feminism
The second wave of feminism began in the 1960s
and continued into the 1970s with the publication of
feminist classics such as Betty Friedan’s The Feminine
Mystique (1963), Germaine Greer’s The Female
Eunuch (1970) and Kate Millett’s Sexual Politics
(1970). Three distinct schools of feminist thought
and action emerged in this period.
Some feminists who can be termed ‘liberal feminists’
believed that sociological analysis of gender
inequality in fields such as education, employment,
pay, social mobility and family life would
demonstrate the pervasive influence of patriarchy
and put pressure on governments to pass civil
rights legislation and social policy that would put
females on an equal footing with males. This was
reasonably successful in that it led to governments
introducing equal opportunities legislation that
banned discriminatory practices against females by
employers and encouraged more married women
into the workplace. The law was also changed to
make divorce more accessible to married women.
In the 1980s, many liberal feminists claimed that
the influence of patriarchy was weakening because
studies carried out by feminist sociologists such as
Sue Sharpe (1976) clearly demonstrated that young
women no longer shared the same aspirations and
priorities as their mothers and grandmothers with
regard to marriage and family life. All of these trends
were viewed by liberal feminists as evidence that
patriarchy was in retreat and that equality might be
achieved in the not-too-distant future.
However, another feminist school of thought -
radical feminism - did not share this optimism.
This group of feminists argued that men and women
would always be locked in a state of conflict with
one another because the continued existence of
patriarchy ensured men’s power over women. Radical
feminists argued that patriarchy is a system of male
domination in which males use ideological, economic
and physical power to control and subordinate
females. Moreover, they argued that all men were
naturally inclined to exploit and oppress women and
that violence against women, especially rape and
domestic abuse, was the main means by which men
controlled women. These feminists believed that
women needed to liberate themselves from men
and to set up women-only communities. The more
extreme wings of this movement advocated refusing
to have children and encouraged feminists to avoid
marriage and to shun family life.
A third type of feminism - socialist or Marxist
feminism - parted ways with both the liberals
and radical wings by insisting that patriarchy is an
ideology invented and employed by capitalism in its
relentless search for profit rather than an apparatus
that exists solely for the benefit of men.
Third-wave feminism
The third wave of feminism can be dated to the late
1980s and 1990s, and was essentially made up of
critics of the second wave. There were two types of
critics: intersectional feminists and post-feminists.
Intersectional feminists, many of whom were Black
feminists, pointed out that liberal and radical
feminists were guilty of ‘theoretical imperialism’
and ethnocentrism because they assume that their
Western, White and often middle-class experience
of patriarchal oppression is the norm for all women
wherever they are located in the world. From an
intersectional feminist perspective, this assumption
is an over-simplification of the subtle realities of
the patriarchal oppression experienced by different
179
 4 THE FAMILY
groups of women across the world. For example,
Western feminists claimed that the family is the main
site of patriarchal oppression, but Black feminists in
the USA suggest that in societies characterised by
White supremacy, apartheid and institutional racism,
the family is often a site of refuge and liberation from
the trauma and stress of living in a society that is
hostile to the presence of minority groups.
The third wave also saw the emergence of a group
of female academics who described themselves as
‘post-feminists’. These academics who included Camille
Paglia (1990) and Naomi Wolf (1990) argued that
women in the 1980s had acquired a great deal of
economic power and that ‘young women had never
had it so good’. Stacy Gillis and Rebecca Munford
(2004) argue that these post-feminists claimed that
the 1990s generation of young women reviled and
rejected conventional feminism and consequently
few young women self-identified as feminists.
Post-feminists rejected the idea that women were
the victims of men and advocated an alternative
power-feminism that applauded the economic success
of the 1990s generation of young women. These
women (who were sometimes called ‘ladettes’) were
encouraged by post-feminists to adopt traits normally
associated with masculinity - for example, to focus on
their careers, to be sexually active and to drink heavily
without fear of judgement. Post-feminists, therefore,
extolled the virtues of the ‘girl power’ symbolised by
the global success of the Spice Girls and Madonna and
the global popularity of the American TV series Sex
and the City. However, Gillis and Munford conclude
that post-feminism was viewed with scepticism by
many, and turned out to be merely a short-lived
fashion rather than a genuine indication that women
had reached the next stage in the feminist struggle.
Fourth-wave feminism
The fourth wave of feminism is articulated very
clearly by Higgins (2018), who observes that this
type of feminism is made up of those who have lost
their trust in forward progress or those who were
born too recently - the millennial generation - to
have experienced it. Higgins describes this wave of
feminism as a digital form of feminism and claims
that it is more concerned with action than theory. She
observes that this digital feminism has ‘re-discovered’
patriarchy because of recent scandals in the worlds of
celebrity, film and politics that produced the #MeToo
movement. Marina Watanabe (2014) observes
that this fourth-wave feminism sees patriarchy as
perpetuating sexism, misogyny and violence on a
180
daily basis against women. However, fourth-wave
feminism also sees patriarchy as oppressive and
limiting for males too. It argues that both society
and families are responsible for inculcating men
with a toxic form of masculinity, which has negative
consequences for males as they grow up to become
adults, and particularly husbands and fathers.
Activity
v~
Take Back the Workplace and #MeToo survivors
march, November 2017.
Why does Higgins describe the fourth wave of
feminism as digital feminism?
Digital feminism has also been influenced by
intersectionality and consequently it encourages
the view that the experience of patriarchy is
qualitatively different for a range of social groups,
including the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and
transgender) community. Digital or millennial
feminists are particularly critical of the radical
feminist refusal to accept the idea that transsexuals
who have transitioned from male to female should be
considered to be women. They have accused radical
feminists such as Greer, who argue that trans women
are not ‘real’ women, of being transphobic. They are
also critical of the idea that masculine and feminine
identity can be reduced to a simple gender binary.
In this sense, digital feminism has been very
j influenced by the work of Judith Butler (2006),
who argues that academics need to view both sex
and gender as constituting separate continua. The
biological sex continuum is bookended at one end by
biological males as represented by their possession
of male sex organs, and at the other end by female
biology as represented by the possession of female
sex organs, ovaries and a womb. However, between
these two extremes is found a range of biological
conditions that does not conform to the biological
norms of male and female. For example, some people
may be born with intersex biological features, some
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
females may be born without ovaries or a womb,
and some people’s bodies may produce too much
testosterone or oestrogen.
With regard to gender, Butler argues that this
is largely socially constructed by individuals and
societies. For example, societies have dominant
ideas about how boys should behave (known as
masculinity) and how girls should behave (known
as femininity). Butler claims that sex is biologically
determined but that gender is performed. Most
members of society conform to dominant or
hegemonic definitions of gender and perform
according to cultural expectations. However, some
do not - for example, transvestites transgress social
norms regarding both masculinity and femininity.
Some individuals experience gender dysphoria,
meaning that, although they occupy biological bodies
which are deemed male or female, their internal
sense of gender does not fit how they have been
biologically categorised. Many of these individuals
may choose to transition to the biological gender
they feel inside by electing to undergo physical
change via surgery and drugs. People who identify
as gay, lesbian or bisexual may be content with their
biology but be sexually attracted to those of their
own sex, and consequently perform in stereotypical
gendered ways that the rest of society recognises as
‘gay’ rather than masculine or feminine.
Feminism and sociology
Feminists have generally been critical of sociology
for a number of reasons. Very few sociologists before
the development of feminist sociological research in
the 1970s seemed interested in patriarchy, probably
because most of them were men, and as Higgins
argues, ‘the persistence of male domination was
so much part of the oxygen of life that it was not
even regarded as a concept’. Moreover, she argues
that male supremacy was seen as ‘natural’ by some
sociologists, especially functionalist sociologists such
as Parsons. The idea that patriarchy was a ‘natural’
feature of society was self-fulfilling because those
who wrote sociological theory were, very largely,
men. Consequently, many contemporary feminist
researchers into the family dismiss much of the
sociology of the family as the product of ‘malestream’
thinking. In other words, it has a masculine bias.
Pamela Abbott, Claire Wallace and Melissa Tyler
(2005) argue that such malestream sociology
has generally neglected women’s issues and
particularly issues of oppression and inequality
relating to marriage and the organisation of family
life. Consequently, until feminist research such
as Hannah Cavron’s The Captive Wife: Conflict of
Housebound Mothers (1966), Ann Oakley’s The
Sociology of Housework (1974) and Hart’s When
Marriage Ends (1976), there was little sociological
interest expressed by male sociologists in women
or family issues such as childbirth, domestic labour,
women’s physical and mental health, women’s leisure,
domestic violence and the difficulty of combining
motherhood with paid work or a career.
Key terms
Egalitarian The principle that all people are equal
and deserve equal rights and opportunities.
First wave of feminism Ideas that appeared in the
18th and the 19th century that challenged male
domination of the family and eventually led to
women being allowed to vote.
Suffrage The right to vote.
Second wave of feminism Liberal, radical and
Marxist feminist ideas that appeared in the
1960s and 1970s, often collectively known as the
‘women’s liberation movement’.
Liberal feminism A collection of feminist
sociologists who highlighted gender inequality
in areas such as education and put pressure
on governments to challenge it by introducing
equal rights and opportunities legislation and
social policies.
Civil rights The rights of citizens to political and
social freedom and equality.
Radical feminism A group of feminists who
attempted to explain gender inequality by
constructing structural theories that saw
i
patriarchy as a complex inter-dependent social
system. The theory was often seen as men-hating
because it is hyper-critical of what it saw as male
exploitation and oppression of women.
Liberate To free somebody from oppression
or exploitation.
Socialist/Marxist feminism A type of feminism
that argued that gender inequality was linked
to class inequality. Both were seen to be the
product of capitalism - for example, capitalist
employers profit from women’s unpaid domestic
labour.
181
4 THE FAMILY
Third wave of feminism Refers to two unrelated
forms of feminism that appeared about the same
time (1980s/1990s) - intersectional feminism and
post-feminism.
Intersectional feminism A critique of liberal and
radical feminism which implied that the experience
of patriarchy was the same for all women. Black
and Asian feminists, and Marxist feminists pointed
out that gender often interacts or intersects with
social class, race and patriarchy to produce unique
experiences of patriarchy.
Post-feminism A 1990s trend that suggested that
females no longer had any need for second-wave
feminism because they now had girl power.
Many critics saw it as a media construction
and as reflecting a male backlash against
radical feminism.
Theoretical imperialism The insistence that
one particular type of experience should take
precedence over all other experiences. Radical
feminism was accused of this by intersectional
feminists for implying that all women experienced
patriarchal control in the same way.
Ethnocentrism Judging one’s own cultural
experience to be ‘better’ than that of
other cultures.
Power-feminism Another term for post-feminism.
Ladettes A term used by the media in the 1990s
to describe young women who used their leisure
time to act in the same way as men.
Girl power A media-invented term which claimed
that females wielded cultural power in the
1990s because they imitated role models such
as Madonna.
Fourth wave of feminism Type of feminism,
particularly the digital feminism practised
by millennials.
Digital feminism Feminists, who mainly belong to
the millennial generation, who challenge sexism
and misogyny using online digital sites such as
Twitter and Facebook and by setting up internet
websites such as Everydaysexism.com.
Misogyny Dislike of, contempt for, or ingrained
prejudice against women.
Toxic masculinity A type of masculinity which
exhibits negative traits such as violence, sexual
aggression and an inability or reluctance to
express emotions because of a belief that it is
weak to do so.
182
LGBT community A loose grouping of lesbian,
gay, bisexual, and transgender organisations,
and subcultures, united by a common culture
and social movements. These communities
generally celebrate pride, diversity, individuality
and sexuality.
Millennial feminists Feminists who were born
in the late 1980s and who in the early 21 st
century were in their 20s and early 30s. This
generation, especially if it has experienced higher
education, is thought to be highly politicised.
Surveys suggest that they see females as equal
to males and consequently they are less likely
to tolerate inequality, sexism and misogyny and
more likely than previous generations to challenge
patriarchal processes.
Transphobia Refers to a range of negative
attitudes, feelings, actions or hate crimes toward
transgender or transsexual people.
Gender binary The classification of sex
and gender into two distinct, opposite and
disconnected forms of masculine and feminine.
Malestream A concept developed by feminist
theorists to describe the situation when male
sociologists carry out research which either
ignores or neglects women’s experience and/
or focuses on a masculine perspective and then
assumes that the findings can be applied to
women as well.
Liberal feminism
Liberal feminism, which emerged as part of the
second wave of feminism, is not a unified perspective
but the outcome of several pieces of research by
a group of feminists who came to exercise a great
influence over the campaign to establish equal rights
for females in the fields of education, employment,
family and reproduction. Liberal feminists tend to see
patriarchy originating in the practice of gender role
socialisation, which mainly occurs in the family during
childhood. Research by Oakley (1972) revealed two
crucial components of gender role socialisation,
which she termed:
> ‘manipulation’ - parents discourage particular
types of behaviour which society believes is
inappropriate for a child of a particular gender
i ‘canalisation’ - parents channel children’s interests
into toys and activities approved by society in terms
of the gender of the child.
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
The result of this manipulation and canalisation is
that children are subtly and not so subtly pressured
into conforming to cultural expectations about how
they ought to behave as boys or girls. Oakley argues
that, through a series of codes (relating, for example,
to colours, dress, appearance, toys, play activities,
etiquette, speech, imitation and social control),
socially expected gender behaviour and conceptions
of power are internalised by children in preparation
for adult roles.
Activity
A boy ploying with o doll.
Consider your own childhood and list examples
of how your parents introduced these
gender-orientated codes into your lives. For
example, what colour clothing did your parents dress
you in as a baby? Consider your present wardrobe
if you are a male - how many of your clothes are
predominantly pink? How are clothing, appearance
in terms of hairstyles, ornaments and cosmetics
gender-typed? What sorts of advice were you given
in terms of gender etiquette - for example, how you
should sit, behave and so on? What sorts of images
adorned the cover of birthday cards given to you?
What types of toys were you encouraged to play
with? What sorts of household tasks were seen to
be your responsibility? If you are a female, is your
behaviour, especially outside the home, more strictly
controlled than your brothers or male peers?
These stereotypes and biases are confirmed as males
and females progress into adulthood by agents of
secondary socialisation. For example, by schools
which may steer males and females towards or
away from particular subjects; the focus on women’s
appearance and bodies in the media rather than
their abilities or achievements; and patriarchal
ideologies that claim that there are ‘natural’ or
genetic differences between males and females that
cannot be changed or challenged (such as the idea
that females are naturally more suited to childcare
and domestic work, which is widely accepted but not
supported by scientific evidence).
However, liberal feminists argue that, in addition
to individuals practising sexism or misogyny, many
social institutions suffer from institutional sexism,
that is, conscious and unconscious patriarchal
attitudes and ways of doing things that are
embedded in their everyday routine practices. We
can illustrate this with regard to a major family
problem, domestic violence - that is, violent or
aggressive behaviour within the home, typically
involving the violent abuse of a spouse or partner.
The evidence worldwide suggests that such violence
is fairly common and is mainly male on female.
A husband may commit violence because his
socialisation as a child involved witnessing such
behaviour by his father and the passive acceptance
of this abuse by his mother. Talking to childhood
friends may confirm his father’s behaviour as ‘normal’
in the context of his peer group or neighbourhood.
His experience of a culture in which males are
regarded as powerful and females as subordinate
may reinforce a view that men have the ‘right’ to
physically discipline women.
Activity
Homo Ottco
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Abuse your partner and
risk the pain of being separated
from your family.
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A UK Home Office poster placed in men's
washrooms in 2014 to coincide with the World
Cup (football) tournament.
183
4 THE FAMILY
1. Why do you think the UK Home Office produced
a poster reminding men that domestic abuse
was not just about violence?
2. Suggest reasons why it was released to coincide
with the World Cup.
On an institutional level, the society in which the
abuser lives may have a legal system that historically
was designed by men and consequently legally defines
domestic violence as a minor offence compared
with street violence. The police, who are likely to be
disproportionately male, may carry a legacy of sexism
and/or be reluctant to interfere in what they see as
a ‘private’ family affair. Consequently, few abusive
husbands are arrested. The judicial system may not
prioritise domestic violence, either, because most
magistrates and judges are male. Light sentences that
Then and now: Rebecca Dobash and Russell Dobash. Violence Against Wives (1979)
Sociology has traditionally focused on social
problems yet not all problems are widely
recognised as such nor is it always possible to gain
public and state recognition and support.
Then - At the outset of efforts to deal with
intimate partner violence, in the US and UK some
commentators rejected demands to deal with
violence in the home dubbing it a family affair in
which society and the state should not intervene.
Women’s Aid, the early battered women’s
movement, thought otherwise and we agreed. It
was the early reports of this violence from Women’s
Aid that led us to embark on research on what is
now widely recognised as serious social problem.
In the late 1970s and 80s, there was a paucity of
research on violence against women. The project
we conducted involved the examination of over
34000 police files revealing that 25 per cent of
all assaults involved violence against a woman
by an intimate male partner. This coupled with
the results of intensive interviews of women, who
had been the victims of such an assault led us to
conclude that violence against women in the home
was a widespread problem resulting in serious
physical injuries and emotional harm. Evidence
from this study led to the publication of Violence
Against Wives, in which we used the quantitative
data to assess prevalence and main patterns
and qualitative interviews to demonstrate the
184
do not deter future offenders may be handed out if
the case progresses to court (which it often does not).
Cultural and religious attitudes may unconsciously
support the social control of wives by husbands or, if
this progresses to violence, not speak out loudly or
clearly enough against it. Mass media reports may
imply that aggressive behaviour by husbands was
‘provoked’ in some way by the wife’s ‘unacceptable’
behaviour. Finally, victims of domestic violence may
be encouraged by a range of institutions, including
their own extended family, not to speak out for fear of
bringing shame to the family. They may be encouraged
to accept the situation for the ‘greater’ good of their
children. They may be dissuaded from breaking up
the family and filing for divorce. In conclusion, then,
failure by these institutions to deal with the problem
effectively usually leads to the cycle of violence
starting up again.
experiences of victimised women at the hands of
their partners. This evidence reinforced the claims
of the battered women’s movement in the UK
and USA.
That was then - what about Now? While it is
difficult to assess the impact of research on any
social problem, it is clear that in conjunction with
the pressure of the women’s movement, research
has played an important role in bringing about
change. National surveys conducted in many
countries reveal that on average 35 per cent
of women who have ever been in an intimate
relationship have experienced domestic violence.
The WHO describes the violence as a ‘global
pandemic’ having ‘devastating consequences’. Our
latest research [When Men Murder Women, 2015)
confirms these conclusions. Based on 866 casefiles
and interviews of 180 men who have committed a
murder, we found that when a woman is killed the
murderer is most likely to be an intimate partner or
ex-partner. The murders occurred in the context of
the man’s sense of entitlement, possessiveness, and
women’s attempts to escape. Internationally based
research conducted by the UN, WHO, UNESCO
and the Council of Europe reveals important
developments, including: creation of‘restraining
orders’ for abusers; legislation making the violence
a crime; increased arrest and prosecution; national
and international legislation aimed at curbing the
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
abuse of women; and identifying the abuse as an
infringement of women’s rights. Protection has
developed and expanded. The shelter movement is
now national and international and multitudes of
women have benefited from the battered women’s
movement. A one-day survey in 2015 of thousands
of shelters in 46 countries found that over 53000
Liberal feminists have tended to seek gradual or
piecemeal reform of attitudes. For example, they
are very much in favour of the gender-neutral
socialisation of children so that boys are not infected
with a toxic version of masculinity which normalises
domestic violence. Moreover, liberal feminists have
successfully campaigned to challenge overt forms of
patriarchy and to pressure governments to improve
the civil rights of women in order to reduce gender
inequalities so that women have access to many of
the same opportunities as men. They have been
particularly successful with regard to improving the
experience of women in marriage and families, as the
following examples illustrate;
a. In the 1960s and 1970s, many Western
economies went through profound change
because of globalisation. This led to the decline
of manufacturing industry and massive male
unemployment. However, it also resulted in
economies shifting to the provision of service
industries - for example, the numbers of jobs
in government, retail, finance, hotel, personal
services and fast food expanded. Consequently,
the opportunity for married women with children
to go out to work, to earn a wage and to have
a professional career which was equivalent to
her husband’s in terms of status and income
dramatically improved. European and American
governments responded to this profound economic
change by outlawing employer discrimination
against female workers and by bringing in legal
requirements for women to be fairly paid compared
with men.
b. Governments, often under pressure from feminist
research findings, reformed their education systems
so that females could receive the same quality
schooling as males. In many European countries,
female attainment outstripped that of males in
terms of qualifications and entry to university,
which meant that young women now had the
qualifications and ability to take advantage of the
new economic opportunities coming their way.
women and 35000 children were being given safe
housing and support. In the 1970s there were only
three shelters in the UK, two in Scotland and one
in England. The feminist-inspired shelter movement
has been an extraordinary development -
demonstrating the importance and strength of
feminism.
There is some evidence that as a result of these
educational experiences young women today have
undergone a ‘genderquake’ experience, which
means that compared with earlier generations of
females they are less likely to want to get married
or to want children. They are also more willing to
escape unhappy relationships and marriages and
are less likely to tolerate domestic violence.
c. Many governments now acknowledge that not all
marriages can be successful and have put cheap
and accessible legal means into place so that
married people can sue for divorce.
d. By setting up health services, women in many
societies now have access to contraception. This
has restored ‘reproductive rights’ to women
which were previously in the hands of men. For
example, traditionally in many societies it was
usually husbands who decided on behalf of their
wives if they were going to start a family, when a
woman was first going to have a child and how
many children she would eventually have. In
some societies, women were often at high risk of
maternal death because of this. Women’s control of
contraception restores control over their bodies.
Liberal feminism has proved very successful over the
years. Women now have greater control over their
destiny especially with regard to their experience
of family life. Many can choose to go out to work
rather staying at home full-time to bring up and look
after children. Many now choose to be child-free
because they are more interested in their vocation
and lifestyle. Many are choosing to have their
children later in their lives because they enjoy going
to work and earning an independent income. Many
are choosing to divorce rather than tolerating or
exposing themselves or their children to marital
stress or abuse.
Liberal feminists are, therefore, optimistic about the
future and can see a day when gender equality is
likely to be achieved in many sectors and when the
influence of patriarchy is much reduced.
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4 THE FAMILY
Evaluation of liberal feminism
> Although they see patriarchal influence as in
decline, liberal feminists acknowledge that there
is still a long way to go before full equality is
achieved between men and women, especially in
the family and home. Liberal feminism can also be
given credit for bringing about massive attitudinal
change among women. The continuing relevance of
feminism today, especially digital feminism, is very
much a product of the success of liberal feminism.
> However, popular culture in the form of advertising
and mass media representations of women are
still infected with patriarchal stereotypes. Female
politicians are often judged in terms of their
bodies and what they wear in ways in which male
politicians are not. There is clearly still a need to
eradicate toxic forms of masculinity, which are
symptomatic of patriarchy.
> In addition to the continuing existence of toxic and
brutal forms of masculinity, there are signs that
women themselves are still being encouraged by
popular culture to be unhappy with their bodies,
as can be seen in increasing rates of eating
disorders, self-harm, fat-shaming and bullying,
particularly on social media sites, and the demand
for cosmetic surgery. There are also concerns
that girls are becoming sexualised at an earlier
age and consequently are more susceptible to
grooming. Furthermore, online pornography
increasingly shapes male expectations of women
as sexual partners.
» Intersectional feminists argue that most of the
liberal reforms have assisted White middle-class
women living in the developed Western world
rather than all women. There is still a long way
to go to achieve gender equality in pre-industrial
societies in which tradition and religion interact
to keep women both subordinate and powerless.
In some of these societies, females are denied the
most basic human rights. For example, female
babies may be killed at birth, girls might be denied
education and young females may be forced to
work in brutal and dangerous working conditions.
» Marxist feminists are critical of liberal feminists
for failing to acknowledge that some men
are oppressed more than some women in
capitalist societies.
» Radical feminists such as Greer are critical of
liberal feminists because they argue that women
will never be truly liberated until women do not
have to ape or imitate men and are free from men’s
186
control over the way they dress or behave. Radical
feminists argue that societies require revolutionary
change to convert them into matriarchal or
matrifocal societies.
Key terms
Manipulation A component of gender role
socialisation in which parents encourage behaviour
which is culturally acceptable for boys or girls but
discourage behaviour that might be interpreted as
not fitting cultural norms.
Canalisation A component of gender role
socialisation where parents lead or channel
their children’s interests and activities to
gender-appropriate areas. For example, toys are
often classified as suitable for either boys or girls.
Institutional sexism Ideas and practices that may
be consciously or unconsciously embedded in the
regulations and actions of an organisation such as
a school or police force.
Genderquake A radical change in attitudes
compared with previous generations, so radical
that it symbolises a seismic (earthquake-type)
upheaval.
Reproductive rights The right of females to
control their own bodies; for example, the right
of women to decide whether they want to have
children or be child-free, when to have children
and how many children to have.
Matriarchal A society or community dominated
by women - the opposite to patriarchal.
Matrifocal A society or culture based on the
mother as the head of the family or household.
Radical feminism
i In contrast to liberal feminism, which has been
mainly concerned with challenging prejudice and
discrimination against females when expressed by
individuals or social institutions, radical feminism is
' both a structuralist and a conflict theory of society.
1
! Radical feminism is a structuralist theory because,
like functionalism and Marxism, it believes that
societies are social systems composed of collections
of inter-dependent social institutions such as the
family, the criminal justice system, education, the
media, the state and so on. Like other structuralist
theories, radical feminism believes that the way
societies are organised or structured exercises
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
an effect on the actions of individuals. The social
structure of an institution such as the family
determines the actions of individuals, both men and
women, who make up those institutions.
Radical feminists argue that most societies and
social systems are patriarchal. Millett (1970), for
example, stated that patriarchy is everywhere and
consequently it is society’s most fundamental source
of power.
Patriarchy is, therefore, a structural feature of
society which is present in all aspects of social life
and, for this reason, it is very difficult to challenge
or change. Moreover, patriarchal influence means
that the oppression of women is multi-layered. As
Higgins observes, it operates through inequalities at
the level of the law and the state, but also through
the home and the workplace. It reproduces itself
endlessly through these norms and structures
that are themselves ‘patriarchal in nature’. Radical
feminists are critical of liberal feminist attempts to
challenge patriarchy because they claim that their
successes are too limited in scope. Radical feminists
believe in more revolutionary forms of social change
in order to defeat patriarchy and bring about
gender equality.
Radical feminism is also a conflict theory; it argues
that males and females are in fundamental conflict
with one another because in patriarchal societies
males exercise power over women and deliberately
exploit and oppress them. Most importantly,
in patriarchal societies women are expected to
passively defer to male authority.
In fact, radical feminists such as Millett (1970) and
Shulamith Firestone (1970) argue that men and
women constitute separate and often conflicting
'sex classes’ or status groups. Millett believed that
women often occupy a subordinate status compared
with men because it is impossible for women to
acquire the power to compete equally with men. She
argues that gender differences are more influential
than either socio-economic or ethnic differences. For
example, as evidence for this she points out that even
higher-class women are subordinate to men.
Radical feminists believe that the interaction between
the sexes, especially in marriage and the family, is
responsible for the most important and longstanding
form of inequality and conflict that exists in human
societies. This clash of gender interest has resulted in
battle lines being drawn between males - patriarchs -
and their female victims.
Radical feminists reject the functionalist idea that
the family is a cooperative unit founded on common
interests and mutual support between husband and
wife. Instead, they view the family as a patriarchal
institution ruled by fear, intimidation and coercion.
Radical feminists, therefore, focus on how the nuclear
family functions to mainly benefit heterosexual men.
They claim that patriarchy shapes the dynamics
of family life because, in most families, the father
possesses economic power and authority and
boys are trained for public life. Girls, on the other
hand, are prepared for their future roles as wives
and mothers and, especially, taught that the idea
that the gendered division of labour is ‘natural’
and unchangeable.
Furthermore, radical feminist thinkers have drawn
attention to a range of ways in which the patriarchal
nuclear family has oppressed or exploited women.
For example, Firestone claimed that ‘love [...] is the
pivot of women’s oppression today’, while Christine
Delphy and Diana Leonard (1992) claimed that
husbands consciously and unconsciously exploit their
wives despite genuinely loving them. They also argue
that a woman’s role within a marriage is to ‘flatter’
her husband and to provide emotional support for
him. In contrast, men rarely perform this function
for women.
Greer (2000) argues that even in marriage today
women remain subservient to their husbands. She
believes that single women are generally happier
than married women and this is reflected in the
high number of divorces instigated by women. Greer
claims that wives are much more likely to suffer
physical and sexual abuse than husbands, and that
daughters are often victims of sexual abuse by male
relatives within the family.
j The origin of patriarchy
Firestone (1970) argued that patriarchy is based
upon a sexual class system that she speculates is
based on biology. She claims that women were at a
biological disadvantage when power was distributed
in pre-industrial societies because of pregnancy
and childbirth, which made them relatively weak
and vulnerable. They were also tied down by the
requirements of breastfeeding and hindered by
menstruation. Similarly, Laura Purdy (1997) believes
that the source of men’s exploitation is the fact that
women have babies, which restricts their ability to
challenge men for power and status. Firestone and
Purdy believed that men have taken advantage of
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these biological facts to make women dependent
on them, particularly in families. This biologically
derived dependency enabled men to monopolise and
consolidate power and leadership positions across a
range of social institutions.
Millett. while not fully sharing Firestone’s arguments
about the role of biology, does acknowledge that
biology plays some role in establishing patriarchal
power, because men can use their size and body
strength to threaten physical and sexual violence
against those women who fail to conform to
patriarchal expectations by challenging male power.
Radical feminism - the role of ideology
However, radical feminists also argue that men have
used their biological advantage to dominate cultural
institutions that can be used to spread patriarchal
ideology, which aims to persuade both men and
women that it is natural that men rather than
women wield power and authority. This ideology has
become embedded over the centuries in historical
tradition, myth and religious texts. It is also often
underpinned by scientific claims, for example, that
males and females are biologically programmed
to perform different tasks or that male and female
brains are hard-wired in different ways. However,
this ideology is rarely underpinned by hard
scientific data. For example, there is no scientific
evidence that women are better suited to raising
children compared with men. Rather, these ideas
have been socially constructed by men in order to
justify their false claim to power over women and
to ensure that women cannot compete with them
for scarce resources such as jobs. In the family, this
ideology is embedded in the primary socialisation
process, which teaches female children that they
are weak, vulnerable and not as important as their
male siblings.
Furthermore, in contemporary societies, radical
feminists argue that this ideology functions to
dilute female aspiration and to convince women
that their natural inclination is towards passivity,
docility and being decorative rather than adopting
‘unladylike’ traits such as assertiveness and
ambition. Friedan (1963) argued that mass media
and advertising help to persuade women to accept
that domesticity is their destiny. Millett claimed
that patriarchal ideology tells women how to look,
dress and behave if they are to avoid negative
judgement and cultural chastisement. Millett claims
that patriarchal ideology is a most ingenious form
188
of'interior colonisation’ because it has convinced
the majority of women that it is not possible to
put an end to male control or cultural hegemony.
Consequently, she believed patriarchy to be sturdier
and more rigorous and enduring than any other form
of segregation and inequality. When this ideology
fails (which is rare), radical feminists argue that
men resort to physical coercion to ensure women’s
conformity to patriarchal controls.
Activity
The archetypal 1950s housewife, UK.
How are men and women represented in
advertisements in your society?
This has motivated some radical feminists to examine
why the nuclear family is often the site of violence
against women and children. Catherine Redfern and
Kristine Aune (2013) conclude that violence against
females inside families takes many different forms,
including female genital mutilation, acid throwing,
the forced marriage of children, marital rape,
honour killings, domestic violence and psychological
bullying. Radical feminists working in these fields
point out that such violence is often fuelled by a
! self-fulfilling patriarchal ideology which sees women
as second-class citizens. Andrea Dworkin (1974)
actually claimed that all men benefit from rape
because women become dependent on them in order
to be protected from other men.
Many radical feminists see patriarchy as a universal
feature of all societies which needs to undergo
fundamental or revolutionary social change. However,
the exact proposed solutions to male dominance
vary. Purdy (1997), for example, advocates that
mothers should go on a ‘baby strike’ and refuse
to reproduce. However, many radical feminists are
pessimistic about the possibility that patriarchal
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
gender relations can be transformed, while current
nuclear family set-ups that ultimately benefit men
continue to exist. Separatists believe that women
should set up alternative ways of living that exclude
men. Firestone, for example, argued that women
should use new reproductive technologies, such as in
vitro fertilisation (IVF), to exclude men from families,
because she believes that women’s dependence on
men derives from their childbearing and child-rearing
functions. Greer (2000) also argues in favour of
all-female matriarchal communes, households
or families. Some argue for the abolition of the
nuclear family and traditional forms of gender-role
socialisation altogether, because these are seen as
the primary source of patriarchal ideology.
Evaluating radical feminism
Radical feminism has offered an important challenge
to traditional sociological views and has highlighted
some very important features of women’s oppression.
For example, radical feminists were the first to
emphasise the role of violence in maintaining male
power and this has led to an important recognition
of the significance of problems such as domestic
violence and rape. They have also been able to
emphasise and give insight into the enduring and
apparently intractable problem of male dominance.
However, six key criticisms can be made of radical
feminism and how it views the family;
» It has dated fairly significantly, because it fails to
account for recent economic and social changes,
such as the educational success of young females,
women’s use of divorce, and many women’s
rejection of domestic labour as their exclusive
responsibility. Liberal feminists argue that radical
feminists tend to underestimate the extent to which
women have become less oppressed and more
liberated in families (especially in Western societies)
and the range of non-patriarchal options that they
can now choose from in terms of how they want to
organise their futures.
> Jennifer Somerville (2000) and Hakim (2000) both
argue that radical feminism probably exaggerates
the exploitation of women in the family. They argue
that most women value their relationships with
men and that the bulk of male-female relationships
are based on mutual love and respect rather than
exploitation, domination and subordination.
> Radical feminists ignore those accounts of family
life in which females experience motherhood
as fulfilling and rewarding, or they dismiss this
experience as less rewarding than having a career.
Hakim argues that this is condescending. Many
women choose to be mothers and gain great
satisfaction from this role. She argues that, as an
option, it should be judged no differently from
any other.
» Like other structural theories, radical feminism
is guilty of over-emphasising the nuclear family
and neglecting the rich diversity of other family
types in modern society. For example, who exactly
is guilty of exploitation in the female-headed
single-parent family?
> The radical feminist concept of patriarchy
may be over-simplistic, because it does not
accommodate the idea that some men do not
enthusiastically uphold or want to benefit from
patriarchy. Furthermore, it fails to acknowledge that
women’s actions contribute to the maintenance of
patriarchy (although radical feminists often dismiss
these women as ‘cultural dopes’ or victims of
patriarchal ideology).
» Intersectional feminists who are part of the third
wave of feminism argue that radical feminists
exaggerate the degree to which all women are
similar and share similar interests. Consequently,
they ignore or neglect other important social
divisions (such as ethnicity). Sara Delamont (2001)
suggests that there are many divisions between
women on grounds of income and social class,
ethnicity and religion which radical feminists
neglect. For example, the influence of factors such
! as religion or racism may mean that Black or Asian
women may experience more male exploitation
than White women.
Black feminists have accused radical feminism
of ethnocentrism. They claim that White radical
feminists have tended to portray Black women as
the helpless victims of both racism and sexism.
Black feminists argue that White feminists cannot
claim to speak for the experience of all women and
Black women can provide a unique and essential
contribution to feminism in general. For example,
the pioneering American Black feminist bell hooks
(1981) argued that the legacy of slavery had given
Black women a unique insight into the nature of
oppression, which White feminists do not have.
Similarly, Safia Mirza (1997) argues that a distinctive
Black British feminism is essential in order to
challenge distorted assumptions that Black women
are passive victims of racism, patriarchy and class
inequality. She argues that this is simply not true,
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because such women have fought to overcome
sexism and racism in education and elsewhere. Black
feminism has also been important in developing
postcolonial feminism, which is particularly
concerned with challenging gender inequalities that
result in part from colonialism in the developing
countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. For
example, they have analysed how the legacy of
colonialism has affected women caught up in the
AIDS/HIV epidemic in Africa.
Socialist or Marxist feminism
Rosemarie Tong (2017) observes that ‘although it is
possible to distinguish between Marxist and socialist
feminist thought, it is quite difficult to do so’. She
argues that the main difference is one of emphasis
rather than substance. For example, she observes
that Marxist feminists are particularly indebted to
and influenced by the work of one of the co-authors
of The Communist Manifesto, Engels, and especially
his critique of marriage and the nuclear family.
Marxist feminists also tend to see patriarchy as
a product of capitalism and social class inequality
rather than seeing it as a free-standing social system.
Socialist feminists, like radical feminists, recognise the
fundamental oppression of women and the importance
of patriarchy in bringing about women’s subordination.
However, socialist feminists do not insist that gender
is the only source of women’s oppression. They also
recognise that social class and ethnicity are important,
and that any analysis of patriarchal oppression needs
to examine the role of social class and ethnicity in
bringing about women’s subordination.
Socialist feminism opposes the separatism demanded
by radical feminists and argues instead that women
need to work with socialist men to bring about
gender equality. They also differ from liberal feminists
who believe that progress towards equality can be
achieved within the constraints of the way societies
are currently organised. Socialist feminists, like
Marxist feminists, believe that society needs to be
radically restructured so that it is truly meritocratic.
This means that rewards in the form of status, power,
jobs, income, qualifications and social mobility should
be neutrally based on merit (levels of ability, talent,
skill, hard work measured by objective examination),
regardless of gender.
Both socialist and Marxist feminist theories of the
family are influenced by the work of Engels, who
argued that patriarchy was a crucial factor in the
190
emergence of capitalism in the 18th century (see
Unit 4.1.3). He claimed that patriarchy emerged
alongside the development of the nuclear family and
particularly monogamous marriage. Engels suggests
that these processes resulted in the 'world-historical
defeat of the female sex’, because thereafter men
commanded both the family and home, while the
woman’s role in the family was reduced to the
servicing of male needs. However, Engels’ ideas are
not based on any convincing historical evidence. They
are mere speculation.
Marxist feminists such as Margaret Benston (1972)
and Martha Gimenez and Jane Collins (1990), like
all feminists, saw patriarchal oppression by men
as central to women’s experience, but they did not
see this oppression as the main source of social
inequality. Like Marxism in general, they saw social
class relationships as the major cause of inequality.
From a Marxist feminist perspective, all labour -
paid and domestic - is exploited by the capitalist
class for profit. Gender oppression is, therefore,
part and parcel of the general oppression of all
workers, waged or unwaged. Moreover, Marxist
feminists see patriarchy as a deliberate ideology
designed and constructed by the capitalist class
to justify the exploitation of women’s domestic
labour, which ultimately functions to benefit the
ruling class.
Most Marxist feminist analysis of the family has
focused on the contribution of female domestic
labour - housework and childcare - to capitalist
economies. They point out that domestic labour
is unpaid but observe that it has great value for
capitalist economies. For example, Benston (1972)
suggested that the nuclear family, and especially
women’s nurturing role within it, is important to
capitalism because it produces and rears the future
workforce at little cost to the capitalist state. She
also argued that domestic labour ensures that the
male workforce is fit, happy and healthy to go to
work and consequently to be productive. In other
words, the housework role (which involves feeding
the male worker, shopping to meet his needs,
bringing up his children and making sure he has
a clean and relaxing environment to return home
to every day) contributes to the effectiveness of
male labour and the value of the work he produces
for his employer. Moreover, if his emotional and
physical needs are met by his wife, he is less likely to
interpret his work or his workplace as alienating or
lacking in satisfaction.
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
There is no question that Marxist feminists are
correct in their view that domestic labour makes a
tremendous contribution to the economy and that
employers benefit from the unpaid labour of women
in the home. For example, in the UK, in 2014, the
government estimated that laundry and ironing in
the home was worth an estimated £97.2 billion in
201 2, while unpaid childcare was estimated to be
worth £343 billion in 2010 - three times higher than
the contribution to the British economy made by the
financial sector.
Activity
Convert the figures into the local currency of
the society in which you live. What other ‘free’
labour, mainly carried out by your mother, might
also be assigned a monetary value? Think about
healthcare, cooking (how much do restaurants or
canteens charge for this?) or transporting you to
various places. If you had to pay your mother for
these services, what might a fair weekly wage be?
Marxist feminists argue that women’s work is being
exploited by the capitalist class because the wage
received by the male worker only includes payment
for his labour - it does not include payment for the
Contemporary issues: Wages for housework
Both socialist and Marxist feminists have
campaigned for wages to be paid for housework.
In 2014, Selma James founded the International
Wages for Housework (WFH) campaign to re-ignite
the global domestic labour debate.
The WFH campaign has only been partly successful,
in that Venezuela has been the only country
that has agreed to pay women for childcare and
housework. In 2007, President Hugo Chavez
announced that 200000 poor women who
were head of households would receive 80 per
cent of the legal minimum wage (amounting to
approximately $ 180 per month).
However, Zoe Fairbairns (1988) is critical of the
WFH campaign. She claims that demanding money
for unpaid domestic work was a 4sad indictment’
of feminism, because it demonstrated that it had
lost the battle to force men to do their fair share
of childcare and housework. Similarly, Lisa Tuttle
(1986) claims that ‘paying women for child-, house-,
domestic labour of his female partner, which makes
an essential contribution both to his value as a
worker and the capitalist economy.
Another important Marxist feminist is Ansley
(1972), who suggests that capitalism has stripped
male workers of dignity, power and control at work.
Surveys of factory workers suggest that many are
bored and dissatisfied by the tedious nature of their
work. Many are alienated, meaning that they cannot
identify with or bring themselves to care about the
product they are making. They feel powerless and
consequently feel that their masculinity is being
challenged. However, Ansley argues that this male
frustration, dissatisfaction and alienation is often
absorbed by the family, and particularly by their
female partner, in the form of domestic violence.
Wives, therefore, act as safety valves for capitalism
because these men are not directing their anger
at the real cause of their problems - the nature of
capitalism and the alienation that results from its
organisation of production.
Evaluating Marxist and
socialist feminism
On the positive side, Marxist feminists have
shown how gender roles within the family may be
and husband-care simply reinforces the very
traditions and prejudices that keep women in the
home’, whereas Daniela Del Boca (2014) objects to
WFH because it acts as a disincentive for women to
get jobs and have careers. In her view, it also dilutes
the powerful message that working mothers with
careers send out to their daughters, which is that a
female career is fundamental if women are to escape
economic dependency on men. Fiona Cameron
(2018) points out that WFH is discriminatory,
because women who already have paid work are
unlikely to receive additional payments for the extra
work that they currently do for free in the home.
Questions
1. Why do Socialist and Marxist feminists believe
that women should receive a wage for their
domestic labour?
2. Identify four criticisms of the Wages for
Housework campaign.
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 4 THE FAMILY
created and perpetuated by the requirements of
capitalist society rather than being ‘natural’, as
functionalists argue.
However, like Marxists, they see the family as
performing predetermined functions for the good of
capitalist society rather than for society as a whole.
They therefore insist that the nuclear family only
benefits the capitalist class and men. However, this
can be criticised because it ignores the day-to-day
experiences and interpretations of women who
choose to live in such families because they enjoy and
benefit from the experience of being a mother, wife,
partner and so on.
Radical feminists are critical of Marxist feminists
because they argue that patriarchy pre-dates
capitalism. Moreover, there is no guarantee that
a radical change in the economic organisation of
society will eradicate patriarchy or gender inequality.
There is no evidence that women’s everyday
conditions have changed (with the exception of
Venezuela) relative to those in capitalist countries in
countries which claim to be communist or socialist.
Female opportunities in terms of careers and paid
work might improve, but domestic conditions
probably undergo little change, as Wayne Ellwood
(1982) observed when he noted that in communist
Russia women went into space but they still had to
do the washing and ironing when they got home.
Moreover, the Marxist feminist model of the family is
still largely based upon the rather dated model of the
nuclear family of working husband and economically
dependent full-time housewife. Many families no
longer fit into this category, because modern families
are extremely diverse in their organisation and
structure. Many nuclear families are dual-career and
consequently women may now have the economic
and cultural power to resist any attempt to allocate
them to exclusively domestic and maternal roles.
Triple systems feminist theory Sylvia Walby’s
(1990) triple systems theory is an attempt
to deal with some of the common weaknesses
of feminist theory. In particular, she addresses
the intersectional feminists’ argument that the
impact of patriarchy on female experience is
made complicated by the influence of both social
class and ethnicity. Walby makes it very clear
that any theory of patriarchy must not restrict
itself to gender, because a working-class woman’s
experience of patriarchy may be more negative
than a middle-class woman’s experience. In
other words, social class in the form of poverty,
192
living in a deprived neighbourhood and lack of
educational qualifications may all worsen the
experience of patriarchy, while being fairly affluent
and well-educated may mean that a middle-class
woman is better equipped to deal with patriarchal
pressures. Similarly, women from ethnic minority
groups may find that their negative experience of
patriarchy is reinforced by powerful traditions and
religious belief systems which very clearly state that
females should be ascribed second-class citizenship.
This compares with White women living in secular
European societies in which traditional obligations
have been largely replaced with individualistic value
systems and indifference towards religious beliefs.
Walby has analysed how systems perpetuate and
reinforce patriarchy. She identifies two types of
patriarchy. She argues that ‘private patriarchy’ is
found in personal relationships and the home/family,
while ‘public patriarchy’ is found in those social
institutions that form a part of public life such as the
education system, religion, the economy, the law, the
state, and cultural institutions such as the media and
the arts. Both private and public forms of patriarchy
interact with other socio-economic and cultural
factors to create a unified system of patriarchy that
shapes the subordination of women across a range of
social situations. For example:
» In the public sphere of the economy, women have
a legal right to equal pay and opportunity in the
workplace but this has not resulted in the eradication
of the gender pay gap. However, talented and
well-qualified females are prevented from obtaining
top jobs by a glass ceiling - an invisible but real,
unacknowledged barrier to female advancement in
management and the professions which prevents
them from achieving economic equality with
men. There is evidence too from a range of more
industrialised societies that White women are more
likely to be in employment, to earn higher rates of
pay and to break through this glass ceiling compared
with similarly qualified and experienced women from
ethnic minority backgrounds,
i Sometimes private and public forms of patriarchy
combine to exclude women from occupational
success. Walby highlights the existence of powerful
ideologies employed to foment guilt in women
and so prevent them from competing on an equal
playing field for jobs. For example, ‘a woman’s
place is in the home’ or ‘all women have a maternal
instinct’ or working mothers risk causing their
children ‘psychological damage’ are all-powerful
cultural ideas which seep into the private world of
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
relationships and family and may shape decisions
taken by couples which ultimately disadvantage
women rather than men.
These ideologies might lead women to delay going
back to work after giving birth or to have more
children. Some cultures, especially in pre-industrial
societies, may not give women a choice between
motherhood and career because cultural tradition
demands they become homemakers.
In conclusion, then, Walby clearly demonstrates
that patriarchal power emanates from a complex
web or system of interlinked private and public
institutions underpinned by gender, social class
and ethnicity. However, Beatrix Campbell (2014)
argues that sociologists need to add a fourth
factor - globalisation - to this list. She argues
that patriarchal oppression is unlikely to be the
same experience across different societies. It is
likely to have a greater impact in societies in which
fundamentalist religions dominate, in which female
infanticide, female circumcision, child marriages
and the dowry system are common. In many
less industrialised societies, girls are deliberately
excluded from education, which is seen to be an
exclusively male privilege. In Pakistan, Malala
Yousafzai was shot by the Taliban in 201 2 for
campaigning in favour of girls’ education. She was
15 years old. Moreover, in those societies which
have experienced industrialisation because of the
outsourcing by Western capitalism of products such
as textiles, sportswear and electrical items, young
women are seen as an easily exploitable group in
terms of working long hours in dangerous conditions
for very low rates of pay. Often these women have no |
rights and are dismissed if they suffer accidents, fall
pregnant or protest against their working conditions. i
Conclusion
In conclusion, Higgins notes that feminists have
drawn attention to both the longevity and the
peculiar elusiveness of patriarchy and gendered
power. Feminism, in all its varied forms, has clearly
shown us that patriarchy is not located in any
one place or social institution, and that individual
examples of gender inequality actually interact and
reinforce each other to create a complex and largely
invisible system of oppression. They have also made
us very aware that the eradication of patriarchy is a
task of enormous complexity that is not likely to be
achieved any time soon.
Key terms
Cultural hegemony Domination or rule
maintained through ideological or cultural
means.
Baby strike A call by radical feminists for
women to refuse to have babies, claiming that
motherhood is the biggest obstacle to women’s
progress and that it reinforces patriarchy.
Triple systems theory A feminist theory of
patriarchy associated with Walby which argues that
there are three crucial influences on a woman’s
experience of inequality and oppression - gender,
social class and ethnicity.
Private patriarchy A type of male domination
found exclusively in the home, family and in
personal relationships.
Public patriarchy Institutionalised forms of sexual
prejudice and discrimination found across a
range of social institutions, including government,
education and the law.
Class ceiling The unseen, yet unbreachable,
barrier that keeps women from rising to the
upper rungs of the corporate ladder,
regardless of their qualifications
or achievements.
Dowry system Refers to the cash and property
that the bride’s family gives to the bridegroom,
his parents, or his relatives as a condition of the
marriage.
Summary
1. Feminists aim to describe the extent of gender
inequality that exists across the world. Most
aim to explain male domination and female
subordination with reference to the concept
of patriarchy.
2. Liberal feminists have challenged gender
inequality in a range of social areas of modern
life and put pressure on governments to
introduce measures that either empower
females or outlaw gendered discrimination.
They are optimistic that social change will
eventually lead to the disappearance of
patriarchy, although they acknowledge that
there is still some distance to travel.
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3. Radical feminism argues that patriarchy
should be considered as a complex social
system which has embedded its ideology
into the foundation of every social institution
and consequently determines how structures
are organised and the social actions of both
men and women. Radical feminists argue that
men and women have little in common with
one another and that males use their power
in all areas of society to exploit, oppress and
dominate women.
4. From a radical feminist perspective, love and
romance are merely patriarchal devices that
men use to manipulate women.
5. Marxist feminists believe that social class
inequality is the main source of power, and
that patriarchy is consequently a product
of capitalism. Marxist feminists argue that
women’s family labour contributes to the
profits made by the capitalist class, because
women ensure that men are fit and healthy to
work and that children will grow up to be the
future workforce.
6. Intersectional feminists believe that gender
needs to be considered as exerting a similar
influence as social class and ethnicity over the
experience of women. Some women have more
means at their disposal to resist patriarchy
because they possess wealth, status and
education, while others may find that their
experience of patriarchy is more oppressive
because they live in poverty or in a racially
segregated society or are subject to strict
religious controls. Walby’s triple systems theory
is a good example of intersectional feminism.
Unit 4.3.2 Conjugal roles and
debates about gender
equality in the family
This unit aims to examine the empirical or first-hand
evidence regarding the role each spouse takes on
within the home with regard to domestic labour -
that is, to work out who is responsible for the lion’s
share of housework and whether specific tasks
such as childcare are regarded primarily as a male
or female responsibility. There have been literally
hundreds of pieces of sociological research conducted I
194
by sociologists looking at how domestic labour is
divided up between males and females in order to
provide evidence for the points raised by the feminist
perspectives in Unit 4.3.1.
The distribution of domestic labour
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Most sociological studies of domestic labour in the
home have been carried out in Western societies. For
example, one classic study was carried out by Michael
Young and Peter Willmott (1957) in a working-class
district of London in the 1950s. They observed that
marital or conjugal roles in working-class families
in this period were clearly segregated. Men were
primarily wage-earners and were responsible for very
few domestic tasks around the home. It was rare
for a father to attend the birth of his child or to be
involved with the day-to-day care of his children. Men
regarded themselves as the head of the household -
they exercised this social power on the basis of
their superior earning power and consequently were
responsible for family discipline and decision-making.
Furthermore, they spent their leisure time with other
men rather than their spouses. In contrast, few
females worked outside the home and consequently
they were often economically dependent on their
husband, who would allocate their ‘housekeeping’
money. Women were usually exclusively responsible
for all aspects of housework and childcare. They
generally exercised little power over decision-making
and sometimes were the victims of their spouse’s
physical power in the form of domestic violence. The
domestic division of labour and power relations in
the home therefore were generally unequal.
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
However, on the basis of further research that
they conducted in the 1970s, Young and Willmott
(1973) claimed that men and women’s attitudes
towards the distribution of labour in the home had
undergone radical change in the modern UK so that
in both middle-class and working-class households
conjugal roles were more likely to be jointly shared.
They argued that this trend towards joint conjugal
roles meant that marriage in the 1970s was likely
to be egalitarian. They claimed that this domestic
change had been brought about by three important
social changes:
» Greater educational and job opportunities
led to larger numbers of working-class people
experiencing geographical mobility. Moving
away from the areas in which they were born
and raised meant they were often isolated from
extended kin and free from traditional influences
about how they were supposed to organise
domestic tasks that had favoured segregated
conjugal roles.
» Women started going out to work in greater
numbers than ever before and began making a
significant economic contribution to the standard
of living of their family. Families could afford
to buy goods (for example, televisions) and
time- and labour-saving devices (for example,
vacuum cleaners), which made the home a
more attractive place to be in for both males
and females.
» Women acquired more power in a variety of
ways. They acquired power over their own fertility
because of contraception. They acquired economic
power because going out to work meant they were
no longer exclusively dependent on housekeeping
money from their husband’s wages. These powers
therefore meant women could put pressure on
men to do more around the home.
Young and Willmott concluded that these
changes had resulted in a new family form - the
symmetrical family (a type of nuclear unit) - in
which women experience equality with men. Young
and Willmott argued that in this type of family both
spouses were involved in paid work and therefore
made a joint contribution to the family income
and bills, and that housework and childcare tasks
were more equitably distributed. Decision-making
was shared and spouses enjoyed spending leisure
time together.
A symmetrical family.
Explain how the symmetrical family differs from the
domestic division of labour described by Young and
Willmott in their 1957 study.
The feminist response to
Young and Willmott
The liberal feminist sociologist Oakley (1974)
responded to Young and Willmott’s ideas that
marriage was increasingly becoming egalitarian
with her own academic study of domestic work.
As Chambers (201 2) notes, until Oakley’s study
appeared, housework had not been considered
worthy of study by male sociologists because it was
regarded as an everyday private activity.
The idea that equality was a central characteristic
of marriage in the 1970s was strongly opposed by
Oakley, who rejected the notion of a symmetrical
family. She argued that patriarchy was still very much
a major characteristic of modern nuclear families
and that women still occupied a subordinate and
dependent role within the family and in wider society.
Oakley interviewed 40 housewives living in suburban
London and found some quantitative evidence
of husbands helping in the home but found little
evidence of symmetry or equality. Only 15 per cent
of husbands had a high level of participation in
housework, but even this group saw housework as
‘her work’ rather than something to be jointly shared.
Oakley’s research was carried out over 40 years
ago, but recent research suggests that her view that
domestic labour was organised in a deeply unequal
way and consequently her rejection of symmetry may
still hold true. Contemporary feminist sociologists
195

4 THE FAMILY
suggest that there is little hard evidence in the 21 st
century for equality in marriage in Western societies
with regards to domestic labour, despite the fact that
many women are now engaged in paid work and
working long hours outside the home.
For example, research by Lyn Craig (2007) found
that women do between one-third and one-half
more housework than men. She argues that this
inequality begins when a couple move in together
and before they have children. She calls this aspect
of domestic inequality the ‘partnership penalty’ Her
research found that when couples marry, the wife’s
unpaid domestic labour rises in volume, while the
husband does less housework compared with when
he was single. Moreover, when the couple do have
children, the female also experiences an additional
‘motherhood penalty’. The decision to have children
results in the mother being financially worse off
across her lifetime compared with men in general
and child-free women.
A survey of 1000 men and women in Britain in 2014
carried out by the BBC found that modern marriage
was often characterised by outbreaks of ‘chore wars’
rather than equality and symmetry. It found evidence
of consistent conflict emerging between partners over
domestic chores. Two-thirds of those aged between
18 and 34 years admitted that they regularly argued
with their partners over housework. Women were
particularly frustrated with their partners over how
little they did around the home or about the male
standard of cleanliness, which many felt did not
achieve their own standards.
The quantitative evidence collected from American,
Australian and European surveys that measure how
much time men and women allocate to childcare
and housework (known as time-budget studies)
clearly supports the feminist argument that women
today are experiencing a ‘second shift’ or ‘dual
burden’ with regard to housework. This means that
married women are mainly responsible for the bulk
of domestic tasks despite holding down full-time
jobs. This second shift usually starts before they
go to work (for example, preparing breakfast and
packed lunches for children) and resumes when they
return (for example, laundry, cleaning and cooking).
Women therefore work two shifts, because in reality
!
they have two jobs - one paid and one unpaid -
i
and they experience the double burden of trying
to be effective at both. Some feminists are critical
of time-budget surveys because both men and
women are often unaware of the invisible ‘work’ that
196
*
women do around the home. They argue that women
unconsciously view housework as a ‘norm’ to be done
unthinkingly and men are simply ignorant of the full
extent of women’s contribution to the home.
However, the reliability of time-budget studies has
been criticised because those sociologists conducting
them have to trust that participants are accurately
estimating their contribution in terms of minutes and
hours. There may be a tendency for some research
subjects to either exaggerate or understate their
involvement in housework or childcare. Time-budget
studies may therefore lack objectivity.
Sociological studies have also noted that the
distinction between work and leisure or free time
is less clear-cut for married women. For example,
Annabel Venning and Guy Walters (2018) found
that wives usually interpret leisure time as time free
from both paid work and family commitments, but
felt they were on call with regard to domestic duties
and especially childcare 24 hours a day, whereas
husbands saw all time outside paid work, as their
leisure time. Consequently, time-budget studies
consistently show that in the UK men experience
43 hours of ‘he-time’ per week, while the number of
leisure hours experienced by women per week who
have families has actually fallen in recent years.
Leisure hours taken per week
Era
Difference Difference
L 3.64 J L 4.66 J
U
2000 2015
Women’s leisure time at different ages
Hours per week
58.5 31.5 32.9 34.3 39.2 47.6
. :i
ONS
■ 16-24 ■ 25-34 * 35-44 *45-54 * 55-64 65 and over
Venning argues that the moment working women
leave their desks, they plunge into another workplace
of childcare, food shopping, multiple loads of
laundry, filling in school forms and booking doctors’
appointments. She observes that ‘each individual
task doesn’t take long but add them together and it’s
a wonder we women have time to brush our teeth,
let alone luxuriate in a long bath. Even our thinking
time is taken up tackling what has been dubbed the
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
“mental load" - all the planning of what needs to
be done.’
However, although the gender revolution in terms
of domestic labour is unlikely to happen for some
time, there may be good news in favour of equality
occurring at some future date. First, men today are
doing a great deal more around the home compared
with their fathers and grandfathers. Second, there
is also evidence that, as women’s earning power
increases relative to men’s, so men take more
responsibility for domestic labour. In 2018, women’s
earnings still remain unequal, at about three-quarters
of those of men across most European societies.
However, Rosemary Crompton’s (2006) analysis
concluded that if female earnings were to improve,
then so too will the division of labour in the home.
Third, research does indicate that men are more likely
to be involved in childcare rather than housework.
There is a wealth of evidence which supports this. For
example, Judith Treas and Giulia Dotti Sani (2016)
found that fathers across most Western countries are
spending more time with their children than parents
did in the mid-1960s. Time spent with children
is highest among better-educated parents. Their
research, which covered the period 1965-201 2,
asked 122 271 parents (68 532 mothers, 53 739
fathers) in Canada, the UK, the US, Denmark, Norway,
France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and
Slovenia to keep a diary of all their daily activities.
Researchers then analysed differences by randomly
selecting one day from each diary and tabulating
the amount of time recorded for both interactive
and routine childcare activities. The research
concluded that fathers’ time with children had nearly
quadrupled. In 1965, dads spent a daily average of
just 16 minutes with their kids, while today’s fathers
spend about 59 minutes a day caring for them.
However, sociologists need to be cautious in their
interpretation of this data, because they do not say
a great deal about the quality of the relationship
between the father and the child. For example, Craig
(2007) found that often men only engage in childcare
when the mother is nearby and that most of the
time fathers spent with their children was spent
playing with them or talking to them. Craig noted
that women’s time with children was mainly spent
practically servicing them - that is, feeding, clothing
or cleaning them. Women often found it difficult to
find the time for the sorts of quality interaction with
children enjoyed by men because they were more
likely to be looking after children while undertaking
other tasks such as preparing meals.
Activity
Design and carry out a time-budget survey to find
out how much time your parents spend on specific
household tasks (make a list; for example, cooking,
vacuuming, making beds, cleaning the toilet,
washing clothes, ironing and so on). Ask them
who is or was responsible for particular childcare
tasks (for example, cooking for children, preparing
their school lunch, getting them up and dressed
in the morning, dropping them off at school or
picking them up from school, making them dinner,
arranging with other parents for their friends to
come for a sleepover, organising birthday parties,
supervising bathtime, reading to them, helping
them with homework and putting them to bed).
Which partner is or was responsible for planning,
for example, anticipating when children will need
new shoes or clothes (because they are growing)?
Decision-making in families
An important aspect of equality and symmetry
for Young and Willmott was the spouses’ sharing
of family decision-making, which in traditional
patriarchal families with segregated roles had always
been dominated by men. Some sociologists have,
therefore, focused on decision-making in couples and
argue that true equality in terms of the domestic
division of labour can only occur if decision-making
or power is shared equally between a couple.
Stephen Edgell’s (1980) study of professional couples
found that decision-making in nuclear families could
be allocated to three broad categories:
i Very important decisions - these generally were
economic or financial decisions involving finance, a
change of job or moving house. Edgell found that
these decisions were either taken by the husband
alone or taken jointly but with the husband
having the final say. Edgell concluded that the
husband’s power mainly derived from his superior
earning power.
» Important decisions - these decisions focused on
the quality of family life or children’s lives, such
as those about children’s schooling (for example,
whether to choose private or state schools) or
where to go on holiday. These were normally taken
jointly but seldom by the wife alone, probably
because such decisions were likely to involve a
substantial economic investment.
197
 4 THE FAMILY

> Less important decisions - these decisions focused
on the everyday minutiae of family life, such as
shopping for food, domestic items and children’s
clothing and were usually made exclusively by
the wife.
Irene Hardill et al. (1997) repeated Edgell’s research
over a decade later and found few signs of change.
They discovered that middle-class wives generally
deferred to their husbands in major decisions
involving where to live, the size of the mortgage,
buying cars and so on. They concluded that the
men in their sample were able to demand that
the interests of their wives and families should be
subordinated to the man’s career because he was
the major breadwinner. However, Gillian Leighton’s
(1992) research did discover that the power to
influence and make family decisions changed
when males became unemployed. In her study
of professional couples, working wives often took
over responsibility for bills and initiated cutbacks
in spending.
Activity
Using Edgell’s categories, investigate whether
these decisions in your home are jointly
undertaken or whether they are taken exclusively
by your mother or father. For example, do you live
where you do because of your father’s job or your
mother’s job?
'emotional work’ that goes on within the family
unit. Jean Duncombe and Dennis Marsden (1995)
argued that any measurement of equality within
households must take account of 'emotion work’.
This involves thinking about the emotional well-being
and happiness of other members of the household
and acting in ways which will be of emotional benefit
to others. This might include:
i sustaining the relationship between fathers and
children
i complimenting family members for their
achievements
> trying to ensure that family members are happy or
enjoying life
> smoothing over arguments between family
members
> buying presents and cards for birthdays so that
the family keeps in touch with close relatives and
extended kin
i hugging family members and reassuring them
of love
> planning and organising social events that others
will enjoy.

Emotion work
A number of feminist sociologists have argued
that it is important to go beyond merely counting
what men and women do within marriage, and to
examine how women feel about it. Susan Brownmiller
(1975) argues that housework is often experienced
as a thankless and alienating task because other
members of the family rarely witness it first-hand.
Moreover, other members of the family often undo
what housework achieves during the course of the
day. Housework has been compared with hacking
a way through a jungle, only to turn around to see
Duncombe and Marsden argued that women take
that the path just cut has grown over again. Michele
the major responsibility for the emotional well-being
Barrett and Mary McIntosh (1980) described the
of their partners and children in addition to paid
housewife role as like 'being banged up in a solitary
work and responsibility for housework and childcare.
(prison) cell while the guards attend to other, more
In this sense, women actually work a ‘triple shift’.
important business’.
Jacqui Gabb (2008) argues that the activities that
This sort of qualitative exploration of women’s women routinely do, such as feeding the family,
feelings about marriage and domestic labour has not only serve a pragmatic purpose, but they also
led some sociologists to an examination of the perform a symbolic function, with mothers literally

198

constructing a sense of family community and sense
of belonging. The message of women’s work in
the family is essentially emotional. It is a practical
way of confirming love and care and reinforces
family bonds.
However, feminists point out that most family
members generally benefit from women’s emotion
work, but women rarely do. Arlie Hochschild (2003)
argues that mothers are rarely thanked for this work
because what they do is gender bound - it is seen
by other family members as part of their gendered
duty. For example, if the father provides childcare, it
is often interpreted by him as a gift to the mother,
but not so if the mother provides it because it is seen
as her job.
Duncombe and Marsden carried out in-depth
interviews with AO couples and found that women
felt that their male partners were lacking in terms
of ‘emotional participation’; that is, men found it
difficult to express their feelings, to tell their partners
how they felt about them, to relate emotionally
to their children and to show gratitude for the
work women did in the home. Duncombe and
Marsden argued that this increases the burden on
women because women feel they should attempt
to compensate and please all parties in the family.
Consequently, women spend a great deal of time
soothing the emotions of partners and children but
other family members do not pay similar attention to
their wives’ or mothers’ emotional needs.
This triple shift and the inequality in the exchange of
emotion associated with it often leads to the neglect
of women’s well-being, which can have negative
consequences for women’s happiness and their
mental and physical health. A number of studies of
marriage confirm this inequality in the exchange
of emotion.
For example, Jesse Bernard’s classic study of
marriage (1982) found that the men in her study
were more satisfied with their marriage than their
wives, many of whom expressed emotional loneliness.
Moreover, these men had no idea that their wives
were so unhappy.
Karyn Loscocco and Susan Walzer (2013)
reviewed sociological and psychological studies of
contemporary marriage and found the following:
1 Women often express their unhappiness in
marriage more than men do.
1 Women are more likely than men to see problems
in their marriage.
4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
t Women are more likely to initiate divorce
proceedings and are more than three times as
likely as their former husbands to have strongly
wanted the divorce. Michael Bittman and Jocelyn
Pixley (1997) suggest that inequality in the
distribution of childcare, housework tasks and
emotion work is the major cause of divorce in
UK society.
» Once-married men are more likely to say
that they want to marry again compared with
once-married women.
Loscocco and Walzer also note that women find
it exhausting to be the one who maintains the
emotional temperature of a relationship and who
keeps the ties to family and community going. This
creates resentment, which can lead to marital tension
and divorce.
Lesbian couples and gender scripts
Gillian Dunne (1997) argues that the traditional
division of domestic labour continues today because of
what she calls deeply ingrained ‘gender scripts’. These
are the traditional or conventional social expectations
or norms that set out the different gender roles that
heterosexual men and women in relationships are
expected to play. Such expectations are normally
contained within familial and patriarchal ideology.
In her study of 37 cohabiting lesbian couples with
dependent children, Dunne found that such gender
scripts do not operate to the same extent. Many
of the characteristics of the traditional domestic
division of labour do not exist in the lesbian family
| or household. For example, Dunne found evidence of
symmetry and egalitarianism in her sample of lesbian
households - both partners gave equal importance
to each other’s careers and viewed childcare
positively. However, she did find that where one
partner did much more paid work than the other, the
time that each partner spent on domestic work was
likely to be unequal.
Dunne’s conclusions were challenged by Chris
Carrington (1999), who carried out an ethnographic
study of gay and lesbian couples. He found tension
in these relationships because of inequalities in the
distribution of household tasks which were similar
to those experienced by heterosexual couples.
Carrington remained unconvinced that the domestic
arrangements of lesbian and gay couples were
somehow an example of equality that heterosexuals
should aspire to imitate.
199
4 THE FAMILY
Key terms
Domestic labour Unpaid labour - housework,
childcare and so on - carried out within the home,
often by women.
Conjugal roles The roles played by a male and
female partner in marriage or in a cohabiting
relationship.
Domestic division of labour The way that men
and women divide up housework and childcare
between themselves.
Symmetrical family A type of nuclear family
identified by Young and Willmott in which husband
and wife supposedly share domestic labour,
decision-making and leisure time.
Partnership penalty An idea associated with
Craig. She claims that the decision of a couple
to live together or marry benefits the male
but penalises the female, in that she ends up
responsible for the bulk of domestic labour.
Motherhood penalty Craig claims that motherhood
often means that women have more responsibility
for domestic labour and less time for leisure.
Chore wars The conflict that results between
a couple about who should be responsible for
domestic labour.
Time-budget study A type of social survey which
asks respondents to estimate the amount of time
they spend on a particular task.
Second shift The idea that married women have
two jobs and consequently no leisure time. They
spend their day in paid work but still do most of
the unpaid labour in the home.
Dual burden Another term for the second shift.
Emotion work The idea that women are
responsible for the emotional health and
well-being of family members.
Triple shift The idea that women have three
pressures on their time - paid work, unpaid
domestic labour and emotion work.
Gender bound The idea that men and women are
culturally obligated to perform certain tasks - for
example, that men provide for their families and
women are emotional caretakers.
Emotional participation Sharing one’s feelings,
experiences and emotions, particularly within an
intimate relationship or family context.
Gender scripts The idea that male and female
behaviour is performed according to cultural
expectations about masculinity and femininity.
Ethnographic Sociological research which studies
social groups in their own environment going
about their everyday business.
200
Summary
1. Functionalist sociologists such as Young and
Willmott argue that modern nuclear families
are symmetrical families in which marriage is
egalitarian and housework and childcare tasks
are fairly distributed between spouses, and
leisure and decision-making are shared.
2. However, sociological studies generally do
not support the view that marriage has
become egalitarian.
3. Studies of domestic labour suggest that
women still take most of the responsibility
for childcare and housework, although men
have increased their participation worldwide
in child-rearing. However, many women work
second shifts - they go to work full-time yet
still do the lion’s share of domestic labour.
4. Moreover, men still largely control
decision-making in families.
5. Women are also mainly responsible for
emotional labour in families and, in this sense,
they work a triple shift.
6. Overall, sociological studies suggest that
women are more likely to be unhappy in
marriage than men.
Unit 4.3.3 The dark side of
family relationships
Unit 4.1.2 outlined the functionalist theory of the
family, which tends to present a very idealised picture
of family life. Parsons, for example, saw the nuclear
family as a system of positive loving relationships which
meet the basic human need for love and intimacy.
Marriage is seen as particularly important as a
source of companionship, emotional gratification and
psychological support. Other writers in the functionalist
tradition such as Willmott and Young suggest that
the nuclear unit is egalitarian in the distribution of
domestic tasks and decision-making. Overall, then, the
nuclear unit is seen as good for society and positive
for the individuals who comprise it. Such thinking is
echoed by New Right thinkers, who portray nuclear
family life as the ideal to which we should all strive.
However, this positive picture of nuclear family life has
come under sustained attack in the last 30 years. We
have already looked at feminist and Marxist critiques
 4.3 GENDER EQUALITY AND EXPERIENCES OF FAMILY LIFE
of family life (see Units 4.1.2 and 4.1.3) which
suggest that the ways in which modern families are
organised suit men and the ruling class at the expense
of women and the working class respectively. This
unit focuses on what is called the 'dark side’ of family
relationships, notably the idea that living in families
can sometimes be very dysfunctional or harmful to
women and children.
Domestic violence and abuse
Cheal (2002) observes that family relationships can
easily slip into damaging relationships, and love can
often turn into hate in moments of intense emotion.
He notes that ‘we have to face the paradox that
families are contexts of love and nurturance, but they
are also contexts of violence and murder’. Similarly,
Anthony Ciddens (1992) argues that it is the nature
of family life that makes violence in families a common
occurrence. He argues that family life is characterised
by ‘emotional intensity and personal intimacy’ -
this means that it is normally charged with strong
emotions, often mixing ‘love’ and ‘hate’. In these
circumstances, even minor arguments can escalate
into acts of violence. The growing isolation of the
nuclear family from extended kinship networks may
be increasing this intensity.
A review of global family-related violence suggests
that families may be toxic and dangerous
environments, particularly for women and children.
Global statistics demonstrate that murder by other
family members, domestic violence (which is mainly
perpetrated by husbands on their wives) and child
abuse (which can take several forms ranging from
neglect to various types of abuse - emotional,
physical and sexual) are shockingly common. In the
UK, there are three domestic murders of women every
two weeks, accounting for 40 per cent of all female
murder victims. European Union statistics show that
18 women are victims of homicide each day in Europe
on average, and 1 2 of these are murdered by intimate
partners or other family members. The United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reported that
437 000 women were the victims of murder worldwide
in 2012 within the family. An ongoing study by WHO
and the London School of Hygiene and Tropical
Medicine shows that more than 35 per cent of the
murder of females globally (known as femicide) is
committed by an intimate partner. In contrast, the
same study estimates that only about 5 per cent of
all murders of men are committed by their spouse or
other family member. These statistics are probably
conservative, given the high amount of missing data,
especially in less industrialised countries.
Three-quarters of all global violence is domestic (and
these are only the reported cases) according to WHO.
On average, about 200 children are murdered each
year by family members in the UK. WHO reports
that nearly 60 000 children are murdered each
year worldwide.
A Thomson Reuters Foundation Survey in 2018
surveyed 548 experts on women’s issues and ranked
India as the most dangerous country in the world
for women, because it is still heavily engaged in
customary practices such as forced child marriages,
child trafficking and slavery, stoning and female
infanticide. The USA was ranked joint third when
respondents were asked where women were most
at risk of sexual violence, harassment and being
coerced into sex.
‘Honour’-related murders
'Honour’-related murders involve a girl or woman
being killed by a male or female family member
for an actual or assumed sexual or behavioural
transgression, including adultery, sexual intercourse
or pregnancy outside marriage - or even for being
raped. Often, the perpetrators see this femicide as a
way to protect family reputation, to follow tradition or
to adhere to a particular interpretation of a religious
teaching. Murders in the name of ‘honour’ may also
be used to cover up cases of incest, and there are
reports of people using the ‘honour defence’ as a way
to receive community and legal acceptance of a non-
‘honour’ murder. WHO estimates that there are 5000
murders in the name of ‘honour’ each year worldwide,
although this is believed to be an underestimate.
These killings occur mainly in parts of the Middle
East and South Asia, but also among some migrant
communities in countries including Australia, Europe
and North America.
Toxic masculinity
Another negative consequence of family life is that
boys are often socialised into a form of hegemonic
masculinity that is often toxic in terms of its negative
effect on relationships between men and women.
This toxic masculinity often underpins patriarchy and
legitimates the abuse of male power in many areas of
social life. Some sociologists claim that masculine norms
and boundaries have become so distorted in family
socialisation that some men believe that sexist and
abusive behaviour against women is socially acceptable.
201
4 THE FAMILY
Jordan Stephens (2017) argues that gender role
socialisation - that is, the way boys are brought up
in modern families - partly accounts for this (see
Contemporary issues box in Unit 2.3.1). He claims
that males are brought up to believe that they are
‘hard-wired’ to behave in a patriarchal way - to brag
about breaking hearts, to speak to girls and women
inappropriately and to see the investment of love
and trust in others as weakness and vulnerability.
He argues that many males have experienced
a traumatised childhood in which they were not
allowed by older men, often their fathers, to express
weakness in any shape or form. Instead, they are told
to ‘man up’ and to exert their male power over others
via physical violence and emotional manipulation.
Consequently, he observes that as boys become
adults, they fail to learn from these childhood
experiences and to understand why they desire
power over others.
Stephens argues that men need to recognise that the
way they have been brought up is a problem, that they
are suffering a crisis of masculinity that denies them
the capacity to acknowledge and understand their
childhood pain. It is this which prevents them from
ever truly loving themselves, which prevents them
from trusting others and treating women as equals.
He argues that males need to learn that it is OK to
feel sad or to cry and to have loved their mother and
father while growing up. He claims that it is only when
young males acknowledge and realise that they have
been wounded by their childhood socialisation that
masculinity will undergo detox.
The radical psychiatrist view
Finally, some psycho-sociologists known as radical
psychiatrists argue that family relationships have the
potential to cause mental illness in some individuals.
For example, Edmund Leach (1967), argued that the
nuclear family with 'its privacy and tawdry secrets is
the source of all our discontents’. Leach argues that
because the nuclear family is isolated and privatised,
family members tend to make great emotional demands
of each other. For example, parents expect a great
deal from their children. However, more often than not,
children fail to live up to their parents’ expectations in
the field of education and parents may be disappointed, !
even disillusioned with their children. Spouses too make
unrealistic demands of each other. Leach argues that
the result is that ‘parents fight and children rebel’.
The radical psychiatrist R.D. Laing (1971) suggested
that some family members may become mentally
202
ill because of the nature of family relationships. He
suggested that schizophrenia, for example, is partly
caused by experiences within the family. Laing argues
that family relationships are potentially destructive,
because the intensity of nuclear family life means
that we worry about how much we are loved by
other family members, particularly our parents. For
example, we might suspect that a particular brother
or sister is the favourite of our parents. Laing argued
that we react to this anxiety by forming alliances
within the family in order to maximise our chances of
receiving love. For example, we might side with one
parent against another in an argument.
Laing argued that as a result of these processes
family members become like gangsters, offering each
other mutual protection and love to be used against
other family members. We consequently become
mutually suspicious of each other’s motives, and this
becomes the basis of mental breakdown and family
arguments and feuds which can last for years.
Key terms
Femicide The murder of females.
‘Honour’-related murders The murder of a girl
or woman by a family member for an actual or
assumed sexual or behavioural transgression,
including adultery, sexual intercourse or pregnancy
outside marriage, or even for being raped.
Crisis of masculinity The idea that men are
more likely to suffer from anxiety and depression
because their traditional roles as breadwinner and
head of household are fast disappearing.
Radical psychiatry A school of psychiatric thought
that believes psychiatric problems are caused by
alienation brought about by the intensity of family
relationships.
Summary
1. Families may not be as functional and
beneficial as functionalists suggest.
2. A lot of evidence from around the world shows
that people, especially women and children,
are more likely to be murdered, assaulted and
abused by other family members.
3. Traditional families may be producing toxic
forms of masculinity and possibly even mental
illness in some societies.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1~| Describe two negative consequences of family life.
foin Explain two limitations of the view that marriage is egalitarian.
1 0 | 5 1 Explain two ways in which women emotionally maintain family relationships.
PARI 4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
Contents
Unit 4.4.1 The social construction of
childhood 203
Unit 4.4.2 Theoretical approaches to
childhood 209
Unit 4.4.3 The impact of changing life
expectancy upon the family 218
Unit 4.4.4 Changes in the concepts of
motherhood and fatherhood 222
Some sociologists argue that childhood as we
experience it today did not exist 200 years ago.
These sociologists argue that childhood is actually
a very recent social invention, specifically a
20th-century phenomenon. Moreover, they argue
that the way children are treated today constitutes
progress, because childhood in the past was a
short and often a dangerous and brutal experience,
whereas in modern societies it has been
categorised as a special period in which children
are treated as a valued resource to be protected
from the threats and risks of the adult world.
Unit 4.4.1 The social construction
of childhood
Common sense tends to assume that childhood is
merely a developmental or biological stage that we
all go through on the way to adulthood. However,
sociologists argue that experiences of childhood
appear to vary between different societies and
different historical periods. They have, therefore,
come to the conclusion that childhood is a social
construction - something created by society, rather
\
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
However, some sociologists point out that the
experience of childhood is not that dissimilar
from adult experience in that children, too, are
subjected to inequalities that stem from social
class, gender and ethnicity. In addition, they
experience unique forms of oppression and
inequality that stem entirely from the view that
adults know what is best for children. This has
led sociologists who identify with social action
perspectives to examine how children act as active
agents in the construction of their own childhood.
Similarly, postmodernists have attempted to
ascertain the influence of factors such as family
diversity, choice, consumption and globalisation
on childhood experience, and how these might
have changed the role and social position of
children in the family.
After examining childhood in the first two units
of Part 4, we consider the role of grandparents
and the enhanced role they may now play
in the experience of childhood. Finally, we
consider changes in concepts of motherhood
and fatherhood.
than simply a natural stage of physical and mental
development. Sociologists argue that what people
mean by childhood and the position that children
occupy in society is not fixed but differs between
different times, places and cultures.
Childhood in pre-industrial society
The social historian Philippe Aries (1962) suggested
that what children experience today as childhood is a
recent ‘invention’ or social construction. As John
Clarke (2009) notes, ‘this view holds that sometime
between 1600 and the twentieth century the idea
203
 4 THE FAMILY

of childhood was “invented” and what we now think
of as childhood would not have made sense to
our ancestors’.
Aries claimed that, in pre-industrial society, the type of
childhood that exists in modern societies today simply
did not exist. He argued that as soon as children were
no longer physically dependent on their parents - that
is, around the age of 7 years - they were treated no
differently to adults. Childhood did not extend beyond
this age. He argues that children in medieval societies
were treated as ‘miniature adults’ who took part
in the same work and play activities as grown-ups.
They certainly did not enjoy the special and unique
treatment in terms of protection, responsibilities and
rights that many more industrialised societies believe
children are entitled today.
Aries claimed that the main reason for treating
children in much the same way as adults was that
the concept of age in medieval societies and its
interpretation was very different from how it is
viewed today. In many pre-industrial societies, people
did not generally know their date of birth or their
exact age. The registration of births that is a legal
obligation today simply did not exist.
Aries argues that this uncertainty about age meant
that people in medieval societies did not see
individuals in terms of their chronological age, but
rather in terms of their physical appearance, abilities
and habits. Consequently, if a 7-year-old had a distinct
personality, if he or she could perform physical tasks
and could converse with older people, then he or she
was regarded as little different to their adult peers. It
was, therefore, perfectly normal for such mini-adults to
be working alongside their older peers in agricultural
work or for royal or aristocratic 7-year-olds to be
fully participating in formal ceremonies or to find
themselves engaged to be married. One area which
illustrates the lack of distinction between the world of
children and adults in pre-industrial society is crime
and punishment. For example, between the 16th and
18th centuries in Britain, dozens of children aged
between 7 and 17 years of age were hanged for crimes
such as arson and housebreaking.
j was a steady decrease in the infant mortality rate,
Activity
Try to find out at what age a child is held
responsible for criminal actions in the country
in which you live. How does that age of criminal
responsibility compare with other societies?
Debate the question ‘How young is “old enough”
to be prosecuted as an adult criminal?’
Aries based his ideas about the medieval experience
of childhood on an analysis of representations of
children in medieval paintings. He claimed that there
was no qualitative difference in the way children and
adults were portrayed in the art of the medieval
period because children were seen as simply ‘reduced’
versions of adults. Paintings showed infants wearing
baby clothes which were generally the same for
boys and girls, but artists portrayed those children
aged over 7 years as wearing smaller versions of
adult clothing styles and as having the same but
miniaturised physiques as their adult peers. They were
often portrayed with serious adult-like expressions
on their faces. There were rarely any of the stylised
features that are often associated with paintings
of children today, such as vulnerability, innocence,
dependency, chubbiness, large eyes, small hands or
smiling faces. Children were very rarely painted playing.
Activity
*
%
% m
"333
m
I
Antoon Claeissens - A Family Saying Grace Before
the Meal (1585).
What evidence does the painting provide to suggest
that children were seen as 'little adults’ and therefore
part of adult society?
Aries argues that the medieval concept of childhood
first began to evolve into the modern version of
childhood towards the end of 17th century. He notes
that paintings of children during this period start
to specifically show them as children rather than
mini-adults. He suggests that the main reason for this
which meant that it became more likely that children
would survive childhood. Consequently, parents
began treating them with more interest and affection.
Aries argues that a distinct culture of childhood
started to emerge from the 17th century onwards
in both America and Europe and took on the
following features:

204

i Certain styles of clothes were seen as exclusive
to children.
» Games and toys were invented and manufactured
specifically for children - Aries claimed that those
‘childish’ games that had existed in the medieval
period were played by both adults and children.
Aries argued that the biggest influence on the
emergence of modern childhood was that there was a
profound social change in the 17th century, especially
among the merchant class or bourgeoisie in terms
of their everyday lifestyles. Up to the 17th century,
Aries claimed, everyday social life and interaction with
others was based on ‘sociability’ - it was normal for
citizens to spend most of their time in the community
with their friends and neighbours - but during the
course of the century, everyday life based on privacy
became more dominant as a lifestyle. This meant that
members of society chose to spend most of their time
at home with their extended kin. Aries argued that this
coincided with more attention being paid to children.
Clarke suggests that a middle-class model or ideology
of the family became popular in this era, based on the
idea of the self-contained family led by a strong father
organised around the ‘proper’ upbringing of children.
Aries claimed that child-rearing gradually became the
central purpose of family life in industrial societies,
although this was not fully achieved until the second
half of the 19th century.
Critique of Aries
Linda Pollock (1983) criticises Aries’ for using a
limited and highly selective set of sources and
evidence, such as paintings. She argues that such
sources were generally unrepresentative of medieval
society. Paintings in the medieval period were mainly
commissioned by wealthy elites whose approach to
children and childhood may not have been typical
of wider society, especially the peasant class.
Moreover, a piece of art may only reflect the artist’s
subjective experience or point of view or his or her
desire to follow an artistic trend. Pollock argues
that sociologists need to examine qualitative data
that focuses on actual child-parent relationships
rather than images. These can be found in diaries,
autobiographies and other first-hand accounts from
these historical periods.
Activity
Using your knowledge of research methods,
identify three reasons why Pollock is critical of
Aries’ use of secondary sources such as
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
medieval paintings. She recommends diaries,
autobiographies and other first-hand accounts
instead. Identify three potential weaknesses of
using these secondary sources to investigate the
experience of childhood in medieval society.
Adrian Wilson (1980) argues that Aries makes the
mistake of being ethnocentric. This means that he
views the past from the perspective and judgement
of the present. Consequently, Aries argues that
medieval society had a limited awareness of
childhood because they lacked modern society’s
‘awareness’ of what children are like and how they
should be treated. Aries, therefore, is seen to be
guilty of applying modern standards to past societies.
However, it may be quite simply that these societies
had different standards of childhood - they may
have loved their children in ways in which people in
modern societies might not understand.
Despite these criticisms, Aries’ work has been very
influential. Most historians agree that modern
society has experienced a massive change in
sentiment about children. It is generally accepted
that childhood was experienced and imagined quite
differently in the medieval period. The way that
parents treat children today would be unrecognisable
to those from previous centuries. Aries clearly
showed that childhood is not just a natural category
which is experienced in the same way at all times and
in all societies - rather, it is an ever-shifting social
concept or invention.
Childhood and industrialisation
However, it is very important to understand that the
; changes in childhood that Aries documented took
some time to filter down to ordinary families from
the bourgeois experience. Aries acknowledged that
industrialisation did not lead to a radical change
in the way working-class children were treated. An
examination of European societies in the industrial
18th and 19th centuries suggests that the concept
of childhood as it is known today was still evolving.
Many children’s lives were actually characterised by
poverty, hard labour and exploitation.
During the early industrial period, working-class
children in European societies such as Britain were
frequently found working in factories, mines and
mills. This had an adverse effect on their health, as
children were often killed or injured at work and
were exposed to toxic substances which shortened
205
 4 THE FAMILY
\*

their lives. However, despite these risks, children’s
labour was often regarded as an economic necessity
by parents in order to stave off poverty and the
threat of the workhouse. Children were also viewed
as economic assets by their parents because their
wage, in the absence of a welfare state, could help
support parents when they were too old or sick to
work themselves.
Activity
to work. Nevertheless, as Clarke notes, by the end
of the 19th century, ‘while the lives of most children
were still dominated by poverty, ignorance and
illness, the idea of child-centredness as a key focus
for policy development had firmly taken root' in both
the USA and most European societies.
Most sociologists now accept the validity of Aries’
argument that the separation of the status and
identity of childhood from other life-stages is a
modern social construction. Colin Heywood (2001),
for example, argues that what people expect of

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medieval times. Dr Tony Chapman (2004) argues
that ‘it was not until the nineteenth century
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as a significant life transition that required, in

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middle-class families at least, particular forms of
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nurturing, supervision, discipline and even distinctive
clothing, play and dedicated space in homes.
% Instead of children bringing economic advantage to
Child labour in the early industrial period. households through gainful employment, they now
represented a very significant cost to parents and
Describe the differences in childhood for bourgeois for longer periods of time’. Chambers (201 2), too,
children and working-class children during the argues that the idea of a ‘protected or sheltered
early industrial period. childhood’ became very popular in the late 19th
century, and this was reflected in social policy which
Social attitudes towards children started to radically sought to regulate child labour and to establish
change in the middle of the 19th century. In Britain, compulsory schooling.
for example, government legislation known as factory
acts were passed that excluded children from working A child-centred 20th century
in mines and in certain types of mill and factory
The 20th century, therefore, saw the emergence
work. This legislation also reduced the number of
of child-centred societies in both the USA and
hours they could do paid work. Many 19th-century
Europe in which childhood is seen as a very distinct
campaigners in Britain were concerned about the
and separate life-stage category from adulthood.
number of children who had become pickpockets,
Chambers argues that in the 20th century childhood
beggars and even prostitutes, and consequently
came to be seen as sacred and set apart from other
legislation was passed by the British parliament to
life-stages. This idea continues today in that children
get them off the streets and away from predatory
are often perceived by more industrial societies
adults. In the late 19th century, organisations
as ‘special people with unique needs who need
such as Dr Barnardo’s were formed in societies
separate forms of treatment, as well as protection
such as Britain and the USA in order to protect
from the dangers and ‘corrupting influences’ of the
vulnerable and especially abandoned children from
adult world’. Today, children are cherished for their
adult exploitation and cruelty. These organisations
, sentimental value - they now occupy a central place
petitioned their respective governments to legislate
| in the emotional life of the home in the sense that
in favour of children and childhood.
having and rearing children is seen as symbolic of
European countries such as Germany and the UK, ! commitment and family stability.
and the USA introduced compulsory mass education
Hugh Cunningham (2006) notes that child-centred
for children aged 5-12 between 1870 and 1920.
society has three major features:
However, some working-class parents resisted state
attempts to compulsorily educate their children, | a. Childhood (which legally extends to the age of
because their family wage and standard of living : 18 years in most societies) is regarded as the
were very dependent on sending their children out opposite of adulthood - children are viewed

206
 4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE

as innocent, vulnerable and dependent beings For example, children may not be allowed to buy
in need of adult protection from a range of alcohol or smoke, they may not be allowed to see
potential ‘threats’ such as bad parenting, neglect, certain types of films at the cinema and they may
exploitation and so on. not be allowed to marry without their parents’
permission until they are 18 years old (although,
b. The social worlds of adults and children are
as we shall see later in this section, many countries
physically and symbolically separated. For example,
do not set an age minimum for marriage; therefore,
children occupy social spaces such as the home
a large number of child marriages take place
and schools in which they are expected to engage
worldwide in the 21 st century). A good example
in play and learning respectively. They are excluded
of how the law has helped shape the social
from adult spaces such as the workplace, bars and
construction of childhood is the age of sexual
so on.
consent. In the 19th century, English common law
c. Childhood is associated with certain rights - for set it about 10-12 years, but in the light of child
example, the right to ‘happiness’, to be ‘safe’, to be prostitution scandals it was officially raised to
healthy, to play and to enjoy childhood. 13 years in 1875 and then 16 years in 1885. The
majority of countries around the world have an age
Children and the state of consent between 16 and 18. However, the age
of consent is 21 years in Bahrain and 20 years in
In both the USA and Europe, the 20th-century state
South Korea. In contrast, in Nigeria the legal age
contributed to the social construction of childhood
of consent is only 11 years, whereas in Japan it is
as a sacred and special period in the life cycle
13 years. Additionally, several Middle Eastern and
by passing legislation aimed at the protection of
African countries have no legal age of consent,
children and childhood. Karen Wells (2009) notes
but ban all sexual relations outside of marriage.
that this government of childhood is almost entirely
This has raised concerns by many international
organised around saving children from internal
organisations, especially in some countries where
threats (for example, neglectful or abusive parents)
girls are married at as young as 9 or 10 years old.
and external threats (germs and viruses, ignorance,
media representations of violence, exploitation by
employers and so on). In this sense, the state aims Activity
to take responsibility for the emotional, physical,
intellectual and spiritual development of the child so
that he or she grows up to be a normal law-abiding
citizen. As Chambers notes, this is the state taking on
the role of the ‘good parent’.
Social policy aimed at safeguarding children has
taken a variety of forms:
» State health services often oversee children’s health ,
in a variety of ways - via antenatal, maternity
and post-natal care, health visits to the homes of Learning to drive.
new mothers, the mass vaccination of children,
through family GPs and through the availability of Research the ages at which young people are
consultants who specialise in children’s illnesses permitted in your society to participate in
(paediatricians) and specialist children’s hospitals particular activities - for example, taking on
and wards. paid work, driving a vehicle, going to the cinema,
serving on a jury, voting and so on. At what age
» The state shapes and supervises the secondary
can a person marry without parental permission in
socialisation of children through compulsory state
the society in which you live?
education which is available for much of childhood.
* A major role of social services and social workers 1 Preventing child abuse is seen as a priority by the
is to police those families in which children are majority of more industrialised societies. Therefore,
thought to be at risk of neglect or abuse. laws and punishments have been put into place to
1 The law has been used by the state to exclude deter physical and sexual abuse and neglect (the
children from activities which may harm them. most common type of mistreatment of children)

207
 4 THE FAMILY
and female genital mutilation (FGM). However, FGM
is practised legally in 29 countries in Africa and the
Middle East, according to a 2013 United Nations
International Emergency Children’s Fund (UNICEF)
report. Many Western societies have taken legal
steps to criminalise FGM in order to deter migrant
communities from the practice.
1 Many modern states take some economic
responsibility for children by paying benefits to
parents. In the 1970s, Singapore introduced a
‘Stop at Two’ children policy, while an estimated
200 million births were prevented by China’s
‘one-child’ policy between 1979 and 2011. These
policies that financially rewarded parents for
limiting the number of children they had and
penalised some parents for having too many
children were put into action because of concerns
about overpopulation. In Western societies,
governments have attempted to lift families out
of poverty in order to improve children’s future
educational and job opportunities.
* Some modern states protect children’s welfare
in the event of parental separation and divorce,
emphasising that decisions taken by parents and
the courts should be in the best interests of the
child. Therefore, the courts, when making decisions
about custody, have to take on board what children
themselves say about their experiences and what
they want with regard to parenting.
State family policy and the law are, therefore, central
in today’s modern societies in defining and shaping
parental responsibility towards children. The state sets
out the duties of parents and gives them rights over
children’s bodies and children’s time. However, some
critics argue that the state does not always protect
children. Some governments seem to be very reluctant
to legislate with regard to parental violence - for
example, smacking children, which is banned in 30
countries including Scotland but remains legal in
England and Wales, the USA, Canada and Australia.
UNICEF measures children’s well-being by using five
dimensions of children’s lives - wealth, health and
safety, education, behaviour and risks, and housing
and environment. For example, more industrialised
societies in which children generally enjoy a good
standard of living and housing and good health,
as well as high levels of literacy and numeracy, are
ranked highly. However, UNICEF also asks children
about their subjective well-being. Those societies in
which few children express anxiety, depression or
problems such as self-harm or eating disorders are
classed highly on the basis of well-being.
208
Activity
Using the internet, find out how UNICEF ranks
the experience of childhood in the society in
which you live.
Conclusion
Sociologists generally accept that childhood is a
social construction, but they also point out that this
concept of social construction is not straightforward
in the 21 st century because there are significant
variations on children’s experience of childhood
due to influences such as gender role socialisation,
social class, culture, ethnicity, religion, region
and globalisation. Heywood (2018), for example,
stresses that although progress has been made
in the protection of children, inequalities between
classes, regions and ethnic groups continue to
exist. Therefore, an important aspect of the social
construction argument is the understanding that
childhood is not a fixed, universal experience. Rather
it is a relative experience - it can be experienced
positively and negatively, and most importantly
not all cultures construct it as a sacred and special
experience. In some parts of the world, childhood is
a dangerous and risky period of a person’s life which
often involves early death and suffering.
Key terms
Social construction A term used by social action
theories to indicate that some social processes
are the product or invention of society, dominant
social groups or cultural norms.
Sociability The quality of liking to meet and spend
time with other people.
Ideology of the family A set of dominant ideas
and beliefs which have the effect of instructing
members of society about how families and the
roles within them should be organised.
Workhouse A British public or charitable
institution in which the poor, especially children,
the elderly and the sick and disabled, received
somewhere to live in return for work. Most poor
people feared being sent to the workhouse because
it was a humiliating and shameful experience.
Welfare state A system whereby the state
undertakes to protect the health and well-being of
its citizens, especially those in financial or

social need, by means of grants, pensions and
other benefits.
Child-centredness The notion that the child
should be the focus of attention. Child-centred
families see raising children as the most important
component of family life.
Summary
1. Sociologists argue that childhood is more
than just a biological or psychological stage
of human development. The experience of
childhood is socially constructed, which means
that it is the product of particular historical
periods and cultures. Even within the same
society, childhood is often not a universal
or common experience, because it is often
shaped by the status inequalities embedded
in the structural organisation of a society.
For example, the experience or quality of
a working class, male or ethnic minority
childhood may differ in comparison with that of
children who come from ruling or middle-class
backgrounds, who are female and members of
majority groups, respectively.
2. Aries argued that the contemporary experience
of childhood is a distinct improvement
(or progress) compared with the medieval
experience of children, which was often short
and brutal.
3. The 20th century saw the emergence of
child-centred families in which children were
treated as a precious but vulnerable commodity
to be protected at all costs from the risks
and threats associated with adult society.
4. The state in many societies has taken on the
duty of protecting children from both internal
and external threats.
Unit 4.4.2 Theoretical
approaches to
childhood
In addition to the social constructionist argument
outlined in Unit 4.4.1, there are six other sociological
approaches to childhood: the conventional or march
of progress approach, the New Right approach,
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
the social conflict approach, the feminist approach,
the social action or interactionist approach and the
postmodernist approach. Most agree with the view
that childhood is socially constructed, but there are
differences with regard to how each approach views the
role and social position of children in the family today.
The conventional or ‘march of
progress' approach
Many functionalists and New Right thinkers tend to
subscribe to what has been termed a ‘conventional’
approach to childhood. They highlight the role of
parenting and suggest that primary socialisation
is the key to a successful and happy childhood.
Successful parenting and, therefore, happy
childhoods involve parents socialising their children
into positive social values such as working hard,
showing respect to others and always demonstrating
good manners. Good parents from this perspective
should exercise sensible control and discipline over
their children’s behaviour and seek to ensure that
negative outside influences do not undermine their
children’s upbringing and that children are kept safe
from threats to their innocence. This approach is
sometimes referred to as the ‘march of progress’
approach because it assumes that childhood has
progressed from a state in which children were at
great risk and threat from neglectful parents, adult
predators and an indifferent state to a society in
which parents and the state are united in their goal
of turning the period of childhood into a positive,
safe, happy and healthy phase of social development.
The conventional approach to childhood has always
assumed that successful child-rearing requires two
parents of the opposite sex, and that there is a ‘right’
way to bring up a child. Consequently, they tend to
see the experience of childhood as being potentially
undermined by what they term ‘deviant family’ units
such as single-parent families or gay families. Some
argue that ‘working mothers’ are denying their
children qualitative family interaction because they
are too busy working and this may be the cause of
what the conventional approach sees as the decline
of civilised childhood in which children always
respected their elders.
The New Right approach
As we saw earlier in this chapter (see Unit 4.2.4)
New Right sociologists see family life as under attack,
especially from the state and government policies.
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 4 THE FAMILY
Melanie Phillips (1997) is typical of this New Right
approach to childhood. She argues that parenting
has been undermined by state policies, which she
claims have given too many rights and powers to
children. However, she argues that parents are
often penalised for resorting to what she argues are
necessary sanctions, such as smacking.
Phillips believes that the media and the peer group
have become more influential than parents. She sees
the media in the form of magazines aimed at young
girls, pop music videos and television as a particular
problem, because they encourage young girls to
envisage themselves as sexual beings at a much
younger age. According to Phillips, these trends mean
that the period of childhood has been shortened - it
is no longer a sacred and innocent period lasting up
to 13 or 14 years. Phillips complains that adulthood
and particularly the sexualisation of childhood
encroaches upon the experience of children a great
deal earlier compared with the past. She argues that
many children do not have the emotional maturity
to cope with the rights and choices that they have
today. The result, she believes, is an increase in
social problems such as suicide, eating disorders,
self-harm, teenage pregnancy, depression and drug/
alcohol abuse.
Activity
List arguments for and against the views advanced
by Phillips.
Neil Postman (1994) too saw childhood as under
threat because television and the internet have
resulted in ‘social blurring’. This means that there
is no longer any distinction or boundaries between
the world of adults and the world of children.
Traditionally, in order to protect children, these two
worlds have been kept separate. However, Postman
complained that traditional children’s games are
now disappearing and that children are now playing
the same computer games as adults. Consequently,
he concluded that children are less child-like
today. They speak, dress and behave in more
adult ways, while many adults are going through
infantilisation - they are increasingly starting to
dress more like their children and youth. Over time,
nearly all the traditional features that mark the
transition to adulthood - getting a job, religious
confirmation, leaving home, getting married -
no longer apply in any clear way. The fact that
children are spending longer living at home and are
economically dependent on their parents for longer
210
periods compared with the past has compounded
this problem.
However, Postman’s analysis has been heavily
criticised. His arguments do not appear to be based
on any solid evidence, while recent studies indicate
that adults are actually taking more and more
control of their children’s lives. For example, David
Brooks (2001) diagnoses parents today as obsessed
with safety, and ever more concerned with defining
boundaries for their kids and widening their control
and safety net around them.
Postman’s concerns are supported by research
from Australia conducted by Trina Hinkley et al.
(2014) which found that young children who spend
hours each day in front of the television or playing
computer games are more likely to suffer from a
range of emotional problems and to be overweight.
They found that the more TV children watched,
the more likely they were to suffer from difficult
family relationships, one of the pr imary causes
of unhappiness.
The social conflict approach to
childhood
Conflict sociologists such as Marxists dispute
the idea that children’s lives have improved for
two reasons:
1. Inequalities based on social class and ethnicity
still exist between children in terms of the
qualitative experience of childhood and
their future life opportunities. Within more
industrialised societies such as the USA and
Britain, there are clear differences in childhood
experience that are the result of socio-economic,
gender and ethnic inequalities.
2. There are also major inequalities of power
between children and adults. This is known as
‘age patriarchy’
Social class as a factor affecting the
experiences of children in the family
Marxist sociologists have drawn attention to the
fact that childhood is not a universally positive or
similar experience, because of inequalities in family
life, especially inequalities in family income, housing,
life chances and standard of living caused by the
organisation of the capitalist system. They point
out that childhood experience is qualitatively more
advantageous for those children born into affluent
and professional households compared with children

who are born to economically disadvantaged groups -
for example, to low-paid workers or those in poverty.
Experiences of childhood in more industrialised
societies may vary, therefore, according to the social
class of families. Children from wealthy families
may spend most of their formative years in private
prestigious boarding schools from which they
progress to high-status universities. Similarly, the
children of professionals may be encouraged by their
parents from an early age to aim for university in
order to embark upon a professional career. They are
likely to receive considerable economic and cultural
support from their parents in pursuit of these goals.
Activity
Think about the parental support offered by
the three groups of parents highlighted in this
table. Copy the box and list in it the economic,
educational social, cultural, emotional and
psychologies! support which these three groups of
parents can offer their children.
Children Children whose Children from
from parents are poverty-stricken
wealthy professionals backgrounds
families
Research on middle-class parenting by Annette
Lareau (2011) found that social class influences
patterns of family life and childhood. She found that
the experience of middle-class childhood was socially
constructed by parents who were engaged in a
‘concerted cultivation’ of children. This involved such
parents enrolling children at a young age in a range
of specific cultural, artistic and sporting activities
and courses. In addition, these children would be
encouraged to join libraries and parents would take
them on visits to museums, art galleries and sites
of historical interest. This cultivation of children
dominated middle-class family life and was both
costly and labour-intensive, especially for mothers. A
study of middle-class childhood by Carol Vincent and
Stephen Ball (2007) found that middle-class parents
raise ‘renaissance children’ who are provided
with a range of expensive enrichment activities
organised around sport and creative pursuits such
as music, art and drama. Vincent and Ball argue
that middle-class parents see their children as a
‘project for development’ and consequently invest
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
considerable time and money in their childhood.
Vincent and Ball conclude that the renaissance child
is equipped with the skills to make better choices
than working-class children.
In contrast, Lareau found that working-class
parents emphasised the ‘natural growth’ of their
children - they did not develop their children’s
special talents. Instead, they believed that as long
as they provided their children with love, food and
safety, their children would grow up to be healthy
well-rounded individuals.
Working-class childhood may be made more difficult
by the experience of poverty. For example, research
by Barbara Jefferis et al. (2002) found that children
who experienced poverty had significantly fallen
behind children from middle-class backgrounds in
terms of maths, reading and other ability tests by the
age of 7. Poverty also increases the chance of illness
during childhood. Children from low-income families
often miss out on childhood activities and events
that most children take for granted, such as going
on school trips, inviting friends around for dinner or
spending holidays away from home, because their
parents cannot afford them.
Ethnicity as a factor affecting the
experiences of children in the family
Other forms of status inequality in addition to that of
social class are ethnicity and religion. In multicultural
countries, the experience of childhood may differ
because of inequalities and differences that exist
according to ethnicity and religion. For example, it is
highly likely that in India the childhood of the highest
caste - the Brahmins - is likely to be qualitatively
different to that of children who belong to the
non-caste of ‘intouchables’ or Dalit.
Paul. A. Singh Ghuman (2003) found that religion
had a significant impact on the childhood experience
of Asians in Britain. For example, many Muslim
children spend some of their week at a mosque
or madrasah learning the Qur’an. Alison Shaw
(2000), who carried out an ethnographic study of
British-Pakistani Muslims in Oxford, England, found
that third-generation Muslim children were happy to
follow Islamic values and family traditions. However,
she also found that female children were treated in
more traditional ways than their brothers and that
their daily activities, and in particular their contact
with the opposite sex, was strictly monitored.
Ghuman argues that generational conflict between
Asian parents and children living in Western
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societies was likely to emerge as children came
into contact with Western institutions and peers.
This potential conflict was likely to be provoked by
children, especially female children, over issues such
as Westernised dress, the dating of boys, arranged
marriages and the aspirations of girls with regard to
higher education and future working careers. Ghuman
cites increasing evidence that Muslim girls living in
Western societies had expectations that went beyond
the traditional pathways and cultural beliefs that stress
motherhood and domesticity. However, Charlotte
Butler’s (1995) study of Muslim girls in Britain found
that they respected both the teachings of Islam and
the wishes of their parents, and that they preferred to
resolve any potential conflict through compromise.
Age patriarchy
Conflict sociologists argue that many of the things that
march of progress writers see positively as care and
protection are in fact new forms of oppression and
control by adults. This adult or parental control, which
is known as age patriarchy, takes a number of forms.
» Controls over children’s space - children’s
movements are often subjected to control and
surveillance by parents, teachers and police officers.
Parental fears about road safety and ‘stranger
danger’ mean that children spend far more time
in the home compared with other generations of
children, under adult supervision. For example,
Mayer Hillman et al. (1990) found that in the UK in
1971,80 per cent of 7- to 8-year-olds were allowed
to go to school without adult supervision compared
with only 9 per cent in 1990. Cunningham (2006)
notes that the ‘home habitat’ of 8-year-olds (the
area in which they are able to travel alone) has
shrunk to one-ninth of the size it was 25 years ago.
212
» Controls over behaviour - parents judge what
behaviour is appropriate or inappropriate for
children. If they consider their child’s behaviour
to be inappropriate, the child may be punished by
being sent to 'sit on the naughty step’ or by being
banished to their room. If they are teenagers, they
may be grounded (not allowed to go out and see
their friends) or have their mobile phone, tablet or
laptop confiscated for a period. In some countries,
they may legitimately be physically smacked
or beaten.
) Controls over children's time - adults in more
industrialised societies control children’s daily
routines, including the times when they get up,
eat, go to school, come home, go out, play, watch
television and sleep. Adults also control the speed
at which children ‘grow up’. It is they who decide
whether a child is too old or too young for this or
that activity, responsibility or behaviour.
> Control over children’s bodies ~ adults exercise
enormous control over childrens bodies, including
how they sit, walk and run, what they wear (sunhat,
make-up, glasses and so on), their hairstyles and
whether or not they can have their ears pierced. It
is taken for granted that children’s bodies may be
touched (in certain ways by certain adults); they are
washed, fed and dressed, have their heads patted
and hands held, are picked up, cuddled and kissed.
At the same time, adults restrict the ways in which
children may touch their own bodies. For example,
a child may be told not to pick their nose, suck their
thumb or play with their genitals.
Global experiences of childhood
Conflict sociologists also point out that in many
non-industrialised societies, the experience of
childhood is extremely different compared with that
found in more industrialised societies.
» Children in such countries are constantly at risk
of early death because of poverty and lack of
basic healthcare. For example, UNICEF notes that
measles kills over 500000 children a year in Africa
and malaria kills over 1 million children a year,
most under the age of 5.
> Moreover, children in these countries are less likely
to have access to education. According to UNESCO,
67.4 million children do not attend school in
the less industrialised world, while an estimated
122 million children aged 18 and under cannot
read or write. Two-thirds of these are thought to
be girls, who face more challenges than boys in
receiving an education because of cultural and

religious discrimination and social stigma. Often,
girls’ education is seen as secondary to childcare,
looking after the sick and elderly and other
household responsibilities.
» Children in less industrialised societies may find
themselves occupying roles as workers much
like European children did in the 18th and 19th
centuries. According to the International Labour
Organisation (ILO), about one in five of the
world’s 1.5 billion children are involved in paid
work. Many of them (1 26 million) are engaged in
hazardous work - that is, work that has adverse
effects on safety, physical or mental health or
moral development. Many of them are working
excessive hours, often more than 30 hours per
week, for exploitative rates of pay. Many of them
are employed in sweatshops producing goods for
Western markets.
» War aiso shapes childhood because wars not
only kill a disproportionate number of children
but they also increase the likelihood of children
becoming orphans, refugees, hostages, slaves and
soldiers. In i 995, UNICEF reported that in the
previous decade approximately 2 million children
had been killed in wars around the world - this
figure exceeded the number of soldiers killed in
the same period. In 2013, it was reported that
over 11 000 Syrian children had been killed in the
civil war. Nearly one in four of civilian casualties
between 2014 and 2018 in Syria were children.
In Afghanistan, almost 35 000 children have been
the victims of land mines since 1979. Female
children have been forcibly taken and sold into
slavery during civil conflicts in countries such
as Nigeria.
» Thousands of children, some as young as 10
years old, are serving as child soldiers around the
world. They are used as fighters, cooks, suicide
bombers and human shields. Girls are often used
for sexual purposes. P.W. Singer (2006) observes
that African states have been at the epicentre of
the child soldier phenomenon, although children
have also fought in wars in Palestine, Iran, Iraq,
Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. In Northern Uganda,
as many as 14000 children were abducted
between 1995 and 2006 to serve as soldiers in
the Lord’s Resistance Army which operated across
Uganda, Sudan and the Congo, while during
the civil war in Sierra Leone in the 1990s many
children were drugged and brainwashed by rebel
militias and forced to kill and maim civilians and
government soldiers.
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
> Most children are cared for within the family unit.
However, in many countries, a large number of
children live on the streets because they have
been abandoned by their parents. UNICEF
estimates that 100 million children are growing up
on urban streets around the world. For example,
there are estimated to be 11 million street
children in India and 400000 street children in
Bangladesh (of which nearly 10 per cent have
been forced into prostitution in order to survive).
Charities estimate that there are 1.9 million
children in Mexico sleeping rough on the streets.
About 240000 of these have been abandoned by
their parents.
» Controls over children’s access to resources -
children only have limited opportunities to earn
money and so they remain economically dependent
on adults. Pocket money may be dependent on
‘good behaviour’ and there may be restrictions on
what it can be spent on.
The feminist approach to childhood
Feminist sociologists argue that the experience of
childhood in both traditional and modern societies
may differ according to gender.
Gender as a factor affecting the
experiences of children in the family
Evidence from feminist studies such as Sharpe
(1976), Oakley (1985) and Fine (2011) shows that
boys and girls in more industrialised societies such
as the USA and Britain are socialised into a set of
behaviours based on cultural expectations about
masculinity and femininity. Consequently, girls have
a qualitatively different experience of childhood
compared with boys in terms of toys given to them,
the nature of their play activities, the chores they
do around the home and their interaction with their
parents and relatives compared with boys. This
gendered socialisation according to feminist analysis
is mainly aimed at them learning the feminine skills
and attitudes needed to perform the adult role of
homemaker and mother.
McRobbie (2000) also suggests that girls’ experience
of childhood may differ from boys because parents
see them as in need of greater protection from the
outside world. Consequently they are subjected to
stricter social controls from their parents, compared
with boys, when they reach adolescence, and
consequently spend more time in the family home
than their brothers.
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In contrast, boys’ experience of childhood involves
what Chapman (2004) calls ‘toning down their
emotionality and familial intimacy’ so that they
effectively require the masculine skills and attitudes
required for their adult roles as wage worker
and breadwinner. As we saw in Unit 4.3.3, some
sociologists are concerned about the exposure
of boys to toxic forms of masculinity during this
socialisation process. Moreover, boys are rarely
seen as in need of protection from external threats
and consequently spend a lot of their childhood
outside the home socialising with their peers.
Evidence from Susan McHale et al.’s study (2003)
suggests that where families have limited budgets,
they are more likely to invest in activities which
enhance the development of their sons rather than
their daughters.
However, William Corsaro (2011) is critical of gender
role socialisation arguments. He argues that there
is little research on parent-child interaction in the
home and there is no real and convincing evidence
and analysis of how toys are used or symbolically
valued. He argues that much of the sociological
research on gendered play that does exist assumes
rather than proves that playing with ‘female’ toys
such as dolls leads to a gendered experience
of childhood or outcomes such as mother or
breadwinner. He argues that no sociological research
has established such a link for certain.
Child abuse
Feminists have particularly drawn attention to
the fact that female children are often at risk of
sexual violence and abuse. It is a fact that, despite
the emphasis on the protection of children in
child-centred societies, some children’s experiences
of childhood may be extremely damaging. Different
types of child abuse have been rediscovered in
recent years in Western societies, such as neglect
and physical, sexual and emotional abuse. In
Britain, for example, 30 000 children are on child
protection registers because they are at risk of
abuse from family members. It is a fact, then, that
not all children experience their childhood as happy, i by people to whom they are expected to pay their
positive, secure and safe - for many children and
teenagers, childhood is an exploitative, abusive and
sometimes very dangerous experience. Moreover,
the negative emotional and social effects of
divorce on children have also been documented in
several surveys.
214
Marije Stoltenborgh et al.’s (2011) global survey of
child sexual abuse estimated that for every 1000
children in the world, 118 had been the victim of
sexual violence. Most of these victims were female.
Rates of abuse were found to be particularly high in
parts of Africa and Asia (despite the suspicion that
many girls were under-reporting their experiences;
in contrast, Western girls were more confident in
talking about their experience of abuse because the
cultural environments in which they were located
were more supportive). The study concluded that
child sexual abuse was a major problem in India,
where government statistics released in 2017 indicate
that a child is sexually abused every 15 minutes. In
2016, over 100000 cases were officially recorded.
These statistics are likely to be an underestimate,
because Indian culture is a highly collectivistic one
in which the needs of the group are considered to
be more important than the needs of the individual.
Consequently, there exists the possibility that
children’s experience of abuse may be ignored, to
protect the family from the shame of being associated
with a reported case of abuse. The study also found
that child sexual abuse in many African societies
was not regarded as ‘abuse’ by parents and locals,
because this sexual activity was regarded as a
‘normal’ part of initiation rites of passage which
symbolised the transition into adulthood in early and
mid-adolescence. These rites sometimes encouraged
sexual contact with older persons, often in the form
of child marriage. Stoltenborgh et al.’s study also
observes that in some African societies FCM is
practised routinely for the benefit of the adult men
that young girls are forced to marry. In some African
societies, such as Zimbabwe and Zambia, young
girls were considered less likely to have HIV and
therefore were preferred as sexual partners. Suzanne
Leclerc-Madlala (2002) found evidence in 1990s
South Africa of a popular myth which stated falsely
that having sex with a virgin girl or infant child would
cure a man of HIV/AIDS or other sexually transmitted
disease. Catherine Mbagaya (2010) argues that the
socialisation of African children to unquestioningly
obey older people puts them at risk of sexual abuse
respects. She also argues that the rapid social changes
in Africa, along with increases in urbanisation and
individualism, have led to greater isolation of families.
! In situations where children are left with biologically
unrelated caregivers when parents go to work, the risk
of sexually abusive experiences increases.

The social action or interactionist
approach to childhood
The conventional ‘march of progress’ approach has
been criticised by social action sociologists, who
have focused on researching how children see and
interpret the world around them, and how children’s
decisions and social actions can help to bring about
social change in the role and social position of
children in the family.
Social action approaches to childhood suggest that
functionalist and New Right arguments wrongly
assume that children are simply empty vessels
waiting to be passively filled with values, parental
wisdom and appropriate behaviours. Family life is
presented as a one-way process in which parenting
and socialisation aim to transform children into
good citizens. However, social action theory argues
that socialisation is actually a two-way process in
which children are actively engaged in the social
construction of both parenthood and childhood.
In other words, parents learn as much from their
children as children do from adults. There are three
big themes in the interactionist or social action
approach to childhood and family life:
1. Social action theory, also known as interactionism
(see Chapter 1), criticises the conventional view
of childhood for ignoring the idea that children
develop their own unique interpretation of family
life, which they actively employ when they socially
interact with their parents, siblings and other
family members. In other words, children are
social actors who actively contribute to the social
construction of their childhood. They can choose
to influence the nature and quality of family life as experience, because children contest it every step of
much as their parents do. For example, research
by Virginia Morrow (1998) found that children
can be constructive and reflective contributors to
family life. Most of the children in Morrow’s study | illustrated in three ways:
had a pragmatic view of their family role - they
did not want to make decisions for themselves but
they did want a say in what happened to them.
Chambers therefore argues that sociologists need
to examine how children themselves see and
interpret their childhood. They should no longer
be treated as the passive recipients of parental
care and socialisation. She notes that they
‘need to be acknowledged as moral and social
practitioners of family life in their own right’,
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
while Allison James and Alan Prout (1997) argue
that children must be seen as social actors who
can express how they feel about their family
life and childhood and make choices about the
direction their childhood should take. They note
that one of the reasons families and childhood
have become more egalitarian in recent years is
because research shows that children are actively
engaged in shaping family relationships.
2. Social action theory believes that children should
have the right to make an active contribution to
both their childhood and family life in general.
For example, Gill Valentine (1999) argues that
children and adults often fight over the ‘right
to independence’. She notes that children can
influence the process of acquiring this right
by behaving in particular ways. It is the job
of parents to make judgements about how
much freedom to grant and whether children
can master the skills required to survive
independently in the outside world. Children may
learn how to manipulate their parents’ judgement
or they may convince one parent that they are
competent and responsible in order to secure the
right to more independence and freedom.
3. Social action theory points out that age is highly
contested in most households - both the child
and parent insist that the child is old enough
to do one thing but too young to do something
else. There are also gendered assumptions about
what children can do - girls may be regarded as
more mature than boys but also in need of more
adult protection.
Childhood, therefore, is not a static and universal
the way. They generally want more rights as they get
older. However, social action theory acknowledges
that this can lead to tension and conflict. This can be
a. Children often want the right to more independence
but this potentially conflicts with the state’s
desire to construct a legal framework in which
children can be protected. Chambers argues
that legislation passed by governments in many
countries to protect children often does not transmit
a consistent image of the rational independent
self-directed child. It assumes that children should
never be given the power or freedom to decide how
they should behave in particular situations. In other
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 4 THE FAMILY
v
words, the notion that children can be totally free to
make their own decisions may be illusory.
b. There is also tension between the idea of children
being active agents of their own behaviour and the
need for parents to protect children from external
threats such as bullying. Julie Evans and Joan
Chandler (2006) found that peer pressure was an
important aspect of children’s rationale for putting
pressure on their parents to buy them consumer
goods. The children in their study were conscious
of what clothing and designer labels were approved
by their peers and which were not. Moreover, they
were very aware of the possibility of the teasing,
name-calling and bullying that might result if they
did not conform or fit in because they lacked these
items. They therefore actively put pressure on their
parents to devote a percentage of their household
expenditure to the purchase of consumer goods in
order to avoid such treatment. However, Chambers
argues that the negative side of this is that
‘consumption now saturates children’s relationships’
with their parents and each other. Richard Layard
and Judy Dunn’s (2009) study found that 90 per
cent of parents believed that today’s children were
more materialistic than previous generations.
c. Chambers identifies a tension between parents and
children caused by children’s use of new media. She
notes that since 2000 there has been a revolution
in the range of new media gadgets, especially
smartphones, being used in the family home and
that this has prompted a re-negotiation of relations
between children and parents.
Postmodernist approaches to childhood
There are a number of themes that postmodernists
have highlighted as having a significant effect on the
experience of childhood.
1. Postmodern theory suggests that the status
of children may be changing because of the
emergence of new kinds of intimate relationships
and new versions of the family. Ciddens (1991)
argues that there has been a transformation
in the nature of family life that has led to the
emergence of more democratic relationships in
families. Children are now gaining the right to
determine and regulate their association with
parents. Chambers argues that in families where
children are involved in decision-making ‘parents
now have to be answerable to them and to offer
them respect in order to be respected’.
216
Chapman notes that the experiences of children
and home are clearly also very varied because
of new versions of the family that exist today. He
argues that the experiences of children in gay
and lesbian households, of children who have
experienced their parents’ divorce, co-parenting
and bi-nuclear families, children who live in
single-parent families and reconstituted or
step-families, children who have to care for adults
and so on, cannot directly be compared with
children who live in conventional two-parent nuclear
families. Indeed, he points out that even if children
did all live in the same type of household, their
experiences of childhood would still be shaped by a
variety of factors such as their parents’ occupation,
social class, education, ethnicity, religion and so on.
2. Postmodernists suggest that childhood is
undergoing a process of individualisation. Children
are becoming autonomous of their parents and
increasingly exercising influence over the family’s
economic consumption. Postmodernists argue
that there has been a corresponding decline in
the traditional relationship between parents and
children, especially a decline in deference and
obedience. This individualisation may mean that in
the future the growing autonomy of children may
mean that families may experience difficulties in
fitting children into society and that more social
problems involving children are likely to appear in
the future.
This idea can be illustrated by examining how
children have increasingly been influenced by
consumerism and consumption. It is estimated
that, in the UK, children aged between 7 and 11
are worth about £20 million a year as consumers.
Advertisers have, therefore, targeted children in
order to encourage ‘pester power’ - the power
of children to train or manipulate their parents
to spend money on consumer goods that will
i shape and increase the status of their children in
the eyes of their peers. Two related sociological
concerns have arisen from this trend:
a. Commentators often hark back to a so-called
i ‘golden age’ of their own childhoods as
; being much less stressful and complex.
They suggest that the shift into a more
consumer-orientated society has resulted in
children cynically manipulating their parents
with regard to consumer goods. Allison Pugh
(2002), for example, suggests that parental

spending on children is ‘consumption as
compensation’ - parents who are ‘cash-rich
but time poor’ alleviate their guilt about not
spending time with their children by buying
them whatever consumer goods they desire.
b. There is evidence that some parents are using
their children as symbols of conspicuous
consumption. For example, it is suggested that
some parents deliberately spend large amounts
of money on children’s parties or presents in
order to symbolically mark themselves out as
having more wealth and status than others.
Activity
Make a list of consumer goods that you own.
Why are these important to you? Did you pay for
these yourself or were they bought for you by your
parents? Have you ever engaged in pester power?
How do you think your parents justify spending
money buying consumer goods for you? Do you
compare what your parents buy you with what the
parents of your close friends buy them and feel
relatively deprived in comparison?
However, there is evidence that these concerns
about childhood and consumerism may be
exaggerated. Many parents seem to be using
consumption as a strategy to keep their children
safe. Evans and Chandler found that many parents
justified their consumption of children’s products on
the basis that the world had become a much riskier
place for children and that spending money on
consumer goods meant that children spent more
time in the home. Parents justified their spending
on items such as DVDs and computer games as
‘safer leisure options’. Most parents and children,
then, saw buying consumer goods for their children
as indicative of 'good parenting’. There were also
signs that both parents and children interpreted
the giving of material possessions as a means of
communicating and measuring love respectively.
3. Postmodernists are interested in the appearance
of new forms of media, particularly how the use
of digital forms of media by children such as
smartphones, tablets and laptops are shaping
both childhood and the nature of modern
family life. Sonia Livingstone (2009) notes the
rise of a youth-centred media and ‘screen rich
bedroom culture’. Most parents believe that
a very important part of a good childhood is
that children should have the right to their own
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
personal space - that is, their own bedroom in
the family household. Adolescents now spend
significant amounts of leisure time in the privacy
of their own bedrooms using new media such as
gaming consoles and laptops in a solitary way.
Livingstone notes that children communicate
more with the virtual outside world than with
adult members of their own family. Parents often
have to text or Facebook their children to gain
their attention at mealtimes.
Some sociologists fear that children’s new-found
freedom to actively engage with new media
has resulted in a fragmentation of family life
and childhood. It is argued that children have
disengaged from family life. Veerle Van Rompaey
and Keith Roe (2001) argue that children’s active
use of new media has led to a new type of family
interaction, which they call ‘living together but
separately’. However, there may be tension and
conflict between children and parents as parents
feel obliged to restrict access to phones, computers,
the internet and computer games because of fears
that violence or sexual content seen by children may
harm them or because they fear that their children
may be sexually groomed online or experience
cyberbullying. Moreover, conflict between parents
and children often arises when parents are
perceived as invading their children’s personal
territory in order to investigate their activities.
Parents want to know what their children are doing
because they want to protect them. However,
children are not keen on their parents knowing what
they are doing, because they want their autonomy.
Activity
Consider your own family situation and interaction
with other family members. Do you eat, watch
TV or socialise together as a family, or would you
agree that you have ‘disengaged’ from family life in
that you spend more time in your bedroom using
I digital media?
Key terms
March of progress The idea that features of
contemporary life are an improvement on how
they were previously organised.
Sexualisation of children The idea that children
are growing up too quickly because the media are
introducing them to adult themes such as sex far
too early in their development.
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4 THE FAMILY
Social blurring The idea that the distinction
between children and adults is beginning to
disappear as children aspire to behave like adults
and as adults treat children as their equals.
Infantilisation To reduce something to a childish
state or condition.
Age patriarchy A system of inequalities caused
primarily by age differences and especially
■
the idea that adults, particularly the heads of
households, know what is best for children.
Concerted cultivation A type of middle-class
socialisation of children which aims to develop or
encourage cultured behaviour and knowledge, such
as knowledge of art, history, literature and so on,
which may be advantageous in educational contexts.
Renaissance children Middle-class children
possessing lots of cultural capital that is.
knowledge valued by schools and universities.
Stigma A negative label or a mark of disgrace
associated with a particular circumstance, quality
or person.
Consumerism The act of shopping for consumer
items or commodities.
Pester power The ability of children to pressurise
their parents into buying them products, especially
items advertised in the media.
Consumption as compensation The idea that
parents buy their children consumer items to
compensate for not spending quality time with them.
Conspicuous consumption Expenditure on, or
consumption of, luxuries on a lavish scale in an
attempt to enhance one’s prestige.
Summary
1. There are six theoretical approaches to
childhood. The conventional approach is
highly influenced by functionalism and
generally has a very positive view of the
relationship between the nuclear family and
childhood. From this perspective, the function
of childhood is to inculcate children with the
values and skills required to be successful
citizens and workers.
2. In contrast, New Right sociologists generally
argue that primary socialisation in childhood is
no longer effective because of toxic influences
such as the media, and that consequently
childhood is in danger of disappearing.
218
3. Conflict sociologists note that childhood
experience in more industrialised societies
is often shaped by power inequalities. They
also highlight the fact that the experience of
childhood differs enormously across the world.
4. Similarly, feminist sociologists highlight
how patriarchal inequalities mean that the
experience of childhood differs for male and
female children.
5. Social action theorists claim that children
actively contribute to the social construction
of their own childhood and have more
power over parents than previous theories
have acknowledged.
6. Postmodernists argue that we need to
examine how contemporary processes such
as individualisation, family diversity, digital
media saturation, consumption patterns and
globalisation are impacting on childhood.
Unit 4.4.3 The impair! of changing
life expectancy upon
the family
In many more industrialised societies, life expectancy
has increased dramatically over the last 50 years
for a variety of reasons. This trend has led some
sociologists to reflect on the impact that this
social change may be having on family structure
and dynamics. In particular, some sociologists are
now paying attention to the role of grandparents
and the positive contribution that some now
make to the experience of childhood. This section,
therefore, examines why death rates have fallen
and life expectancy has increased, and discusses
the implications for family life. Moreover, a range of
sociological research on the role that grandparents
play in families today, especially with regard to their
grandchildren, is considered.
Explanations for the decline in death
rates and rise in life expectancy
In many more industrialised societies death rates
dramatically fell during the course of the 20th
century, because rising wages increased living
standards, particularly the quality of diet and

housing, and lifted people out of poverty (which
many sociologists agreed was a major cause of
death). Moreover, many governments took on the
responsibility of looking after their citizens from
the cradle to the grave by creating public health
programmes, investing in public health - clean
water supplies and sanitation systems which
safely removed sewage (which was a major cause
of water-borne diseases) and public hygiene
programmes which made clear the link between
germs, disease and lack of cleanliness. Governments
also invested heavily in healthcare, especially
maternal healthcare, which significantly cut the
maternal and infant death rates, as did the mass
vaccination of children to protect them against
measles (a major killer in 19th-century Western
societies). Advances in medical technology, drugs
and surgery now mean that people are more likely
than ever to survive cancer, heart disease and
other life-threatening diseases. Consequently, life
expectancy in many societies has increased.
The dramatic decline of death rates and a parallel
fall in women’s fertility (they are having fewer
children) have led to an ageing population in many
more industrialised societies. For example, in Japan,
26 per cent of the population is over 65 years old
and in Italy, 22 per cent of the population is over
65 years old. In the USA, about 15 per cent of the
population is aged over 65, and this population
is expected to nearly double from its present 48
million to 88 million by 2050. One in three babies
born in Great Britain in 2013 is expected to
celebrate its 100th birthday. In contrast, only 1 per
cent of those born in 1908 lived to be 100 years
old. However, Chambers (201 2) notes that it is
important to understand that:
a. The elderly population of most Western societies
is not a uniform group - there are differences
in the experience of ageing because of a variety
of factors including social class, gender, sexual
I
orientation, location, migration and the degree of
family support.
b. The elderly are often stereotyped as part of a
culture of decline - for example, as 'unproductive,
infirm and dependent, whilst the reverse is often
the case’. Chambers argues that many elderly
people remain independent until death. They are
active players in family life and they often remain
in paid work post-retirement age. For example,
in many Western societies, around 50 per cent of
the elderly population report that they enjoy good
health. Furthermore, about one in five people
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
aged between 65 and 74 is still economically
active in Western societies such as the USA
and UK.
The impact of changing life
expectancy upon the family
Changing life expectancy is impacting on the family
and consequently childhood in significant ways:
1. It has led to a significant increase in the number
of elderly one-person households as a proportion
of all households. Most of these households are
female, because women tend to outlive men.
They may be housebound and consequently very
dependent on family members, social services
and neighbours for support. In traditional
pre-industrial societies, such single-person
households are less likely to exist because the
collectivism value systems of such families mean
that it is seen as a duty for adult children to invite
their parents to live with their family.
2. The number of extended families, especially in
more industrial societies, may increase as adult
children may feel obliged to invite their parents to
live with them. Old age can be socially isolating
and lonely and, furthermore, living alone can be
potentially dangerous for the elderly because of
limited mobility or declining mental functions. In
contrast, in traditional pre-industrial societies,
extended families are the norm, because in many
of these societies it is regarded as shameful for
family members not to look after their elderly kin.
In more industrial societies, there is evidence that
working-class families, in particular, still see great
virtue in maintaining ties with elderly kin.
Feminist sociologists have noted that daughters
tend to take on a disproportionate responsibility
for the care of elderly parents compared with
sons. Judith Healey and Stella Yarrow (1997)
studied parents living with children in old age
and found that most of their sample had moved
into their daughter’s household. Women are
also more likely to be ‘sandwich carers’, which
means that they combine care of the elderly
and the care of grandchildren. Feminists point
out that this increases both the domestic and
emotional burden on women, who already take
on most of the responsibility for caring in families
in terms of childcare and housework. Women’s
disproportionate responsibility for caring for
elderly relatives may lead to economic inequality
between the sexes. Women are more likely than
219
 4 THE FAMILY
men to give up work in order to care for elderly
relatives. Caring responsibilities may mean that
some women are excluded from the full-time
labour market. This potentially means that some
women carers may have to be economically
dependent on men. They may also be more likely
to suffer anxiety and emotional problems because
of the stress of caring for a physically or mentally
deteriorating parent.
3. Beanpole families - Brannen (2003) claims that
increasing life expectancy has produced this new
type of family, which contains four generations of
direct kin.
The role and social position of
grandparents in the family
The fact that many elderly people are active players
in family life has led many sociologists to embark
on the study of the impact of grandparenting on
childhood and family life. Chambers notes that
there is a growing recognition that families benefit
from the presence of grandparents and that the
interaction between grandparents and grandchildren
is of a higher quality compared with the past. This
is because grandparents today live longer. They are
more healthy and active compared with previous
generations. Consequently, they make a significant
contribution to the parenting and socialisation
process. In this sense, elderly people are a resource
rather than a burden. A study carried out by a
British insurance company in 2012 estimated that
5.8 million, or 47 per cent, of grandparents aged
over 50 regularly look after their grandchildren for
an average of 10 hours a week. This amounts to
saving nearly £11 billion in childcare costs over a
year. As well as donating free childcare, nearly half
these grandparents were also spending around
£142 a month towards the children’s upbringing
and an average of £293 towards holiday costs
per grandchild.
Dalia Ben-Galim and Amna Silim (2013) found that
grandmothers are putting in a greater number of
informal childcare hours than grandfathers, and
play a crucial role in helping families with childcare.
June Statham (2011) found that in families in which
the mother is in work or education, 71 per cent
receive some level of childcare from grandparents,
and 35 per cent relied on grandparents as the main
providers of childcare.
220
There is evidence that caring for grandchildren is
associated with a higher quality of life. Jill Rutter
and Ben Evans (2011) found that an overwhelming
majority of grandparents reported that caring for
grandchildren had had a positive impact on their
lives. Ninety-three per cent of grandparents and
older carers aged between 55 and 64 years old
found it a rewarding experience. In particular, it
was found that grandparents enjoyed taking care
of their grandchildren because they were able to
form strong ties with the children they cared for,
and because they enjoyed the ability to experience
new things.
Activity
* V
The positive impact of caring for grandchildren.
What positive effects might grandparents caring for
grandchildren have on grandparents, parents and
children?
Nicola Ross et al. (2005) explored the relationship
between grandparents and teenage grandchildren,
looking at the ways teenage grandchildren and their
grandparents related to one other. The research
looked at the care and support they offered each
other and how the relationship between them
changes over time.
j Ross et al. found that grandparents spoke positively
i about becoming and being a grandparent. When
grandchildren were younger, time was spent
together on outings and playing together, or with
the grandparents teaching skills and providing
childcare. As grandchildren grew older, the
relationships were more likely to revolve around
talking, giving advice and support. Grandparents
often referred to providing financial support to
assist their grandchildren, ranging from pocket
money to school fees. Both generations in Ross
et al.’s study described how grandparents usually
-5^

played a key role in ‘listening’ to grandchildren.
Many young people said they could share problems
and concerns with their grandparents and referred
to the way grandparents would sometimes act as
go-betweens in the family, particularly when there
were disagreements between themselves and their
parents. The research also found that grandparents
also provided a bridge to the past by acting as
sources of family history, heritage and traditions:
storytellers who kept grandchildren aware of their
own family experiences and their culture. They
were also active in keeping wider sets of relatives
connected. It was also apparent that the direction
of care and support altered during the teenage
years, with some grandchildren taking greater
responsibility for their grandparents. Grandchildren
sometimes acted as a source of support for a
grandparent with health issues, or as emotional
and practical support for the other grandparent of
the pair.
Cross-cultural comparisons of
children’s perceptions of grandparents
There are over 500 Native American nations, and
each has its own traditions and attitudes toward
ageing and elderly care. However, in many tribal
communities, elders are respected for their wisdom
and life experiences. Within Native American families,
it is common for young people to ask their elders for
advice and guidance. Tribal elders are expected to
pass down their experience to younger members of
their extended family.
Both Korean and Chinese culture are influenced by the
Confucian principle of 'filial piety’, which means that
one must respect one’s parents. Younger members of
the family are brought up to have a duty of care for
ageing members of their families. Even outside the
family unit, young Chinese and Koreans are socialised
to respect and show deference to older individuals as
well as authority figures. For example, it is customary in
Korea to have a big celebration to mark an individual’s
60th and 70th birthdays. The hwan-gap, or 60th
birthday, is a rite of passage when children celebrate
their parents’ move into old age. It is celebrated in part
as an acknowledgement that many of their ancestors
would not have survived to this age. A similar large
family celebration is held for the 70th birthday, known
as hohCui (which means ‘old and rare’).
In China, Westernisation and the one-child policy have
lessened the power of filial piety but adult children
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
are still generally expected to care for their parents
in their old age. Placing parents in retirement homes
often results in children being labelled as ‘uncaring’,
‘dishonourable’ or as ‘bad’ sons or daughters.
Many Indian grandparents live with their adult
children and their grandchildren in joint extended
family units, with the elders acting as the head of the
household. The elders are supported by the younger
members of the family and they in turn play a key
role in raising their grandchildren. Advice is always
sought from these elders on a range of issues, from
the investment of family money to the nitty-gritties of
traditional wedding rituals and intra-family conflicts.
This is not just passive advice, because the word of
elders is often final in settling disputes. Moreover,
the elderly act as positive role models for the
young in that they are often the most religious and
charitable members of the family. If family members
disrespect their elderly, this can result in younger
family members being negatively stigmatised by the
community in which they live.
However, attitudes about being a grandparent are
not universally positive. Linda Burton and Vern
Bengtson (1985) interviewed African-American
grandmothers and found that those women who
became grandmothers early (for example, in their
early to mid-30s) were discontented and feeling
obligations that they felt they were not ready
for. They were also affected by the stereotypes
associated with grandparenting and age. For
example, ‘I am just too young to be a grandmother’
was a typical quote. Those grandparents who
experienced a late transition to grandparenting (for
example, in their 70s) often expressed regret and
disappointment that they were not physically active
enough to make the most of the grandparental role,
whereas grandparents aged 50-65 were more likely
to find the role rewarding, and feel very close to their
grandchild, than younger or older grandparents.
John Jessel et al. (2011) researched migrant
families of Bangladeshi origin living in the UK and
found examples of synergistic learning interactions
between grandparents and grandchildren - the
grandmother would help the grandchild learn about
their Bengali language and heritage, while the
grandchild would help their grandmother learn how
to use computers.
In parent-maintained households with co-resident
grandparents, there is much greater opportunity
for helping with childcare. Although this is more
the norm in some less industrialised societies,
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4 THE FAMILY
Jane Pearson et al. (1990) studied a predominantly
African-American community in Chicago, and
found that 10 per cent of households with 6- to
S-year-old children had co-resident grandmothers.
The grandmothers had substantial child-rearing
roles in these families and exercised control over the
punishment of children. Daphna Oyserman et al.
(1993) examined families where teen mothers of
children under two were assisted by grandparents.
She found that involved grandfathers had a
positive influence on children as male role models
who demonstrated skills rarely associated with
masculinity such as nurturance and cooperation.
Some children are exclusively brought up by
grandparents because of the death of their
parents or because a parent is in prison or some
other institution. Studies of families headed by
grandparents found that these often experience
problems associated with poverty. Studies clearly
show that grandchildren reared in these low-income
grandparent-headed households experience poorer
academic performance than children raised in
two-parent-headed households.
Key terms
Sandwich carers Refers to those looking after
young children at the same time as caring for
older parents. It can also be used much more
broadly to describe a variety of multiple caring
responsibilities for people in different generations.
Filial piety A Confucian belief that children should
have a great respect for their elders, especially
parents and grandparents.
Synergistic The interaction or cooperation
of two individuals, such as grandparents and
grandchildren, which produces a combined effect
greater than the sum of their separate effects.
Summary
1. Many more industrialised societies are
experiencing an ageing population because
of a dramatic decline in death rates and a
corresponding rise in life expectancy.
2. The ageing of the population has significantly
impacted on family life. It has particularly
led to an enhanced role for grandparents.
However, sociologists acknowledge cultural
differences in treatment of the elderly and
grandparents.
222
Unit 4.4.4 Changes in the
concepts of
motherhood and
fatherhood
It is impossible, of course, to examine childhood
without examining motherhood and fatherhood. An
examination of the social attitudes that dominate
particular societies suggest that there exist
ideologies of both motherhood and fatherhood.
Ideologies are dominant sets of ideas that make
clear cultural expectations about how fathers and
mothers should ideally behave. For example, most
societies expect parents to care for their children.
Consequently, most societies have laws which punish
parents who do not live up to society’s cultural
expectations about how parents should treat their
children. However, an examination of parenting
suggests that in patriarchal societies the cultural
expectations regarding motherhood are generally
harsher in terms of their judgements than the
cultural expectations about fatherhood. However,
there are signs that social attitudes about fatherhood
held by males may be undergoing positive change.
i
Parenting: motherhood
Luca Arfini (2016) points out that in the pre-industrial
period of many societies the role of parenting was
not clearly differentiated between mothers and
fathers because the whole family was involved in
both agricultural and domestic labour. However,
industrialisation led to a major change in the
organisation of parenting for two reasons. First, home
and work became separate domains, but it was men
who left the home in order to earn the family wage.
: Second, the state eventually banned child labour, and
restricted women’s labour opportunities too, because
children needed a family member to look after
them. Consequently, an ideology of motherhood and
domesticity evolved as societies grew more modern,
| during the 19th and 20th centuries.
Arfini argues that the 20th century in particular saw
the emergence of the traditional idea of motherhood,
which defined being a ‘good mother’ as someone who
stayed at home full-time and who was happy to be
economically dependent on the male breadwinner
and to be fulfilled by her 'natural predisposition’ to be
a combined domestic goddess, nurturer of children
and emotional caretaker and caregiver. According to

functionalist sociologists such as Parsons, mothers
performed an ‘expressive’ role within families, taking
charge of their children’s education and taking
exclusive responsibility for household affairs. Fathers
were 'instrumental leaders’ - economic providers and
heads of households responsible for imposing strict
discipline (on both his wife and children) and ensuring
the living standards of the nuclear family unit. He was
not expected to play any significant role in domestic
or childcare activity.
Arfini argues that the mother’s parenting style in
early 20th-century families in the USA and Europe
was culturally expected to be nurturing and indulgent,
while those cultures expected a good deal less from
the parenting style of fathers, which could be best
summed up as authoritarian and neglectful. However,
ideas about parenting styles began to shift in more
industrialised societies during the 1950s and 1960s,
when more and more mothers began to enter the
workforce, accomplishing a double role as a mother at
home and as an earner at work. In combining these
two aspects, the mother’s role shifted from ‘expressive’
to ‘intensive’. About the same time, fathers became
more involved in their children’s lives and there was no
longer a distinctive separation between the two roles
of father and mother. In the 1970s, feminists started
to critique both motherhood and fatherhood, and to
claim that both these roles were socially constructed
by patriarchal ideology and institutions.
Chambers argues that in both modern and less
industrialised societies today there exists an ideology
of motherhood which is organised around the idea
of ‘putting (children’s) needs first’. She says ‘the
mother is perceived as the core of the family’, as
the emotional stabiliser that keeps the whole family
together. Data from surveys conducted around the
world generally support Chambers’ observations. For
example, data from attitude surveys conducted in a
range of European societies suggest that a dominant
cultural expectation is that women should prioritise
their caring role over having a job. In addition, most
surveys suggest that there is a deep-seated belief in
society in general that the role of mother is just as
fulfilling as the role of worker. These surveys indicate
that a majority still believe that children are negatively
affected if their mothers work. Women, therefore,
are expected to take on jobs that are compatible
with family commitments. Moreover, the popularity
of such beliefs means that large numbers of mothers
feel guilty about working full-time. Some actually give
up work altogether because they believe that their
absence somehow damages their children. Madeleine
4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE
Leonard (2000) argues that women who continue to
see housework and childcare as an essential part of
being a ‘good wife and mother’ are more likely to be
satisfied with an unequal domestic division of labour
than women who reject such roles. However, there
are signs that attitudes towards motherhood may be
undergoing some significant change in more industrial
societies, as the following examples illustrate:
» Wilkinson (1994) argues that surveys of young
women indicate a radical shift in attitudes towards
motherhood among young women compared
with the attitudes held by their mothers and
grandmothers. She argues that this attitudinal shift
is so great that it can be termed a ‘genderquake’.
Wilkinson notes that previous generations ranked
motherhood at the very top of, or very high on, their
list of priorities. However, recent surveys suggest
that this priority is no longer so high on young
women’s ‘to-do’ lists as careers and consumption of
leisure have become more important. This change is
reflected in two other trends:
» There is evidence that educated women, and
especially those in professional and managerial jobs,
are postponing motherhood until their late 30s
and early 40s and electing to have fewer children.
Moreover, some women are electing to raise their
children alone. They are rejecting the notion that
they or their children need a male in their lives.
* A significant number of women are choosing
voluntary childlessness. They are rejecting
motherhood in order to be child-free. Giddens
(1992) claims that this trend stems from the
ideology of individualisation that has supposedly
swept through modern societies and which
has allegedly led to a decline in romantic love
and marriage.
» The renewed popularity of activist or digital
feminism has led some females to see motherhood
as an oppressive ideology and practice which
restricts independence and their ability to compete
equally with men in the workplace.
Parenting: fatherhood
Tina Miller (2010) argues that the responsibilities
and practices associated with fatherhood are not
so clear-cut or as morally regulated as those of
motherhood. However, there is an ideology of
fatherhood which is mainly associated with concepts
such as ‘breadwinner’, family provider, head of the
household, unemotional disciplinarian and how
absent fathers are disapproved of.
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4 THE FAMILY
Research by Hanan Hauari and Katie Hollingworth
(2009) found that Pakistani, African-Caribbean
and Black African families continue to define and
judge fathers in terms of how well they economically
provide for their families. Sarah Salway et al.
(2009) studied four ethnic-religious Asian groups -
Bangladeshi Muslims, Pakistani Muslims, Gujarati
Hindus and Punjabi Sikhs. The study found that the
community had great respect for those fathers who
took economic responsibility for their family. Men
who did not or could not support their children were
labelled as ‘shameful’.
Jo Warin et al. (1999), in their study of 95 families in
Rochdale, UK, also found that fathers, mothers and
teenage children overwhelmingly subscribed to the
view that the male should be the breadwinner, despite
changes in employment and family life. The majority
of the sample believed that mothers should dominate
childcare because they were the experts in parenting.
However, there are signs that men have become
more willing to involve themselves in childcare
in modern societies. In the early 1990s, many
sociologists concluded that the role of fathers was
changing. For example, men in the 1990s were
more likely to attend the birth of their babies than
men in the 1960s, and they were more likely to play
a greater role in childcare than their own fathers.
Louie Burghes (1997) found that fathers were
taking an increasingly active role in the emotional
development of their children. Beck (1992) argued
that, in the 21 st century, fathers can no longer rely
on jobs to provide a sense of identity and fulfilment.
Increasingly, they look to their children to give their
lives purpose and meaning. Research by Anne Gray
(2006) supports this view. Her research showed that
fathers emphasised the need to spend quality time
with their children. They wanted more time to get to
know their children, to take them out, to help them
with homework and to talk to them. Fathers viewed
time spent with children in outings, sport, play and
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
roTTI Describe two ways in which governments contribute to the social construction of childhood.
roTTI Explain two contributions grandparents make to family life.
roTsi Explain two ideas about childhood associated with interactionist theories.
22 A
conversation as an expression of fatherhood rather
than as a form of domestic work.
However, it is important not to exaggerate men’s
role in childcare. Looking after children is still
overwhelmingly the responsibility of mothers, rather
than jointly shared with fathers. Recent research has
focused on the pressures of work in the 21 st century.
A survey of British males conducted by La Valle et al.
in 2002 found that 30 per cent of fathers (and 6 per
cent of mothers) worked more than 48 hours a week
on a regular basis. Gray found that many fathers
would like to spend more time with their children
but are prevented by long work hours from bonding
effectively with their children.
Barbara Risman’s (1986) research on single fathers
as homemakers rejects the view that women have a
natural predisposition to be mothers and that the
raising of children should be their responsibility. She
found that single fathers were just as effective and
competent as mothers in terms of their parenting
skills. She concludes that we need to re-examine the
general belief that only mothers have the ‘natural’
skills to raise children and that children belong
with their mothers after divorce. We need to stop
thinking that nurturing is only a female skill. We
must adapt to the fact that a father can also fulfil
the traditional role of the mother.
i
Summary
1. An examination of culture clearly demonstrates
the existence of dominant ideologies which
dictate how mothers and fathers are supposed
to behave.
2. However, there is evidence that these ideologies,
especially with regard to fatherhood, are now
undergoing some change, although traditional
ideas, particularly about motherhood, have only
slightly shifted over the past 50 years.
i
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
 4.4 AGE AND FAMILY LIFE

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE QUESTIONS

I 0 I 1 I Describe two types of family structure. [4 marks]
I 0 l 2 l a. Explain two ways in which government policies may influence family life. [8 marks]
b. Explain one strength and one limitation of the Marxist view that the family is an
agency of social control. [6 marks]
I 0 l 3 l ‘Family diversity is the norm in most societies today.’
a. Explain this view. [10 marks]

b. Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]
I 0 l 4 l Evaluate the view that the family is a patriarchal institution. [26 marks]
I 0 l 5 | Evaluate the view that family life is harmful for many people. [26 marks]

225

5 EDUCATION
Chapter contents
Section A Education and society
Section B Education and inequality
Exam-style practice questions
In many parts of the world today, education is
a privilege rather than a right. In low-income
countries, although access to formal schooling has
increased, it is still limited. By contrast, in societies
with compulsory mass education, many people
are likely to have spent 11 or more years at school
before progressing to further and higher education.
Some sociologists would see these experiences
as worthwhile. Students learn to read, write and
perhaps later to study academic subjects at A Level
and beyond, and to prepare for life in the wider
society. Others examine education within the
context of social formations such as capitalism or
patriarchy and, consequently, view it in a more
negative light. They see education as benefiting
some social groups - for instance, the rich and
powerful - rather than all members of society. Such
approaches see education as preparing students to
accept life in an unequal society. They also argue
that students are largely unaware of what education
is doing to them and to the rest of society. This
chapter looks at the positive and negative views
/
i /1
i-\
Education is often seen as a key route to social
I f
1ir
mobility, enabling hard-working and talented
227 individuals to achieve their potential and move
270 up the class structure into high-status jobs. This
chapter examines important debates about
323
how far education operates on merit to provide
equal opportunity to all regardless of their social
background, class, gender or ethnicity. *
Some sociologists explore what actually gets taught
in educational settings. What factors influence
the content of the curriculum? Does a hidden or
covert curriculum operate alongside the official
curriculum in schools and colleges? If so, how does
it influence students?
A main focus of this chapter is inequalities in
educational attainment linked to social class,
ethnicity and gender. Why do those at the top
of the class system tend to get the best exam
results and go to the highest-ranking universities?
Why do different ethnic groups have different
levels of educational attainment? Why are girls
now outperforming boys at every level of the
education system in some societies? How far does
intelligence influence educational attainment?
To what extent do material and cultural factors
linked to students’ home backgrounds influence
their attainment? Alternatively, are school-based
factors such as student subcultures and teacher
<\t
a SECTION A
>
i :j Contents
Part 1 Theories about the role of education 228
l Part 2 Education and social mobility 247
Part 3 Influences on the curriculum 259
Section A focuses on the role of education in
society. Three of the key concepts that you
were introduced to in Chapter 1 are particularly
I important here. First, power, control and resistance.
Potentially, education systems have enormous
power to control people and shape their behaviour
and ideas. Do education systems have an
IB ideological role in keeping people in their place?
"' Do they play a part in reproducing the power
and privileges of dominant classes over time?
Sociologists are interested in the control of the
curriculum. Are powerful groups able to influence
the content of the school curriculum? Resistance
is an important concept within the sociology of
education. How do some students exercise power
in classrooms and resist their teachers’ efforts to
exercise authority over them?
Second, inequality and opportunity. The sociology
of education explores structural inequalities in
society such as differences in the distribution
of resources including income and wealth. Are
these class-based inequalities in the wider society
reflected within education systems? Do they
create barriers to educational attainment for some
groups of students? Is equality of opportunity a
reality within education systems? Do all students
have equal opportunities to achieve their potential
v; and to succeed, regardless of their backgrounds,
^ gender or ethnicity? Does education provide a
route of upward social mobility to students from
less privileged backgrounds and to females? Or do
wm social inequalities inhibit equality of educational
I opportunity and mobility?
Third, structure and human agency. Perspectives
such as functionalism and Marxism adopt structural
approaches that focus on the role of education in
maintaining the social structure in its present form.
How do schools contribute to maintaining the social
structure? Do education systems shape individuals
and constrain their behaviour through processes
such as socialisation? Or do students exercise
agency and choice within schools and classrooms
by, for example, resisting their teachers’ authority?
Do schools produce conformists, rebels or both?
The concepts of structure and agency are also
important in the debates about the factors affecting
educational attainment. Structural accounts focus
more on material factors - for example, parental
income - to explain differences in attainment
between social groups such as working-class and
middle-class students. Interactionist accounts focus
more on classroom interaction, teacher-student
relationships and individual agency when exploring
topics such as differential educational attainment or
student subcultures.
This section is divided into three parts. Part 1 looks
at different theories about the role of education in
society, including functionalist, Marxist and New
Right approaches.
Part 2 explores the relationship between education
and social mobility. It examines the idea of equal
opportunity, different accounts of meritocracy (in
which achievements are based on individual merit)
and whether education systems are meritocratic.
Part 3 focuses on the curriculum. It examines some
of the factors that influence the content of the
curriculum, including power, economic factors and
gender. It also looks at the hidden curriculum -
the things that students learn in school (such as
conformity and obedience) that are not part of the
formal curriculum of history, geography and so on.
227
 5 EDUCATION

PART 1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF

EDUCATION
Contents of the rich and powerful and maintain the capitalist
economic system? Next, Bourdieu's ideas on the
Unit 5.1.1 Functionalist views on education 228 role of education in transmitting or reproducing the
Unit 5.1.2 Marxist views on education 232 culture of dominant classes is explored. How does
this cultural reproduction take place?
Unit 5.1.3 Education and cultural
reproduction 239 This part also looks at two perspectives on
the relationship between education and the
Unit 5.1.4 Social democratic and New
economy that have influenced the development of
Right views on education 241
education in many societies - social democratic
and New Right views. The New Right approach (or
Part 1 looks at different theories about the role
neoliberalism), with its emphasis on competition,
of education in society. It begins by examining
the market and economic growth, is steadily
functionalist and Marxist accounts of the role and
becoming the driving force in global education. But
function of education. Does education perform vital
should there be more to education than servicing
functions and contribute to the well-being of society
the economy?
as a whole? Or does it mainly serve the interests

As with functionalist analysis in general, the

Unit 5.1.1 Functionalist views functionalist view of education tends to focus on the

on education positive contributions that education makes to the

maintenance of the social system. This unit examines
and evaluates some of the main functionalist theories
Functionalists see society as a system made up of
of education.
interrelated parts, such as the education system, the
family and the economy. These parts work together
to maintain society as a whole. A sociologist's job is Emile Durkheim - education and
to examine the function of each part - that is, how it social solidarity
contributes to the maintenance of the social system.
The French sociologist Emile Durkheim (1858—
Functionalists argue that certain things are essential
1917) saw the major function of education as the
for the maintenance of society. These include a
transmission, the passing on, of society’s norms and
shared culture, in particular shared norms (accepted
values. Durkheim (1961), furthermore, argued that a
ways of behaving) and values (beliefs about what
vital task for all societies is to join a mass of individuals
is right and desirable). Functionalists focus on how
together into a united whole - in other words, to
the parts of society contribute to the production of
create social solidarity. This involves a commitment
shared norms and values.
to society, a sense of belonging, and a feeling that the
Two related questions have guided functionalist social unit is more important than the individual.
i
research into education: Education, and in particular the teaching of history,
provides the link between the individual and society.
i What are the functions of education for society as
If the history of their society is brought alive to
a whole?
children, they will come to see that they are part of
» What are the functional relationships between something larger than themselves; they will develop
education and other parts of the social system? a sense of commitment to the social group.

228

Evaluation of Durkheim
Durkheim laid the foundation for functionalist
theories of education. However, his work has
been criticised:
Schoolchildren tone the Pledge of Allegiance to the
American flag. The USA is home to people from a
range of cultural backgrounds. Education has helped
to provide a common language, shared values and a
national identity
; feminists see education as serving the interests of
How might this picture illustrate Durkheim’s view
that schools develop social solidarity?
Education and social rules
Durkheim saw the school as society in miniature, a
model of the social system. In school, the child must
interact with other members of the school community
in terms of a fixed set of rules. This experience
prepares them for interacting with members of
society as a whole in terms of society’s rules.
Activity
In your view, to what extent do children learn to
respect society’s rules by first learning to respect
school rules?
Education and the division of labour
Durkheim argued that education teaches the skills
needed for future occupations. Industrial society
has a specialised division of labour - people have
specialised jobs which require specific skills and
knowledge. For example, the skills and knowledge
required by plumbers, electricians, teachers and
doctors are very different. According to Durkheim,
the specialised division of labour in industrial
societies relies increasingly on the education system
to provide the skills and knowledge required by
the workforce.
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
1. Durkheim assumed that a society has a shared
culture that can be passed on by the education
system. Some commentators now see countries
such as Australia, Canada, Mexico and Singapore
as multicultural - as having a variety of cultures.
As a result, there is no single culture for schools
to pass on. However, it can be argued that in a
multicultural society some shared norms and
values are essential to hold society together - for
example, a common language and a shared belief
in tolerance and freedom of speech.
2. Marxists argue that the education system serves
the interests of the ruling class rather than those
of society as a whole (see Unit 5.1.2). Radical
patriarchy or male dominance in society.
3. Some researchers argue that schools emphasise
individual competition through the exam system,
rather than encouraging cooperation and social
solidarity (Hargreaves, 1982).
Talcott Parsons - education and
universalistic values
The American sociologist Talcott Parsons (1951)
outlined what has become the main functionalist view
of education. Parsons argued that, after primary
socialisation within the family, the school takes over
as the main socialising agency. It acts as a bridge
between the family and society as a whole, preparing
children for their adult roles. This is known as
secondary socialisation.
Within the family, the child is treated and judged
largely in terms of particularistic standards. Parents
treat the child as their particular child rather than
judging them in terms of standards that can be
applied to every individual. However, in the wider
society the individual is treated and judged in terms
of universalistic standards, which are applied to all
members, regardless of their kinship ties.
Within the family, the child’s status is ascribed; it is
fixed at birth. For example, a child is a daughter and,
in some cases, a sister. However, in advanced industrial
society, status in adult life (such as occupational status)
229
 5 EDUCATION
is largely achieved. Thus, the child must move from
the particularistic standards and ascribed status of
the family to the universalistic standards and achieved
status of adult society.
The school prepares young people for this transition.
It establishes universalistic standards in terms of
which all students achieve their status. Their conduct
is assessed against the criteria of the school rules;
their achievement is measured by performance in
examinations. The same standards are applied to
all students regardless of ascribed characteristics
such as gender or ethnicity. Schools operate on
meritocratic principles: status is achieved on the
basis of merit - that is, ability and motivation.
Like Durkheim, Parsons argued that the school
represents society in miniature. Modern industrial
society is increasingly based on achievement,
on universalistic standards, and on meritocratic
principles that apply to all its members. By reflecting
the operation of society as a whole, the school
prepares young people for their adult roles.
Activity
I
Taking exams.
How does this picture illustrate:
1. Individual achievement?
2. Judgement by universalistic standards?
Education and value consensus
As part of the process of secondary socialisation,
schools socialise young people into the basic
values of society. Parsons, like many functionalists,
maintained that value consensus - an agreement
about the main values - is essential for society to
operate effectively. According to Parsons, schools in
American society introduce two major values:
1. the value of achievement - by encouraging
students to strive for high levels of academic
attainment, and by rewarding those who succeed
230
2. the value of equality of opportunity - by placing
individuals in the same situation in the classroom
and allowing them to compete on equal terms
in examinations.
These values have important functions in society
as a whole. Advanced industrial society requires
a highly motivated, achievement-orientated
workforce. This necessitates differential rewards
for differential achievements, a principle that has
been established in schools. Both the winners (the
high achievers) and the losers (the low achievers)
will see the system as just and fair, because their
status or position is achieved in a situation where
all have an equal chance. Again, the principles of
the school mirror those of the wider society.
Education and selection
Finally, Parsons saw the education system as an
important mechanism for the selection of individuals
for their future role in society. Thus schools, by
testing and evaluating students, match their talents,
skills and capacities to the jobs for which they are
best suited. The school is therefore seen as the major
mechanism for role allocation.
Evaluation of Parsons
Like Durkheim, Parsons fails to adequately consider
the possibility that the values transmitted by the
education system may benefit a ruling minority
rather than society as a whole. His view that schools
operate on meritocratic principles is open to
question - a point that will be examined in detail in
later units.
Support for Parsons comes from the view that
the increasing cultural diversity and difference
in today’s societies require the transmission of
at least some shared norms and values. In this
respect, schools have an important role to play
(Green, 1997).
Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore -
education and role allocation
Like Parsons, Davis and Moore (1967, first published
1945) saw education as a means of role allocation.
However, they linked the education system more
directly to the system of social stratification - in
Western societies, the class system. Davis and Moore
viewed social stratification as a mechanism for
ensuring that the most talented and able members of

society are allocated to positions that are functionally
most important for society. High rewards, which act
as incentives, are attached to these positions. This
means that, in theory, everybody will compete for
them and the most talented will win through.
The education system is an important part of this
process. It sifts, sorts and grades individuals in terms of
their talents and abilities. It rewards the most talented
with high qualifications, which in turn provide entry to
society’s functionally most important occupations.
Evaluation of Davis and Moore
Critics of Davis and Moore’s theory argue that:
1. There is considerable doubt about the claim that
the education system grades people in terms
of ability. In particular, it has been argued that
intelligence has little effect upon educational
attainment. (See Part 4).
2. There is widespread evidence to suggest that
social stratification largely prevents the education
system fr'om efficiently grading individuals in terms
of ability.
These points will be considered throughout the rest
of the chapter.
Many functionalists argue that the education system
rewards highly talented people with the credentials
to enter functionally important occupations. But do
members of some groups face more barriers than
others in accessing hey jobs in society?
Explain one strength and one limitation of the
functionalist view of education.
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
Key terms
Social solidarity This involves a commitment
to society, a sense of belonging, and a feeling
that the social unit is more important than
the individual.
Specialised division of labour A labour force with
a large number of specialised occupations.
Primary socialisation The earliest and probably
the most important part of the socialisation
process, usually within families.
Secondary socialisation The socialisation that
takes place during later life, for example, within
schools and workplaces.
Particularistic standards Standards that apply
to particular people, for example, to particular
children in families.
Universalistic standards Standards that apply to
everybody - for example, to all college students or
to all employees in the workplace.
Ascribed status Status or positions in society
that are fixed at birth and unchanging over
time, including hereditary titles linked to family
background (for example, King or Princess) or the
status of a daughter or son within a family.
Achieved status Status or positions in society
that are earned on the basis of individual talents
or merit.
Meritocratic Description of a system in which a
person’s position is based on merit - for example,
talent and hard work - rather than on their social
origins, ethnicity or gender.
Value consensus Agreement about the main
values of society.
Equality of opportunity A system in which every
person has an equal chance of success.
Role allocation A system of allocating people
to roles which best suit their aptitudes
and capabilities.
Social stratification The way that society is
structured or divided into hierarchical layers or
strata, with the most privileged at the top and the
least privileged at the bottom. Examples include
caste and social class.
231
 5 EDUCATION
Summary
1. Emile Durkheim argued that education:
* transmits society’s norms and values
> produces social solidarity
> prepares young people to act in terms of
society’s rules
1 teaches the skills and knowledge needed for
occupational roles.
2. Talcott Parsons stated that schools socialise
young people for adult roles by:
» judging them in terms of universalistic rather
than particularistic standards
> transmitting society’s values and creating
value consensus
> developing an achievement-oriented
workforce
» allocating young people to positions in adult
society for which they are best suited.
3. Davis and Moore argue that education works
with the stratification system to grade and
select young people so that the most able
are allocated to the most important jobs
in society.
4. Functionalist theories have been criticised for
assuming that education always makes positive
contributions to society as a whole and that it
benefits all members of society.
Unit 5.1.2 Marxist views on
education
This unit examines Marxist theories of the role of
education in society. There are several varieties of
Marxist theory and they largely share the following
ideas. In capitalist society, there are two main social
classes - the ruling class (the bourgeoisie) and the
subject class (the proletariat). The powerful ruling
class own the means of production (the factories
and the raw materials) and the capital (money) to
invest in the production of goods and services. The
relatively powerless subject class produce the goods
and services and sell their labour in return for wages.
However, the value of their wages is considerably less
than the profits taken by the ruling capitalists. In this
respect, the subject class are exploited.
232
The economic base of society (the infrastructure)
largely shapes the rest of society (the superstructure),
including, for example, education, families, religion
and the legal system. The economic relationships
between the two classes, the relations of production,
are reflected in the superstructure, which represents
the interests of the ruling class. Beliefs and values
form a ruling-class ideology which produces a
false class consciousness - a distorted and false
picture of society that blinds the subject class to their
exploitation and justifies and legitimates (makes right
and legal) the position of the ruling class.
Samuel Bowles and Herbert
Gintis - Schooling in Capitalist
America
The Marxist economists Bowles and Gintis (1976)
see the role of education in capitalist society as
reproducing labour power over time. The education
system does this by ‘the forms of consciousness,
interpersonal behaviour and personality it fosters
and reinforces in students’. This is achieved through
a hidden curriculum, a curriculum apart from the
actual subjects taught, a curriculum that students
and teachers are largely unaware of.
Bowles and Gintis’ theory is known as a
correspondence theory. They see ‘a close
correspondence between the social relationships
in the workplace and the social relationships of
the education system’. This correspondence or fit
produces the hard-working, obedient and motivated
workforce required by capitalism. It does this in the
following ways.
Submission to authority
Schools are organised on a hierarchical principle
of authority and control. Teachers give orders,
students obey. Students have little control over the
subjects they study or how they study them. This
prepares them for relationships within the workplace
where they will be required to accept the authority
of supervisors and managers. Bowles and Gintis
argue that social relationships in schools mirror ‘the
hierarchical division of labour in the workplace’.
External rewards
Students have little control over their work and, as
a result, they get little direct (intrinsic) satisfaction
from it. They are motivated by external (extrinsic)

rewards - the possibility of examination success and
the promise of employment that it offers. Responding
to external rewards is mirrored in the world of work.
Workers are motivated by wages rather than by
the work itself. Lack of personal involvement and
fulfilment in school reflects alienation from work in
later life - a feeling of being cut off from and unable
to find satisfaction from work.
The externa! rewards of education - celebrating
examination success.
How does this picture illustrate Bowles and Gintis’
view of ‘external rewards’ and education?
Legitimating inequality
For capitalism to operate efficiently, the inequalities
it produces must be seen as legitimate and just.
Bowles and Gintis suggest that the education system
provides a large part of the justification for and
acceptance of the inequalities of capitalist society.
Education legitimates inequality by creating the belief
that schools provide the opportunity for fair and
open competition whereby talents and abilities are
developed, graded and certificated. The education
system is thus seen as a meritocracy. Those with the
highest qualifications have earned them on merit.
The same belief is then applied to the economic
system. It is assumed that those with the highest
qualifications receive the highest rewards in the
world of work. In this way, the education system
justifies inequalities in the economic system.
Bowles and Gintis reject the view that rewards in
the educational and economic system are based on
merit. They argue that educational and occupational
attainment are related to family background rather
than to talent. Thus, the children of the wealthy and
powerful tend to obtain high qualifications and highly
rewarded jobs irrespective of their ability. However,
the education system disguises this with its myth
of meritocracy. In this way, education provides ‘the
legitimation of pre-existing economic disparities’.
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
Evaluation of Bowles and Gintis
According to David L. Swartz (2003), Schooling in
Capitalist America is undoubtedly one of the classics
in the sociology of education ‘having had a major
impact on education theory and research’ As a result,
it has received both widespread support and criticism.
The main criticism is that the argument is too
deterministic - it sees education as determined by
the economy. As such, it ignores the possible effects
of other aspects of society. It also gives too much
emphasis to capitalism. For example, Karabel and
Halsey (1977) maintain that education in communist
Cuba places ‘heavy reliance on grades and exams as
sources of student motivation’ and teaching is based
on a ‘generally authoritarian and teacher-centred
method of instruction’. Critics have also argued that
Bowles and Gintis saw the social structure as shaping
individuals but they largely ignored resistance in
schools and in the wider society to the type of
education they describe. This oversight may be due
to the fact that their theory was not based on
extensive research in school settings. Numerous
studies show that many students have little respect
for school rules or for teachers’ authority (see, for
example, Unit 5.5.3). As Henry Giroux (1984)
argues, schools can be seen as sites of ideological
struggle - with clashes based on conflicting views
occurring within and between various groups such as
teachers, school managers, parents, students, school
inspectors and politicians.
Activity
\
to SCHOOL BUS Igj-
Mtmut
US) »
6
J «
Bowles and Gintis saw schooling as producing a hard­
working, obedient and motivated workforce to
meet the needs of capitalism.
Evaluate the view that Bowles and Gintis
exaggerate the power of the education system to
form personalities and attitudes.
233
 5 EDUCATION
Louis Althusser - the reproduction
of labour power
Louis Althusser (1972), a French philosopher, argues
that in order for the capitalist ruling class to survive
and prosper, the ‘reproduction of labour power is
essential’. In this respect, Althusser’s account is similar
to that of Bowles and Gintis. Generations of workers
must be reproduced over time to create the profits on
which capitalism depends. Althusser argues that the
reproduction of labour power involves two processes:
first, the reproduction of the skills necessary for an
efficient labour force; second, the reproduction of
ruling-class ideology and the socialisation of workers
in terms of this ideology. These processes combine
to reproduce a technically efficient, submissive and
obedient workforce. The role of education in capitalist
society is the reproduction of such a workforce.
Ideological control and education
Althusser argues that no class can hold power for any
length of time simply by using force. Ideological control
provides a far more efficient means of maintaining
ruling-class power. If members of the subject class
accept their position as normal, natural and inevitable,
and fail to realise the true nature of their situation,
then they will be unlikely to challenge ruling-class
dominance. The maintenance of class rule largely
depends on the reproduction of ruling-class ideology.
The subject class is kept in its place by a number
of Ideological State Apparatuses, which include
education, religion, the mass media and the law.
Ideological State Apparatuses transmit ruling-class
ideology, which creates a false class consciousness -
a false and distorted picture that makes society seem
reasonable. False class consciousness disguises the
exploitation of the subject class and justifies the
position of the ruling class. In pre-capitalist society,
Althusser sees the church as the main Ideological
State Apparatus. In capitalist society, it has largely
been replaced by the education system.
Althusser identifies another means of keeping the
subject class in its place, which he refers to as the
Repressive State Apparatuses. This includes the
army, the police and the prison system, which are
ultimately based on force. However, he sees this as
much more obvious and far less effective than the
Ideological State Apparatuses.
Evaluation of Althusser
As Althusser himself admits, he has presented only a
very general framework for an analysis of education
234
in capitalist society. He provides little evidence to
support his views. Althusser has been criticised for
picturing members of society as ‘cultural dopes’,
passively accepting their position in society and
failing to question the dominant ideology. There is
no indication of any opposition or resistance to the
ruling class and ‘no sense of the politics of ideological
struggle’ (Elliott, 2009).
Activity
1. Identify one similarity and one difference
between Ideological and Repressive
State Apparatuses.
2. ‘Althusser fails to explore human agency and
resistance.’ Evaluate this view.
Paul Willis - Learning to Labour
In an important ethnographic study Paul Willis
(1977) developed a distinctive, neo-Marxist (new
Marxist) approach to education. Willis studied a
boys’ school in England in the 1970s. He did not
just rely on an analysis of the relationship between
education and the economy. He also tried to
understand the experience of schooling from the
students’ perspectives and how they saw the present
and the future. He soon found that schools were
not as successful as Bowles and Gintis supposed in
producing docile and conformist workers.
The counter-school culture
The school that Willis studied was situated in a
working-class area in a mainly industrial town. The main
focus of his study was a group of 12 working-class boys,
whom he observed over their last 18 months at school
and their first few months at work. The 12 students
formed a friendship group with a distinctive attitude to
school. The ‘lads’, as they called themselves, had their
own counter-school culture, which opposed the values
that the school promoted.
This counter-school culture had the following
features. The lads felt superior both to teachers
and conformist students, whom they referred to
as ‘ear 'oles’ (ear holes). The lads attached little
or no value to academic work and had no interest
in gaining qualifications. While avoiding work, the
lads kept themselves entertained with ‘irreverent
marauding misbehaviour’. ‘Having a laff (a laugh)
was a high priority.
According to Willis, the lads were eager to leave
school at the earliest possible moment, and they

looked forward to their first full-time jobs. While the
ear ’oles were concerned about the types of job they
would eventually get, the lads were content to find
any job, as long as it was a male, manual job. Such
jobs were considered ‘real work’, in contrast to the
office jobs which the ear ’oles were heading for.
The education system appears to be failing to
produce the kind of workers that some would see
as ideal for capitalism. The lads neither accepted
authority nor were they obedient and docile. Despite
this, Willis argues that the lads were well prepared
for the work that they would do. It was their very
rejection of school that made them suitable for male,
unskilled or semi-skilled manual work.
Working-class masculinity
The lads saw themselves and their future work as
tough, hard and manly. Manual work was masculine,
mental work was ‘sissy’ (or effeminate). The lads’
construction of masculinity was both offensive and
defensive. It gave power to their resistance, superiority
over those the school defined as successful, and
self-respect where teachers saw them as failures.
Activity: he lads’ view of life
Extract from a poem written by one of the lads in
an English lesson:
On a night we go out on the street
Troubling other people,
I suppose we’re onti-social, But we enjoy it.
The older generation
They don’t like our hair,
Or the clothes we wear
They seem to love running us down,
I don’t know what I would do if I didn’t have the gang.
In what ways does this poem reflect the lads’ view
of life?
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
Shop-floor culture and
counter-school culture
When Willis followed the lads into their first jobs
in factories, he found strong similarities between
shop-floor culture (the shop floor is the factory floor)
and the counter-school culture. There was the same
lack of respect for authority, the same emphasis
on masculinity, and the same belief in the worth of
manual labour. Having a ‘laff was equally important
in both cultures, and on the shop floor (as in the
school) the maximum possible freedom was sought.
According to Willis, both the counter-school culture
and the shop-floor culture were ways of coping
with tedium and oppression. Life was made more
tolerable by having a ‘laff and winning a little space
from the supervisor, the manager or the teacher. In
both settings, though, the challenges to authority
never went too far. The lads and workers hoped to
gain a little freedom, but they did not challenge the
institution head-on.
Willis concluded that the lads are neither persuaded
to act as they did by the school nor forced to seek
manual labour. Instead, they actively created their
own subculture, which led them to look for manual
jobs. They learned about the culture of the shop
floor from male relatives and other men in their
community. They saw the school and its values as
irrelevant to their chosen work.
Evaluation of Willis
According to Madeleine Arnot (2004), Willis’ study
‘has greater, not less, relevance in the current
school climate’. First, schools are increasingly
exam-driven, competitive and pressured. Second,
the de-industrialisation of Western society and the
disappearance of the majority of manual jobs have
led to growing uncertainty about occupational futures.
These factors might make working-class masculinity
and resistance to schools even more relevant today.
Willis provided a framework for studying and
understanding the relationship between class,
gender, schooling and the economy. As Liz Gordon
(1984), states, Willis ‘has provided the model on
which most subsequent cultural studies investigation
within education has been based’. Nonetheless,
Willis’ work has been criticised.
1 Critics suggest that Willis’ sample is inadequate as a
basis for generalising about working-class education.
Willis focused on only 12 boys, who were typical of
neither the students at the school he studied nor
working-class students in the wider population.
235
5 EDUCATION
> They accuse Willis of largely ignoring the existence
of a variety of subcultures within the school. They
point out that many students came somewhere
in between the extremes of being totally
conformist and being totally committed to the
counter-school culture.
> Feminists are critical of such studies of education
based on all-male samples, particularly when the
results are generalised to apply to all students, not
just to boys. Since the 1970s, however, feminism
Then and now: Paul Willis - Learning to Labour (1977)
My Research Question has always been as
much to do with the ‘How’ of it as with the ‘Why’
of it. Therefore, the subtitle of my book: How
Working-Class Kids Get Working-Class Jobs. When
I did the research in the 1970s, there were many
ideas about why working-class students so often
‘failed’ in education, ideas which were usually
very insulting of them. But there were very few
ideas concerning the ‘how’. I wanted to fill this gap
with a detailed account of their ‘lived culture’, the
meanings they gave to the context in which they
lived, how they came to accept a future of manual
labour, how it seemed natural to them.
To do this I chose ethnography as my research
method - studying behaviour in the situation in
which it occurs and discovering the meanings used
to make sense of the present and future. This type
of research requires a specific focus - in this case
a focus on class and gender in order to understand
the experience of ‘the lads’.
I believe that this approach is essential for an
in-depth understanding of the ‘meanings world’,
the ‘social grammar* and the ‘structure of feeling’
of a social group. For this reason, I think that my
approach continues to be highly, perhaps even more,
relevant to understand today’s working class and
what is going on both in and out of school. It is very
pleasing to me to have opened up a new approach
which can be applied to the study of any social group.
I have been criticised for having an ‘old fashioned
view’ of class, a view that has been outdated by
economic change and de-industrialisation. There
often seems to be an assumption that that class
has largely disappeared and is no longer relevant.
This greatly overstates things. The working class
is undoubtedly being re-formed and fractured in
complex ways but certainly not abolished. Some
236
has had a marked impact on the sociology of
education (see Part 7).
» Critics question the relevance of Willis’ study in
today’s increasingly de-industrialised society where
manual jobs are rapidly disappearing.
However, Michael Ward’s (2015) study of young
men in South Wales shows that, in several respects,
working-class culture has remained the same despite
the disappearance of many traditional working-class
jobs (see Unit 5.7.3).
working-class students proceed to still available
industrial, construction and maintenance jobs,
following more or less traditional patterns. Some find
intermittent and insecure work. Some are ‘parked’
for long periods of time in colleges or on government
schemes. Others move to non-manual and ‘mental
work’ while retaining many aspects of working-class
culture. These experiences demand ethnographic
attention with a focus on the ‘how’ My main hope for
the continuing contribution of my book is to remind
scholars and researchers that the ‘how’ question
should always be included and to show respect for
the ‘lived culture’ of those under study. Find that
creative ‘cultural production’ which always lives no
matter how deeply buried in the belly of the beast of
social reproduction! Despite everything, that is always
a source of optimism and hope.
Questions
1. Explain one similarity and one difference between
the ideas of Bowles and Gintis and those of Willis.
2. Why do you think Willis focused on both class
and gender?
3. With reference to Willis’ study, explain what the
following terms mean:
> social reproduction
> resistance
> human agency.
4. Assess the contribution of Willis’ study to the
sociology of education.
5. Drawing on this information and your own
knowledge of research methods, evaluate the
use of an ethnographic approach in sociological
research on counter-school cultures.
Glenn Rikowski - education,
capitalism and globalisation
Glenn Rikowski (2002, 2005) argues that the
development of education systems can be understood
within a Marxist framework. Marx claimed that,
as capitalism developed, social services such as
education and health would become increasingly
capitalised. This means that they would be privatised
- privately rather than state owned. In this way,
education becomes like any other commodity - a
product to be bought and sold in the market with the
aim of making a profit. Rikowski (2005) argues that
‘educational services operating within markets’ are
‘being transformed into commodities’.
Marx claimed that a constant expansion of the market
is necessary for the development of capitalism. As a
result, there is a built-in tendency for capitalists to
create a world market. This can be seen today from
the rapid expansion of multinational companies.
Rikowski (2002) argues that today’s ‘globalisation is
essentially capitalist globalisation’. He sees education
as part of this process. Education is becoming a
global commodity. The driving force behind global
educational institutions is the generation of profit.
However, although there are considerable pressures
within the system to move capitalism in this direction,
the process is not inevitable.
Globalisation and education
A world market in educational services would be
extremely profitable. According to Rikowski (2002),
the World Trade Organization and the World Bank
support global educational businesses as a way to
increase productivity and economic growth, especially
for developing nations. This is welcomed by many
governments who see education as the key to success
in an increasingly competitive global economy.
The UK company Nord Anglia Education is a forerunner
in the trend that Rikowski anticipates. According to its
website, Nord Anglia operates ‘42 International schools
located in 15 countries across China, Europe, the
Middle East, North America and Southeast Asia’ with
32 000 students aged 2 to 18. It has a ‘global campus’
and offers a ‘global education’ (Nord Anglia Education,
2016). Universities are increasingly operating in a
similar way to business institutions. For example,
departments of education in UK universities generate
large amounts of income by acting as consultants for
developing school systems in countries such as Chile,
Poland and Romania. Universities are also establishing
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
campuses in various countries. For instance,
Middlesex University in England has international
branch campuses in Mauritius, Dubai and Malta,
and there are American universities in places such
as Beirut, Dubai and Paris. Rikowski sees a global
■
trend in which ‘education services will be progressively
1
•
I
\
j
j
commercialised, privatised and capitalised’. j
Activity
j
;_;J2
The Middlesex University branch campus in Dubai was
opened in 2005. By 2016, it had over2500 students of
more than 90 different nationalities.
1. How do this picture and the caption indicate the
increasing globalisation of education?
2. What are your views on the use of British or
American curricula (plural of ‘curriculum’) in
international schools in countries across the
world? Why do you think some international
■
schools teach students through the medium of
! English rather than the local languages? How far
does this reflect globalisation?
|
Opposition to global capitalism
Rikowski is optimistic about the possibility of opposing
the influence of global capitalism in education. He
argues that teachers and lecturers may prevent the
smooth flow of labour production - the production
of students suited for the workforce required by
capitalism. Many educators are concerned with social
equality, justice and human rights, principles that are
opposed to education as a commodity. According to
Rikowski, teachers and lecturers are in a uniquely
strong position to challenge global capitalism with
teaching based on these principles.
Evaluation of Rikowski
Over the last 30 years, Marxist sociology has become
unfashionable. Rikowski has given a new lease of life to
237
5 EDUCATION
Marxist perspectives on education. As he admits, he is
looking at the beginnings of a possible trend.
Rikowski’s critics accept that schools in many
countries are increasingly run on business lines, that
they are exposed to market forces, and that there
is a growing market for the export of educational
services. However, this is a long way from saying
that education is becoming a global commodity,
controlled by global capitalism for the primary
purpose of generating ever-increasing profit.
Critics argue that governments control education
and will do so for the foreseeable future. Schools for
profit are unlikely to appear as part of present or
future educational policy in places such as the UK
(Hatcher, 2005). Despite these criticisms, recent
evidence provides some support for Rikowski’s
concerns about the possible future of education
(see Unit 5.1.4).
Activity
1. Explain one similarity and one difference
between the functionalist and Marxist views
of education.
2. Explain two limitations of the Marxist view of
education.
Key terms
Ruling-class ideology A system of ideas that
justify the position of the ruling class (the
bourgeoisie in capitalist societies).
False class consciousness A false picture of
society that disguises the exploitation of the
subject class (the proletariat in capitalist societies).
Hidden curriculum The messages schools
transmit which are not part of the standard taught
curriculum and which are largely hidden from
teachers and students.
Correspondence theory A theory that states that
there is a similarity between two things.
Alienation A feeling of being cut off from and
unable to find satisfaction from work.
Sites of ideological struggle Places where
there are conflicts based on different beliefs and
values.
238
Ideological State Apparatuses Institutions,
including the education system, that transmit
ruling-class ideology.
Repressive State Apparatuses Institutions, such
as the army and the police, that keep the subject
class in its place.
Counter-school culture A school-based subculture
whose members reject the norms and values of
the school and replace them with anti-school
norms and values.
Shop-floor culture The culture of low-skill
workers which has similarities to the
counter-school culture.
Privatise Move from state to private ownership.
Commodity Something that can be bought
and sold.
Globalisation The process by which
societies, cultures and economies become
increasingly interconnected.
Branch campus A campus which is a branch of
the main university.
Summary
1. According to Bowles and Gintis. education in
capitalist society reproduces labour power. It
does this by:
> rewarding discipline
> legitimating inequality and disguising
exploitation by promoting the myth of
a meritocracy.
2. Critics argue that Bowles and Gintis:
> give a deterministic view in seeing education
as shaped by the economy
» ignore resistance to and conflict within the
education system.
3. According to Althusser, education, as
part of the Ideological State Apparatuses,
transmits ruling-class ideology and is linked to
ideological control.
4. Critics argue that Althusser:
» provides only a general framework with little
evidence to support his views
» treats people as ‘cultural dopes’ who
passively accept ruling-class ideology.

5. According to Willis, the lads developed their own
counter-school culture. This involved:
» having a ‘lafF
» misbehaving and rejecting authority
» doing as little work as possible
» getting involved in the male, adult world
outside school.
6. The similarity between counter-school culture
and shop-floor culture prepared the lads to
accept and cope with low-skill, manual work.
7. Critics argue that:
> Willis’ sample is too small to generalise from
* he ignored other student subcultures and
girls’ experiences
5 his study is no longer relevant because of
economic change.
Despite these criticisms, Willis’ work has been
very influential and provided a model for
later research.
8. According to Rikowski:
» the globalisation of educational services
is increasing
3 many governments welcome educational
businesses; they see education as the key
to success in an increasingly competitive
global economy.
9. Critics argue that Rikowski may have
overstated the case for education becoming a
global commodity.
Unit 5.1.3 Education and
cultural reproduction
This unit looks at the views of Pierre Bourdieu
(1930-2002) on the role of education in society.
Pierre Bourdieu is regarded by many as one of
the most important sociologists of the late 20th
century. He saw the main role of education as
cultural reproduction. However, this does not involve
the transmission of the culture of society as a
whole, as Durkheim argued. Instead, it involves the
reproduction of the culture of the ‘dominant classes’.
How does this cultural reproduction take place?
What role does the education system play in this
process? How is it linked to inequality?
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
Different forms of capital
Bourdieu (1986) describes the main resources that <
determine people’s position in society as capital.
He identifies four interrelated forms of capital -
economic, social, symbolic and cultural capital. j
Economic capital refers to financial resources such 1
as income and wealth. People can use their economic
capital to further their children’s educational success
by investing in private education, buying a house close
to a ‘good’ school and employing personal tutors.
Social capital refers to networks of family, friends
and acquaintances. Social contacts can be seen as a
resource. They may provide advice onjhe best schools
and universities, the top jobs and appropriate training.
Symbolic capital refers to honour, prestige and
reputation. In some societies, for example, symbolic
capital is high among the nobility. Families with
high symbolic capital can raise their children’s
expectations and boost their confidence.
Cultural capital refers to manners, tastes, interests
and language. It includes so-called ‘high culture’
such as classical music, ballet, opera and visual art.
Cultural capital is the culture of the ‘dominant classes’.
According to Bourdieu, cultural capital is a resource,
because the more of it an individual has, the more
likely they are to succeed in the education system
and enjoy the rewards that this can bring. It can be
reproduced or transmitted between the generations
through the process of socialisation in families.
Activity
i
Cultural capital, the culture of the dominant classes,
includes opera.
To what extent is Bourdieu’s concept of cultural
capital based on a Western conception of culture?
In general, the greater the amount of capital an
individual or group possesses, the higher their
239
 5 EDUCATION
position in the class system. Each form of capital can
contribute to success in the education system, with
cultural capital being the most important. Bourdieu
relates success or failure in education to the
distribution of cultural capital between social classes.
Conversion of capital
The various forms of capital can reinforce and
increase each other. Their interaction can, in
Bourdieu’s terms, lead to conversion. For example,
the rich tend to mix with the rich, which may increase
their social capital. Similarly, the ability to pay for
private education may also increase their social
capital. Valuable social contacts may result from
friendships made at private schools.
Cultural capital and education
Bourdieu (1986) identified three forms of cultural
capital: objectified, institutionalised and embodied.
Objectified cultural capital includes material cultural
goods such as books, dictionaries and computers,
and institutionalised cultural capital includes academic
qualifications and titles. In its embodied form, wealth is
converted into a habitus, an integral part of the person,
including ways of speaking and acting. Although
habitus is learned or acquired through socialisation
and upbringing in families, it appears to be innate.
Bourdieu (1974, 1986) claimed that the possession
of cultural capital is the key to high educational
attainment. Cultural capital is concentrated in the
‘dominant classes’. He also claimed that educational
success depends mainly on the culture learned
during a child’s early years. Children of the ‘dominant
classes’ have a head start when they begin school
and this advantage continues throughout their
educational career.
Schools and families are both central to Bourdieu’s
analysis of the cultural reproduction of inequality in
society. He focused on how social inequalities were
reproduced or transmitted ‘through the interactions
between the pedagogical practices of schooling and
the cultural practices of students and their families’
(Gewirtz and Cribb, 2009).
Social reproduction
Bourdieu argued that cultural capital and the
educational qualifications it produces are essential
to social reproduction - to perpetuating social
inequality from generation to generation and
maintaining the power and privileges of the
‘dominant classes’. In addition, educational success
legitimates social reproduction - makes it appear
240
just, right and deserved. The so-called talent and
ability which are seen to produce educational success
are basically 'the investment of cultural capital’
This process is hidden within families and, as such, it is
safeguarded. This helps to maintain social reproduction.
The ‘invisibility’ of cultural capital largely prevents any
criticism and challenge to the advantages it brings.
Evaluation of Bourdieu
Bourdieu’s views have been extremely influential
and have stimulated a large body of research. He
provided a framework for the study of education
which has been used by a number of prominent
sociologists (see, for example, Unit 5.5.2).
Bourdieu’s views brought both praise and criticism. His
critics claim that he presented an overly rigid picture
of a society which constrains behaviour and structures
action. There appears little room for creativity,
resistance or human agency. People were presented as
creatures of the social system (Elliott, 2009).
Marxists argue that Bourdieu neglected the economy
and placed too much emphasis on cultural capital
and not enough on economic oppression.
Critics also argue that Bourdieu’s description
of cultural capital lacked precision and detail.
Additionally, he failed to spell out how cultural capital
is converted into educational qualifications (Sullivan,
2001). These criticisms are examined in the section on
social class and educational attainment (see Part 5).
Activity
1. Make brief notes to summarise Bourdieu’s
account of the relationship between cultural
capital and education.
2. Assess the view that the influence of cultural
capital on educational attainment reproduces
social inequality.
i
Key terms
Cultural reproduction The transmission of
cultural norms, values and experiences between
the generations.
Capital In Marxist terms, wealth derived from
ownership of the means of production. Bourdieu
broadened this to include the main social, cultural
and symbolic resources as well as economic
resources that determine people’s position in society.

Economic capital Financial resources in the form
of income and wealth.
Social capital A social network that can be used
as a resource.
Symbolic capital Honour, prestige and reputation.
Cultural capital The manners, tastes, interests
and language of the ‘dominant classes’ which
can be translated into wealth, income, power
and prestige.
Conversion The process by which one form of
capital reinforces another.
Habitus The dispositions, expectations, attitudes
and values held by particular groups.
Social reproduction The reproduction of social
inequality from one generation to the next.
Summary
1. According to Bourdieu:
> the 'dominant classes’ have the highest
amount of capital
' the more cultural capital an individual
has, the greater their chance of
educational success
> cultural capital gives the children of the
‘dominant classes’ a head start when they
begin school.
2. Critics state that Bourdieu’s description of
cultural capital lacked precision and detail.
3. Some Marxists argue that Bourdieu ignored
the power of the economy to shape the
education system.
4. Other critics argue that Bourdieu underplayed
resistance and agency among working-class
students in schools.
Unit 5.1.4 Social democratic
and New Right views
on education
The social democratic perspective is a political
ideology that has had a major influence on the
development of Western democracies. It has also
influenced thinking within the sociology of education.
This unit begins by examining social democratic
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
perspectives on education. How do social democratic
approaches view equality of opportunity? How do
they link education to economic growth?
The New Right, also known as neoliberalism, is
a political and economic ideology rather than
a sociological theory. It has become a global
perspective, guiding the economic policies of
governments across the world. The unit explores
New Right views on education and, in particular, on
how standards can be raised in schools.
Social democratic views on the
relationship between education
and the economy
From a social democratic perspective, the state should
represent the interests of the population as a whole.
This requires a democratic system in which adult
members of society elect those who govern them.
Democracy is seen as the best way to ensure equal
rights such as equality under the law and to ensure
equality of opportunity so that every member of
society has an equal chance of becoming successful.
In some respects, social democratic views are similar
to those of functionalism. Both see education as a
means of providing equality of opportunity and as
essential for economic growth. However, many social
democrats argue that inequalities in society can (1)
prevent equality of educational opportunity, and (2)
reduce the effectiveness of education in promoting
economic growth. Social democratic views have had
an important influence on the sociology of education,
particularly during the 1960s. They continue to
influence government educational policy, for example,
in some European countries.
Equal opportunity and meritocracy
Social democrats such as the British sociologist A.H.
Halsey argue that the inequalities produced by a free
market economy prevent equality of opportunity.
In class-based societies, those who succeed in the
education system tend to be the sons and daughters
of the middle and upper classes, and those who
fail are disproportionately from working-class
backgrounds. The class system appears to stand
in the way of equal opportunity. Social democrats
believe in a meritocracy - a society in which a
person’s status is achieved on the basis of merit,
on their talent and motivation. For a meritocracy
’ to operate effectively, equality of opportunity is
241
 5 EDUCATION

essential. Educational reforms are directed at meritocratic principles. Gender inequalities in schools
providing equality of educational opportunity. and wider societies favour boys rather than girls.
Kate Millett (1970), a radical feminist, saw education
Economic growth as linked to patriarchy. She argued that educational
inequalities reinforce economic ones. For example,
According to social democrats such as Halsey et
females tend to study humanities subjects, which
al. (1961). education has a major role to play in
often have a lower status than the sciences. As a
economic growth in advanced industrial societies,
result, women do not compete on equal terms with
where the demand for professional and managerial
men to access the best job opportunities in the
workers is relatively high.
labour market (see Part 7).
Equality of educational opportunity would make
society more meritocratic. It would provide everyone
with the opportunity to develop their potential and
Activity
so maximise their contribution to the economy. In
doing so, they would make greater contributions to
economic growth, which would bring prosperity to all.

Evaluation of social democratic theory

Equality of opportunity According to social
democratic theory, there are two ways of moving
towards equality of opportunity - either by changing
the education system in order to provide all students
with an equal chance to succeed, or by changing the
class system and reducing the inequalities that divide
society. Despite attempts by various governments
in states such as Britain to address these issues, Feminists question how for societies provide equality of
there has been little change in class differences opportunity to women.
in educational attainment from the 1940s to the
1. Explain why equality of opportunity is essential
present day.
for a meritocracy to work effectively.
Social democratic theory has been criticised for
2. In your view, do girls and boys tend to have
placing too much importance on changing the
different attitudes towards science and
education system as a means of reducing inequality
humanities subjects? How might such differences
of educational opportunity. For example, over the
limit girls’ later opportunities to acquire
past 60 years, educational reforms within British
economic power through paid employment?
education do not appear to have significantly
reduced class differences in attainment. It appears
that ‘education cannot compensate for society’ Economic growth Does education promote economic
(Bernstein, 1971). In other words, education cannot growth, as social democratic theory claims? Critics
make up for inequalities in the wider society. make the following points.

Many social democrats now argue that only a
reduction in inequality in society as a whole can
reduce inequality in educational opportunity.
However, the evidence does not hold out much
hope for such a reduction. For instance, inequality
has grown steadily in most member states of
the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) including Israel, New Zealand
and the USA over the past 30 years, according to a
report by the OECD (Cingano, 2014).
From a feminist perspective, schools do not provide
equality of opportunity, nor are they based on
> First, the school curriculum often fails to meet
employers’ requirements. It is not designed to
provide the skills needed for economic growth.
> Second, more education does not necessarily lead
to increased growth in the economy. Alison Wolf
(2002) analysed educational expenditure and
economic growth in a number of countries. She
found that, ‘among the most successful economies,
there is in fact no clear link between growth and
spending on education’. In Switzerland, for example,
expenditure on education is relatively low, but
in terms of per capita income Switzerland is one
of the richest countries in the world. Among less

:
242

developed countries, Egypt massively expanded its
education spending between 1980 and 1995 but
failed to improve its economic position relative to
other countries.
> Third, according to the OECD, the level of
economic growth depends on the extent of
inequality. Countries with the lowest level of
inequality have the highest growth rates. The
OECD report argues that an increase in the
income of the poor would reduce inequality and
boost growth. The way to do this is ‘to promote
equality of opportunity in access to, and quality
of, education’ and 'promoting employment for
disadvantaged groups’ (Cingano, 2014).
Governments see more education for more people
as vital for economic growth in an increasingly
competitive global economy. As competition
intensifies, growth is seen to be increasingly
dependent on the development of scientific
knowledge, technological innovation, and a more
highly skilled workforce. Education is seen as crucial
for these developments (Lauder et al., 2006).
New Right views of the relationship
between education and the economy
The New Right or neoliberalism informs the
economic policies of governments across the world.
This approach focuses on competition in national
and global markets. It sees competition as the key
to efficiency and economic growth. In this view,
competition only works in a free market, a market
free from government regulations and restrictions.
According to the New Right, competition offers choice to
consumers, and choice is only available when companies
compete with each other to provide goods and services.
There is no choice when the state has a monopoly. The
New Right argues that state-owned monopolies such
as the provision of education and healthcare should
be privatised - sold to private investors. Competition
between private companies in a free market will bring
choice, efficiency, economic growth and improvements in
the quality of goods and services.
There is increasing evidence that neoliberalism
is shaping government educational policy in
many nations across the globe, including India,
New Zealand, the USA and the UK. Also, as we
have already seen, there has been a growth in
global education companies, some of which view
education as a commodity and are mainly concerned
with profit.
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
Education and the market
From a New Right perspective, education is central to
economic growth. Raising standards in education will
raise living standards and promote growth.
Marketisation According to neoliberalism,
marketisation is the key to raising standards in
education. Schools, colleges and universities must
compete for customers in a free and open market.
Parents and students should have the freedom to
select the educational institutions of their choice.
This will improve standards as parents will choose to
send their children to the most successful schools and
students will apply to the top universities. Educational
institutions will, therefore, have an incentive to raise
their standards in order to attract students. In a market
system, public money from the state will follow the
choices made by parents and children. This will give
successful institutions the funds to expand and failing
institutions an incentive to improve or face closure.
For an educational market to work efficiently, the
New Right argue that information on school standards
must be widely available. Without this, parents,
students and politicians cannot make informed
decisions. In order to provide information on which
to base choice, testing regimes must be put in place.
Students must be regularly assessed and the results
published. Schools can then be directly compared
and ranked in ‘league tables’. Measuring school
performance is essential for informed choice and for
raising standards. In order to compete in the market,
educational institutions must behave like businesses.
Not only students, but also teachers and educational
institutions, should be continually assessed. Teachers
are assessed in terms of their students’ test results.
The guiding concept is performativity - a focus on
performance and its measurement. In Stephen J. Ball’s
words, this leads to ‘audits, inspections, appraisals,
self-reviews, quality assurance, research assessment
and output indicators’. It directs teaching and research
towards areas ‘which are likely to have a positive
impact on measurable performance’ (Ball, 2012).
The school choice process in India
Private sector provision of low-fee schools in India
! has grown over the last 20 years. In order to increase
parental choice, some private schools are required
to set aside one-quarter of their places for students
aged 6-14 from disadvantaged backgrounds who
attend for free. Eleanor Gurney (2017) argues
that one potential consequence of this is greater
social segregation.
243
 5 EDUCATION
Contemporary issues: School choice in the USA
A roily in Texas in the USA in support of the right to
choose schools.
In a number of US states, the School Choice
Program provides students with the opportunity
to attend a school other than their neighbourhood
school. However, Jeanne H. Ballantine and Joan
Z. Spade (2015) argue that the question of school
choice in the USA is controversial and, in the
Gurney explored the factors affecting parents’ school
choices among low-income families in Delhi. She
found that parental identity played an important
role in choices. For some mothers, making decisions
about their children’s schooling enabled them to
assert power within the domestic setting. The parents'
own educational experiences shaped their values
concerning schooling and their identity within the
market for education. Many of the parents identified
themselves as ‘uneducated’ and this influenced their
decision-making. For example, this identification was a
driving force in some parents’ focus on their children’s
schooling and their willingness to make financial
sacrifices in order to invest in their children’s education.
Some parents saw private schooling as connected
to social status. Gurney argues that, unless efforts
are made to address the effects of children from
relatively privileged families leaving the state
sector, then pro-market approaches may entrench
rather than challenge the ‘reproduction of social
inequalities through education’.
Neoliberalism, globalisation and
education
Neoliberal perspectives have become global.
Education is seen as the key to success in an
244
1970s, it became a political issue. Those in favour
of school choice argue that it gave working-class
families an opportunity to send their children to
better schools. Critics argue that only parents with
the necessary cultural capital would be able to
work through the system in order to secure places
for their children in the best schools. In practice,
many White parents prioritise the school’s racial
composition when making choices. The effect of
this is to reinforce ‘the resegregation of schools’
along racial lines.
Questions
1. Why do you think the people in the
photograph are demonstrating for the right to
choose schools?
2. What potential problems are associated with
policies to extend school choice?
increasingly competitive global market. It provides
the skills needed to compete and the scientific
knowledge and new technology to stay in the race.
With this emphasis on education and the economy,
schools and colleges have increasingly focused
on vocationalism - training and preparation for
occupations. According to Brown and Lauder (2006),
‘Schools, colleges, universities, think-tanks, design
centres and research laboratories are now on the
front line in the search for competitive advantage.’
In Global Education Inc., Ball (201 2) looks at
the growth of ‘global education policy’ based
on neoliberal ideology. He argues that global
organisations such as the World Bank and
the World Trade Organization, international
businesses and think-tanks are increasingly
involved in ‘producing and disseminating global
educational policies’.
Ball points to the development of multinational
education businesses (MNEBs) that sell educational
policies and practices based on neoliberal principles.
For example, UK-based MNEBs work with other
nation-states to provide consultancy, training,
management services, professional development and
a range of assessment materials.

Contemporary issues: Global educational league tables
A number of organisations produce international
comparisons of educational attainment. One of
the most important is the PISA (Programme for
International Student Assessment) survey provided
by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation
and Development based in Paris. It ranks over 70
countries every three years using tests for maths,
science and reading given to samples of students
aged around 15 years old. Results published in
2016 show that Asian countries tend to dominate
the rankings - for example, with 7 in the top
10 for maths (BBC News online, 09.12.2016).
Singapore came top in the rankings for science,
maths and reading in the 2015 tests.
Activity
^4
o
m 1 w
Getting children Ensuring that Building
off to the right all students learn job-relevant
start skills
The World Bonk’s STEP framework for productivity and economic growth. The World Bank encourages countries to see
education as a means of developing the skills needed for economic growth.
How does the World Bank’s STEP framework illustrate their view that education is vital and should be directed
to economic growth?
5.1 THEORIES ABOUT THE ROLE OF EDUCATION
Global educational league tables are taken very
seriously. In some countries, for example, low
rankings can result in changes in educational
policy. But how seriously should they be taken?
Not very seriously, according to Harry Torrance
(2006), who has assessed the main providers.
Each uses different tests, different samples and
different age groups so their results cannot be
directly compared. In addition, Torrance states,
The core of the studies - the basic test results
and rankings - are almost meaningless since they
could be used to argue virtually any case that one
wanted to present.’
Questions
1. Why do you think the PISA survey ranks
students on maths and science rather than
on other subjects?
2. To what extent can global educational league
tables be seen as reflecting New Right thinking?
3. How useful are the results of international league
tables to policy makers?
o
t Productivity
& growth
Tr
rA
Encouraging Facilitating labour
entrepreneurship mobility and
and innovation job matching
245
5 EDUCATION
Evaluation of New Right perspectives on
education
Educational markets are unfair Do parents have
an equal choice in the educational market? Some
parents have more knowledge and understanding of
the education system and more money They are in a
better position to manipulate educational markets to
get the most out of them. For example, middle-class
parents will be more likely to get their children into
state schools with the best reputations or to afford
private schools’ fees. In some areas, for some parents,
choice is not available - there is no alternative to the
local schools.
Raising standards Will competition and choice raise
standards? A detailed study of evidence from the
USA indicates the following. Based on findings of
25 separate studies, the data suggest that competition
and choice do produce small improvements in student
achievement (Levin and Belfield, 2006). However,
these ‘modest’ improvements are well below the levels
expected by supporters of market approaches.
Will this modest improvement be spread evenly across
the student population, or will some gain more than
others? Evidence from the USA suggests that market
approaches will lead to greater social inequalities -
in particular, the children of higher-income parents
will gain most, leading to a wider attainment gap
between rich and poor (Levin and Belfield, 2006).
Neoliberal ideas have been widely applied in New
Zealand. In some low-achieving schools, student
numbers did decline as expected with competition and
freedom of choice. However, this was mainly because
middle-class students moved to schools with higher
reputations, leaving their working-class counterparts
behind in inferior schools (Lauder et al., 1999).
Selection by schools In an open market, consumer
choice may sometimes result in provider choice.
This may lead to schools (the providers) choosing
students, rather than parents (the consumers)
choosing schools. For example, the most successful
schools may not have enough places for all the
students who wish to attend. This means that schools
must select (Ranson, 1996).
Given their desire to remain at the top of the
league table, there is pressure on these schools to
select students who they see as the most able. In
practice, such students are usually from middle-class
backgrounds. This process is sometimes known
as creaming.
246
Education as a means to an end Some critics
believe that the marketisation of education leads
to a narrow view of education as a means to an
end. Stewart Ranson (1996) argues that markets
are based on the assumption that each individual
will pursue an ‘instrumental rationality’ in which
their sole concern will be to maximise their own
self-interest. Ranson believes that when individuals
act in this way it is because the market encourages
them to do so. It undermines values that stress
the importance of selflessness and cooperation
with others.
Frank Coffield and Bill Williamson (2011) claim
that schools have been turned into ‘exam factories’.
Exam results have become a measure of success for
students, teachers and schools. Teachers ‘teach to the
test’ and students are ‘mark hungry and obsessed
by exams’.
Hugh Lauder et al. (2006) do not agree with the
view that ‘education is a servant of the economy’.
What about creativity, critical thinking, questioning
and self-awareness? There is little room for such
concerns in New Right education policy
Activity
1. Assess the view that schools have become
exam factories.
2. Explain two limitations of the New Right
approach to education.
Key terms
Marketisation The process in which organisations
compete in the market.
Performativity How well an individual or
organisation performs.
Vocationalism Education and training designed
to prepare young people for employment and to
teach work skills to meet the needs of industry.
Multinational education businesses Private
education companies which have branches in two
or more countries.
Attainment gap A difference in achievements
between groups which is based, for example, on
class, gender or ethnicity.
Creaming Selecting students who appear most likely
to succeed for entry to educational institutions.

Summary
1. Social democratic perspectives support equal
opportunity in education and in the wider
society. They argue that social class inequalities
prevent equality of educational opportunity.
2. Some social democratic perspectives argue
that changes in the education system can
reduce inequality of opportunity in schools.
Others argue that only a reduction in social
class inequality in the wider society can reduce
inequality of opportunity in education.
3. Social democratic perspectives state that
education promotes economic growth. Critics
argue that:
> the school curriculum is not designed to
provide the skills needed for growth
» there is not a clear link between spending on
education and economic growth
> while education plays a part, reductions in
inequality in society lead to growth.
EID-OF-PART QUESTIONS
1 0 1 1 1 Describe two functions of education.
[~0 |~2~| Explain two limitations of the New Right view of education.
1 0 1 5 1 'Education promotes economic growth in modern industrial societies.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
PART 2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
Contents
Unit 5.2.1 Equal opportunity, meritocracy
and education 248
Unit 5.2.2 The links between education
and social mobility
Some sociological approaches see education as
operating on meritocratic principles and as providing
equal opportunity. In a meritocracy, class, gender
and ethnicity do not form barriers to opportunity
or achievement. But how far are education systems
meritocratic today? Is meritocracy a reality? Or
is it an ideology that hides the reality of marked
inequalities in opportunity?
5.2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
4. Neoliberalism or New Right approaches
see competition in the market as the way
to improve standards in education. This
involves consumer choice, measuring school
performance and privatisation.
5. Neoliberal perspectives are now global:
» Education is seen as essential for providing
the skills.needed in an increasingly
competitive global market.
> Multinational educational businesses are
rapidly growing to meet this demand.
6. Critics of neoliberalism argue that:
> educational markets are unfair
> competition only leads to ‘modest’
improvements
> some schools select students by ‘creaming’
i there is more to education than servicing the
economy.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
In a meritocratic society, education is associated
with social mobility. Talented people have the
chance to achieve qualifications and credentials
that enable them to move up into higher social
classes. This part looks at evidence and arguments
252 about the links between education and social
mobility. To what extent does education determine
people’s chances of upward and downward social
mobility? Does education provide a route of upward
social mobility for talented people, regardless of
their social class, gender or ethnicity? Or does it
provide more opportunities to those from privileged
backgrounds? This part addresses these and
other questions.
247
 5 EDUCATION

Unit 5.2.1 Equal opportunity,

meritocracy and
education
In a meritocracy, an individual’s achievements are
based on their own talents and abilities rather
than on factors such as their social origins, gender
or ethnicity. A meritocratic society provides
equality of opportunity so that everyone has
an equal chance to achieve (see Unit 5.1 .4).
Rewards (such as high incomes and status) are
distributed and occupations are allocated on
In Parsons’ view, if access to opportunity is fair, then it is
the basis of ability and effort as measured by
fair to reward people on the basis of their achievements.
educational achievements and examination
results. Although inequality exists, it is based How does Parsons justify inequality of outcome?
on innate differences in talents or intelligence
rather than on social differences in opportunity.
Davis and Moore (1945) saw the education system
But do societies necessarily provide equality of
as sorting and grading students in terms of their
educational opportunity for all children to achieve
abilities and talents. The system rewards the most
their potential? Or do education systems favour
talented with academic credentials which provide
groups such as those at the top of the class system
them with entry to the most functionally important
in unequal societies? This unit explores the idea occupations in society (see Unit 5.1.1). In Davis and
of meritocracy and different views on the extent to Moore’s view, meritocracy operates as a mechanism
which education systems are meritocratic today. for allocating individuals to suitable occupations.
Although social inequalities persist in a meritocracy,
Functionalist accounts of meritocracy people accept them as fair.
According to Parsons, schools promote the key
shared values of achievement and equal opportunity Criticisms of functionalist accounts
(see Unit 5.1.1). Education gives students the central > Critics question whether education systems are
value of individual achievement through, for instance, based on equality of opportunity. For example,
competitive assessments and examinations. These not all students have access to fee-paying schools.
examinations are based on meritocratic standards Some students gain advantages based on their
that are applied to all students in the same way. parents’ financial capital.
The education system is also seen as meritocratic in
> Others question whether schools are meritocratic.
allocating individuals to their future jobs and status
The underachievement of working-class students
in society on the basis of individual merit and ability
and those from some minority ethnic groups
rather than gender, ethnicity or class. Even those
results from social factors such as their lack of
who do not achieve high grades in examinations
access to different forms of capital rather than
or high-status jobs nonetheless accept that the
from lack of ability or talent.
education system operates in a fair way.
> Many sociologists see meritocracy as a myth
In Parsons’ view, as societies modernised, social
rather than as a reality (see below).
selection would be based on achievement rather
than on ascription. An individual’s educational
attainments would determine their future New Right accounts of meritocracy
occupational success. Parsons argued that, if there Peter Saunders (1995, 1996) argues that a
is fair access to opportunity, it is fair to give different meritocracy allocates positions such as occupations on
rewards to people for different levels of achievement. the basis of effort in addition to ability. He differentiates
According to Parsons, equality of opportunity does between equality of opportunity and equality of
not imply equality of outcome. outcome (in which everyone ends up the same). In his

248

view, a meritocracy is based on equality of opportunity
(for example, having the right to a free state education)
but it generates unequal outcomes (for example, in
terms of the overall examination results of females and
males). In his view, social inequality is not necessarily
unfair. In other words, it is possible for a meritocratic
society to be unequal but fair.
According to Saunders, many sociologists focus on
class divisions, social advantage and disadvantage
rather than on intelligence or innate ability. These
sociologists examine the social causes for the
differences in educational attainment and levels of
social mobility between groups. In doing so, they
overlook the possibility that genetic factors might
play a part in explaining these differences. Saunders
argues that intelligence and effort are the main
factors that influence an individual’s social class
position in British society (see Part A).
Social democratic accounts of
meritocracy
Social democratic views on equal opportunity
and meritocracy were examined in Unit 5.1.4.
To summarise, social democrats support the
ideal of meritocracy but argue that, in practice,
social inequalities can prevent equality of
educational opportunity.
Activity
1. Give one similarity and one difference between
functionalist and social democratic accounts
of meritocracy.
2. Explain two limitations of the functionalist view
of meritocracy.
Marxist accounts of meritocracy
Marxists see notions of equality of opportunity
as ideological in that they help to disguise the
realities of class exploitation and domination under
capitalism. They reject the idea that schools provide
equality of opportunity. Instead, they argue that
schools provide capitalist enterprises with the
workforce they need.
Bowles and Gintis view meritocracy as a myth (see
Unit 5.1.2). It is an ideology via which the education
system disguises the social and economic inequalities
that are built into capitalist society. Poverty, for
example, is seen as acceptable because it results
from innate individual failings.
5.2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
Bowles (1976) rejects the idea that schools in the
USA evolved as ‘part of a pursuit of equality’. Instead,
he argues that they developed ‘to meet the needs
of capitalist employers for a disciplined and skilled
labour force’ Bowles describes class inequality in the
school system in the USA as persistent and pervasive.
In Bowles’ view, educational inequality is rooted
in the class structure of capitalist societies. At the
same time, education legitimises and reproduces
the class structure. Schooling appears to be open
to all. Thus, an individual’s position in capitalist
society is portrayed as resulting from their talents
and efforts rather than their birth. Bowles rejects
the idea that schools in the USA are moving towards
equality of opportunity. He argues that The close
relationship between educational attainments
and later occupational success thus provides a
meritocratic appearance to mask the mechanisms
that reproduce the class system from generation
to generation.’
Schooling operates on the principle of rewarding
excellence. However, the upper class are able to
define excellence in such a way that their ‘children
tend to excel’, for example, in relation to examination
results. Sticking to the principle of rewarding
excellence leads to unequal outcomes - for instance,
in terms of unequal access to university - while
at the same time ‘maintaining the appearance of
fair treatment’.
Life chances
In a meritocracy, there is equality in life chances.
The term ‘life chances’ refers to an individual’s chances
(opportunities) of obtaining those things defined
as desirable and avoiding those things defined as
undesirable in their society. In Western societies, for
example, life chances relate to educational attainment,
life expectancy, health, housing, wealth, income, job
security and promotion prospects.
Life chances are distributed unequally between
different individuals or groups. Those in higher
social classes, for example, have access to more
of the things considered desirable (such as a good
education and high-status credentials) than those in
other social classes.
Sociologists, politicians and policy makers see
education as an important influence on life chances.
In many countries around the world, policy initiatives
focus on improving the life chances of people from
less privileged backgrounds.
249
5 EDUCATION
Activity
kA ,
FT
The Doon School is o fee-charging boys’ boarding school
in Northern India that provides some bursaries or
means-tested awards to cover the costs of school fees
1. Why might young people’s life chances be
influenced by the type of school they attend?
2. Is it possible to have equality of opportunity
when education is provided by the private sector
alongside the state or government sector?
The consequences of educational
underachievement
Educational underachievement among particular
social groups such as working-class boys from
Contemporary issues: School ‘dropout’ in developing countries
A school in Bangladesh, one of the 30 countries included
in Huisman and Smits’study of the factors behind the
decision to withdraw from school in less industrialised
nations
Janine Huisman and Jeroen Smits (2015) see
education as an important means of reducing
poverty, achieving economic growth, improving
people’s earning potential and building a
competitive economy. They note that millions of
250
low-income families or some minority ethnic groups
has consequences for the individuals and groups
concerned, and for society. The arguments put
forward include the following points:
» Educational underachievement has a negative
impact on economic growth if human resources are
not put to their most appropriate use.
» It results in wastage of talent if some groups’
talents are not being used to the full. This may,
in turn, affect economic efficiency and reduce
international competitiveness.
> The motivation and productivity of people who
underachieve may be affected. In this case, it may
impact on economic growth.
> If members of some social groups underachieve,
it means that inequality will be maintained
over time.
> Educational underachievement may suggest a lack
of equal opportunity in society.
Some sociologists question the usefulness of the
concept of underachievement (Gorard and Smith,
2004; Smith, 2003a, 2003b). They point out that
there is little agreement on how to define or measure
it. For example, underachievement has been defined
in terms of low or poor achievement in formal tests
or examinations, low achievement relative to that
of other social groups and lower achievement than
would be expected.
children in less industrialised countries withdraw
from school at a relatively young age - in some
countries, a quarter of children who enrol in school
leave before completion. This is problematic
because, for example, the children do not achieve
their full potential and the countries waste
scarce resources.
Huisman and Smits undertook research to
investigate the factors behind the decision
to withdraw from school in developing
nations. They drew on secondary sources of
statistical data on 30 countries, including
India, Bangladesh, Senegal and Malawi. This
gave them information on more than 134 600
children aged 12-15 years in over 360 districts
of the 30 developing countries. They examined
variables linked to household characteristics

such as parental occupation and education,
and household wealth. They also examined
contextual characteristics such as the availability
of schools and teachers, and labour market
opportunities at the district level.
In almost all of the countries, children tended
to begin school when they were older than the
legal age to start primary education. Rates of
participation in education were highest among
9- to 1 2-year-olds. At age 15, the rates were
significantly lower than those at age 12. This
indicated high dropout rates in most of the
countries studied.
Children from households with more
socio-economic resources were much more likely
to remain in school. The researchers found that
‘higher educated parents, a wealthier household,
and a father with a higher-level job are strongly
positively associated with children staying in
school'. Of these factors, household wealth and
parental education - particularly the mother’s
education - were the most important. For
example, the odds of remaining in school rose
for daughters by 77 per cent and for sons by
AO per cent if their mothers had a minimum of
some primary education.
The availability of teachers as measured by
a relatively high teacher-student ratio had a
Key term
Life chances An individual’s chances of achieving
positive or negative outcomes - relating, for
example, to education, health and housing - as
they progress through life.
Summary
1. Parsons argues that the education system is
seen as meritocratic in allocating individuals to
jobs on the basis of ability.
2. Saunders argues that a meritocracy is based on
equality of opportunity rather than
5.2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
significant positive effect on students’ likelihood
of remaining in school. There was also a higher
likelihood of remaining in school in contexts
where education increased the chances of finding
higher-paid occupations.
Huisman and Smits identified a significantly
increased risk of withdrawal from the education
system among most students immediately
after they finished their primary schooling. The
researchers saw this as representing ‘a critical
choice moment’. However, children - particularly
boys - in households with grandparents were less
likely to withdraw at this point. Therefore, family
capital is important for educational attainment in
less industrialised countries.
Questions
1. What factors affect the educational
life chances of children in less
industrialised countries?
2. How does gender impact on the chances
of remaining in school?
3. Why is it important to gather data on school
‘dropout’ in these nations?
A. Evaluate the view that research based on
quantitative data is limited because it fails to
capture human agency.
outcome. Social inequality is not
necessarily unfair.
3. Bowles and Gintis see meritocracy as an
ideology. Through the myth of meritocracy,
the education system disguises the social
and economic inequalities that are built into
capitalist society.
4. Life chances are distributed unequally between
different social groups. Members of higher
social classes have access to more of the things
considered desirable in a society, such as
high-status credentials, than members of other
social classes.
251
 5 EDUCATION
v..».
Unit 5.2.2 The links between
education and social
mobility
The issue of social mobility is high on the political
agenda in many countries. Sociologists are interested
in studying social mobility as a way of examining the
extent to which a society is meritocratic and how
far it offers opportunity for talent and effort to be
rewarded. Social mobility is an important factor in an
individual’s life chances.
Education is widely seen as a key route to
social mobility - to movement between social
classes - in industrialised and developing
countries. Sociologists explore the role of
education in promoting social mobility. In many
societies, educational attainment is a key factor
in determining people’s mobility chances, their
jobs and their social class. However, what role
does an individual’s educational attainment
play in determining their chances of social
mobility? Does education promote mobility for
working-class and female students? Or does it
restrict mobility levels? Do people with higher-level
educational qualifications achieve higher social
class positions? This unit explores these and other
important questions.
Defining social mobility
The term ‘social mobility’ refers to movement
between different strata or layers in society. In
industrialised societies, it refers to movement
between social classes. Social mobility can be
upward-for example, moving from the working to the
middle class-or downward. Societies that provide
little opportunity for social mobility are described
as closed and those with a relatively high rate of
social mobility are called open. In closed systems,
an individual’s position is largely ascribed. Often, it
is fixed at birth and there is little that people can
do to change their status. In open systems, status
is achieved and the individual has some chance of
changing their position. The traditional caste system
in India provides an example of a closed stratification
system. Individuals automatically belonged to their
parents’ caste and, except in rare instances, spent
their life in that status. In class-based systems, social
mobility is possible. Some people will be upwardly
mobile and improve their position on the basis of
252
merit through talent, ability, ambition and hard work.
In such cases, characteristics such as class of origin,
gender and ethnicity have little influence on an
individual’s social status.
Types of social mobility
Sociologists have identified two main types of social
mobility: intragenerational and intergenerational
mobility. (‘Intro’ refers to ‘within’ and ‘Inter’ refers to
‘between’.)
1. Intragenerational mobility refers to social
mobility within a single generation. It is measured
by comparing the occupational status of an
individual at two or more points in time. Thus, if
a person begins their working life as an unskilled
manual worker and 10 years later is employed as
an accountant, they are upwardly socially mobile
in terms of intragenerational mobility.
2. Intergenerational mobility refers to social
mobility between generations. It is measured
by comparing the occupational status of sons
or daughters with that of their fathers (or, less
frequently, with that of their mothers). Thus, if the
daughter of an unskilled manual worker becomes
an accountant, she is socially mobile in term of
intergenerational mobility. Contemporary studies
of social mobility are more likely to take gender
and ethnicity into account than those carried out
in the 20th century.
Sociologists distinguish between absolute and
relative intergenerational mobility. Absolute mobility
refers to the total amount of social mobility in a
society. Relative mobility refers to the comparative
chances of people from different class backgrounds
reaching particular positions in the social structure.
Measuring social mobility
Sociologists often use occupation to measure
mobility between different classes. The Oxford
Mobility Study (OMS), widely seen as a classic
study of social mobility, was conducted in 1972 and
published in 1980 (Goldthorpe, 1980). It provides
an example of quantitative research using a survey
of 10 000 men in England and Wales. The OMS
is based on a seven-class scheme devised by John
Goldthorpe. It produced data on the impact of the
1944 Education Act on educational achievement
and social mobility. The 1944 Act introduced a test
for 11-year-olds, the results of which determined the
type of secondary school they would attend.
 5.2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

The study found high rates of absolute mobility. or reductions in inequalities in life chances. The
There was more upward than downward mobility, relative chances of those from different classes taking
because the proportion of non-manual jobs in the advantage of the increasing room at the top of the
occupational structure had increased while the class system changed little. In other words, there was
proportion of manual jobs had decreased. It also no significant increase in the openness of the British
found that the chances of those from working-class stratification system.
backgrounds reaching a higher social class had
improved during the course of the 20th century. Problems with the Oxford Mobility Study
1. The OMS suggests that there was a relatively
On the surface, these findings seem to support the
high rate of mobility into the top of the British
claim that British society was becoming more open and
class system and that class 1 as a whole
meritocratic. However, the study found that relative
appeared fairly open. However, critics argue that
mobility chances varied greatly between the classes,
the OMS ignores the existence of small elites
and the relative chances had changed little during
or, in Marxist terms, a ruling class. The OMS’s
the 20th century. Thus, 45.7 per cent of sons with
class 1 is a relatively large grouping, containing
class 1 fathers (the highest social class, containing
10-15 per cent of the male working population.
professionals and high-grade managers) ended up in
Studies that concentrate on small elite groups
class 1. However, just 7.1 per cent of sons with class 7
within class 1 reveal a much lower degree
fathers (the lowest social class, containing unskilled and
of openness.
semi-skilled manual workers) ended up in class 1.
2. The OMS ignores women. It views the family as
The chances of members of all social classes attaining
the unit of stratification in industrial societies.
class 1 and 2 jobs increased over the period studied.
The class position of a family was based on the
However, this absolute mobility largely resulted from
occupation of the main earner, usually a man.
changes in the occupational structure. The growth of
Feminist sociologists criticise such approaches as
professional occupations, for example, created more
having a male bias and as telling us little about
room at the top. Mobility was more due to this and
the social mobility experiences of women.
less the result of increased equality of opportunity

Activity: Social class and life chances

Each row shows a person ot
different stages of their life.
The top row shows a man born
into and remaining in the upper
middle class. The bottom row
shows a man born into and
remaining in the lower working
class. The pictures illustrate the
SON-
U*WfR UNIVERSfTY DEGREE life chances of the two men - their
chances of obtaining desirable
outcomes and experiences and of
avoiding undesirable outcomes
and experiences.

Data from research in Britain

m based on a longitudinal approach

show that the class people are
born into increasingly shapes their
life chances. How do the pictures
illustrate this?
,958 FATHER-

253
 5 EDUCATION
Activity
Phillip Brown (2013) argues that ‘high levels of
“absolute’ social mobility do not confirm the
hypothesis of merit-selection because they do not
depend on narrowing inequalities in education or
the labour market’.
Explain why high rates of absolute mobility in a
particular society do not necessarily mean that it
provides equality of opportunity.
Comparative studies of education and
social mobility
Technical difficulties in carrying out studies of
social mobility have made it difficult to compare
international rates of mobility. For example, the
occupational classification schemes employed to
distinguish classes have varied from society to
society and comparable sets of data have not always
been available.
In recent years, however, international
comparisons of social mobility rates have become
possible. One reason for this is that a number
of countries have adopted similar occupational
classification schemes.
An international comparison of mobility rates in
European countries was published in 2004 by
Richard Breen (discussed in Scott, 2005). This study
examined how far class origins influenced educational
success and how far occupations were determined by
educational qualifications. In the most meritocratic
countries, class should have little effect on educational
success, while occupational status should be strongly
influenced by qualifications. Sweden was found to be
the most meritocratic of the countries, and Britain
was the least meritocratic in terms of how changeable
or open the class structure was, taking both upward
and downward social mobility into account.
Jo Blanden, Paul Gregg and Stephen Machin
(2005) conducted research on intergenerational
mobility in eight major industrial counties (six
European countries, the USA and Canada).
However, they used income rather than occupation
as a measure of mobility. This allowed them to
make simple comparisons between countries and
cohorts (groups of people born at different times).
They found that Britain and the USA had the lowest
rates of intergenerational mobility, while Norway,
254
Denmark and Canada had relatively high rates.
They also found that the extent of intergenerational
income mobility had declined significantly in Britain
over time: the cohort born in 1970 were less
mobile than the cohort born in 1958. By contrast,
a marked fall in mobility was not found in the USA.
They explain the decline in mobility in Britain partly
in terms of the ‘increasing relationship between
family income and educational attainment between
these cohorts’.
Based on his review of the literature on comparative
studies of mobility in Western societies, John Scott
(2005) argues that an individual’s chances of
upward or downward social mobility depend on their
class background significantly more than on their
educational attainments. In his words, ‘Education
does not seem to matter very much when it comes to
determining occupational success and improvements
in income... the chances of a person rising or falling in
the social hierarchy depends on their class background
far more than it does on their individual educational
achievement.’ People born in the higher classes have
much more chance of experiencing upward social
mobility and avoiding downward social mobility.
Activity
Different studies of social mobility use different
definitions and methods. Why might this make
it difficult to compare rates of mobility between
countries?
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (Going for Growth, 2010) compared
earnings between fathers and sons in several
developed nations. In France, Italy, the UK and the
USA, a young person from a less well-off family had
relatively low chances of earning higher wages or
getting a higher level of education than their parents.
By contrast, countries such as Denmark, Austria and
Canada had relatively high levels of earnings mobility
across the generations.
One view is that levels of mobility are associated
with public expenditure on education. For
example, lower levels of mobility tend to be found
in countries with lower levels of spending on
education per person as a percentage of their gross
domestic product.
When making international comparisons of mobility,
researchers may be limited by lack of relevant data.
For instance, when measuring income mobility,

researchers must have access to parental income
and also children’s income 20 or more years later. By
contrast, data on parents’ and children’s social class
or occupation are relatively easy to collect. However,
it is important that the international measures of
social class are comparable, to ensure that class has
the same meaning across countries. It is also difficult
to ensure cross-national comparability in terms of
qualification levels.
Functionalist accounts of
social mobility
From a functionalist perspective, education systems
in industrial societies have a key role in training the
future workforce so that it can meet the growing
demand for professional, managerial and technical
workers. Recruitment to important occupations is
increasingly based on merit. In this context, the
role of education becomes that of determining
class position. Functionalist accounts argue that
the relationship between educational attainment,
social class and occupational destinations will grow
stronger over time in response to the demands
of industrial societies’ economic organisation and
technology. In order to maintain technological
and economic dynamism, employers must recruit
staff on the basis of the relevant knowledge and
skills that educational qualifications certify. The
increasing demand for qualified staff will necessitate
the expansion of education systems along with
reforms in order to increase equality of educational
opportunity. This will ensure that human resources
are used as effectively as possible. In the functionalist
account, ascribed status will be replaced over
time by achieved status via education. As a result,
societies will become increasingly socially mobile and
meritocratic. The association between class origins
and educational attainment will weaken over time
and intergenerational social mobility will increase.
Criticisms of the functionalist approach
» Critics argue that functionalism focuses on the
needs and demands of society as a whole rather
than on how individual social actors make sense of
these needs.
» Goldthorpe (2013) points out that there has not
been a tendency in most advanced industrial
societies for the association between educational
attainment and class destinations to strengthen.
5.2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY
Nor is there definite evidence of a general
weakening trend in the association between social
origins and class destinations,
i Brown (2013) argues that many studies highlight
continuing inequalities in social origins, education
and destinations linked to class, ethnicity and
gender. In his view, it is necessary to address
class inequalities in opportunity and life chances
in order to increase intergenerational social
mobility rates.
m
Activity
■I
£: m
mV A
■ vM
\ /
/ //^
Unpaid internships are becoming more widespread in
many countries.
Why might the growth in unpaid internships benefit
some young people more than others?
Brown suggests that within a mass system of higher
education characteristic of many countries today,
credentials become less valuable to employers as a
way of screening job applicants. There is also more
emphasis now on competency-based recruitment,
which combines ‘the “hard currencies” (credentials,
sporting achievements, work experience, etc.), along
with the "soft currencies” of personality, character
and social confidence’. This benefits students from
privileged backgrounds who, for example, take for
granted learning opportunities in the form of unpaid
internships, extra-curricular activities (activities
outside school) and foreign travel. Brown argues that
job candidates are now excluded because they lack
the personal qualities that make up employability
rather than because they lack the relevant
credentials. As a result, the relationship between
educational attainment and class destination will
become weaker rather than stronger.
255
 5 EDUCATION
Neoliberal approaches to
social mobility
New Right or neoliberal approaches focus on giving
people from disadvantaged backgrounds the chance
to compete in the market with people from more
privileged backgrounds.
Activity
New Right approaches believe in giving everyone the
chance to compete in the market for positions Open
competition provides some people with the opportunity
to become socially mobile
Criticise this view from:
1. a Marxist approach
2. a feminist approach.
Criticisms of neoliberal approaches
Brown (2013) argues that this approach focuses on
absolute rather than relative mobility. It sees the
way to increase absolute social mobility in terms of
raising the aspirations of people from disadvantaged
backgrounds and increasing the opportunities
available to them. However, it fails to address the
issue of relative social mobility. In Brown’s view, the
neoliberal approach ignores the sociological evidence
that absolute social mobility can occur without any
reduction in inequalities in life chances.
Brown argues that many families - both
working-class and middle-class - experience ‘social
congestion’ rather than intergenerational social
mobility. In his view, the economy does not have the
capacity to deliver enough professional occupations
to meet demand. This has led to crowding in the
labour market. In industrialised countries with
mass higher education, a large middle class and
wide inequalities in income, the labour market’s
256
failure to supply enough professional occupations is
particularly marked. Job applicants have to compete
with each other. They try to use the education system
to ‘stand out from the crowd’. The tactics they use to
get ahead often add to the congestion, because so
many applicants adopt the same tactics. Universities
and employers respond by raising their entry
requirements or adding requirements such as work
experience as well as higher education qualifications.
Activity
I'VE GOT A 1ST)
CLASS DEGREE.
-/ I WANT TO BE
I'VE GOT THe\
A COMPANY
( QUALIFICATIONS. DIRECTOR. /
NOW I WANT
No jobs at the top!
1. What problem for social mobility is depicted in
the picture?
2. Assess the view that social mobility can be
increased by raising the aspirations of people
from disadvantaged backgrounds.
Feminist approaches to
social mobility
Feminists are critical of the male bias involved in
the practice of categorising women in social mobility
studies according to the class of their male partners
(Acker, 1973). Many prefer an approach in which
individuals are allocated to a class according to their
own job.
 5.2 EDUCATION AND SOCIAL MOBILITY

Quantitative studies of social mobility have tended to
focus on social class rather than on gender (Abrantes
and Abrantes, 201 A). However, evidence suggests
that women’s chances of upward social mobility are
more constrained than those of men. One reason
for this relates to gendered subject choices at school
and beyond. Qualifications in Science, Technology,
Engineering and Maths (STEM) subjects are highly
valued in labour markets and can lead to well-paid
careers. Female students are less likely than males
to study STEM subjects at school and at university.
Feminists argue that subject choice may impact
negatively on females’ future career options, earnings
from paid work and their social mobility chances (see
Part 7). Careers information and guidance provided
by educational institutions or by families might not
challenge gender stereotypes surrounding subject
choice. This, in turn, might limit females’ chances of
social mobility.

Contemporary issues: Gendered social mobility across Europe

They found marked variation between countries,
== social classes and fields of study such as the
p Business and Law field or the Health, Education
T and Care field.
I Male graduates in Business and Law, for example,
I ‘are 2.2 times more likely to access class A or B
I [the dominant or affluent classes] than the total
H population average. The chances of women in
M the same situation remain below the average’,
y Thus, fields such as Business and Law offer routes
5 of upward social mobility for significantly more
V. male than female students. One possibility is that
^ some females may avoid some fields of study and
areas of employment because they are aware that
Some fields of study, such as Business and Law, may
they are more likely to experience discrimination
provide a route of upward social mobility for more male
in them.
than female graduates across Europe.

Pedro Abrantes and Manuel Abrantes (201 4)

drew on statistical data from the European
Social Survey. This large-scale survey provided
information covering 22 countries, including
Sweden, Germany, Spain and Poland. Based on
their comparison of these countries, Abrantes
and Abrantes argue that the relationship
between gender, education and intergenerational
social mobility is not uniform across Europe.
Questions
1. Identify one research method that you would use
to investigate females’ choice of field of study and
employment area, and explain why you would
use this particular method.
2. In your view, to what extent are people in your
culture likely to experience gender discrimination
in fields of study or areas of employment?

Many sectors of labour markets (such as architecture, I
i
engineering, nursing and childcare) are segregated
on gender lines. Male-dominated sectors (such as
information technology) are often more highly paid
than female-dominated ones (such as teaching),
even when they require the same level of educational
qualifications for entry. As a result, women may have
less chance of experiencing income generational
mobility than men. Furthermore, gender discrimination
in the labour market (for example, in relation to
recruitment and promotion) can have a negative
impact on women’s social mobility chances.
Key terms
Intragenerational mobility An individual’s
movement up or down between the strata or
layers of society over the course of their life.
Intergenerational mobility Movement up or
down between the strata or layers of society as
measured between the generations of a family.

257
5 EDUCATION
Absolute mobility The total amount of social
mobility in a society.
Relative mobility The comparative chances of
people from different class backgrounds reaching
particular positions in the social structure.
Stratification system The way a society is
structured or divided into hierarchical strata or
layers, with the most privileged group at the top
and the least favoured at the bottom.
Extra-curricular activities Activities undertaken
outside lessons at school such as clubs and
debating societies, or hobbies undertaken outside
school such as yoga or dance.
Summary
1. Social mobility refers to movement - either
upward or downward - between different
strata or layers in society.
2. Sociologists differentiate between
intragenerational and intergenerational
social mobility, and between absolute and
relative mobility.
3. Occupation is generally used to measure
mobility between social classes.
4. The Oxford Mobility Study (OMS) found high
rates of absolute mobility linked to changes
in the occupational structure rather than
to increased equality of opportunity. Critics
argue that the OMS ignored women and the
existence of small elites.
5. In the most meritocratic countries, class
should have little effect on educational
success and occupational status should be
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 | 1 | Describe two consequences of educational underachievement for society.
| 0 1 2 | Explain two limitations of the view that education systems provide equality of
opportunity today.
| 0 | 5 | ‘Education provides a key route of social mobility in modern industrial societies.'
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
258
strongly influenced by qualifications. Breen
(mentioned in Scott, 2005) found that
Sweden was the most meritocratic of the
European countries studied, while Britain was
the least meritocratic.
6. Researchers may be limited by lack of data
when making international comparisons of
social mobility.
7. Functionalist accounts argue that, in response
to the economic demands of industrial
societies, social mobility and meritocracy will
increase and the link between class origins and
educational attainment will weaken over time.
8. Brown argues that the relationship between
educational attainment and class destination
will weaken rather than strengthen. Job
candidates with the relevant credentials are
now excluded because they lack personal
qualities that make up employability.
9. New Right or neoliberal approaches to
social mobility focus on giving people from
disadvantaged backgrounds the chance to
compete in the market with those from more
privileged backgrounds.
10. Critics argue that neoliberal approaches
focus on absolute mobility, which can occur
without reductions in inequalities in life
chances. Brown argues that many families
- both working-class and middle-class -
experience social congestion rather than
intergenerational mobility.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]

PART 3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM
Contents
Unit 5.3.1 Knowledge and the curriculum 259
Unit 5.3.2 Education and the hidden
curriculum 266
Education is often seen as involving the
transmission of knowledge from teachers to
students. But what is knowledge based on? Is
there such a thing as valid knowledge? It is easy
to see the school curriculum as something that
simply exists rather than as something that has
been constructed or put together. However, what
factors shape what actually gets taught in schools?
Urn Knowledge and the
curriculum
Large amounts of knowledge are transmitted in
schools daily. But what do we mean by knowledge?
Sociologists see knowledge as problematic rather
than as taken for granted. They question how
societies make or construct knowledge. Who has
control over the production of knowledge? How is
knowledge transmitted? This unit questions the
nature and construction of knowledge.
The social construction of knowledge
Many sociologists and philosophers reject the
view that knowledge is something that simply
exists ‘out there’, awaiting discovery. Instead, they
emphasise the social basis of knowledge and the role
of people in constructing or producing it. Some argue
that all knowledge, including scientific and educational
knowledge, is socially constructed. In other words,
knowledge and ‘truth’ are created by members of
society in particular social situations or group settings.
For example, one view is that scientific knowledge is
produced by communities of like-minded scientists
who interact and work together in their laboratories
rather than being discovered through the use of logical
procedures and objective criteria (see Unit 7.1.2).
Constructionism sees knowledge as produced within the
context of power relationships based on social class,
gender and ethnicity. In this view, truth is relative rather
than absolute. It is relative to the setting or context
5.3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM
Why are some subjects included in the curriculum
and others excluded? Why do some subjects have
higher status than others? How far is this linked
to the distribution of power in society? Unit 5.3.1
addresses questions about the nature of knowledge
and the curriculum.
What do students learn in schools, apart from
subject knowledge and skills? Unit 5.3.2 looks
at particular aspects of the curriculum in more
detail. It also examines different views of the
hidden curriculum - the ideas, norms and
values that are transmitted as part of everyday
school life.
within which it is produced - for example, to a particular
culture at a particular point in time. This implies that
there is no such thing as objective knowledge and that
all knowledge must be equally valuable.
Michael F.D. Young (1971b, 1973) focused on
educational knowledge and who controls it. In his
earlier work, he adopted a social constructivist
approach to knowledge. He argued that all knowledge
is socially constructed. Knowledge is a product of
human practices rather than something that simply
exists in reality. This led Young to question ‘what
counts as educational knowledge’ (1971a) rather than
taking school knowledge for granted or treating it as
a ‘given’. Consequently, he viewed the curriculum as
an area of sociological investigation rather than as
something that exists independently of people.
Young saw the content of the curriculum and the
different subjects taught in schools as socially
constructed. In his view, some groups (such as
university subject specialists, politicians, examination
boards and heads of departments in schools) are
able to impose their constructions on other groups.
Postmodernism and knowledge
Modernist thinking is based on the idea that it
is possible to generate valid knowledge about
the social and natural worlds. Postmodernists,
however, are sceptical about such claims. They
reject grand theories or meta-narratives and the
idea that objective truth exists. To them, knowledge
is relative rather than absolute. For example, truth
claims are relative to the context within which they
259
 5 EDUCATION

were produced. From a postmodernist perspective,
knowledge is also partial in the sense that it is both
limited and biased. The extension of this view is that
it is impossible to discover valid knowledge.
Activity
Harvard University in Massachusetts, USA, dates back
to 1636 and is regarded as one of the most prestigious
universities in the world. Many of its staff engage in
research to develop human knowledge
Why might the idea of extending human knowledge
through research be seen as based on modernist
thinking?
According to Jean-Frangois Lyotard (1984), in the
postmodern era certainty has been replaced with
uncertainty. There are now a multitude of answers,
none of which can be shown to be definitively true or
untrue. In his view, knowledge is relative to time and
place and to particular cultures. Truth and falsehood,
and right and wrong, are defined in different ways by
different cultures.
Lyotard welcomed the downfall of meta-narratives.
From his perspective, grand stories presented a
single version of the truth and of right and wrong. He
believed that this led to intolerance and prevented
many voices from being heard. Lyotard argued that
postmodern society provides an opportunity to hear
the voices of a wide variety of groups who were
largely silenced in modern society - for example, the
voices of minority ethnic groups.
education is the key to developing individuals and, in
doing so, making social progress possible.
Usher and Edwards follow writers such as Lyotard in
arguing that modernity is characterised by a belief
in meta-narratives of human progress. It is education
that expresses and disseminates the big stories
about progress and helps to give people their belief
in progress itself and their faith in science and reason
as ways of achieving it.
Postmodernists, however, oppose any belief that
there is a firm foundation to knowledge. They are
critical of any attempt to impose one version of
the truth on people. They also oppose the belief
that rationality can solve all human problems.
Consequently, postmodernists would question
grand claims such as the following:
> Human potential can be achieved
through education.
» Education can produce shared values and
social solidarity.
* Education can produce equality of opportunity
and a just society.
To Usher and Edwards, postmodernism denies that
there is any single best curriculum that should be
followed in schools. If there is no one set of truths
that can be accepted, then there is no basis for
saying that one thing should be taught in all schools
and other things should be excluded. Instead, Usher
and Edwards argue that education should teach
many different things and accept that there can be
different truths rather than attempt to impose one
set of ideas on all education.
Activity

Postmodernism and educational

knowledge
According to Robin Usher and Richard Edwards
(1994), the task of education under modernity was to
Science is usually seen as a high-status subject and is
bring out people’s potential to think for themselves
often a compulsory part of the curriculum for girls and
and to make rational decisions. Within modernity,
boys.

260

1. How might postmodernism view the knowledge
that is transmitted in science lessons?
2. On what basis does postmodernism question
the idea that education can produce equality of
opportunity?
Criticisms of postmodernism
» Critics object to the claim that all truth is relative
on logical grounds. Rob Moore (2004) points out
that, for oil truth to be relative, ‘there must be one
truth that is not relative: namely, the truth that
all truth is relative. Therefore, it is not true that
oil truth is relative.’ Moore believes that objective
knowledge is possible.
> Michael W. Apple (1997) argues that
postmodernists tend to ignore the wider political
and economic forces such as capitalism and
economic power that shape the education system.
Factors affecting the content
of the curriculum
During the 1970s, sociologists such as Young,
Basil Bernstein and Nell Keddie began to explore
knowledge within education. They focused on
the content of education and the transmission of
knowledge via curricula. They questioned the content
of curricula and how curricula content, subjects
and skills are selected. Various factors have been
identified as influencing the content of the curriculum
including the status of different subjects, power,
culture, economic demands and gender.
High- and low-status subjects
Young (1971b) argued that knowledge, including
educational knowledge, is socially organised. One key
dimension of this organisation is the ‘stratification
of knowledge’. There is a hierarchy of knowledge and
some forms of knowledge are more highly valued than
others. Within education, the curriculum is stratified
into high- and low-status subjects. Traditional academic
subjects such as chemistry, mathematics and history
have more status than practical or vocational subjects.
According to Young, areas of the curriculum or
individual subjects have high status if they are:
» formally assessed (for example, via examinations
rather than coursework)
1 taught to the ‘most able’ students
1 taught in same-ability sets or groups rather than
in mixed-ability groups.
5.3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM
Young (1971b) argued that educational knowledge is
stratified or ranked on four dimensions:
> how abstract it is
» whether it involves written communication rather
than oral work
> whether it emphasises individual rather than
group assessment
» whether it is directly related or relevant to
everyday life or activities outside school.
Academic curricula have high-status knowledge
which tends to be abstract rather than concrete,
stresses written work and individual work, and is not
strongly related to non-school activities. By contrast,
non-academic knowledge is organised in terms of
oral presentation, group work and assessment,
and concrete knowledge. It is related to non-school
knowledge and is more practical or work related than
high-status, academic knowledge. Young saw these
dimensions as socially defined. This means that an
academic curriculum and formal examinations are
social inventions. They are linked to cultural choices
which reflect the beliefs and values of dominant
groups such as universities.
Kate Reynolds (1991) sees the distinction between
‘academic’ subjects such as maths and the sciences
and ‘non-academic’ subjects such as art and
woodwork as based on a division between mental
labour and manual labour. In Reynolds’ view, this
serves to legitimate class divisions in society.
Knowledge and power
Young (1971b, 1973) and his associates related
knowledge to the overall distribution of power in
society. They argued that people in positions of
power will try to define:
1. what is seen as valued knowledge
2. how far any knowledge is accessible to different
social groups
3. the accepted relationships between different areas
of knowledge, and between those who have access
to these areas and ‘make them available’ (Young,
1971b).
Groups in powerful positions will tend to define their
own knowledge as superior, to institutionalise it in
educational settings, and to measure educational
attainments in terms of it. This is not because ‘some
occupations “need" recruits with knowledge defined
i and assessed in this way’ (Young, 1971b). Rather,
261
 5 EDUCATION
it is to maintain the established order and to ensure
that power and privilege remain within the same
social groups.
Criticisms of Young
Young and his associates claimed that all knowledge
is socially constructed and, consequently, of equal
value. This suggests that there is no objective way of
evaluating knowledge, of assessing whether one form
of knowledge is superior to others. If any knowledge
is seen as superior, it is simply because those with
power have defined it as such and imposed their
definition on others. It therefore follows that all
knowledge is equally valid and valuable.
This view is known as cultural relativism or a relativist
position on knowledge and the curriculum. Taken to
its extreme, it poses serious problems. For example, it
becomes impossible to assess whether a particular view
is right or wrong. Thus, from the standpoint of cultural
relativism, Young’s views are no more valid than any
others. However, despite the criticisms of the views of
Young and his associates, the content of the curriculum
is now a central issue among groups such as politicians,
policy makers and teachers in many countries.
Culture and the curriculum
Stuart Foster and Jason Nicholls (2008) investigated
the influence of culture on the content of textbooks.
They examined eight popular history textbooks, two
from each of four countries, in order to analyse how the
US’s role in World War II was described. The textbooks
were drawn from: the US; England, a close ally of the
US during the war; Japan, a wartime enemy of the US
and England; and Sweden, a neutral country.
The researchers compared, for example, how the
different textbooks covered the outbreak of World
War II. The US textbooks mentioned the outbreak
of war in Europe in 1939. However, the war only
received extended treatment when the US entered
the war in 1941 after the Japanese navy attacked
the US naval base at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. The
English and Swedish books focused on the war from
a European perspective and gave little attention to
the war in the Pacific. By contrast, the Japanese
textbooks focused on the war in the Pacific rather
than in Europe or North Africa. They examined
events in the Pacific between 1930 and 1941 and, in
this way, gave much more context to events leading
to the bombing of Pearl Harbor.
Foster and Nicholls argue that the textbooks tended
to examine World War II from a nation’s own cultural,
262
historic and geo-political perspective. For example,
the US textbooks portrayed America’s entry into
the war as being decisive to the outcome. However,
Swedish textbooks concentrated on the war in Europe
and North Africa and, consequently, portrayed the US
as playing a supporting rather than leading role.
Foster and Nicholls argue that historical information
and interpretation of world events that are conveyed
to school students in different countries vary
considerably. Their research illustrates how the four
countries treat historical events differently and the
influence of culture and geopolitical perspectives on
the production of knowledge.
Activity
Cultural factors may influence the information presented
in textbooks.
1. To what extent does Foster and Nicholls’
study support the idea that knowledge is
socially constructed?
2. How might the knowledge learned in school
socialise the members of a society?
3. In your view, how far would it be possible to
remove the influence of culture in the production
of knowledge?
Economic demands and the curriculum
Governments across the globe see education
as linked to economic growth (see Unit 5.1.4).
Curriculum reforms are often a response to economic
demands, including global recessions or changes
j in the global market for labour (McDougall and
Trotman, 2009). Vocational courses attempt to make
education fit the requirements of industry and to
prepare students for future employability.
Functionalism (see Unit 5.1.1) focuses on the economic
requirements for a skilled and literate workforce

in industrial societies. Neoliberal approaches see
education as playing a key role in providing a country
with a competitive edge in the knowledge economy (see
Unit 5.1 A). The New Right emphasises efficiency and
value for money rather than principles such as equality
of opportunity (Ball, 1990). Alan Skelton (1997)
points out that the competitive, marketplace ideology
of the New Right sees education mainly in terms
of its economic function. Wilfred Carr and Anthony
Hartnett (1996) describe this economic role in terms
of ‘training an efficient workforce, creating a culture
of entrepreneurship and enterprise, and fostering a
positive view of industry and wealth creation’.
The knowledge economy and education In a
knowledge economy, production and services
are based on knowledge-intensive activities or
intellectual skills that contribute to rapid advances
in science and technology. It includes science-based
industries, newer industries based on biotechnology
and information technology, and jobs such as
computer programming.
Knowledge is seen as a way of promoting economic
growth and enabling countries to compete in a global
economy. There is more reliance on the intellectual
capacities of workers than on factors such as natural
resources (for example, land) or machinery and manual
Contemporary issues: Promoting gender equality in education in Africa
The Forum for African Women Educationalists
(FAWE) is a charitable organisation that was set up
in 1992. The organisation operates through 34
National Chapters across African countries including
Nigeria, Kenya, Namibia and Mozambique. FAWE
campaigns for and promotes gender equality in
education. One of its programmes focuses on girls’
involvement in Science, Technology, Engineering and
Mathematics subjects.
Delegates at a FAWE conference
5.3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM
labour. Car manufacturing, for instance, now involves
computer technology. One view is that a knowledge
economy increases the demand for highly educated
and skilled workers. To remain competitive globally,
nations need to stay ahead in terms of technology.
Ideas about the knowledge-based economy influence
education policy around the world (Robertson,
2008). Investment in education is justified in terms
of strengthening the economy in order to compete in
international knowledge-based markets. Expansion
in higher education provision is seen as a way to
increase the pool of skills available to employers.
It is also seen as increasing the employability of
young people by equipping them with the necessary
knowledge and skills for work in the global
knowledge economy.
The OECD (1996) The Organisation for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) (1996) argues
that ‘Knowledge is now recognised as the driver of
productivity and economic growth, leading to a new
focus on the role of information, technology and
learning in economic performance.’ In knowledge-based
economies, ‘productivity and growth are largely
determined by the rate of technical progress and the
accumulation of knowledge’.
‘Many girls in sub-Saharan Africa do not
participate significantly or perform well in
Mathematics, Science and Technology subjects.
This situation becomes more pronounced as the
level of education increases and a combination of
factors perpetuate the imbalance. These factors
include cultural practices and attitudes and biased
teaching and learning materials.
FAWE developed its Science, Technology, Engineering
and Mathematics (STEM) model to increase
and sustain access, interest, participation and
performance of girls in STEM subjects at all levels.
The model trains teachers to adopt and
use STEM curricula, teaching and learning
materials and classroom practices that are
gender-responsive. It involves not only teachers
but education planners, curriculum developers,
publishers and women leaders, and sensitises
parents and stakeholders on the importance of
girls’ participation in STEM.
263
 5 EDUCATION
The Science, Mathematics and Technology model
was initiated in 2005 and has been introduced
in Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Kenya, Malawi, Mali,
Mozambique, Rwanda, Swaziland, Tanzania,
Uganda, Zambia, Zanzibar and Zimbabwe.
Over 15 000 students have benefited from FAWE’s
STEM programme since 2005.
Features of FAWE’s STEM model
The STEM model features extensive use of
activities and resources including:
> Science camps and clubs
» Study tours
> Profiles on women achievers in
science-based fields
> Exposure to role models
> Awards to female achievers in STEM subjects.
Impact of FAWE’s STEM model
> Higher rates of girls’ participation in SMT
[Science, Mathematics and Technology] subjects
* Improved test scores for girls
» Improved teachers’ attitudes towards girls’
abilities and participation in SMT
Workers are required not only to have relevant
skills but also to update their skills regularly.
Education and training are key elements of the
knowledge-based economy. In the OECD’s view,
government policies need to provide broad-based
formal education and to incentivise companies and
individuals to participate in lifelong learning and
continuous training.
Criticisms of the knowledge economy
Andre Spicer (2016) describes the knowledge
economy as ‘largely a myth’. He argues that Western
economies such as the USA and the UK do not
have enough degree-level knowledge-intensive
jobs to meet the demand for them from graduates.
In his view, increasing the number of people with
degrees or expanding the higher education sector
will not create a more competitive economy in these
countries. Other commentators point out that the
expansion of higher education in many countries
has created credential inflation because the demand
for professional and managerial jobs is greater than
the supply.
264
» Improved instructional materials for
SMT subjects
> Girls’ positive attitudinal change to SMT
> Greater confidence for girls in tackling
academic challenges.
» Enhancement of girls’ chances for
career progression.’
Source: http://fawe.org/home/our-programmes/
interventions/science-mathematics-and-technology/
Questions
1. How does this source explain girls’ levels of
participation and performance in Science,
Mathematics and Technology subjects in
sub-Saharan Africa?
2. In your view, why is it important for girls to study
these subjects?
3. How might girls’ participation and performance
in these subjects improve if they are exposed to
role models?
4. Are you aware of gender differences in
participation and performance in SMT subjects in
schools in the region in which you live? If so, are
there any programmes to address this?
The influence of gender on
curriculum content
From a feminist perspective, Reynolds (1991) argues
that gender is highly significant in terms of the
construction of knowledge. For example, females are
under-represented in images in textbooks (see Unit
5.3.2 for an account of the gendered curriculum).
Consequently, feminist sociologists argue that
educational knowledge is defined 'from a white
; "male” perspective whereby the achievements,
struggles and even existence of women is omitted
from the picture’.
The Australian sociologist Dale Spender (1982)
argued that education is largely controlled by men,
who use their power to define men’s knowledge and
experiences as important, and women’s knowledge
and experiences as insignificant. She examined the
content of the school curriculum from a feminist
perspective. In her view, many subjects were riddled
with sexism. Science textbooks, for instance, focused
mainly on men’s achievements and ignored the
contributions of female scientists. In this way, women
were rendered invisible to science students. As a
 5.3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM

result, science failed to provide girls with positive argued that it is, in fact, based on the cultural capital
role models or to engage them in science subjects. that their families have equipped them with from an
In Spender’s view, the curriculum was dominated early age. Children whose families have not provided
by male interests and neglected issues that were of them with the necessary skills to succeed are
concern to women. For example, history textbooks excluded from the education system.
focused on military and political events. Furthermore,
In addition, Bourdieu argued that the way that
schools taught men’s knowledge and understandings
knowledge is transmitted assumes that all students
of the world.
have a certain cultural capital that conforms to
Anthony Giddens and Philip Sutton (2017) argue that that which the school demands. This is because the
the formal curriculum in schools in industrialised curriculum largely involves knowledge being
societies was differentiated along the lines of gender transmitted for its own sake rather than for
in the past. In the 1960s, for example, subjects such practical purposes.
as domestic science and typing were seen as suitable
Schools appear to award qualifications in an
for girls, while subjects such as maths and woodwork
impartial way on the basis of merit. However, these
were considered more appropriate for boys. Today,
qualifications are awarded ‘for socially conditioned
however, the curriculum in secondary schools in
aptitudes’ which schools treat as though they were
nations such as Britain does not explicitly distinguish
unequal abilities or unequal natural ‘gifts’. As a result,
between girls’ and boys’ subjects in this way.
schools help to perpetuate inequalities over time and
legitimise the transmission of cultural capital.
The curriculum and cultural capital Bourdieu saw schools as a conservative force that
Bourdieu (1971, 1974) argued that the education perpetuates the myth of schools as a liberating
system is systematically biased in favour of dominant force for gifted and hard-working people in society.
social classes who have high amounts of economic Society lets the most privileged classes ‘monopolise
and cultural capital. As such, it devalues the educational institutions’.
knowledge and skills of the working class. Dominant
groups have the power to impose their own meanings
as legitimate. They are able to define their own
culture as ‘worthy of being sought and possessed’,
and to establish it as the basis for knowledge in the
education system. However, there is no objective way
of showing that the dominant culture is any better
or worse than other subcultures in society. The high
value placed on dominant culture simply stems from
the ability of the powerful to impose their definitions
of reality on others.
Bourdieu linked the school curriculum to cultural
capital. Dominant classes who possess cultural and
economic capital have greater access to the highest A graduation ceremony at Yale University in Connecticut
levels of the education system and to higher-level in the USA. Yale is one of eight Ivy League universities,
qualifications. By contrast, the working class is which are regarded as prestigious centres of academic
excluded from these. excellence by some people and as elitist by others.
Former USA Presidents George H. W. Bush, George W.
The curriculum in schools restricts the life chances
Bush and Bill Clinton studied at Yale, as did presidential
of working-class students. Bourdieu saw the
candidate Hillary Clinton.
curriculum as biased rather than as neutral because
it makes demands on all students but, in reality, 1. Drawing on Bourdieu’s ideas, explain why some
not all students are able to meet these demands. social groups have greater access than others to
Children whose families have provided them with universities that are seen as prestigious.
the necessary cultural and social skills and attitudes
2. Drawing on functionalist ideas, explain why some
that lead to academic success are rewarded with
individuals have access to universities that are
qualifications. Although their success is seen as being
seen as prestigious.
based on their natural or innate ability, Bourdieu

265
 5 EDUCATION
Summary
1. Young argued that all knowledge, including the
curriculum, is socially constructed.
2. Postmodernism sees knowledge as relative and
partial. However, critics argue that objective
knowledge is possible.
3. Factors affecting curriculum content include
status, power, culture, economic demands
and gender.
4. Bourdieu argued that dominant groups in
society have the power to establish their
own culture as the basis of knowledge
within education.
5. He linked the curriculum to cultural capital and
saw it as biased in favour of students whose
families have equipped them with cultural capital.
Unit 5.3.2 Education and the
hidden curriculum
This unit examines the concept of the hidden
curriculum - the attitudes and ideas transmitted
by schools that are not part of the official school
curriculum. Different approaches see the hidden
curriculum as transmitting ruling-class ideology,
patriarchal ideology, neoliberal ideology or society’s
core values. How are these ideas transmitted?
Are teachers and students aware of the hidden
curriculum? The covert messages conveyed by the
hidden curriculum are seen as both gendered and
ethnocentric (judging one culture or ethnic group as
superior to others). This unit explores some of the
arguments behind these views.
The hidden curriculum
The formal curriculum of schooling consists of
the stated knowledge and skills that students are
expected to acquire during lessons in sociology, maths,
geography and so on. The hidden curriculum refers
to the messages that schools transmit to students
covertly, without directly teaching them or spelling
them out. It consists of ideas, beliefs, norms and values
which are often taken for granted and transmitted as
part of the normal routines and procedures of school
life. It includes the unwritten and often unstated rules
and regulations that guide and direct everyday school
behaviour (Ballantine and Spade, 2001). For example,
266
through sports education, schools might transmit
messages about the importance of teamwork or
individual competition. Some schools might encourage
students to compete with each other to achieve the
highest exam grades. Schools often transmit messages
about gender through practices such as lining up
girls and boys separately or by not making provision
for girls to play sports such as football. Different
approaches interpret the content of the hidden
curriculum differently. However, some critics question
whether the hidden curriculum is actually hidden at all
today, given the amount of research on it.
A functionalist view of the
hidden curriculum
As outlined earlier, functionalists see the transmission
of society’s core values and norms as one of the main
functions of the education system, which helps to
promote social order and stability. These norms and
values are transmitted through the socialisation process
in schools. This can be seen as part of the hidden
curriculum. It is hidden in the sense that teachers and
students are often unaware of the process. Parsons
(1951, 1961} provided an example using the value
of individual achievement, one of the major values in
Western industrial society. In schools, young people are
required to achieve as individuals. They take exams on
their own, not as members of a team. Their individual
achievements are carefully graded and assessed.
Outstanding achievement is rewarded with praise,
high status, good grades and valuable qualifications.
In this way, young people are encouraged to value
individual achievement. This prepares them to achieve
as individuals in the wider society.
Activity
A student receives o trophy during o prize-giving
ceremony in a Malaysian school.
.

1. How might functionalists view prize-giving
ceremonies in schools?
2. Does your school have similar ceremonies? If so,
on what basis does it award prizes (for example,
for academic achievement or effort)? In your
view, should schools have such ceremonies?
Explain your reasoning.
Critics argue that functionalist accounts:
» over-simplify the relationship between schools and
the wider society, pointing out that society is not
necessarily based on consensus
> present students as passively accepting the
messages of the hidden curriculum rather than
resisting or challenging them. In other words,
functionalist accounts present students as lacking
agency. By contrast, interactionist approaches
view students as actively creating meanings in
classrooms. They argue that the functionalist
approach to the hidden curriculum puts too
much emphasis on how schools contribute to
maintaining the social structure.
From a Marxist perspective, functionalist accounts do
not explore the potential role of the hidden curriculum
in maintaining and reproducing social class. From
a feminist perspective, they do not examine the
gendered nature of the hidden curriculum.
A Marxist view of the hidden
curriculum
Marxists argue that the main job of schools is social
reproduction - producing the next generation of
workers who have been schooled to accept their
roles in capitalist society. (See Unit 5.1.2.) For
Bowles and Gintis (1976), this is done primarily
through the hidden curriculum. This consists of the
things that students learn through the experience
of attending school, rather than as a result of the
stated objectives of institutions. Bowles and Gintis
claim that schools in the USA socialise children to
become subservient, well-disciplined workers who will
submit to control from above and take orders rather
than question them. Schools do this by rewarding
conformity, obedience, hard work and punctuality,
and by penalising creativity, originality and
independence. The hidden curriculum encourages
an acceptance of hierarchy which prepares students
for hierarchical relationships in the workplace. It
also socialises students to be motivated by external
rewards such as exam results and wages.
5.3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM
Schools are also seen as transmitting ruling-class
ideology - a false picture of society that justifies social
inequality and the capitalist system (see Unit 5.1.2).
Critics argue that Bowles and Gintis:
i did not carry out detailed research into school life.
Instead, they tended to assume that the hidden
curriculum was actually influencing students.
» ignore the influence of the formal curriculum.
Even if the hidden curriculum could be shown to
encourage docility, the presence of Bowles and
Gintis themselves within the formal curriculum (for
example, in sociology syllabuses and textbooks)
would undermine their claims about education.
» see teachers and students as passively receiving
the messages of the hidden curriculum rather than
as active agents who have the capacity to resist
these messages.
A radical view of the hidden curriculum
Giroux (2011) is a radical thinker who argues that
there is a hidden curriculum in American, and
increasingly global, education based on neoliberal
ideology (see Unit 5.1 A). In Giroux’s view, ‘Neoliberal
ideology emphasises winning at all costs, even if it
means a ruthless competitiveness, an almost rabid
individualism and... a market driven rationality!’ As
noted earlier, government education policy in many
countries is at least partly based on neoliberal views.
Schools compete in an educational market place and
aim to be top of the educational league tables. The
job of schools is mainly to promote economic growth
in an increasingly competitive global market.
How is this translated into the classroom? According
to Giroux, ‘Students are educated primarily to
acquire market-oriented skills in order to compete
favourably in the global economy’. They are taught
to compete as individuals in an examination-based
system, to climb the educational ladder and
prepare themselves to succeed in a competitive
labour market.
What should replace this hidden curriculum? In
Giroux’s view:
* ‘knowledge and power should always be subject to
debate, held accountable, and critically engaged’
> students should be taught to think critically
> students should be taught to be citizens of the
world. This means that they should have 'duties
and responsibilities to others’ in a global society.
267
 5 EDUCATION
This is not possible as long as schools are based
on neoliberal thinking which ‘strips education
of its public values, critical content, and
civil responsibilities'.
Illich’s account of the hidden
curriculum
Ivan lllich (1971) regards schools as repressive
institutions which indoctrinate students, smother
creativity and imagination, induce conformity and
stultify students into accepting the interests of the
powerful. He sees the hidden curriculum operating in
the following ways:
1. Students have little or no control over what
they learn or how they learn it. They are simply
instructed by an authoritarian teaching regime
and, to be successful, must conform to its rules,
lllich argues that real learning is not the result of
instruction, but of direct and free involvement by
the individual in every part of the learning process.
2. The power of the school to enforce conformity to
its rules and to coerce its inmates into accepting
instruction stems from its authority to grant
credentials that are believed to bring rewards in
the labour market. Those who conform are selected
to go on to higher levels of the education system.
Conformity and obedience bring their own rewards.
3. Students emerge from the education system with
a variety of qualifications which they and others
believe have provided them with the training, skills
and competence for particular occupations, lllich
argues that The pupil is “schooled” to confuse
teaching with learning, grade advancement with
education, a diploma with competence.’
The ethnocentric curriculum
Ivan Reid (1996) argues that the processes of
selection and presentation of knowledge generate
a curriculum that is more culturally acceptable to
some groups than others. In his view, much school
knowledge can be seen as ethnocentric. The term
‘ethnocentric’ refers to the belief that your own ethnic
group or culture is superior to others. Ethnocentrism
focuses on and prioritises a particular ethnic or
cultural group to the exclusion of others.
:
Ethnocentricity has been identified within particular
subjects and textbooks. Marfa Ines Taboas-Pais and
Ana Rey-Cao (2015) examined the representation
of‘race’ in 36 physical education textbooks used
268
in secondary schools in Spain. They undertook a
content analysis of 2583 photographic images drawn
from the textbooks and found marked differences in
how frequently different groups were represented.
For example, White people appeared in 87.3 per
cent of the photographs, people from different
groups appeared together in 7.4 per cent and people
of Latin American origin appeared in just 0.2 per
cent of the images.
Taboas-Pais and Rey-Cao argue that the images
reproduce racial stereotypes associated with physical
education and sport by showing different groups
participating in different types of physical activity. For
example, the images showed White people participating
in a wide variety of activities, including sports, fitness
and artistic activities such as dance. By contrast. Black
people were more frequently depicted in competitive,
elite sport than in other physical activities.
The researchers also examined 87 school students’
perceptions of 1 5 images from the textbooks. They
found that the images of minority groups generated
more racial prejudice among the students than the
images of the White, Western group
The school curriculum in Britain has been described
as ethnocentric because White British culture and
ethnicity are presented as superior and dominate the
curriculum while minority ethnic cultures are largely
excluded from subjects such as history, literature,
art and music. A study based on interviews with 84
African-Caribbean students provided evidence to
support this view (Tikly et al., 2006). It found that A
significant number of African-Caribbean pupils noted
their invisibility in the curriculum and were exasperated
by the White European focus’. When Black history was
included, ‘many pupils reported their frustration with
the tendency to focus on slavery’
Tikly et al. argue that Black Caribbean students have
a need for ‘curriculum inclusion’ so they do not feel
marginalised and excluded. They suggest that this
can be done by including Black Caribbean history,
culture and experience across the curriculum.
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Many feminist sociologists see aspects of both the
formal and hidden curricula as gendered rather
than gender-neutral. For example, women are often
absent from history textbooks, both in terms of their
individual achievements and contributions to society
and in terms of issues that are particularly relevant to

their gender. Additionally, in classrooms, many girls
still tend to be less boisterous and demanding than
boys. The gendered curriculum in schools reinforces
gendered socialisation processes in families and
society. From a radical feminist perspective, schools
transmit patriarchal ideology - the idea that male
dominance in society is reasonable and acceptable.
Subject choices, particularly at A Level and university,
are still influenced by gender (see Unit 5.7.1). Male
students tend to choose subjects such as physics,
chemistry, engineering and business studies, which
are more likely to lead to highly paid jobs. Gender
divisions are also present in vocational courses such
as childcare, hairdressing and beauty therapy, which
are largely taught and taken by females and which
usually lead to lower paid jobs.
In A Feminist Manifesto for Education, Miriam David
(2016) argues that schools must ensure that ‘women
and girls are afforded dignity and respect in all
aspects of their lives’. Schools must address issues
of abuse, harassment and violence against girls.
Failure to recognise and prioritise sexual harassment
at school or college can be seen as part of a hidden
curriculum that ignores female suffering and abuse.
Activity
mji
r~m i
Jr,
I ■
i • i
ra
Wff \ i
Although girls’ educational attainments have improved,
they are less likely than boys to choose subjects such as
physics and chemistry.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 1 Describe two characteristics of the knowledge economy.
I 0 1 2 1 Explain one strength and one limitation of the Marxist view of the hidden curriculum.
I 0 1 5 1 ‘Power is the most important influence on the content of the school curriculum.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
5.3 INFLUENCES ON THE CURRICULUM
I
1. Describe two ways in which the curriculum can
be seen as gendered.
2. Make notes to summarise different sociological
accounts of the curriculum.
Key terms
Ethnocentric Evaluating one’s own culture or
ethnic group as superior to others.
Formal curriculum The stated knowledge and
skills which students are expected to acquire.
Ethnocentrism The belief that one’s own culture
or ethnic group is superior to others.
Patriarchal ideology The idea that male
dominance in society is reasonable and
acceptable.
Summary
1. Views of the hidden curriculum include:
» functionalist - the transmission of societies’
core values and norms
i
> Marxist - the transmission of ruling-class
ideology
» radical - the transmission of neoliberal
ideology
» feminist - the transmission of patriarchal
ideology.
2. The curriculum is seen as ethnocentric in
evaluating one culture as superior to others.
3. The curriculum is seen as gendered in rendering
females invisible.
I
.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
269
 SECTION B
EDUCATION AND INEQUALITY
Contents
Part 4 Intelligence and educational
attainment
Part 5 Social class and educational
attainment 277
Part 6 Ethnicity and educational attainment 301
Part 7 Gender and educational attainment 307
Section B focuses on education and inequality. Two
of the key concepts that you were introduced to in
Chapter 1 are particularly important here.
First, inequality and opportunity. Stephen Ball
(2003) sees social inequality as at the heart of the
sociology of education. In many countries, marked
inequalities in educational attainment based on
social class, gender and ethnicity are evident. Some
explanations link these to inequalities in the wider
society. How do class-based material factors impact
on educational attainment? What impact do racism
and sexism have? How influential are school-based
factors such as labelling and student subcultures
on achievement?
Second, socialisation, culture and identity. Cultural
explanations for the differences in educational
attainment focus on areas such as parental
attitudes, values and speech codes. How important
is the possession of cultural capital to educational
success? How does membership of school-based
subcultures affect students’ identities and
achievements? How do class, gender and ethnicity
combine to shape students’ identities? Schools
JJ : !
are an important agency of socialisation. What
part does gender socialisation play in explaining
the differential achievements of female and
male students?
Section B is divided into four parts. Part 4 explores
debates about the relationship between intelligence >
and educational attainment. It examines some of the
difficulties in defining and measuring intelligence,
and the problems associated with IQ tests. It asks
whether there is evidence to suggest that some
groups are more intelligent than others and,
therefore, perform better within education systems.
Part 5 examines the relationship between
social class and attainment. It looks at factors
outside schools such as material and cultural
influences. It also explores in-school factors such
as teacher expectations, labelling processes and
subcultural membership.
Part 6 examines the relationship between ethnicity
and attainment. It looks at various explanations
for the underachievement of some minority ethnic
groups such as racism in schools and teachers’ Sa
perceptions of ethnicity. It also examines cultural
and subcultural explanations.
Finally, Part 7 looks at the relationship between
gender and attainment. It examines factors inside
schools and in the wider society that help to explain
the relationship between gender and attainment. It
explores the role of gender socialisation processes
in explaining differences in attainment. It also looks >|H
at recent social and economic changes that may
have impacted on female and male achievements. fH

PART 4 INTELLIGENCE AND EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT
Contents
Unit 5.4.1 Defining and measuring
intelligence 271
Unit 5.4.2 Intelligence and educational
attainment 275
Perhaps one of the most obvious explanations
for differences in educational achievement is
individual differences in intelligence. The work of
some educational psychologists, such as Cyril Burt
(1883-1971), appeared to show that intelligence
was largely inherited and could be measured by
the use of a test. However, Burt’s work has since
been discredited. Nonetheless, such approaches
have justified the use of selective education
Unit 5.4.1 Defining and
measuring intelligence
What is intelligence? There are difficulties associated
with defining intelligence, not least because it includes
different qualities. For example, someone who solves
abstract mathematical puzzles with ease may struggle
to understand literary fiction (Giddens and Sutton,
2017). How do we explain differences in the level
or amount of intelligence between individuals? Is
intelligence an innate quality or is it largely based on
environmental factors? Can it be measured accurately
through intelligence tests? Or are intelligence tests
influenced by social factors? This unit focuses on
some of the key issues surrounding the definition and
measurement of intelligence.
Difficulties in defining intelligence
The American psychologist Arthur Jensen (1973)
defined intelligence as ‘abstract reasoning ability’.
He argued that intelligence is a selection of
just one portion of the total spectrum of human
mental abilities’. It is the ability to discover the
rules, patterns and logical principles underlying
objects and events, and the ability to apply these
discoveries in order to solve problems. However,
the psychologist N.J. Mackintosh (2011) argues
5.4 INTELLIGENCE AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
systems which place students in particular types
of school based on the results of tests. But what
is intelligence? Why is it difficult to define? Is
intelligence based on innate differences between
people? How do we measure it? How valid are IQ
tests? Questions such as these are addressed in
Unit 5.4.1.
Many studies show a correlation between measured
intelligence and achievement in education.
Working-class students, for example, continue to
score less well in intelligence tests than middle-class
children. This might lead to the conclusion
that intelligence explains class differences in
achievement. But is this necessarily the case?
Unit 5.4.2 focuses on the relationship between
intelligence and educational attainment.
that ‘there is no agreed definition of the nature of
intelligence'. Similarly, Robert Plomin et al. (201 3)
point out that the term ‘intelligence’ has numerous
different meanings within psychology.
Gardner’s theory of multiple
intelligences
Some critics challenge the idea that intelligence
can be easily defined and measured on a single
scale. Howard Gardner (1999), a psychologist,
argues that the standard, traditional Western view
of intelligence is that there is ‘a single, underlying
general intelligence’ (referred to by psychologists as
g or general intelligence) that is fixed and heritable
(transmissible from parents to children) and which can
be measured by a test. However, the East Asian view
is based on a different set of beliefs, which stress that
how smart a person is reflects how hard they work.
Gardner rejects the idea that there is just one
intelligence. His theory of multiple intelligences
highlights eight (and possibly more) different forms of
intelligence. They include linguistic intelligence linked,
for example, to being good with language and poetry;
and logic and mathematical intelligences linked, for
example, to science or interpreting graphs. These
two intelligences are both assessed via IQ tests and
are focused on and valued in schools. Other forms of
intelligence include:
271
 5 EDUCATION
> musical intelligence - for example, being able to
compose music
1 spatial intelligence involved, for example,
in navigating
> bodily kinesthetic intelligence or being able to
use parts of the body or the whole body to make
products or solve problems. Dancers, athletes,
actors and surgeons, for example, display this
particular intelligence.
* interpersonal intelligence involved, for instance, in
understanding other people’s emotions
> intrapersonal intelligence, involved in understanding
one’s own emotions, skills or motivations.
In Gardner’s view, these capacities are relatively
independent of each other. Each individual has a
‘unique blend of intelligences’.
Activity
a
&
t
D
lICA
f
•* ■
t.
•v fM I ' ;
MM- / is the highest mountain in the world?’ that test
r-.-r
f? .
According to Gardner, top athletes possess a
particular form of intelligence.
1. What sort of intelligence is involved in being an
outstanding athlete?
2. In Gardner’s view, why is it possible to have
high levels of intelligence in some areas but not
in others?
Mackintosh (2011), however, argues that many of
Gardner’s intelligences are, in fact, talents or skills.
Therefore, Gardner’s account does not allow us to
distinguish between intelligence, talents and skills.
Intelligence, ideology and power
Paul Henderson (1976) sees the concept of
intelligence as ideological in that it serves to
272
I legitimise the allocation of high-status positions in
! society. The middle class have the power to establish
definitions of intelligence. These definitions largely
refer to abilities that the middle class already have.
According to Henderson, intelligence is a ‘label’
that is applied to the ‘behavioural characteristics’
of members of a dominant class in society. In his
words, The middle class are able to select and
define those behavioural characteristics which are
to be considered “intelligent”.’ These characteristics
are ones that the middle class are most likely to
possess, given their position in the social class
structure. Rather than arguing that intelligent people
achieve privileged positions, Henderson argues that
it is ‘due to their privileged positions that people
are intelligent’.
Activity
Give one argument against the view that
intelligence can be easily defined.
Measuring intelligence
Intelligence is measured by intelligence tests which
give an individual’s intelligence quotient (IQ) and
enable comparison between people’s levels of
intelligence. Such tests are designed to measure
verbal ability, spatial ability and abstract reasoning
ability. They would exclude questions such as ‘Which
knowledge and memory rather than the ability to
reason. Thus, a simple IQ test may ask for the next
number in the following sequence: 2, 4, 6, 8. This
question requires individuals to discover the pattern
underlying the sequence of numbers and to apply
their discovery to solve the problem. The average
score on IQ tests is 100. People with an IQ of 1 50
and above are often seen as being exceptionally
I intelligent, while those with IQs below 100 are seen
as having below average intelligence.
|q tests were developed for use within education
to measure differences in intelligence between
individual students. Despite their widespread use, a
large body of evidence suggests that IQ tests are not
a valid measure of intelligence, particularly when they
are used to compare the intelligence of members of
different social groups.
The validity of IQ tests
The British sociologist Saunders (1996) accepts
that there are difficulties associated with measuring

intelligence accurately via IQ tests. However, he
sees IQ as a reasonably valid and reliable indicator
of intelligence. He argues that IQ ‘can be used to
measure approximate differences in average levels
of intelligence between different social groups,
particularly when they live under similar cultural
conditions’. In his view, ability in one area (such as
in verbal reasoning) tends to correlate with ability in
other areas (such as spatial or mathematical ability).
While this does not necessarily support the idea of
one common factor, g or general intelligence, it does
suggest that there are differences in the average
levels of intelligence between different social groups.
Researchers such as Otto Klineberg (1971) and
Philip Vernon (1969) question the validity of IQ
tests as measures of intelligence. Critics argue that
IQ tests are culturally biased. This makes it easier
for some groups to get higher scores on them than
others. One view is that they are biased in favour of
the middle class, as they are largely constructed by
and standardised upon members of this group. If it is
accepted that social classes and other social groups
have distinctive subcultures and that this affects their
performance in IQ tests, then comparisons between
groups in terms of measured intelligence are invalid.
This argument can be illustrated by the testing of
non-Western populations with Western IQ tests. The
Canadian psychologist Klineberg (1971) gave a test to
Yakima Native American children living in Washington
State, USA (see the Activity in Chapter 3, Unit 3.1.1).
The test consisted of placing variously shaped wooden
blocks into the appropriate holes in a wooden frame
‘as quickly as possible’. The children had no problem
with the test but produced low scores because they
failed to finish within the required time. Klineberg
argues that this does not indicate low intelligence but
simply reflects the children’s cultural background.
Unlike Western culture, the Yakima do not place a high
priority on speed.
Such examples suggest that Western IQ tests are
inappropriate for non-Western people as they do
not measure pure ability. The same argument has
been applied to the use of IQ tests within Western
societies which contain different subcultural groups,
including social class subcultures. Thus, the British
psychologist Vernon (1969) stated: There is no such
thing as a culture-fair test.’ In this view, IQ tests
are biased towards some groups, such as White,
middle-class people. This suggests that conclusions
based on comparisons of the average measured IQ
5.4 INTELLIGENCE AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
of different social groups must be regarded at best
with caution.
Activity
, o
o r-> Cj
O
o SHi
o ° 00V^
°o® o o ®
v»
O o ° °
IQ tests ore used to measure intelligence However, their
validity is questioned.
Assess the view that IQ tests provide a valid
measure of intelligence.
Genes, the environment and
intelligence
One view is that intelligence is due to both genetic
and environmental factors. It stems partly from the
genes that individuals inherit from their birth parents,
and partly from the environment in which they
grow up and live. Environmental influences include
everything from diet to social class, from quality of
housing to family size. They include factors such as
household income, parental education and occupation,
parent-child relationships and the quality of
schooling. For example, malnutrition during the early
years may impact negatively on children’s cognitive
development. In this view, genetic and environmental
factors interact to influence intelligence. For instance,
intelligent parents are more likely to provide an
appropriate environment (such as a nutritious diet,
books and involvement in extra-curricular activities)
for developing their children's intelligence.
Some social scientists, such as Jensen (1973) and
Richard Hermstein and Charles Murray (1994) in
I America, and Hans Eysenck (1971) in Britain, argue
that intelligence is largely inherited. Differences in
people’s IQ scores are largely explained in terms of
genetic differences between them. These researchers
variously estimate that between 60 and 80 per cent
i of intelligence is genetically based.
273
 5 EDUCATION
Saunders (1996) argues that intelligence
is determined by both genetics and the
environment, which interact is complex ways.
In his view, this means that sociologists cannot
justifiably ignore biological factors and differences
in intelligence when researching topics such as
social mobility. It is very difficult to ascertain the
precise influence of genetics and the environment
or of nature and nurture. However, drawing on
Eysenck’s account of research on identical twins,
Saunders argues that, although intelligence is
not entirely genetic, it has a substantial genetic
component, possibly 50 per cent or more. For
example, research suggests that identical twins
who were brought up separately have much more
similar scores on IQ tests than non-identical twins
who were brought up together.
Critics, however, argue that the view that genes
largely determine intelligence is an ideology. It
benefits rich and powerful social groups by justifying
inequalities as natural and inevitable.
Genes, intelligence and the
cognitive elite
Herrnstein and Murray (1994) argue that more
intelligent people tend to have greater success in
their careers than less intelligent people. In their
view, between 60 and 70 per cent of the variation
in human intelligence is genetically transmitted
between the generations. The remaining variation in
human intelligence is linked to environmental factors.
Herrnstein and Murray argue that intelligence has
become increasingly necessary for the performance
of the top jobs in industrial societies. They also
argue that the best universities in the USA now
admit students on the basis of their performance
in standardised tests rather than on the basis of
inherited wealth. In other words, admission is based
on meritocratic principles. Due to these changes,
society (and, in particular, well-paid, prestigious
and powerful positions) is increasingly dominated
by a ‘cognitive elite’ whose members are better
trained and more intelligent than other people.
Members of the cognitive elite tend to intermarry
and have intelligent children. In this way, the elite
is perpetuated over time. This implies that the
existence of an elite in society is both natural and
inevitable. It also suggests that inequality between
social groups, such as different ethnic groups or
classes, has a genetic basis.
274
The ideas of Herrnstein and Murray have provoked
much controversy. Critics argue that:
1. Herrnstein and Murray overestimate the extent to
which intelligence is determined by genetic factors.
Other estimates suggest that no more than 40 per
cent of intelligence is inherited.
2. There are various forms of intelligence, including
emotional intelligence.
3. An individual’s innate abilities cannot be separated
easily from the effects of their environment
or socialisation.
4. Herrnstein and Murray do not take account of
the effects of inherited wealth, high incomes,
cultural and social resources, and the process of
socialisation in bolstering intelligence test results.
5. The existence of an elite is neither natural
nor inevitable.
The environment and intelligence
Some commentators argue that it is not possible
to estimate the degree to which intelligence is
determined by genetic and environmental factors.
However, research has indicated that a wide range of
environmental factors can affect performance in IQ
tests. Klineberg argues that successfully solving the
problems in IQ tests depends, for example, on the
test taker’s education and previous experience, their
motivation, emotional state and physical health. For
instance, if people feel anxious about taking an IQ
test, this may affect their performance. Other critics
argue that IQ scores can be raised with tuition and
practice. Social factors such as early socialisation can
also influence performance.
Approaches to the heredity and
environment debate
Henderson (1976) identifies three main approaches
to the heredity and/or environment debate:
1. Intelligence is mainly acquired through heredity - it
is inherited.
2. Intelligence is mainly acquired through the process
of learning.
3. It is impossible to assess the relative contribution
of inheritance and learning because intelligence is
acquired from an interaction between these factors.
Henderson is critical of all three approaches because
they fail to question the ‘social basis of the concept

of intelligence and the functions performed by this
concept in a class society’
Activity
Herrnstein and Murray argue that intelligence is
increasingly necessary for the performance of top jobs
in industrial societies.
1. Some sociologists see ‘intelligence’ as a socially
constructed concept rather than as objective and
value free. What do you think they mean by this?
2. Evaluate the view that the existence of an elite
group in society is both natural and inevitable.
Key term
IQ Intelligence quotient - a score based on a test
designed to measure a person’s intelligence.
Summary
1. There are difficulties in defining intelligence.
Some psychologists argue that the term has
various meanings.
2. Gardner argues that there are at least eight
different forms of intelligence.
3. Henderson sees the concept of intelligence as
ideological, in that it serves to legitimise the
allocation of high-status social positions.
4. Intelligence is measured by IQ tests. However,
critics question their validity, arguing that they
are culturally biased.
5. There are debates about the influence of genes
and environment on intelligence.
6. Herrnstein and Murray argue that the US is
increasingly dominated by a cognitive elite
composed of highly trained, intelligent people.
However, their views have provoked fierce
criticism.
5.4 INTELLIGENCE AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Unit 5.4.2 Intelligence
and educational
attainment
This unit examines the relationship between
intelligence and educational achievement. How far
does intelligence influence educational attainment?
Do differences in intelligence account for individual
differences in attainment? Do they account for group
differences? Do middle-class students, for example,
perform better than working-class students because,
on average, they are more intelligent?
The influence of intelligence
on attainment
Social scientists, such as Jensen (1972, 1973),
Herrnstein and Murray (1994) and Eysenck
(1971) argue that class differences in intelligence
largely account for class differences in educational
attainment. Eysenck (1971) claims: ‘What children
take out of schools is proportional to what they
bring into schools in terms of IQ.’ Jensen (1972)
is more cautious when he suggests that ‘genetic
factors may play a part in this picture’. However,
he does argue that there is better evidence for the
influence of genes on educational attainment than
for the influence of environmental factors. Saunders
(1996) suggests that middle-class students perform
better within education than working-class students
because, on average, they are more intelligent.
Controversially, Herrnstein and Murray (1994) argue
that intelligence is linked to ‘race’. However, their
research has been widely challenged.
Such approaches tend to see intelligence as fixed and
innate. Consequently, it is not possible to develop
or improve people’s intelligence over time. However,
Klineberg (1935, discussed in Boronski and Hassan,
2015) found that the IQ scores of Black students
rose after they moved from the south of the USA to
better-resourced schools in northern states.
Nicholas Mackintosh (2011), a psychologist, argues
that IQ scores correlate with a number of different
indices of educational achievement, such as how
long students remain in education, results in public
examinations and qualifications, and whether
students complete high school and obtain degrees.
He points out that children who achieve high scores
on IQ tests tend to perform better than students with
275
 5 EDUCATION

lower scores. Furthermore, evidence suggests that IQ this evidence, Bowles and Gintis concluded that, at
predicts ‘both educational and occupational success, least in terms of IQ, the education system does not
but the predictions are far from perfect’. function as a meritocracy.

Mackintosh is sceptical of some sociological
claims that IQ scores are not causally linked to
educational attainment and that the correlation
between IQ scores and educational attainment
results from family and class background. He
argues that research studies show that the
correlation between children’s IQ scores and their
subsequent educational attainment is bigger
than the correlation between family background
and attainment. In his view, some sociologists
overestimate the significance of family background.
However, Mackintosh does not suggest that
intelligence is the only determinant of educational
attainment and points out that other factors
may be more important. These include students’
determination, study skills, self-discipline and their
willingness to defer gratification (to make sacrifices
in the present for future reward).
Reid (1996) is another critic of arguments that
explain different educational attainment in terms
of intelligence or IQ. He argues that it is 'absurd
to expect individual variables to explain group
differences’. Therefore, IQ cannot be used to explain
the differential educational achievement of different
social groups. He rejects the idea that social
groups such as different classes, ethnic groups or
genders have different genes that would explain
their educational achievements. Nor do these
social groups ‘represent a gene pool, to the extent
that they have differing overall levels of inherited
intelligence’. In Reid’s view, the marked changes in
educational performance based on gender and the
improvements in girls’ achievements (see Unit 5.7.2)
indicate that educational attainment is influenced by
social and cultural factors.

Stephen Murdoch (2007), however, argues

that the tests ‘do not test intelligence and have
Activity
negligible ability to predict academic achievement’.
(Murdoch, 2007, discussed in Mackintosh,
2011) Furthermore, Bowles and Gintis (1976)
argue that IQ accounts for only a small part of
educational achievement. They examined a sample
of individuals who had average IQs. Within this
sample, they found a wide range of variation in
educational attainment. This led them to conclude I fI
that there is little relationship between IQ and f /

academic qualifications. They found a direct

relationship between educational attainment and
family background. In their view, the causal factor
is not IQ, but the class position of the individual’s In many countries, improvements in females’
educational achievements mean that more women
parents. In general, the higher a person’s class of
are entering professional occupations such as
origin, the longer they remain in the education
medicine and law.
system and the higher their qualifications.
Assess the view that differences in intelligence
But why do students with high qualifications tend
account for group differences in educational
to have higher than average intelligence? Bowles
attainment.
and Gintis argue that this relationship is largely
‘a by-product’ of continued education. The longer
The final parts of this chapter explore a range of
an individual stays in the education system, the
social, cultural and economic factors that influences
more their IQ develops. Thus, IQ is a consequence
the educational attainment of different social groups
of length of stay rather than the cause of it. From ! based on social class, ethnicity and gender.

276

Summary
1. Some social scientists argue that intelligence
largely determines educational achievement.
2. Mackintosh links IQ to educational and
occupational success. Other relevant factors
include being conscientious and deferring
gratification.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
1 0 1 1 1 Describe two difficulties in defining intelligence.
[ 0 [ 2\ Explain two limitations of the view that intelligence is largely determined by genetics.
[0 |J5] Intelligence is the most important influence on educational attainment.’ Using
sociological material, give one argument against this view.
n SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT
Contents
Unit 5.5.1 Material factors and educational
attainment 278
Unit 5.5.2 Cultural factors and educational
attainment 280
Unit 5.5.3 In-school factors, social class
and educational attainment 292
Differential educational attainment refers to
the fact that different social groups - for example,
different class, ethnic and gender groups - have
different levels of educational achievement. This
part looks at evidence and explanations for social
class differences in educational attainment. Social
class, the main form of stratification in Western
societies, refers to groups that are divided in terms
of income, wealth, power and status. The essence of
class is economic inequalities.
Although the focus here is on social class, it is
important to bear in mind that each student is
a member of a social class and an ethnic group;
they are also either male or female (Joan Garrod,
2004). This means that class is just one of several
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
3. Bowles and Gintis found little relationship
between IQ and academic qualifications. They
link attainment to family background and
social class.
4. Reid argues that individual variables such as IQ
cannot be used to explain group differences in
attainment.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
variables linked to educational attainment.
Furthermore, class, gender and ethnicity are not
separate categories that each work in isolation.
Instead, they intersect with each other. For
example, Reid (1996) argues that many differences
within education that appear to be related to
ethnicity can be explained in terms of social class.
However, it may not be easy to disentangle the
various factors involved.
Research shows that the higher a person’s social
class, the higher their educational attainment
is likely to be. The children of parents in higher
social classes are more likely to attain high grades
in formal examinations; they are more likely to
stay on and be successful in post-compulsory
education and to progress to university. These
class differences were a feature of education in
many countries throughout the 20th century and
persist today.
This part begins by examining the relationship
between material factors and educational
attainment. It then focuses on cultural explanations
for class differences in attainment, including parental
attitudes, values and speech codes, and various
277
 5 EDUCATION
compensatory education programmes that seek to
help less privileged children to compete on equal
terms with other students. More recent explanations
based on Bourdieu’s idea of cultural capital are
also explored.
The part then investigates factors within schools. It
looks at how students’ class position affects their
Unit 5.5.1 Material factors
and educational
attainment
Some explanations for the relationship between
social class and educational attainment focus on
factors outside the school such as material and
cultural influences. This unit examines the relationship
between social class, material factors and educational
achievement. Class is about material differences in
income and wealth, and the things that money can buy.
Many sociologists argue that material circumstances
play an important part in determining levels of
educational attainment. In particular, they see material
deprivation - a lack of material resources - as a major
factor accounting for the relatively low attainment of
those in the lower levels of the class system.
Cognitive development
Parental income can make an important difference to
educational attainment. Research by Jane Waldfogel
and Elizabeth Washbrook (2010) looked at the
relationship between parental income and children’s
cognitive development. They drew on rich and
detailed data about the cognitive ability of 5-year-old
children taken from the UK Millennium Cohort
Study, a longitudinal study of 12 644 children from
birth onwards.
_ ,
Cognitive ability (mental processes such as reasoning)
, ,
was based on the results of three tests taken by the
. to that in China but higher than that in countries
5-year-olds. The test results allowed the researchers
_ ... . , . . .
to identify the children s cognitive developmental age.
_. . ........ L.,_i . *
The researchers divided the children into five groups
. . ^ , fcU . .
based on parental income. They compared the test
no
results of the lowest income group the bottom 20
^ . , . . .... .
per cent) with the results of the middle-income group
(the middle 20 per cent). There was a significant
test score gap between the lowest and the middle
groups. The largest gap, that of 11.1 months, was
on the Naming Vocabulary Test, a verbal ability test
278
treatment in the classroom and how this might
impact on their educational attainment.
This part raises important questions. To what extent
does class affect educational attainment? What can be
done to provide equality of educational opportunity?
Can it be done by schools and teachers? Or is the
answer to reduce inequality in the wider society?
in which children were shown pictures of objects and
asked to name them. This test indicated that the
cognitive development of children in poverty when
they started school was nearly a year behind that of
middle-income children. This gap was reduced to nine
months for children who spoke only English at home.
But the gap remains important, because it is likely
to be reflected in the attainment gap throughout the
children’s educational career.
The researchers then attempted to identity factors
which might help to explain the income-related
cognitive development gap. In terms of material
factors, lack of a home computer and a car were
the most apparent. Lack of an annual holiday was a
distinguishing factor. In terms of health, lower birth
weight and poorer health generally appeared to
make a ‘modest contribution’ to lowering cognitive
development. Factors which seemed to make a
positive contribution to cognitive development were
parents reading to children and family trips to places
of interest.
PNV3tB tllitiOM Gild
extra-curricular activities
Private tutors provide students, at a cost, with direct
help with their schoolwork. A study commissioned
by the Sutton Trust in 2017 drew on data from the
Programme for International Student Assessment
(PISA) which showed that one in six students in
Year 11 (aged 15-16) in England had private tutors
. ,. . . TU. ... ...
in maths and science. This proportion was similar
^ . . . . . . .. .. . .
. r „ . » . • r- ■ ^
such as South Korea and Australia. In England
,... , .. . . ., . ~ , ..
and Wales, students aged 11-16 years from the
,. . t. r ... . ... . .
highest-income families were much more likely to
. t A _ fcU ..
have received private or home tuition than those
, . . ... , c
from the lowest-income families (John Jerrim, Sutton
rus ’
Research indicates that involvement in extra-curricular
activities can have a positive effect on educational
attainment. However, parents in higher-income groups

are more likely than those in lower-income groups to
pay for their children to attend extra-curricular activities
such as classes in sport, dance, drama and music.
Activity
Some students may benefit from private tuition or
involvement in extra-curricular activities such as piano
lessons.
1. How might involvement in extra-curricular
activities have a positive impact on
educational attainment?
2. Are students in your school encouraged to
participate in extra-curricular activities? If so,
why are they encouraged to do so? As far as
you know, do many students in your school have
private tutors?
Schools in disadvantaged areas
Organisations such as Ofsted, the official schools’
assessment body in England, report that, in general,
the higher the level of deprivation in an area, the
lower the quality of schools. Ruth Lupton (2004)
studied schools in deprived low-income areas in
England. Teachers had serious student welfare
issues to worry about. Compared to better-off areas,
students tended to be ‘anxious, traumatised, unhappy,
jealous, angry or vulnerable’. They were more likely
to disrupt lessons and truant from school (to be
absent without permission). Teachers had difficulty
maintaining high expectations, as they were often
disappointed. They were careful to select inexpensive
school trips because parents often lacked the money
to pay for them.
Claudia Rangel and Christy Lleras (2010) examined
the effects of school quality and family background
on the academic achievements of students in their
final year of high school in 2003 in Cartagena,
Colombia. They found that family socio-economic
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
background had a significant effect on student
achievement as measured by their mathematics
and reading test scores. For example, students from
more privileged backgrounds had significantly higher
achievements in mathematics than less privileged
students.
This variation in achievement was partly explained
by school-level factors such as the quality and the
composition of the school. Measures of school
quality included the number of well-trained teachers
and the availability of educational resources such
as libraries, science equipment, and language and
computer laboratories. School composition refers to
factors such as the proportion of students from less
privileged families and whether the school was in the
private or the public (state) sector. The significantly
higher mathematics achievements among students
from more privileged socio-economic backgrounds
was partly linked to their greater likelihood of
attending private schools and schools with lower
levels of poverty among the intake.
Barriers to learning
In a study of the effects of poverty on schooling,
Theresa Smith and Michael Noble (1995) list some
of the ‘barriers to learning’ that can result from low
income. These include:
» There may be insufficient funds to pay for school
uniforms, school trips, transport to and from
school, classroom materials and, in some cases,
school textbooks. This can lead to children
being isolated, bullied and stigmatised. As a
result, they may fall behind in their schoolwork.
» Children from low-income families are more
likely to suffer from ill-health, which can affect
their attendance and performance at school.
* Low income reduces the likelihood of a desk,
educational toys, books and space to do
homework, and a comfortable well-heated home.
* The marketisation of schools is likely to increase
the division between successful, well-resourced
schools in affluent areas and under-subscribed,
poorly resourced schools in poor areas. This will
‘reduce rather than increase opportunities for
children from poor families, by concentrating
socially disadvantaged children in a limited
number of increasingly unpopular schools’
(Smith and Noble, 1995).
279
 5 EDUCATION
Research suggests that factors such as having internet
access and a quiet study space at home can influence
students’ educational achievements.
Write brief notes to summarise the relationship
between educational attainment and material
deprivation.
Key terms
Differential educational attainment The different
attainment levels of different groups of children,
for example, class, gender and ethnic groups.
Material deprivation A lack of material resources.
Summary
1. Evidence suggests that parental income is linked
to cognitive development. This can be explained
in terms of material factors.
2. Children from affluent families may benefit
from private tuition and involvement in
extra-curricular activities.
3. One view is that disadvantaged areas may have
lower-quality schools.
4. Some researchers argue that material factors,
particularly poverty, can be ‘barriers to learning’.
Unit 5.5.2 Cultural factors
and educational
attainment
So far, explanations for class differences in
educational achievement have focused on material
factors. This unit examines the view that cultural
factors account for class differences in educational
280
attainment. In this approach, the relatively low
attainment of working-class students is due mainly to
working-class subculture. This leads to government
policies which aim to compensate for the supposedly
negative effects of working-class subcultures on
educational attainment.
This approach is sometimes known as cultural
deprivation theory. It suggests that the subculture
of low-income groups is deprived of factors that
are necessary for high educational attainment. The
so-called culturally deprived child is pictured as
lacking the language and reasoning skills needed
for intellectual tasks, and as deficient in important
attitudes and values required for educational success.
Cultural deprivation theory has been strongly criticised
and this unit examines some of these criticisms.
The unit also explores how Bourdieu’s ideas of
cultural, social and economic capital have been used
to explain class differences in achievement. In doing
so. it raises a complex question. Will equality of
opportunity ever be possible when those at the top
have an armoury of cultural, social and economic
capital to keep themselves up there?
Class subcultures and
educational attainment
It has been argued that a social class’s subculture - its
distinctive norms and values - affects performance
in the education system. Norms are guides to
appropriate behaviour in particular situations. Values
are beliefs that something is important and worthwhile.
While sharing the culture of mainstream society,
members of a class-based subculture also have some
of their own norms and values.
The view that social class subcultures affect
educational attainment was first spelled out in detail
by the American sociologist Herbert H. Hyman
(1967). He argued that the value system of the
lower classes creates ‘a self-imposed barrier to an
improved position’.
Using a wide range of data from opinion polls and
surveys conducted by sociologists, Hyman outlined
what he saw as differences between working-class
and middle-class value systems:
1. Members of the working class place a lower value
on education.
2. They also place a lower value on achieving high
occupational status.

3. Compared to their middle-class counterparts,
members of the working class believe that there is
less opportunity for personal advancement.
These values did not characterise all members of
the working class - a sizeable minority did not share
them. In general, however, Hyman concluded that
motivation to achieve, whether in school or outside it,
is generally lower for members of the working class.
Attitudes and orientations
The British sociologist Barry Sugarman (1970) argued
that middle- and working-class subcultures contain
different attitudes and orientations, which may account
for class differences in educational attainment. In
particular, he claims that working-class subculture
emphasises fatalism, immediate gratification,
present-time orientation and collectivism.
1. Fatalism involves an acceptance of the situation
rather than efforts to improve it. As such, it will not
encourage high achievement in the classroom.
2. Immediate gratification and present-time
orientation emphasise the enjoyment of pleasures
in the moment rather than sacrifice for future
reward. This will tend to discourage sustained
effort, with its promise of examination success. It
will also tend to encourage early school-leaving for
the more immediate rewards of wages, adult status
and freedom from the disciplines of school.
3. Collectivism involves loyalty to the group rather
than the emphasis on individual achievement that
the school system demands.
Sugarman, therefore, concluded that the subculture
of students from working-class backgrounds places
them at a disadvantage in the education system.
Criticisms of the concept of
class subcultures
1. So-called working-class subculture may simply
be a response in terms of mainstream culture
to the circumstances of working-class life. Thus,
members of the working class may be realistic
rather than fatalistic. They might defer gratification
if they had the resources to do so. They might be
future-oriented if the opportunities for successful
future planning were available.
From this point of view, members of the working
class share the same norms and values as any
other members of society. Their behaviour is not
directed by a distinctive subculture. It is simply
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
their situation that prevents them from expressing
society’s norms and values in the same way as
members of the middle class.
2. The content of working-class subculture
is sometimes derived from interviews and
questionnaires. Hyman’s and Sugarman’s data
were largely obtained from these sources. However,
what people say in response to interviews or
questionnaires may not provide an accurate
indication of how they behave in other situations.
3. In a criticism of American studies, R.H. Turner
(discussed in Colquhoun, 1976) notes that
social-class differences reported from interview and
questionnaire data are often slight. Sociologists are
inclined to ignore the similarities between classes
and emphasise the differences. Sometimes this
is because the differences tend to support their
views - in this case, that class subcultures help to
explain class differences in educational attainment.
J.W.B. Douglas - The Home
and the School
J.W.B. Douglas and his associates (Douglas, 1964;
Douglas et al. 1970) conducted an influential
longitudinal study (that is, a study of the same group
over time). They followed the educational careers of
5362 British children born in the first week of March
1946, through primary and secondary school, up to
the age of 16 in 1962.
Douglas divided the students into groups in terms
of their ability, which was measured by a range of
tests including IQ tests. He also divided the students
into four social-class groupings and found significant
variations in educational attainment between students
of similar ability but from different social classes. He
found that length of stay in the education system was
related to social class. Within the ‘high ability’ group,
50 per cent of the students from the lower working
class left secondary school in their fifth year (aged
15-16), compared with 33 per cent from the upper
working class, 22 per cent from the lower middle class
and 10 per cent from the upper middle class.
Parental interest in education
Douglas related educational attainment to a variety
of factors, including the student’s health, the size of
their family and the quality of the school. The single
most important factor appeared to be the degree
of parents’ interest in their children’s education. In
general, middle-class parents expressed a greater
281
 5 EDUCATION
interest, as indicated by more frequent visits to the
school to discuss their children’s progress. They were
more likely to want their children to stay on at school
beyond the minimum leaving age and to encourage
them to do so. Douglas found that parental interest
and encouragement became increasingly important as
a spur to high attainment as the children grew older.
Douglas also attached importance to the child’s
early years, as, in many cases, performance during
the first years of schooling is reflected throughout
secondary school. He suggested that, during primary
socialisation, middle-class children receive greater
attention and stimulus from their parents. Middle-class
parents were likely to encourage their children to do
their best in a wide variety of activities. This formed a
basis for high achievement in the education system.
Activity
Douglas argued that middle-class children receive
more parental attention and stimulus during primary
socialisation.
1. How does Douglas explain class differences
in education?
2. Explain one strength and one weakness of using
a longitudinal approach to investigate class
differences in educational attainment.
Evaluation of explanations
based on dass subcultures
The studies discussed above appear to strongly
support the view that class subcultures influence
educational attainment, particularly through
differences in parental encouragement. However,
these studies should be viewed with some caution.
A number of arguments suggest that working-class
parents are not necessarily less interested in their
children’s education just because they go to
their children’s schools less frequently than their
282
middle-class counterparts. Tessa Blackstone and Jo
Mortimore (1994) make the following points:
1. Working-class parents may have less time to visit
school because of the demands of their jobs.
Manual jobs typically involve longer and less
regular hours than non-manual jobs.
2. Working-class parents may be very interested in
their children’s education but they are put off going
to the school because of the way teachers interact
with them. Blackstone and Mortimore (1994) argue
that it is possible that ‘working-class parents feel
ill at ease or the subject of criticism when they visit
school. Teachers represent authority and parents
who have had unhappy experiences at school or with
authority figures may be reluctant to meet them.’
3. The data used by Douglas may not actually
measure parental interest in education. It may
measure teachers’ perceptions of their interest.
It is possible that teachers perceive middle-class
parents as more interested than working-class
parents because of the way they interact with
teachers when they attend school.
One way of measuring parental support is by means
of teachers’ assessments ofparental interest in their
children’s education. But is this necessarily a valid or
reliable measure?
Explain one strength and one limitation of using
teachers’ assessments of parental interest in their
children’s education to measure parental support.
Basil Bernstein - speech patterns
The English sociologist Bernstein suggested that
class differences in speech patterns are related to
educational attainment. As speech is an important
medium of communication and learning, attainment
levels in schools may be related to differences in
speech patterns. Bernstein (1961,1970,1972)

identified two forms of speech pattern, which he
termed the restricted code and the elaborated code.
In general, members of the working class are limited
to the use of restricted codes, whereas members of the
middle class use both codes.
Restricted codes are a kind of shorthand speech.
Those conversing in terms of this code have so much
in common that there is no need to make meanings
explicit in speech. Restricted codes are characterised
by ‘short, grammatically simple, often unfinished
sentences’. Meaning and intention are conveyed more
by gesture, voice intonation and the context in which
the communication takes place.
Restricted codes tend to operate in terms of
particularistic meanings and are tied to specific
contexts. Because so much is taken for granted and
relatively little is made explicit, restricted codes are
largely limited to dealing with objects, events and
relationships that are familiar to those communicating.
Thus, the meanings conveyed by the code are limited to
a particular social group: they are bound to a particular
social context and are not readily available to outsiders.
By contrast, an elaborated code explicitly verbalises
many of the meanings that are taken for granted in
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
a restricted code. It fills in the detail, spells out the
relationships and provides the explanations omitted
by restricted codes. As such, its meanings tend to
be universalistic: they are not tied to a particular
context. The listener need not be plugged in to
the experience and understanding of the speaker,
because the meanings are spelled out verbally.
Speech patterns and
educational attainment
Bernstein used class differences in speech
codes to account in part for differences in
educational attainment:
1. Education in schools is conducted in terms of an
elaborated code and involves ‘the transmission
and development of universalistic orders of
meaning’. This places working-class children at a
disadvantage because they tend to be limited to
the restricted code.
2. The restricted code, by its very nature, reduces
the chances of working-class students successfully
acquiring some of the skills demanded by the
education system.
283
. m
 5 EDUCATION

WHAT DOES THE

plane look ldce?

IT’S GOT WINDOWS DOWN

BOTH SIDES. IT’S GOT TWO
WINGS WITH ENGINES ON.
IT’S PAINTED IN WHITE,
SILVER, RED AND 8UJE_
L
/
1

l/.
\:~>-

The pictures illustrate part of a series of interviews used to assess the language shills ofAfrican-American bogs. Theg
were asked to describe a tog plane In the first interview, the bog gives short answers followed bg long silences. In
the second interview, where he is joined bg his best friend and given a packet of crisps (potato chips), the bog gives a
detailed description of the plane [Labov, 1975].

1. Suggest reasons for the boy’s different responses in the two interviews.
2. How might this be used to question Bernstein’s findings?

Bernstein did not dismiss working-class speech
patterns as inadequate or substandard. He described
them as having ‘warmth and vitality’ and ‘simplicity
and directness’. However, particularly in his earlier
writings, he did imply that, in certain respects, they
are inferior to an elaborated code. He suggested
that an elaborated code is superior for analysing
relationships, logically developing an argument,
making generalisations and for handling higher-level
concepts. Because such skills form an important part
of formal education, limitation to a restricted code
may provide a partial explanation for the relatively
low attainment of working-class students.
Evaluation of Bernstein
» Bernstein lumps together all manual workers into
the working class and all non-manual workers into
the middle class. This ignores the various levels
within these classes.
» He provides little evidence of the existence and
use of the restricted and elaborated codes.
> Much of his evidence is drawn from interviews
with children. The context of an interview and
the appearance, gender, age and ethnicity of the
interviewer can affect the results.
» Although Bernstein does not actually state that
working-class speech patterns are substandard,
he appears to imply this. Critics argue that he
has created the myth that middle-class speech
patterns are superior (Rosen, 1974).
Evaluation of cultural
deprivation theory
Cultural deprivation theory portrays working-class
subculture as substandard, inadequate and
deficient. It was developed mainly by White
American middle-class psychologists in the 1960s,
partly in an attempt to explain the low educational
i attainment of African-American students. The
theory has been criticised for placing the blame for
educational failure on the children and their families,
their neighbourhoods and the subculture of their
social groups.
Nell Keddie (1973) calls this theory ‘the myth of
cultural deprivation’. She argues that this myth
largely accounts for educational failure. The myth
informs and directs interaction in schools, ‘teachers’
ways of assessing and typifying students and the
ways in which teachers and students give meanings

284

to educational situations’. As a result, children
from low-income, working-class and minority ethnic
backgrounds are seen 'as less "educable” than other
children’. Keddie argues that The perception of
working-class subcultures as deficient seems to arise
from the ignorance of those who belong to what they
perceive as the dominant cultural tradition.’
Compensatory education and
positive discrimination
From the viewpoint of cultural deprivation
theory, equality of educational opportunity could
only become a reality by compensating for the
deprivations and deficiencies of low-income groups.
Only then would low-income students have an equal
chance to seize the opportunities provided for all
members of society.
From this kind of reasoning developed the idea
of positive discrimination in favour of culturally
deprived children. They must be given a helping
hand to compete on equal terms with other
children. This took the form of compensatory
education - additional educational provision for the
culturally deprived. According to many educational
psychologists, most of the damage was done
during primary socialisation, when a substandard
culture was internalised in an environment largely
devoid of ‘richness’ and stimulation. Therefore,
compensatory education should concentrate on the
pre-school years.
This thinking lay behind many of the programmes
instituted by the Office of Economic Opportunity
during President Johnson’s ‘War on Poverty’ in the
USA (from the 1960s to the early 1970s). Billions
of dollars were poured into Project Head Start,
a massive programme of pre-school education,
beginning in Harlem in New York City and extending
to low-income areas across the US. This and similar
programmes aimed to provide planned enrichment -
a stimulating educational environment in which
to introduce achievement motivation and lay the
foundation for effective learning in the school system.
The results were very disappointing. In a large-scale
evaluation of Project Head Start, the Westinghouse
Corporation concluded that it produced no long-term
beneficial results. Despite such gloomy conclusions,
there is still support for compensatory education.
Some argue that it has failed because the programmes
developed have been inappropriate, or because the
scale of the operation has been insufficient.
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Educational Priority Areas, Education
Action Zones and Excellence in Cities
Nations such as Britain, Portugal and France have
compensatory education programmes. In Britain,
compensatory education began in the late 1960s
with the government allocating extra resources for
school building in low-income areas and supplements
to the salaries of teachers working in those areas.
Four areas were designated as Educational Priority
Areas (EPAs). Programmes of compensatory
education were introduced in these EPAs. They
were based mainly on pre-school education and
additional measures in primary schools to raise
literacy standards. Although it is difficult to
evaluate the results, reports from the EPAs were
generally disappointing.
Halsey, who directed the EPA projects, argued that
positive discrimination in England has yet to be given
a fair trial. It has operated on a shoestring compared
to American programmes - for example, in 1973
only 0.2 per cent of the total education budget was
spent on compensatory education. Writing in 1977,
Halsey stated: ‘Positive discrimination is about
resources. The principle stands and is most urgently
in need of application.’
More recent examples of compensatory education
include Education Action Zones (EAZs) and
Excellence in Cities (EiC). These programmes directed
resources to low-income, inner-city areas in an
attempt to raise educational attainment. Available
evidence indicates that, at best, they produced only
small improvements.
In Portugal, one aim of the national compensatory
education programme is to reduce the gap in
academic performance between schools in deprived
areas and those in more privileged areas. Tiago
Neves, Helder Ferraz and Gil Nata (2017) carried out
a longitudinal analysis of quantitative data to assess
how far the Portuguese compensatory education
programme has narrowed this gap. They measured
the performance of schools in national examinations
that enable students to access higher education.
Neves et al. found that the programme has not been
effective in improving the academic results of schools
in deprived areas compared to those of other schools.
Evaluation of compensatory education
Critics see cultural deprivation theory as a
smokescreen that disguises the real factors
preventing equality of educational opportunity. By
285
5 EDUCATION
placing the blame for failure on the children and their
backgrounds, it diverts attention from the deficiencies
of the education system. William Labov (1973)
argued that Project Head Start was ‘designed to
repair the child rather than the school; to the extent
it is based upon this inverted logic, it is bound to fail*.
Sharon Cewirtz (2001) sees EAZs as being firmly
based upon the idea of cultural deprivation. She
argues that they involve a ‘massive programme
of resourcing and re-education which has as its
ultimate aim the eradication of cultural difference
by transforming working-class parents into
middle-class parents’.
Geoff Whitty (2002) criticises EAZs for being based
on a cultural deprivation model in which the working
class are seen as lacking the necessary culture to
succeed in education. In his view, rather than the
working class having to change to fit in with education,
it is education that should change and place a higher
value on working-class culture. Whitty argues that
EAZs are likely to have only limited success in raising
achievement because they involve quite a modest
redistribution of resources to poor areas. They are,
therefore, unlikely to do much to compensate for the
inequalities in the wider society, which lead to low
attainment in deprived areas in the first place.
Any positive effects of EAZs and the EiC
programme that replaced them may become more
evident in the long term, but so far there is little
evidence that they have made a major impact on
educational disadvantage.
Activity
US President Johnson with some of the children involved
in Project Head Start.
Explain one advantage and one disadvantage of
compensatory education programmes.
286
Conclusion
So far, this part has focused on factors outside
schools in the wider society rather than on
what happens in classrooms. It has examined
material differences between social classes and
class-based subcultures. Some sociologists argue
that a combination of these factors explains class
differences in educational attainment. Bourdieu’s
ideas of cultural, social and economic capitals bring
together both cultural and material factors, and
factors external and internal to schools.
Bourdieu. capitals and differential
attainment
As outlined earlier, the French sociologist Bourdieu
saw the main role of education in society as social
reproduction, in particular, the reproduction of
inequalities of wealth, power and privilege between
social classes. Bourdieu (1971, 1974) argues that
the education system is based on the culture of the
dominant classes, who have the power to impose their
definitions of reality on others. (See Unit 5.3.1.) This
is very different from cultural deprivation theory, which
suggests that the subculture of those in the lower
levels of the class system is substandard and deficient
compared to the subcultures of those above them.
Cultural capital
Bourdieu refers to possession of the dominant
culture as cultural capital because, via the
education system, it can be translated into wealth,
power and status. Cultural capital is not evenly
distributed throughout the class system, and this
largely accounts for class differences in educational
attainment. Students with upper-class and, to a
lesser extent, middle-class backgrounds have a
built-in advantage because they have been socialised
into the dominant culture.
Bourdieu claims, ‘the success of all school education
depends fundamentally on the education previously
accomplished in the earliest years of life’. Education
in school merely builds on this basis - it does not
start from scratch but assumes prior skills and prior
knowledge. Children from the dominant classes have
internalised these skills and knowledge during their
pre-school years. Their success is based on ‘the
cultural capital previously invested by the family’
(Bourdieu, 1986). They possess the key to unlock the
messages transmitted in the classroom. In Bourdieu’s
words, they ‘possess the code of the message’.

The educational attainment of social groups is
therefore directly related to the amount of cultural
capital they possess. Thus, upper and middle-class
students have higher success rates than working-class
students because they have more of the dominant
culture and therefore more cultural capital.
Bourdieu is somewhat vague when he attempts
to pinpoint the skills and knowledge required for
educational success. He places particular emphasis
on style, on form rather than content, and suggests
that the way students present their work and
themselves counts for more than the actual scholastic
content of their work. He argues that, in awarding
! t:s
grades, teachers are strongly influenced by 'the
intangible nuances of manners and style’. The closer
students’ style is to that of the dominant classes, the
more likely they are to succeed.
The emphasis on style discriminates against
working-class students in two ways:
1. Because their style departs from that of the
dominant culture, their work is devalued
and penalised.
2. They are unable to grasp the range of meanings
that are embedded in the ‘grammar, accent,
tone, delivery’ of the teachers. Because teachers
use 'bourgeois parlance’ as opposed to ‘common
parlance’, working-class students have an in-built
barrier to learning in schools.
Habitus, class and education
Bourdieu used the concept of habitus to develop
his ideas (see Unit 5.1.3). Habitus refers to the
values, attitudes, dispositions and expectations
held by particular groups. It defines everyday ways
of doing things - in Bourdieu’s words, ‘ways of
walking or blowing your nose, ways of eating or
talking’. It constructs ways of seeing the world and
states what is reasonable, appropriate, and to be
expected. As a result, habitus generates ‘thoughts,
perceptions, expressions and actions’. Habitus is
learned from an early age within the family. It is a
major part of primary socialisation and varies from
class to class.
Bourdieu argues that the habitus of the dominant
classes provides them with an advantage in the
education system. As a result of their habitus,
parents and children are likely to have a positive
attitude towards education. This means that they
will be inclined to do what is required to succeed
in education - from parents investing money in
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
fee-paying schools, private tutors and extra-curricular
activities, to children seeing education as important
and working hard to pass exams and gain admission
to a top university.
This dominant class habitus will be recognised
by teachers as a readiness for school knowledge.
Teachers will take the view that they and the students
are working towards the same goal. As a result,
teachers will tend to favour the children of the
dominant classes.
Activity
v T
1
0 L
> /'. 7T'
•li
if*
■ fes. _
1
A
During question and answer sessions or group work
activities in classrooms, teachers assess and compare
their students’ vocabulary, language skills and
knowledge
How might a teacher recognise a student’s
dominant class habitus and ‘readiness for school
knowledge’?
By comparison, the habitus of the working class tends
to have a more negative attitude towards education.
It has lower expectations of success and sometimes
rejects the values of school. It may encourage resistance
to the school and a ‘negative withdrawal which upsets
teachers’. This may lead to low attainment among some
working-class students.
Taste, class and education
Using survey data as evidence, Bourdieu (1984)
claims that people’s tastes - for example, in art, films,
music and food - are related to their upbringing,
their class and their educational attainment.
The tastes of the dominant classes, which Bourdieu
refers to as ‘legitimate taste’, tend to have the
highest prestige. They include so-called ‘high
culture’ - classical music, opera, ballet, theatre, fine
art and ‘good’ literature.
287
 5 EDUCATION
Legitimate taste on its own does not guarantee
educational success or a well-paid job. However, it
helps some students to get into the most prestigious
schools and universities. It also shapes teachers’
perceptions of their students. Unconsciously, teachers
recognise different tastes and the types of behaviour
typical of different classes. They value and reward
legitimate taste more than middlebrow taste, and, in
turn, middlebrow taste is valued more than popular
taste. Such tastes may not even be part of the formal
curriculum, but they play an important role in giving
those from higher-class backgrounds more chance
of success.
The social function of elimination
Bourdieu claims that a major role of the education
system is the social function of elimination
(Bourdieu, 1974; Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977).
This involves the elimination of members of the
working class from higher levels of education. It is
accomplished in two ways:
1. examination failure
2. self-elimination.
Due to their lack of cultural capital, working-class
students are more likely to fail examinations, which
prevents them from entering higher education.
However, their decision to vacate the system of
their own accord accounts for a higher proportion
of elimination. Bourdieu regards this decision as
‘reasonable’ and ‘realistic’. Working-class students
realise that they are in a disadvantageous position and
know what is in store for them. Their attitudes towards
education are shaped by ‘objective conditions’, and
these attitudes will continue ‘as long as real chances of
success are slim’.
Conclusions
Bourdieu concluded that the major role of education
in society is the contribution it makes to social
reproduction. Social inequality is reproduced in the
education system and as a result it is legitimated.
The privileged position of the dominant classes is
justified by educational success; the underprivileged
position of the lower classes is legitimated by
educational failure.
The education system is particularly effective in
maintaining the power of the dominant classes,
because it presents itself as a neutral body
based on meritocratic principles providing equal
opportunity for all. Unlike economic capital, ‘the
288
transmission of cultural capital is heavily disguised
or even invisible’. As such, it 'escapes observation
and control’ Bourdieu (1986) concludes that, in
practice, education is essentially concerned with 'the
reproduction of the established order’.
Alice Sullivan - a test of
Bourdieu’s theory
Alice Sullivan (2001,2002) conducted a
questionnaire survey of 465 1 6-year-old students
in four English schools in order to test Bourdieu’s
theory of class differences in educational
attainment. (See Unit 5.1.5.) She used parental
occupations to determine the children’s social class.
Where there were two parents, she chose the one
with the higher-status job. She used educational
qualifications to measure parents’ cultural capital.
A number of measures of students’ cultural capital
were used. For example, students were asked about
the books they read, the television programmes they
watched, the music they listened to, whether they
played a musical instrument, and their attendance at
art galleries, theatres and concerts.
The research then examined which of these factors, if
any, are linked with educational performance in GCSEs
(formal examinations taken by 16-year-olds). Students
who read widely and watched more intellectual
and ‘highbrow’ television programmes such as arts,
science and current affairs documentaries, and more
sophisticated drama, developed wider vocabularies
and greater knowledge. These students were more
likely to achieve higher GCSE grades. Watching
television programmes such as soap operas (popular
drama serials) and game shows did not improve
GCSE performance. Attendance at cultural events
and involvement in music had no significant effect,
suggesting that these should not be considered
important aspects of cultural capital.
Sullivan found that students’ cultural capital was
strongly correlated with parental cultural capital (that
is, their parents’ educational qualifications), which in
turn was closely linked to their social class. Graduate
parents in higher professions had children with the
most cultural capital and who were most successful
in exams.
On the surface, this research provides strong support
for Bourdieu. However, Sullivan found significant
differences in GCSE attainment between middle-class
and working-class children even after the effects
of cultural capital had been taken into account.
 5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

This led her to conclude that Bourdieu’s theory
could only account for part of the class differences
in attainment. Sullivan (2001) argues that ‘Other
mechanisms, such as class differentials in material
resources and educational aspirations, must account
for the remaining differentials in educational
attainment.’ Her conclusion suggests that cultural
capital, and parental interest in education, and
parents’ economic situation, all contribute to class
inequality in educational attainment.

Activity

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A family from the dominant social classes.

1. Which forms of capital are depicted in this picture?

2. Briefly suggest how these capitals might help the children’s education.

Evaluation of Bourdieu 3. Concepts such as cultural capital and habitus have

The evaluation on Bourdieu’s views on the role of been criticised as vague, lacking in precision and
education in society outlined in Unit 5.1.3 also detail, and as difficult to operationalise (to put into
applies to this section. a form that can be measured).

1. Bourdieu has been criticised, particularly by 4. Sullivan’s test of Bourdieu’s theory suggests
Marxists, for downplaying certain material factors - that cultural capital explains only a part of
in particular, economic exploitation and oppression. educational attainment.

2. Critics argue that Bourdieu places too much
emphasis on the structure of society in shaping
people’s behaviour rather than looking at how
individuals can change and transform society. For
example, they argue that habitus is presented as
determining behaviour rather than as providing
opportunities for individuals to direct their own
actions. As Sullivan (2002) puts it, ‘Bourdieu’s
theory has no place not only for individual agency,
but even for individual consciousness.’
5. Despite the above criticisms, Bourdieu’s work
has been extremely influential. It has informed
many studies in many countries. Concepts such as
cultural, social and economic capital and habitus
have inspired and directed many important
research projects.
Activity
Briefly evaluate the view that Bourdieu’s theory
does not account for individual agency.

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 5 EDUCATION
Class, capitals and choosing schools
Studies of class differences in choosing schools in
England conducted by Ball, Bowe and Gewirtz (1994)
show the importance of cultural, social and economic
capital. As a result of their greater capitals, middle-class
parents were in a better position than working-class
parents to assess available schools for their children.
They also had a wider choice of schools. They had more
knowledge, contacts, time and money to help them
make decisions.
Middle-class parents were more likely to have the
economic capital to widen their choice of schools -
money to pay for coaching for entrance exams into
selective or private schools, fees for private schools,
the expense of moving house to be close to a
successful school and the costs of transportation to
more distant schools.
With their greater cultural capital, middle-class
parents were better able to judge the quality
of schools, analyse league tables and gather
information from teachers on open days.
Added to the above is the greater likelihood of
middle-class parents having more social capital - a
wider and more informative network of relatives,
friends and acquaintances who can provide advice
and information on school choice. Ball (2003) states
that ‘Middle-class parents have enough capitals in
the right currency to ensure a high probability of
success for their children.’
Activity
A parent getting information on the school’s examination
results as part of the process of deciding which school
their child will attend to study A Levels.
What does the picture suggest about the parent’s
cultural capital?
290
Activity
The following quotations about school choice are
from two middle-class mothers (Ball, 2003):
You talk to other people who’ve got children
there who come from Riversway [School],
how they are coping. You spend a lot of time
talking outside the school gates to people you
know in the same situation, that’s how you
discover things really. (Mrs Grafton)
We spoke to teachers in the schools, spoke
to other parents, and spoke to my friends ...
about where their children went and what they
thought about it. (Mrs Gosling)
1. Drawing on this and other sociological evidence,
explain how some middle-class parents use their
capitals in relation to their children’s education.
2. Evaluate the use of semi-structured interviews
with parents to investigate class differences in
school choice.
Class, capitals and higher education
Diane Reay, David and Ball (2005) investigated the
influence of social class on university choices. Their
sample was based on students from six schools and
colleges in and around London, England. They gave
a questionnaire to 502 students, ran focus groups
and conducted 1 20 in-depth interviews.
Habitus
Reay et al. found Bourdieu’s concept of habitus (see
Unit 5.1.3) particularly useful. They argue that the
habitus acquired in the family has an important
influence on higher education choices. For example,
many of the privileged middle-class students came
from families where university attendance was
taken for granted, and where elite universities were
seen as appropriate for ‘people like them’. These
views were usually confirmed by the habitus of the
fee-paying schools they attended. Progression to elite
universities was seen as normal and natural for their
kind of students.
Privately educated, middle-class students often had
detailed knowledge of premier-division universities,
which they had acquired from both family and school.
In addition, they had a ‘confidence, certainty and
sense of entitlement’, which led many to choose the
top universities. By comparison, many working-class

students lacked this knowledge and confidence. They
tended to see elite universities such as Oxford and
Cambridge as 'not for the likes of them’. They had
insufficient cultural capital to avoid 'feelings of risk, fear,
shame and guilt', which resulted from their perception
of a greater likelihood of academic and social failure
should they attend an elite university. For many, this
led to a 'process of self-exclusion'. By not applying, they
barred themselves from the top universities.
Activity
Grandfather, father and son.
How does this picture illustrate the working of
habitus?
Evaluation of the concepts of
capitals and habitus
The concepts of cultural, social and economic capital
and the idea of habitus have directed a range of
research projects on social class and educational
attainment. They have been extremely useful in
throwing new light on the importance of:
» socialisation within families
» choosing schools and universities
> social class attainment and the wider society.
The concepts of capitals and habitus have shown the
connection between money, social contacts, ways of
thinking, and attitudes and expectations. As a result
of the ideas of capitals and habitus, researchers have
asked new questions and provided new answers.
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
These ideas have brought together cultural and
material factors, and factors both internal and
external to schools and the education system.
Activity
Make brief notes on the relationship between
cultural factors and educational attainment.
Key terms
Cultural deprivation theory The idea that
certain groups are deprived of, or deficient
in, things seen as necessary for high
educational attainment.
Subculture The distinctive norms and values of a
particular social group.
Fatalism Accepting a situation rather than making
efforts to improve it.
Immediate gratification Focusing on the
pleasures of the moment rather than putting them
off for future reward.
Present-time orientation A focus on the present
rather than the future.
Collectivism Emphasis on the group rather than
the individual.
Restricted code A kind of shorthand speech in
which meanings are not spelled out.
Elaborated code Speech in which meanings are
made explicit and spelled out.
Particularistic meanings Meanings that are tied
to a particular social context and not readily
available to outsiders.
Universalistic meanings Meanings that are not
tied to a particular context or situation.
Positive discrimination Treating a particular
group more favourably than others.
Compensatory education Making up for, or
compensating for, the supposed deficiencies of
so-called culturally deprived groups.
Project Head Start A programme of pre-school
compensatory education in the USA.
Educational Priority Areas Programmes of
compensatory education in parts of England.
Elimination The elimination of members of the
working class from higher levels of education.
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 5 EDUCATION
Summary
1. Some researchers see differences in class
subcultures as the main reason for social class
differences in educational attainment.
2. Class differences in parental interest in
children’s education have been seen as a
reason for class differences in attainment.
3. Bernstein argued that class differences in
speech patterns contribute to class differences
in attainment.
4. Cultural deprivation theory states that the
reason for the relatively low attainment of
working-class children is due to a lack of the
skills, attitudes and values required for high
educational attainment. It has been criticised
for blaming the child and their background
rather than the school for educational failure.
5. Compensatory education aims to compensate
for the supposed deficiencies of children from
low-income families and give them a head start
in school.
Unit 5.5.3 In-school factors,
social class and
educational attainment
The previous units focus mainly on factors outside
schools to explain the relationship between social
class and educational attainment. They look at
the wider society and argue that an individual’s
position in the social structure has an important
effect on their educational attainment. Structural
explanations, in this case explanations based on the
class structure, see behaviour as shaped by external
factors over which the individual has little control.
Behaviour is seen as largely determined by the
directives of class subcultures, by material factors
and by cultural, social and economic capitals.
This unit has a different focus. It looks at small-scale
interaction situations in the classroom. It examines
teachers’ perceptions of students’ social class and
how this might affect their placement in ability
groups - for example, the tendency for working-class
students to be placed in lower sets (where students
are placed in ability groups for specific subjects
such as English or maths) and streams (where
students are placed in a particular ability group
292
6. According to Bourdieu, educational success is
mainly based on cultural capital. In general, the
higher a person’s position in the class system,
the more cultural capital they possess.
7. Dominant class habitus includes attitudes
and expectations which provide a significant
advantage in the education system.
8. Students from the lower levels of the class
system tend to eliminate themselves from
higher levels of the education system.
9. Sullivan’s test of Bourdieu’s theory suggests
that cultural capital explains only a part of
educational attainment.
10. The greater capitals of the middle and
upper classes give them advantages in
choosing schools.
11. The habitus of the dominant classes leads them
to select the highest-ranking universities.
12. The concepts of capitals and habitus have
directed important research projects.
and taught in this group for all subjects). This, in
turn, might affect how students see themselves
and their attainment. This unit asks whether
interaction in the classroom reinforces factors in
the wider society which result in class differences in
educational attainment.
Teachers’ perceptions of social class
Teachers’ perceptions of students’ social class are
an important in-school factor that can influence
students’ educational attainment.
Class and the ideal pupil
An early study of teachers’ perceptions of social class
was conducted by the American sociologist Howard
Becker. He interviewed 60 teachers from Chicago
high schools and found that they tended to share
an image of the ‘ideal pupil’, who was intelligent,
motivated to learn and well dressed.
Teachers perceived middle-class pupils as closest to
this ideal, and pupils from the lower working class as
furthest from it. Those in the lowest class grouping
were seen as less able, lacking motivation and
difficult to control. As a result, teachers felt the best
they could do was ‘just try to get some basic things
over to them’ (Becker, 1970).

Teachers were unaware that their assessments were
influenced by pupils’ social class background. Nor did
they realise that perceptions of class also influenced
the level of work they felt appropriate for pupils.
Class and ‘ability’
David Gillborn and Deborah Youdell (2001) conducted
research in two secondary schools in London, United
Kingdom, from 1995 to 1997. They discovered that
teachers had a ‘common sense understanding of
ability’. Using this as a measure, the teachers had
allocated pupils to different sets.
Working-class pupils were more likely to be seen as
disruptive, as lacking in motivation and lacking in
parental support. As a result, they ‘face a particular
problem in convincing teachers that they have
“ability”’. Consequently, they were more likely to be
placed in lower-level sets.
As a result of making a link between so-called
‘ability’ and social class, teachers systematically
discriminated against working-class pupils.
Cultural capital and habitus
According to Bourdieu (1984), teachers recognise
the high levels of cultural capital possessed by
students from the ‘dominant classes’. As a result,
they see them as having the skills, attitudes and
ambitions to succeed. Teachers also recognise
the habitus of these students and believe that it
encourages a positive view of education.
Class and teacher-pupil relationships
Generally, teachers prefer to teach pupils who they
see as able and highly motivated. They place these
students in higher sets and respond more favourably
towards them. As a result, such teacher-pupil
relationships tend to be positive.
Conversely, teachers’ views of students who have
been defined as less able and placed in lower sets
tend to be less favourable. These students may
respond with resentment and hostility. This can result
in discipline problems and negative relationships
between teachers and pupils.
This can be seen from teachers’ views of the 'Macho
Lads’ in Mafrtrn Mac an Ghaill’s (2004) study of a
secondary school in the United Kingdom. The Macho
Lads were working-class boys in the lowest sets.
The teachers saw them as low-ability, non-academic
troublemakers. Their main priority was policing the
Macho Lads, who, in turn, saw the teachers as
controlling and hostile.
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Activity
Teaching top and bottom sets
Teacher A: You don’t find any behaviour problems
with the top set - they’ve got
the intelligence.
Teacher B: When you get your next year’s
timetable and you see that it is a top or
bottom set then you get certain images.
If you get a top set you tend to think
that their behaviour will be better. You
tend to think with a bottom set you will
get more discipline problems. I look
forward to teaching my top-set third
year but dread my bottom-set third
year. With the bottom group I go in
with a stony face but I know that with
the top set if I say fun’s over they will
stop. But if I give a bottom set rope
they’ll take advantage of you.
Source: Abraham, 1995.
L3 7'1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 » g .0 TM2 u m5 1617 13 tt n ft ^
Teaching a top set
What effects might the teachers’ views have on the
students’ behaviour and attainment?
Interactionist perspectives
Structural explanations argue that an individual’s
position in the social structure has an important
effect on their educational attainment. By contrast,
interactionist perspectives on social class and
educational attainment focus on the classroom rather
than on the wider society. Interactionism directs
attention to small-scale interaction situations and the
meanings that develop and guide action within those
situations. Studies of teacher-pupil relationships
within classrooms, and student subcultures provide
good examples of how the interactionist approach has
been applied within a substantive area of sociology.
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 5 EDUCATION
Interactionists argue that a person’s self-concept,
their view of themselves, develops from interaction
with others. Interaction in the classroom, with
teachers and students, helps to shape a person’s
self-concept. Their self-concept can have a significant
effect on their educational attainment.
The way students are classified as ‘high attainers’ and
‘likely to succeed’, and ‘low attainers’ and ‘unlikely
to succeed’, is often influenced by their social class.
Middle-class students tend to be classified as
‘high attainers’ and working-class students as ‘low
attainers’. This can affect teachers’ expectations of
students’ achievements.
In this respect, students have been labelled. A label
defines how others see a person and how they
behave towards them. It can also influence how a
person sees themselves and how they behave in
response to the label.
Labelling and social class
In a study of an American kindergarten, Ray C. Rist
(1970) found that as early as the eighth day of school
the children were permanently seated at three separate
tables. Table 1 was reserved for ‘fast learners’, tables
2 and 3 for the ‘less able’. According to Rist, it was
not ability that determined where each child sat, but
the degree to which they conformed to the teacher’s
own middle-class standards. For example, the teacher
appeared to take account of whether the children had
neat and clean appearances, and whether they were
known to come from an educated family with one or
both parents in middle-class occupations. In other
words, the kindergarten teacher was evaluating and
labelling students on the basis of her perception of
their social class, not on their abilities.
The labelling of students can have important effects
on their progress in education. Aaron V. Cicourel
and John I. Kitsuse (1963) conducted a study of the
decisions of counsellors in an American high school.
The counsellors played a significant part in the
students’ educational careers because they largely
decided which students should be placed on courses
designed for preparation for college entry. The
counsellors claimed to use grades and the results of
IQ tests as the basis for classifying students in terms
of achievement. However, Cicourel and Kitsuse found
significant differences between these measures and
the ways in which students were actually classified.
They argue that the students’ social class was an
important influence on the way they were evaluated.
Even when students from different social backgrounds
294
had similar academic records, counsellors were
more likely to perceive those from middle-class
and upper-middle-class origins as natural ‘college
prospects’ and to place them on higher-level courses.
The self-fulfilling prophecy theory
Labelling theory argues that, once a label is attached
to a person, there is a tendency for them to see
themselves in terms of the label and act accordingly.
There is also a tendency for others to see them in
terms of the label and act towards them on this
basis. This may result in a self-fulfilling prophecy.
The self-fulfilling prophecy theory argues that
predictions made by teachers about the future
success or failure of students will tend to come
true. The teacher defines the student in a particular
way, such as ‘clever’ or ‘not so clever’. Based on
this definition, the teacher makes predictions or
prophecies about the behaviour of the student - for
example, that they will get high or low grades.
The teacher’s interaction with students will be
influenced by their definition of the students. They
may, for example, expect higher-quality work from,
and give greater encouragement to, those they
have defined as ‘bright’ students. The students’
self-concepts will tend to be shaped by the teacher’s
definition. Their actions will, in part, be a reflection
of what the teacher expects from them. In this way,
the prophecy is fulfilled - the predictions made by
the teacher have come to pass. Thus, the student’s
attainment level is to some degree a result of
interaction between the student and the teacher.
There have been a number of attempts to test the
validity of the self-fulfilling prophecy theory. The most
famous one was based on a field experiment conducted
by Robert Rosenthal and Lenore Jacobson (1968) in
an elementary school in California in the USA. They
selected a random sample of 20 per cent of the student
population and informed the teachers that these
children could be expected to show rapid intellectual
growth. They tested all students’ IQ at the beginning
of the experiment. After one year, the children were
re-tested and, in general, the random sample showed
greater gains in IQ. In addition, report cards indicated
that teachers believed that this group had made
greater advances in reading skills.
Although Rosenthal and Jacobson did not observe
interaction in the classroom, they claimed that
‘teachers’ expectations can significantly affect their
students’ performance’. They suggested that teachers
had communicated their belief that the chosen 20
 5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
\.

per cent had greater potential and that the children facial expressions, posture, degree of friendliness and
responded by improving their performance. Rosenthal encouragement conveyed this impression, which, in
and Jacobson speculated that the teachers’ manner, turn, produced a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Activity
1. With reference to this
dJ L photograph and other
information, explain how
labelling can lead to a
self-fulfilling prophecy.
2. Evaluate Rosenthal and
Jacobson’s field experiment
from an ethical viewpoint.

The researchers gave teachers a list of the names of pupils who were likely to
show greater intellectual growth within the next year, but these pupils were, in fact,
randomly selected. Teachers might respond to this false information by giving the
named pupils more challenging tasks or special attention.

Evaluation of labelling and the I expected them to fail, but, far from living up to these
self-fulfilling prophecy expectations, they tried to prove them wrong. The girls
devoted themselves to schoolwork in order to try to
Despite seeming reasonable, the self-fulfilling
ensure their success. Heidi Safia Mirza (1992) also
prophecy theory has been criticised. One area of
challenges the labelling theory of underachievement
criticism concerns the evidence. Rosenthal and
among Black female students in two schools in
Jacobson have been strongly attacked for the
London, United Kingdom. Although there was evidence
methods they used in their study. In particular, it has
of racism from some teachers, Mirza argues that
been suggested that the IQ tests they used were of
this did not undermine the Black girls’ self-esteem.
dubious quality and were improperly administered.
They had positive self-esteem, were concerned with
In almost all research based on labelling and the academic success and were prepared to work hard.
self-fulfilling prophecy, the actual process that is
This suggests that labels can have a variety of
supposed to have led to changes in self-concept
effects. They may produce a self-fulfilling prophecy.
and behaviour has not been directly observed. For
However, they may be rejected and result in the
example, Rosenthal and Jacobson only speculated
on how the changes in the children’s performance opposite behaviour to that implied by the label.
came about. They were not in the classroom to
observe how changes in the teachers’ attitudes
might have led to changes in the students’ behaviour Ability grouping
(Rist, 2016). In many schools, students are placed in ability
groups - groups of pupils who are seen as having
There is evidence that students sometimes reject
similar abilities. There are several types of ability
negative labels. In a study of a group of Black girls in
grouping, including the following:
a comprehensive school in London, United Kingdom,
Margaret Fuller (1984) found that the girls resented 1 Streaming: Students are placed in a class on the
the negative stereotypes associated with being basis of their overall ability. They remain in that
both female and Black. They felt that many people class for most or all subjects. For example, a student

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5 EDUCATION
is placed in class 3 and taught at that level for all
subjects.
> Banding: This is a less rigid form of streaming.
Each band contains two or more classes, which may
be regrouped for different subjects.
> Setting: Students are placed in subject groups on
the basis of their attainment in those subjects. For
example, they may be in set 1 for English and set
3 for maths.
* Mixed-ability groups: Students are randomly or
intentionally mixed in terms of their perceived ability
(Ireson and Hallam, 2001). For example,
in Finland, students are taught in mixed-ability
classes. Students who fall behind receive additional
support from a teacher to help them to catch
up. In Shanghai (China), Singapore and Hong
Kong, students are not streamed or set by ability
during mathematics lessons. Instead, they are
all taught together and teachers provide support
on a daily basis to individual students who need
additional tuition.
Ability grouping, social class and
attainment
Research by Jo Boaler (2005) suggests that the
selection of students for ability groups is affected by
their social class and that ability grouping influences
students’ attainment. She studied students aged
Contemporary issues: Setting - a global survey
Students in the top sets gain from setting.
Adam Camoran (2010) conducted a survey of
research on setting in a range of countries, from the
UK and the USA to Germany, Belgium, South Africa,
296
13 to 16 in mathematics classes in two schools in
Britain. The two groups were similar in terms of
social class and previous attainment. In School A,
students were taught in mixed-ability classes until a
few months before their CCSEs. In School B, students
were placed in one of eight sets for maths at the age
of 13. Middle-class students tended to be placed in
higher sets, and working-class students in lower sets.
In School A, there were no significant social class
differences in exam results and the results were
significantly higher than those of School B. However, in
School B, most of the higher grades were attained by
middle-class students, and most of the lower grades by
working-class students. Boaler concludes that ability
grouping in sets ‘reproduces social class inequalities’
rather than promoting high achievement for all.
Streaming in primary schools
Streaming by ability in primary schools appears to
increase the gap between higher- and lower-attaining
pupils. It also widens social class differences because
those from low-income families tend to be placed
in lower streams, and those from better-off homes
are put in higher streams. Evidence for this comes
from a study of 2544 Year 2 pupils (aged 6 and 7)
born in the UK in 2000-2001, who took part in the
longitudinal Millennium Cohort Study (Centre for
Longitudinal Studies, 2014).
Japan and Australia. The results of this large body
of research all point in the same direction:
1. Those in high sets gain, while those in low
sets lose.
2. In terms of the overall exam results of the school,
‘the gains of the high achievers are offset by the
losses of the low achievers’.
3. Over the course of schooling, the attainment gap
between students assigned to high and low sets
grows steadily wider.
4. As middle-class students tend to be placed in
high sets and working-class students in low sets,
setting tends to reinforce social inequality in the
wider society.

Possible solutions How might the negative
effects of setting be reduced or removed? Based
on his survey, Gamoran suggests two possibilities:
» First, academic standards in the lower sets
should be raised and combined with specific
rewards for high performance, such as entry to
further education and access to jobs.
One in six children in English primary schools
were placed in streams. Compared to children in
mixed-ability teaching groups, pupils in the top
streams did better in reading and maths, while
those in the bottom streams did 'significantly worse’.
The study found that working-class pupils were
‘disproportionately placed in lower streams’ and that
streaming, particularly when it begins at a very early
age, is likely to increase the attainment gap between
top and bottom streams, and between social classes.
How does streaming do this? ‘Grouping children by
ability changes teachers’ expectations. This impacts
on what is taught to different groups, how it is taught
and the unspoken messages given to pupils’ (Hallam
and Parsons, 2014).
Pupil subcultures
Student or pupil subcultures are the distinctive norms
and values developed by young people in schools
and colleges. Most sociological research focuses on
counter-school cultures, also known as anti-school
cultures. These are subcultures which reject the norms
and values of the school. They are usually found among
students in lower sets who tend to be working-class.
However, class, ethnicity and gender are all influential in
the formation of student subcultures and intersect with
each other. (See Units 5.6.3 and 5.7.3.) Membership
of counter-school cultures shapes students’ identities,
how they see the education system, their progress and
their examination results. It also affects the way that
teachers see students and the sets they place them in.
Many studies of counter-school cultures focus
on working-class boys. For example, Willis’ study
examined the counter-school culture of 12 White
working-class ‘lads’ (see Unit 5.1.2). The ‘lads’ saw
no value in academic work and had no interest in
gaining qualifications. They misbehaved, disrupted
lessons and focused their attention on ‘having a lafF.
In his study of an English secondary school, Mac an
Ghaill (2004) identified a group he called the ‘Macho
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
» Second, mixed-ability classes should have
specially designed supplementary instruction
available for students who are having difficulty.
Both approaches have been tried with varying
degrees of success.
Question
Explain how setting might reinforce social inequality.
Lads’ - working-class boys in the lowest sets (see
Units 5.5.3 and 5.7.3).
Defined as troublemakers and as underachievers
with little or no chance of academic success, the
Macho Lads reacted by developing an anti-school
culture. They saw schoolwork as meaningless and
disrespected students who conformed to school rules.
Their main concerns were ‘acting tough’, ‘looking
after your mates’ and ‘having a laugh’. They refused
to accept the teachers’ authority. In the words of one
boy, ‘schools are for keeping you down and bossing
you around’. Stuck in the bottom sets, they saw the
teachers as ‘just looking down on us’.
As with the ‘lads’ in Willis’ research, the anti-school
culture developed by the working-class Macho Lads
gave them little chance of gaining qualifications.
(See Units 5.6.3 and 5.7.3 for further coverage of
student subcultures.)
The subculture of deviant students
in China
Lin Liu and Ailei Xie (2017) undertook an
ethnographic study of a subculture of at-risk, deviant
students in a secondary school in a city in China.
High expectations for educational achievement are
placed on young people in the Chinese school system
and, in general, parents see education as important
regardless of their social background.
The study focused on five students (four boys and
one girl) who attended a school in a relatively
affluent city on China’s southern coast. They were
labelled first by the head teacher and later by others
as the ‘4 + T group (based on their gender).
The school was under pressure to perform well and
to achieve a high position in the ranking system
used there. It emphasised academic attainment and
examination results rather than other achievements.
Students were expected to undertake a lot of
homework to improve their academic performance.
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 5 EDUCATION
Teachers and some students experienced conflict
over issues such as homework. The ‘4 + V students
were labelled as deviant, mainly because they were
seen as low achievers. Such students tended to be
from a ‘low social class’.
Lin Liu and Ailei Xie argue that eventually the
students came to accept and internalise this label
and it became part of their identity. They worked
against the school regime’s standards of behaviour,
which were based on regulations deemed necessary
for academic achievement. Teachers favoured
well-behaved students who made an effort to achieve.
They were more tolerant of poor behaviour among
high-achieving students than among underperforming
students.
In Lin Liu and Ailei Xie’s view, the label became a
self-fulfilling prophecy. The ‘4 + 1 ’ students, who
were ‘lower class’, had little chance of escaping
the self-fulfilling prophecy, because they lacked
familial or community resources to ‘overcome
their previous deviant behaviour’. By contrast,
middle-class students had opportunities to attend
cram school (where they train, for example, to
pass university entrance examinations) or to hire
private tutors.
The 4 + 1 students were marginalised by the school
and, in response, formed part of a ‘muddling through’
subculture. This term means applying ‘easy strategies
to survive’ or cope with the education system. It
involved resisting teachers’ authority in relation, for
example, to the strict regulations regarding dress and
hairstyles. Their subcultural resistance to authority,
however, was ‘displayed at an acceptable level’. For
instance, they saw their resistance and confrontations
as having failed if they resulted in oppressive
responses from teachers or parents.
The group members did not reject school entirely and
saw credentials as important to their employment
prospects. However, they did not ‘fully embrace
school either’ Their attitude to school was pragmatic,
in that they wanted to leave school with the relevant
diploma rather than dropping out, but, at the same
time, they wanted to soften the process of schooling.
Their ‘muddling through’ subculture bonded them
together and helped them to endure their schooling
by negotiating ‘control of the schooling process’ from
teachers and, at the same time, graduating with
a diploma.
Lin Liu and Ailei Xie argue that, although it is
assumed that schools will help disadvantaged
298
students to improve their performance, the
education system can contribute to students’
engagement in deviance.
Activity
Mi iib
m, mml4
■q
-a
v
Cl
*
,
r
■
The ‘muddling through’subculture involved resisting
teachers’authority regarding, for example, regulations
on hairstyles and dress.
Drawing on Lin Liu and Ailei Xie’s study and other
evidence, evaluate the view that schools can
contribute to students’ engagement in deviance.
The educational triage
Gillborn and Youdell (2000) looked at some of
the effects on teaching of league tables and the
marketisation of schools. Their detailed research
over a two-year period was based on interviews and
observations in two secondary schools in London,
United Kingdom. They found that teachers divided
students into three groups in terms of their predicted
performance at GCSE. The first group consisted of
students who were expected to attain A* to C grades
(the highest grades) with little difficulty. These students
tended to be middle class. The second group were
seen as ‘borderline cases’ - students on the border of
grades C and D. The third group were seen as ‘hopeless
cases’ - students with little or no hope of reaching a
grade C or above. They tended to be working-class.
Gillborn and Youdell call this three-part grouping the
educational triage.
Gillborn and Youdell found that teachers’ main focus
was the second group - the ‘borderline cases’. This
group received additional teaching provided by the
most experienced teachers, aimed at boosting their
GCSE grades.

The main measure forjudging secondary school
performance was the proportion of students obtaining
five or more GCSEs with grades A* to C. The aim
of the educational triage was to maximise this
proportion in order to improve the school’s league
table position. The most effective way of doing this
was seen in terms of directing additional resources of
time, effort and money at the borderline cases.
This focus on borderline cases discriminated against
the first and third triage. It was particularly harmful
to the third triage - those in the lower sets, who
arguably needed the most help. In the schools
studied by Gillborn and Youdell, these were mainly
working-class and Black Caribbean heritage students.
Conclusion
This unit has shown that what happens inside schools
often reinforces class inequalities. The inequalities
of social class outside school produce social class
differences in educational attainment. Rather than
reducing these differences, what happens in the
classroom may well increase them and widen the
achievement gap between different groups.
The relationship between social class,
ethnicity and gender
This part has focused on social class. When looking at
educational inequalities, however, it is apparent that
different factors intersect, overlap and combine to
affect people’s experiences and identities. For example,
sociologists are aware of the influence of class, ethnicity
and gender on the formation of student subcultures.
Intersectionality
The theory of intersectionality examines how
different factors intersect, overlap or interact to
Students
Educational triage
‘Likely to succeed’ ‘Borderline cases’
The educational triage (Adapted from Gillborn and Youdell, 2000).
5.5 SOCIAL CLASS AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
form people’s identities and their experiences.
For example, it looks at how the interaction of
class, ethnicity and gender shapes their lives and
educational experiences, and interconnects to form
their identities. The experience of being a girl or a
boy will interact with being from a particular ethnic
group and social class to shape the experience
of schooling.
Louise Morley and Kattie Lussier (2009) examined
intersections between factors such as gender and
socio-economic status in their study of participation
and achievement patterns across four universities
in Tanzania and Ghana. By exploring how gender
intersects with socio-economic status, Morley and
Lussier show that gains in relation to gender such
as the increase in the participation of women within
higher education in Tanzania and Ghana can hide
socio-economic privilege and inequality. For example,
although the LLB Law programme at one of the
Tanzanian universities had a relatively high rate of
female participation in 2007/08, poor females were
under-represented.
The idea of intersectionality is important, because it
suggests that social factors such as class, ethnicity
and gender are not separate categories that act
independently or in isolation. When investigating the
underachievement of some working-class students,
for example, it is also important to examine factors
linked to their ethnicity and gender. The final parts of
the chapter focus on ethnicity and gender.
Activity
Make brief notes on the relationship between
school-based factors, social class and educational
attainment.
‘Hopeless cases’
299
 5 EDUCATION
I
Key terms
Interactionism A sociological theory which
examines interaction between members of small
social groups.
Self-concept An individual’s picture or view
of themselves.
Label A definition of a person placed on them
by others.
Self-fulfilling prophecy A tendency for the way
people are labelled to shape their actions.
Ability groups Groups in which students are
placed on the basis of their perceived ability.
Streaming Placing students in a particular group
for all subjects. The whole class becomes an
ability group.
Banding Placing students in a band containing
two or more classes, which may be regrouped for
different subjects.
Setting Placing students in an ability group for
particular subjects.
Mixed-ability groups Groups in which students
are randomly placed or intentionally mixed in
terms of their perceived ability.
Pupil subculture The distinctive norms and values
of a particular group of students.
Anti-school culture Student subculture which
rejects the norms and values of the school.
Educational triage The division of students
into three groups in terms of their expected
GCSE grades.
Intersectionality The idea that factors such as
class, gender and ethnicity interact and combine
to shape people’s identities and experiences.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 | 1 | Describe two examples of how cultural deprivation may affect educational attainment.
| 0 | 21 Explain one strength and one limitation of the interactionist approach to education.
| 0 1 5 1 ‘Cultural capital is the most important factor in determining educational attainment.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
300
Summary
1. The interactionist perspective explores how:
> students’ self-concepts might be shaped in
the classroom
> students are sometimes labelled
> labelling might lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy
2. Students might reject negative labels.
3. In many schools, students are placed in ability
groups based on their perceived ability.
4. There is a tendency for middle-class students
to be placed in higher-ability groups and
working-class students in lower groups, even
when their grades are similar.
5. Placement in ability groups is likely to widen the
attainment gap between the higher and lower
groups and, as a result, to reproduce social class
differences in educational attainment.
6. Counter-school/anti-school cultures are usually
found in lower sets consisting of mainly
working-class students. These cultures reduce
their chances of gaining qualifications.
7. By focusing time and effort on borderline cases,
the educational triage discriminates against the
first, largely middle-class, group and particularly
against the third, mainly working-class, group.
8. Sociologists increasingly recognise that factors
such as gender, ethnicity and social class do not
work in isolation. They intersect and combine
to shape people’s identities and experiences of
schooling.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]

Miff 6 ETHNICITY AND EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT
Contents
Unit 5.6.1 Racism in schools 301
Unit 5.6.2 Cultural explanations 304
Unit 5.6.3 Ethnicity, subcultures and
attainment 305
In culturally diverse countries, differences in the
educational attainment of different ethnic groups can
be identified. On average in England, for example,
students of Chinese and Indian heritage have the
highest attainmer.i at GCSE while White British
students and those of Pakistani and Black Caribbean
heritage tend to achieve below the national average.
Chinese heritage students also have the highest
percentage in terms of university admissions,
while White British students have the lowest. As
is the case with attainment based on social class,
material deprivation and income appear to affect
the educational attainment of ethnic groups. For
example, in many cases students from low-income
Unit 5.6.1 Racism in schools
This unit examines explanations for the relationship
between ethnicity and educational attainment that
focus on racism in schools. Unit 5.3.2 examined
ethnocentrism in the curriculum and this can be
seen as one key aspect of racism within educational
settings. In what other ways does racism operate in
schools and classrooms? Do teachers view students
from different ethnic groups in different ways? Do
they view girls and boys from the same ethnic group
differently? This unit explores these and other
important questions.
David Gillborn and Deborah Youdell —
Racism in the classroom
Gillborn and Youdell (2000, 2001) argue that,
with the increasing concern with league tables and
marketisation, ‘some students are sacrificed to the
more important goal of raising attainment in the
league table statistics’. The students ‘sacrificed’
5.6 ETHNICITY AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
households perform less well than students from
higher-income households. However, the performance
of different ethnic groups does not appear to be
affected by low income in a uniform way. For example,
British Bangladeshi students achieve better GCSE
results than White British students even though their
average household income is significantly lower.
Clearly, factors other than material deprivation
may affect the relationship between ethnicity and
educational attainment. This part examines some
of these other factors, including school-based
influences such as racism in classrooms and
home-based factors such as parental expectations.
It moves on to explore the workings of cultural
capital in relation to ethnicity and achievement.
Finally, it looks at how ethnic group subcultures
might impact on educational attainment. Many
sociologists make the important point that ethnicity
is only one variable when it comes to understanding
educational attainment. Social class and gender are
also relevant factors.
tended to be working-class and Black Caribbean
heritage (see Unit 5.5.3). These students were
seen as ‘less able’ and placed in lower sets.
Students in higher sets had the most experienced
teachers and were given more teacher time,
support and effort. Students in lower sets were
'systematically neglected’.
Gillborn and Youdell found that ‘widespread
inequalities of opportunity are endured by Black
children’. Teachers had an expectation that ‘Black
students will generally present disciplinary problems,
and they therefore tended to feel that “control and
punishment” had to be given higher priority than
“academic concerns’”.
Most Black students felt they were disadvantaged
by their treatment in schools. By and large, they
expected to be blamed for disciplinary problems.
They also expected teachers to underestimate their
future achievements. In these circumstances, it
was hardly surprising that they ended up doing, on
average, less well than the White students attending
the same schools.
301
 5 EDUCATION
Gillborn and Youdell see teachers’ perceptions of
and behaviour towards Black Caribbean students as
racist. However, most teachers are unaware of this. In
fact, ‘many teachers are passionately committed to
challenging the very inequalities that they participate in
reinforcing’. Their racism takes the form of institutional
racism - part of the taken-for-granted operation and
assumptions of institutions such as schools.
Teachers’ perceptions of ethnicity
Some teachers tend to view different ethnic groups
in different ways. This can affect their expectations
of each group and the way they teach them. This,
in turn, can affect the behaviour and attainment of
different ethnic groups.
Black Caribbean boys
Racism From their research in schools, Gillborn and
Youdell (2001) found that teachers tended to see
Black Caribbean boys, whatever their social class, as
less able and more disruptive than White boys. They
were more likely to place Black boys in lower sets
and give priority to ‘control and punishment’. Gillborn
and Youdell saw the teachers’ behaviour as racist.
Types of teacher Tony Sewell (1997), a Black
Caribbean researcher, studied a boys’ 11-16 school
in Britain and found that Black Caribbean boys
were singled out for punishment. For example, they
made up 32 per cent of the student population but
comprised 85 per cent of those excluded from school.
Relationships with teachers were often strained and
difficult. According to Sewell, teachers were sometimes
frightened by the physical size and aggression of some
of the more assertive students. There was a tendency
to lump all Black Caribbean boys together. Those
who conformed to the school’s values and those who
rebelled against them were often judged and treated
in terms of the same negative stereotypes.
Sewell divided the teachers into three groups
in terms of their relationships with Black
Caribbean students:
1. Supportive teachers did their best to support
and guide students and usually established good
relationships (about 10 per cent of staff).
2. Irritated teachers could be supportive but felt
firmer discipline was needed. They blamed the
boys’ street culture for many of the school’s
problems (about 60 per cent of staff).
302
3. Antagonistic teachers were either openly racist
or objected to Black Caribbean street culture - for
example, hairstyles and ‘bopping’ (a stylised walk).
Their relationships with Black Caribbean students
were strained and sometimes hostile (around
30 per cent of staff).
Black Caribbean girls
A study by Mirza (1992) of two secondary schools in
London, England focused on 62 young Black students,
aged 15-19 (see Unit 5.5.3). Mirza identifies five
types of teacher in terms of their relationships with
and attitudes towards Black students.
1. Overt racists were a small minority who the girls
avoided where possible.
2. The Christians tried to be ‘colour blind’, claiming
to see no difference between ethnic groups and
the White majority, and refusing to see racism as
a problem. They sometimes expected too little
from the girls and gave them glowing reports for
average achievement.
3. The crusaders were anti-racists who tried to
make their lessons relevant to Black students.
Because they knew little about their students,
lessons tended to be confusing and irrelevant.
4. Liberal chauvinists like the crusaders, were
well-meaning, but tended to underestimate their
students’ ability.
5. Black teachers made up a small group who
showed no favouritism and were liked and
respected. The girls found their help and advice
extremely valuable.
In general, the girls in Mirza’s research were
ambitious, hard-working and determined to succeed.
■
They rejected the negative views of their blackness,
the low expectations of their potential, and the
patronising and unhelpful ‘help’. They tended to keep
their distance and maintain a cool relationship with
their teachers.
South Asian students
Primary students Paul Connolly’s (1998) study
of a British multi-ethnic, inner-city primary school
focused on the relationship between South
Asian 5- and 6-year-olds and their teachers. The
children were seen as obedient, hard-working and
conformist. Teachers expected them to produce
high-quality work.

Girls were seen as models of good behaviour.
When the boys did misbehave, this was seen as
‘silly’ rather than as a challenge to the teachers’
authority. As a result, they were not punished as
much as Black Caribbean boys. Boys were often
praised for good work, while girls tended to be left
alone - teachers felt they did not need the same help
and encouragement.
Gang Girls In her research on schools in England,
Farzana Shain (2010) termed one group of Asian
heritage girls the ‘Gang Girls’ (see Unit 5.7.3).
Teachers saw these Gang Girls as troublemakers.
They objected to assertive girls in gangs partly
because this challenged their stereotypical
perception of Asian ‘passive femininity’. This negative
view of the girls and their placement in bottom sets
convinced teachers that they were low achievers. As
a result, the girls gradually stopped taking part in
learning. As one girl put it, ‘I’m not interested. I don’t
want to do anything. I just like coming to school to
meet my friends.'
Discrimination linked to
setting in schools
Critics of setting in a British context argue that the
students allocated to lower sets or streams tend to be
from working-class and/or minority ethnic backgrounds.
This can prevent them from obtaining the knowledge
required for high grades in examinations. By contrast,
a disproportionate number of White, middle-class
students are placed in the upper sets. Ability groups
discriminate in favour of the White middle class and
against students from working-class and minority
ethnic backgrounds.
In practice, perceptions of behaviour have been used
as a basis for allocating students to ability groups.
For example, there is evidence that Black Caribbean
heritage students have been placed in examination
sets below their measured ability because their
behaviour was seen as unsuitable for higher sets
(see Unit 5.5.3, Gillborn and Youdell).
Many schools across the USA, for example, have a
system of tracking or grouping based on students’
perceived ability. Critics argue that, in practice,
tracking means that students are stratified in terms
of their ethnicity and socio-economic status. Critics
also point out that, in cases where schools have
switched from tracking to mixed-ability teaching and
learning, the achievement gap between minority
5.6 ETHNICITY AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
and White students has narrowed. According to
William Mathis (2013), opposition to the elimination
of tracking in the USA is linked to the desire to
preserve privilege.
Activity
1. Describe two examples of how gender
and ethnicity might intersect to inform the
experiences of students in schools.
2. Describe one way in which ethnicity and
social class might interact to shape students’
school-based experiences.
Key term
Institutional racism Racial prejudice and
discrimination that form part of the taken-for-granted
assumptions and operations of institutions.
Summary
1. Differences in educational attainment between
ethnic groups have been identified in culturally
diverse societies.
2. Income and material deprivation appear to
affect the educational attainment of ethnic
groups. But, to some extent, they affect different
groups’ performance in different ways.
3. Ethnic group differences in attainment are
affected by social class and gender.
4. According to Gillborn and Youdell, the relatively
low attainment of Black Caribbean heritage
students in England is due to institutional racism.
5. Some teachers have tended to see Black
Caribbean heritage boys in Britain as less able
and more disruptive than White boys. This view
is seen as racist.
6. Black Caribbean heritage girls reject the
low expectations that some teachers have
of their potential. Many are ambitious and
hard-working.
7. Shain found that teachers see Gang Girls as
troublemakers who challenge their stereotypes
of passive Asian femininity.
8. Ability groups may discriminate in favour of White
middle-class students and against those from
working-class and minority ethnic backgrounds.
303
 5 EDUCATION

Unit 5.6.2 Cultural explanations
The previous unit examined racism in schools and
its implications for educational attainment. This unit
has a different focus. It examines some of the factors
outside the school that might help us to understand
the educational attainments of different ethnic
groups. It explores cultural explanations by looking at
parental factors and the workings of cultural capital.
What impact do parents’ expectations have? How
might access to cultural capital make a difference to
the attainment of different ethnic groups?
A number of things may result from this, including:
1. a reservoir of cultural capital that derives from
earlier occupations
2. a powerful desire on the part of migrants
to improve their own position and their
children’s prospects
3. a high value placed on education as a means for
doing this
4. this value being passed on to their children.

Parental factors
Steve Strand (2015) used a longitudinal study of
15000 students in England to analyse the differences
in attainment between various ethnic groups. He found
that the attainment gap associated with social class
was twice as large as the biggest ethnic gap and six
times as large as the gender gap. However, he found
that class, ethnicity and gender were not sufficient
to explain differences in attainment. Other factors
included parental attitudes and behaviour, which were
‘significantly associated with attainment’. Parents’ Sociologists are interested in how families use their
expectations that students would continue their cultural, social and financial resources to support their
education after age 16 were particularly important, children’s education.
as were providing a computer for their children and a
1. Which resources is the mother in the photograph
private tutor. In general, ethnic minority parents were
drawing on to support her daughter’s education?
more likely than White British parents to have positive
Explain your answer.
attitudes and behaviour towards education.
2. Evaluate the view that group interviews provide
Cultural capital a valid account of parental support for their
children’s education.
Bourdieu’s idea of cultural capital may help to explain
the educational attainment of some minority ethnic
students. For example, people of Chinese and Indian
heritage in Britain have the largest proportion of Themina Basit- British Asians and
middle-class members and the highest attainment. educational capital
Their high attainment may result from having the
Basit (2013) studied a group of 36 British Asian
largest amount of cultural capital. But what about
students of Indian and Pakistani heritage - Hindus,
people of Bangladeshi and Pakistani heritage who
; Sikhs and Muslims aged 15-16 years - and their
are doing much better than their class position would
parents and grandparents. The grandparents were
suggest? In view of their relatively high proportion
working-class and some parents were also working-class
of low-income members, these groups should not,
while others were middle-class. The research was based
in theory, have the cultural capital to produce their
on individual interviews and focus groups.
level of attainment. Tariq Modood (2004) argues that
many members of minority ethnic groups may have Whatever their ethnicity, religion, age or social class,
more cultural capital than would be expected from ‘It was strikingly clear that education was seen as
their current class position. This may be because their capital that would transform the lives of the younger
jobs after migrating to the UK were lower in pay and generation.’ Parents and grandparents impressed on
prestige than their previous jobs. This might be due young people the importance of a good education
to the time taken to find suitable jobs after arrival in and how it would lead to a well-paid job and a high
the UK or to discrimination in the labour market. standard of living. According to Basit, ‘Migrants and
304

their children always have aspirations of upward
social mobility. This is a key attribute of peoples who
leave their country of origin in search of a better life
for themselves and their future generations.’
Students, both girls and boys, accepted the advice of
their elders, as the following quotations indicate:
i 'I think it’s good that they’re encouraging me.’
> ‘My parents are always telling me education is good’
> ‘My parents are working hard for us to do our best
in the future and go to university.’
Summary
1. Ethnic differences in educational attainment
are influenced by parental expectations
and attitudes.
2. They are also affected by the amount of cultural
capital within the family.
3. Basil’s research showed that British Asian
families impressed the value of education on
young people.
4. As migrants, they had high hopes for upward
social mobility and a better life.
Unit 5.6.3 Ethnicity, subcultures
and attainment
This unit focuses on the relationship between ethnicity,
subcultures and educational attainment. To some
extent, an ethnic group has its own subculture - a
set of distinctive norms and values. How do these
subcultures influence their members’ educational
attainment? And do members of a subculture have
other identities that might also influence their
achievement? How easy is it to disentangle the
influence of ethnicity, class and gender on attainment?
British Chinese students’ subculture
British Chinese students have the highest grades at
GCSE, the highest grades of those entitled to free
school meals and the highest percentage of students
going to university. Louise Archer and Becky Francis
(2007) conducted semi-structured interviews with 80
14- to 16-year-old British Chinese students, 30 Chinese
parents and 30 teachers from schools in London,
England that had Chinese students. Parents from all
social classes placed a very high value on education,
as did their children. Working-class parents with little
5.6 ETHNICITY AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
formal education were ‘passionately committed to
providing their children with the opportunities they had
lacked’ Both middle- and working-class parents saw
university as ‘a must’. All 80 students interviewed said
they wanted to go to university.
Parents invested considerable time, energy and
money in their children. They monitored their
children’s progress and often hired home tutors and
arranged supplementary schooling. Education was a
‘family project’. A family’s standing in the community
was partly related to the educational performance
of their children. The children appreciated their
parents’ high expectations, encouragement and
support. These findings applied to both middle- and
working-class families. To some extent, the high value
placed on education is due to Chinese subculture. In
this respect, the high attainment of Chinese students
may be partly the result of their subculture.
Tony Sewell - Black masculinities
and schooling
Sewell (2008) questions some accounts which
suggest that Black underachievement is based on
institutional racism in schools. In his view, 'The idea
that teachers are directly or indirectly holding back
Black students is questionable. More likely, it is to do
with the inability or unwillingness of these students
to break away from an anti-education peer group
that loves the street rather than the classroom.’
However, Sewell’s (1997) conclusions discussed
below are based on his earlier findings from an
ethnographic study of Black Caribbean boys in an
; 11-16 boys’ school in Britain (see Unit 5.6.1). He
emphasises the complex interplay between factors
such as teacher racism, student subcultures and
negative peer group pressure within the school.
Black masculinities in school
Sewell (1997) identified four main groups of Black
students in the school he studied which reflect
different versions of black masculinity:
Conformists, the largest group, made up 41 per cent
of the sample. They saw education as the route to
success and conformed to the norms and values of
the school.
Innovators (35 per cent) also saw education as
important but rejected the process of schooling and
the demands they saw it as making on their identity
and behaviour. Although anti-school, they attempted
to keep out of trouble.
305
 5 EDUCATION
Retreatists (6 per cent) were loners and kept
themselves to themselves. Many had special
educational needs.
Rebels (18 per cent) rejected both the norms and
values of the school and the importance of education.
Many saw educational qualifications as worthless,
as racism would disqualify them from high-status,
well-paid jobs. The rebels reacted aggressively
to what they saw as racism in school. They were
confrontational and challenging, adopting a macho
masculinity and demanding respect.
Evaluation
Critics argue that Sewell blames Black Caribbean
males for their underachievement. They suggest
that, in the process, Sewell has diverted attention
from what they regard as the real cause of Black
underachievement - a racist society, a racist
education system and economic deprivation.
Supporters of Sewell reject this criticism. They argue
that he is attempting to describe and explain rather
than to allocate blame. In addition, his research
rejects the stereotype of the young aggressive Black
male personified by the Rebels by showing that they
formed only a relatively small minority (18 per cent)
of the Black Caribbean boys in the school he studied.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 | 1 | Describe two examples of how racism in schools may affect educational achievement.
| 0 | 2 | Explain two limitations of focusing on material factors to explain the educational
attainment of students from different ethnic groups.
| 0 | 3 | ‘Education provides equality of opportunity to all students, regardless of their ethnicity.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
306
1. Which of the four groups does this boy appear
to fit into?
2. Explain one way in which Sewell’s explanation
takes account of both ethnicity and gender.
3. Evaluate the view that racism in schools is the
most significant influence on minority ethnic
students’ educational attainment.
Summary
1. Ethnic differences in educational attainment are
affected by ethnic group subcultures.
2. Archer and Francis argue that the high
attainment of many British Chinese students
may be partly due to the high value placed on
education in their subculture.
3. According to Sewell, the relatively low attainment
of some Black Caribbean heritage males is
mainly due to subcultural influences and their
perceptions and performance of theii masculinity.
4. Critics argue that Sewell overlooked the real
causes of underachievement, including racism
in society and within education, and economic
deprivation.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]

PART 1 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL
ATTAINMENT
Contents
Unit 5.7.1 Gender socialisation and
educational attainment 307
Unit 5.7.2 Social changes and gendered
achievement 310
Unit 5.7.3 Gender and subcultures 315
Unit 5.7.4 Teacher expectations and
gendered classroom behaviour 520
Across cultures and continents, from the USA
to Japan, from Mexico to New Zealand, from
Portugal to South Korea, girls and young women
outperform their male counterparts at every level
of the education system. This dramatic change has
happened during the last 30 years.
In the 1970s the focus of research was on
girls’ 'underachievement’. Since the 1990s,
‘underachieving boys’ have been the focus of
research on gender in education. It is important
Unit 5.7.1 Gender socialisation
and educational
attainment
In the 1970s and 1980s, the main focus of gender
research in education in many countries was girls’
‘underachievement’. In England and Wales, for
example, this was particularly marked at A Level
and degree level. This unit looks at explanations
for this gender difference that focused on gender
socialisation. In one respect, these explanations have
become redundant, given that girls now outperform
boys at every level of the education system. However,
some of the explanations may still be relevant -
they may point to factors which, even today, are
preventing girls from reaching their full potential.
Early gender socialisation
As Fiona Norman and her colleagues (1988) point
out, before children start school, gender socialisation
has already begun. From the types of play that girls
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
to place the ‘gender effect’ in perspective. Class
and ethnicity have more effect on educational
achievement than gender. But, as the following
units show, the effect of gender on educational
attainment is still significant.
This part begins by looking at the impact of gender
socialisation on attainment. How does this process,
both inside and outside school, affect girls’ and
boys’ achievements? It moves on to examine some
of the social and economic changes that help to
explain the rapid improvement in girls’ educational
attainment from the 1990s onwards. What impact
has feminism had on this? How important are
labour market changes? Next, it explores the
relationship between gender and subcultures.
How significant are these? It then focuses on
school-based factors and asks how far they explain
the links between gender and education. Are
teachers’ gendered expectations significant? Do
girls and boys behave differently in the classroom?
If so, does this affect their educational attainment?
and boys are encouraged to engage in and the types
of toys they are given, different sets of aptitudes and
attitudes may be developed. Tina Rampino (2015)
links the toys that boys are encouraged to play with
to the development of spatial skills which make them
better at mathematics than girls.
The educational aspirations of girls may be
influenced through playing with dolls and other toys
that reinforce the stereotype of women as 'carers’.
Boys tend to be encouraged to be more active than
girls, and this may be reflected in their attitudes
in classrooms. Furthermore, boys are more likely
to be given toys that can help develop scientific
and mathematical concepts. The media, through
magazines, books, computer games, television and
advertising, can further reinforce gender stereotypes.
One possible consequence of early gender stereotyping
is that girls may at that time have attached less value
to education than boys. Research conducted by Sue
Sharpe (1976) into a group of mainly working-class
girls in schools in London, England, during the early
1970s found that the girls had a set of priorities
that were unlikely to encourage them to attach great
307
 5 EDUCATION
importance to education. She found that their concerns
were ‘love, marriage, husbands, children, jobs, and
careers, more or less in that order’ Sharpe argued that,
if girls tended to see their future largely in terms of
marriage rather than work, then they might have little
incentive to try to achieve high educational standards.
Contemporary issues: Gendered toys
Let Toys Be Toys is an UK-based organisation
that campaigns to stop manufacturers and
retailers from promoting some toys and books as
only suitable for girls and others for boys. Their
201 2 survey showed that 50 per cent of shops
used signs for ‘Boys’ toys’ and ‘Girls’ toys’. Their
2016 survey showed that these signs had ‘pretty
much disappeared’. However, their research
gave a different picture for toy manufacturers,
whose packaging, ads and catalogues were
still based on stereotypes (Let Toys Be Toys,
2016).
Similar findings come from research by the
Institution for Engineering and Technology. They
found that, on toy retailers’ websites, 31 per cent
of toys with a science, technology, engineering and
maths focus were listed for boys and only 11 per
cent for girls.
Gender socialisation in school
Many sociologists have claimed that there is bias
against girls in the education system. Research by
Glenys Lobban (1974) found evidence of gender bias
in some educational reading schemes used in Britain.
(See also Unit 5.3.2 on the gendered curriculum.)
From a study of 179 stories in six reading schemes,
Lobban found that only 35 stories had female heroes,
while 71 had male heroes. Girls and women were
almost exclusively portrayed in traditional domestic
roles and it was nearly always men and boys who
took the lead in non-domestic tasks. In at least
three of the schemes, females took the lead in only
three activities in which both genders were involved:
hopping, shopping with parents, and skipping. Males
took the lead in seven joint activities: exploring,
climbing trees, building things, looking after pets,
sailing boats, flying kites and washing cars.
Lobban’s research was conducted in the 1970s, but
more recent research has also found evidence of gender
308
In the 1990s, Sharpe repeated her research and
found that girls’ priorities had changed. Now jobs
or careers were their chief concern for the future
(Sharpe, 1994). This change may help to explain why
the educational attainment of girls at school is now
higher than that of boys.
M'. : •/>»
Questions
1. Assess the view that parents are responsible for
gendered toys.
2. What effect might gendered toys have on gender
subject choices at school and university?
stereotyping in some of the educational materials
used in many countries. For example, in his study of a
Japanese English language textbook, Ian Clark (2016)
found that, while females and males were represented
in equal numbers, bias in the representation of
gender roles was evident. Kazi MM Islam and M. Niaz
Asadullah (2018) undertook a comparative study of
gender stereotypes in secondary school textbooks
from Malaysia, Indonesia, Pakistan and Bangladesh
based on content analysis. They found some indications
of stereotypes in all of the textbooks. For example,
females were much more likely to be represented in
domestic roles than males. However, the extent of
stereotyping varied across the four countries. The
textbooks from Pakistan and Bangladesh showed a less
equa| representation of females than the textbooks
from the other two countries.
Research carried out in Australia, the USA and the
UK also reveals differential gender representations
in school textbooks. For example, Jackie F.K.
Lee and Peter Collins (2010) found that only

42.5 per cent of the characters in a sample of
10 English language textbooks used in Australia
were female. Furthermore, women and men
were often represented in traditional gender
stereotyped ways in terms of their occupations
and domestic roles.
Activity
More sounds
/.
V.
'-5
m10
yk
s°y
Key V/ords,BeQdirtg Scheme
The cover of o children’s booh in the Ladybird Reading
Scheme published in Britain in the 1960s.
1. To what extent does the cover of this book
reflect traditional gender stereotypes?
2. Identify one advantage and one disadvantage of
using content analysis to investigate gender bias
in textbooks.
Contemporary issues: The gender gap in education
In 2015, Latvia had the highest share of female
graduates among OECD countries.
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Gender, subject choice and socialisation
Despite significant changes in girls’ educational
attainment, there are still marked gender differences
in subject choice, particularly at A Level (and the
equivalent) and university level in many countries.
Such differences may disadvantage women in the
labour market in terms of job status and pay. The
subjects they tend to choose may lead to lower-status
and lower-paid occupations than those chosen by men.
Maria Charles et al. (201 4) note that the
representation of females in STEM fields varies
over time and by place. For example, mathematics
and technical degree programmes are less male
dominated in many ‘poorer’ societies than in
affluent societies which are often seen as more
equal in gender terms. Furthermore, drawing
on their analysis of cross-national data from 50
countries, Charles et al. argue that boys were
more likely than girls to aspire to mathematically
related jobs in all countries except Botswana,
Malaysia and Indonesia. However, the gender gap
in aspirations varied widely in size. For instance,
the gap was only 1 percentage point in South
Africa and Ghana, but 23 percentage points in
the Netherlands.
A variety of reasons have been suggested for
gender differences in subject choice, one of which
is socialisation. In this view, gender differences
in socialisation may reinforce stereotypes, affect
gender identity and, in turn, subject choice. For
example, boys tend to be given, and to play with,
toys related to construction, which may influence
their choice of engineering in later life. Another
explanation focuses on teachers’ gendered
expectations (see Unit 5.7.4).
The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) regularly collects wide-ranging
data from its member countries, including data on
education. OECD data show a reversal in the gender
gap in education. Less than a century ago, girls were
excluded from, or experienced discrimination within,
education. In 2013, however, the majority (55 per
cent) of students who graduated from a programme
of general secondary education in OECD countries
were female.
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 5 EDUCATION
This trend also extends to higher education
within OECD countries. Of the 6 million students
who graduated with a bachelor’s degree from an
institution of higher education in 2013, a majority
(58 per cent) were female. The gender gap is
marked when the field of study is taken into
account. For example, approximately 64 per cent of
degrees in social sciences, humanities and education
were awarded to women. By contrast, less than
one-third (31 per cent) of bachelor’s degrees in
engineering and sciences were awarded to females.
The OECD argues that these gender differences
in the proportion of bachelor’s degrees awarded
across fields of study reflect the different career
expectations among 15-year-old female and male
Criticisms of socialisation theory
Critics argue that socialisation theories place too
much emphasis on the way the social structure
moulds people. These theories tend to see children
as passively receiving messages about gender
through the socialisation process. However, they do
not explore human agency and the way that people
resist the gendered expectations and roles passed
on through families and the education system.
Summary
1. Some explanations for girls’ underachievement
in the 1970s and 1980s focused on early
gender socialisation at home - for example,
girls’ and boys’ toys.
2. Another possible explanation is socialisation
at school - for example, gender stereotypes in
reading schemes and textbooks.
3. There are still important differences in subject
choice. One explanation for this gender gap
focuses on differences in primary socialisation
processes and secondary socialisation
within schools.
4. Critics of socialisation theory argue that it
underestimates individual agency and resistance.
Unit 5.7.2 Social changes and
gendered achievement
Over the past 30 years, the improvement in
the educational attainment of girls and young
310
students, as recorded by the Programme for
International Student Assessment (PISA), and the
gendered career choices that people make later
in life. These gender differences also account for a
significant proportion of the gender pay gap (the
gap in earnings from paid employment).
Source: http://www.oecd.org/gender/data/gender-
gap-in-education.htm
Questions
1. How might gender socialisation explain subject
choice at university?
2. How might gender socialisation limit young
people’s life chances?
women in many countries has been dramatic and
unprecedented. Yet relatively little has been written
to explain it. Instead, the focus has been on the
so-called ‘underachievement’ of boys. According to
feminist sociologists Francis and Christine Skelton
(2005), ‘this reveals the marginalisation of girls,
how their school performance is seen as peripheral
to that of boys, how they do not count’. This unit
looks at some of the explanations for the changes
in gendered educational achievement that focus on
wider social changes. It is important to bear in mind,
however, that some groups of girls underachieve
today. For instance, there are high-achieving,
middle-class boys who tend to perform better in
examinations than working-class girls. This example
highlights the significance of taking both gender and
social class into account.
Changing expectations and attitudes
As noted earlier, Sharpe’s (1976) study of
working-class schoolgirls in the early 1970s showed
that their main priorities for the future were ‘love,
marriage, husbands and children’ When she repeated
this study in the 1990s, she found significant
changes. Now, the girls’ main concerns were ‘job,
career and being able to support themselves’
(Sharpe, 1994). They were more confident, assertive
and ambitious. They saw education as the main route
to a good job and financial independence.
In the 1970s, over 80 per cent of girls wanted to
get married; by the 1990s, this had dropped to
45 per cent. The girls were increasingly wary of
marriage. With the rapidly rising divorce rate in
Britain throughout the 1980s and 1990s, they had

..
seen adult relationships breaking up around them.
They had also seen women who were financially
independent rather than depending on financial
support from a man. Paid employment and financial
independence were now major concerns.
Although many of the girls in the 1990s expected
to work in ‘women’s jobs’ such as primary school
teaching, nursing, beautician work and clerical
work, they were more likely than girls in the 1970s
to consider ‘men’s jobs’ such as car mechanics and
firefighters, and to look forward to professional
careers in medicine or law. Given their hopes and
concerns, educational success was more important to
the 1990s girls than their 1970s counterparts.
The changing expectations and attitudes of girls
were reflected both by their parents and by their
schools. A number of studies, particularly those
of girls from middle-class families, indicate that
parents increasingly expect exam success, and
in some cases make their daughters feel that
they could 'never be good enough’ (Francis and
Skelton, 2005).
Activity
To what extent have girls’ expectations and
attitudes towards education, paid employment and
financial independence in your society changed
over the last 20 years? Are girls coming under
increasing pressure from teachers and family
members to succeed in examinations and progress
to university? Are they under more pressure to
succeed than boys? Explain your reasoning.
Contemporary issues: Barriers to girls’ education in North-West Pakistan
A teacher and her female students in North-West
Pakistan.
Although the position of women in many
countries has changed significantly over the last
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
The women’s movement and feminism
In societies across the globe, many of the rights that
feminists and the women’s movement fought for in the
1960s and 1970s have now been translated into law.
The ideals on which those rights are based have been
increasingly taken for granted. Although today’s young
women may not see themselves as feminists, they
often expect equal opportunity in education and in the
labour market. According to Eirene Mitsos and Ken
Browne (1998), the women’s movement has provided
both incentives and direction for young women in
education. In their view, the ‘women’s movement
and feminism have achieved considerable success in
improving the rights and raising the expectations and
self-esteem of women’.
Changes in the labour market
Over the last 50 years, many countries have
experienced significant changes in the labour market,
such as a decline in heavy industry (for example, mining
and shipbuilding), a growth in service sector work (such
as care work, call centre and office work) or an increase
in the employment of ‘flexible’ part-time workers and
workers on fixed-term contracts. Such changes have
expanded employment opportunities for women.
This growth in employment opportunities, along with
the rise in young women’s occupational ambitions,
has increased their incentives to gain educational
qualifications. Studies of both primary and
secondary school students show that many girls are
now looking forward to jobs that require degree-level
qualifications (Francis and Skelton, 2005).
few decades and barriers to girls’ education have
been removed, such changes have not necessarily
occurred in all societies. Aamir Jamal (201 6)
undertook research on the perceptions of men
from the Pashtun region in North-West Pakistan
on the education of girls aged 7-15 years.
Jamal’s research identified several key barriers to
girls’ education in this region including household
poverty and the costs of education. In his words,
'In a situation where it is hard for parents to feed
and clothe their children, education becomes
a low priority, especially for girls as they are
expected to marry early and thus will not
contribute income to the household.’
311
 5 EDUCATION
In some areas, schools were not accessible because
of their location. The lack of female teachers
meant that some parents would not allow their
daughters to attend school. The curriculum was
seen as irrelevant to the needs and priorities of the
community in which the girls lived and sometimes
this led people to resist the education of girls.
Gender discrimination in the Pashtunwali (the tribal
codes that set out the cultural and social traditions
that define the Pashtun population’s identity) was
highlighted by some of the research participants.
However, many pointed out that some geographical
areas, such as urban areas, were more accepting
of social changes and less inclined to support
gender discrimination.
Individualisation and the risk society
Ulrich Beck (1992) argued that the West is moving
from modernity into a new phase of modernity, which
he calls the second modernity. His views have been
used to help explain the dramatic change in women’s
educational achievements.
According to Beck, today’s society is characterised
by risk and uncertainty and by a process of
individualisation. For example, with the rising divorce
rate in many countries, marriage is increasingly
associated with risk and uncertainty. Employment is
becoming more unstable. There are fewer ‘jobs for
life’; people are changing jobs more often, retraining,
improving and/or learning new skills. As a result, the
job market and career paths become less predictable.
A process of individualisation accompanies risk and
uncertainty. People are increasingly thrown back on
themselves as individuals. They are more and more
responsible for their own fate, their own security
and their own future. People are becoming more
self-sufficient and self-reliant. Beck sees women as
at the forefront of the individualised self - they are
‘setting the pace for change’. He argues that this is
due to changes in women’s family life, education,
occupations and the laws on gender equality.
In this increasingly insecure, individualised society,
individuals must equip themselves for self-reliance
and self-sufficiency. Financial independence is seen as
one of the main ways of doing this, and education is
regarded as one of the main routes to well-paid jobs
that can provide financial independence.
However, education is not simply a means to financial
security. Sociologists who picture a second modernity
312
Another issue was that particular interpretations
of Islam - via practices such as the veiling of
women, early marriage and defining women’s
responsibilities in terms of the home - could
restrict girls’ access to education.
Questions
1. List the barriers to girls’ education that this
study identified.
2. Jamal is from the area in which this research was
carried out. How might his ‘insider’ status have
impacted on his research?
generally agree that there is an increasing emphasis
on the construction of self and the creation of identity.
Studies of girls in primary and secondary schools
illustrate this emphasis. According to Francis and
Skelton (2005), The majority appear to see their
chosen career as reflecting their identity, as a vehicle
for future fulfilment, rather than as simply a stopgap
before marriage.’
Activity
4.
Iw
For women, living in the second modernity might involve
being financially independent, buying their own place to
live, getting promoted at work, developing new work-
related skills and completing a postgraduate degree
1. In what ways does this photograph and caption
indicate individualisation and self-reliance?
2. How does individualisation impact on females?
The educational achievements of boys
In the 1970s and 1980s, concern about the ‘gender
effect’ focused on girls’ ‘underachievement’. By the
1990s, this concern was reversed. Now boys were
‘underachieving’. But was this necessarily the case?

In general, the educational attainment of boys and
young men has steadily improved over the past
50 years. This does not indicate underachievement.
However, certain boys are underachieving - a higher
proportion of working-class boys are doing badly
compared with other social groups. But the same can
be said for working-class girls. In the UK, for example,
White working-class boys from low-income families who
receive free school meals are the lowest-performing
group in terms of ethnicity, class and gender.
What has changed is the overall rate of improvement
for boys and girls. Girls’ educational performance
over the last 30 years has improved at a faster rate
than boys', resulting in a significant widening of the
gender gap. This applies to boys and girls from all
social classes. Whether this should be seen as ‘boys’
underachievement’ is a matter of opinion. Some
commentators suggest that this concern had reached
the level of a moral panic’ among the press and
politicians in nations such as Britain (Francis and
Skelton, 2005) and the US.
There have been many attempts to explain boys’
failure to keep pace with girls. They are based on the
assumption that boys are underachieving and that
something should be done to raise their educational
attainment. Some of these will now be examined.
Constructions of masculinity
The school is a major setting for the construction of
masculinity. Recent research argues that the form of
masculinity constructed in the classroom contributes
to the underachievement of male students. Earlier
research had made a similar argument with reference
to the anti-school subculture developed by some
working-class boys, particularly those placed in
lower-ability groups. However, studies now indicate
that ‘laddish’ behaviours have spread to most boys -
both working-class and middle-class - and to some
extent to girls (Jackson, 2006).
Carolyn Jackson (2006) examined ‘laddish behaviour’
among 1 3- to 14-year-old boys and girls. Her
!
research was based on interviews with 203 students
in eight English schools and questionnaire data from
800 students in six schools.
Laddish behaviour is based on the idea that it
is ‘uncool’ to work and that appearing ‘cool’ is
necessary to be popular. This aspect of laddishness
was accepted by the vast majority of boys and girls,
whatever their social class background.
Boys’ laddish behaviour was constructed within a
framework of hegemonic masculinity - the dominant
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
and pervasive view of masculinity. It was based on
heterosexuality, toughness and competitiveness.
It was expressed in acting ‘hard’, being one of the
lads, disrupting lessons, having a laugh and being
demanding and assertive. Academic work was
defined as effeminate and uncool.
Students are faced with a dilemma. They want
to do well academically, yet they also want to
appear cool and to be popular. But if they are
seen to work hard, they are a ‘geek’, a ‘nerd’ or a
‘swot’ - terms of derision. The solution is to appear
to reject schoolwork, do the requisite amount
of messing around, but work secretly, usually at
home. This favours middle-class boys who have
home-based resources to do their homework quickly
and efficiently - the space, privacy, a desk and a
computer. They are better able to balance being
popular and academically successful.
Activity
By working secretly at home, some boys might be
successful academically without being seen as a'nerd'
a'geeW or a'swot!.
1. Why might middle-class boys be better placed
than working-class boys to do well academically
and, at the same time, to be popular?
2. To what extent does ‘laddish’ behaviour occur at
your school or in other local schools? Is being
seen to work hard ever ridiculed?
If laddish behaviour is holding boys back, then
its development should parallel the widening of
the gender gap in attainment. Some researchers
argue that this is the case. The following are some
suggested explanations for the development of laddish
behaviours. They point to changes in the wider society
which have occurred at the same time as the widening
gender gap in educational attainment.
Pressure to succeed and fear of failure A number of
sociologists have seen competitive individualism and
313
 5 EDUCATION

Activity
Per cent
100-1

80-

60 -
46 44
43 43
39 38 38 39 41
40- 35 34 36
30 33
28
21
20-

0
Total White Black Hispanic Total White Black Hispanic
2005 2015
□ Male □ Female
Total college enrolment rates of 18- to 24-year-olds in degree-granting institutions in the USA, by ethnicity at'd gender:
2005 and 2015.

Source: Digest of Education Statistics, 52nd edition, https://nces.ed.gov/pubs2017/2017094.pdf

1. What percentage of Hispanic females aged 18 to 24 years were enrolled in degree-granting institutions in
the USA in 2005?
2. What percentage of Black males aged 18 to 24 years were enrolled in degree-granting institutions in the
USA in 2015?
3. Did the total college enrolment rate for males increase or decrease between 2005 and 2015?
4. Among which groups did the total college enrolment rate remain the same between 2005 and 2015?
5. Among which groups did the total college enrolment rate increase by more than 10 percentage points
between 2005 and 2015?

individual responsibility as major themes in today’s
society. This promotes fears of academic failure and
directs responsibility for failure to the individual.
Laddish behaviour can be seen as a response to this.
The argument that it is uncool to work can be used as
an excuse for poor academic performance.
The marketisation of schools has placed further
pressure on students. Schools compete in the
educational market, striving to raise standards and
climb league tables. The importance of examination
success is increasingly emphasised and students
are under growing pressure to achieve high grades.
Laddish behaviour can be seen as a defensive
strategy to reduce the fear of poor academic
performance or to excuse the reality of failure
(Jackson, 2006).
The crisis of masculinity Some sociologists argue
that boys and men are experiencing a crisis of
masculinity in contemporary societies. This has been
linked, in part, to changes in the labour market and
the rapid decline in unskilled and semi-skilled manual
! jobs over the last 25 years. These ‘macho’ manual
jobs reflected traditional male working-class identities.
Their disappearance has left these identities uncertain
and under threat. The new jobs in the service sector
require what were traditionally seen as feminine skills
and sensitivities.
Working-class boys may have responded to these
threats to their traditional identities by turning to
laddish behaviour in school to restore their sense of i
masculinity (Jackson, 2006). If working-class boys
believe that males no longer have a clear-cut role in
j

314

i

society, this could impact on their self-esteem and
motivation at school.
Educational aspirations and attitudes Research
by Rampino and Mark Taylor (2013, 2015) based
on self-completion questionnaires given to 13- to 1 5-
year-olds in Britain produced the following findings.
Girls were more likely than boys to see education
in a positive light, to want to continue in school
after age 16 and go on to university. These gender
differences remained, whatever their parents’ income
and education.
Boys’ educational aspirations and attitudes tended
to become less positive from the ages of 12 and 13,
whereas those of girls stayed the same or improved
as they grew older. Unlike boys, girls were more
aware of economic downturns when it was harder to
get a job. They were more likely to see education as
important for employment.
Conclusion Boys’ ‘underachievement’ has become a
major concern. Large amounts of time and money
were spent on a range of government initiatives
aimed at raising boys’ educational attainment. Some
critics, however, argue that the whole question of
equality of educational opportunity has been reduced
to gender and focused on boys. This has diverted
attention from class, ethnicity and girls (Francis and
Skelton, 2005). According to Ball (2013), To a great
extent the problem of boys’ underachievement is
a working-class one, and one for those from some
minority ethnic groups, but this is often lost sight of
in both the media and policy initiatives.’
Key terms
Second modernity A new phase of
modernity characterised by risk, uncertainty
and individualisation.
Individualisation An emphasis on the
individual, on self-construction, self-reliance and
self-sufficiency.
Moral panic A widespread panic that something
is morally wrong.
Hegemonic masculinity The dominant and
pervasive view of masculinity.
Crisis of masculinity The idea that males see their
traditional masculine identity as under threat today.
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Summary
1. The following reasons have been given for the
recent changes in the relationship between
gender and educational attainment:
» Changing expectations and attitudes. Girls’
main concerns have become more focused on
jobs and financial independence rather than
on marriage and motherhood.
> The women’s movement and feminism have
raised women’s expectations and self-esteem.
* Changes in the labour market have created
more job opportunities for women, but
also, according to some accounts, a
crisis of masculinity, particularly among
working-class males.
2. Changes in society linked to individualisation,
risk and uncertainty have led to an emphasis on
self-reliance and self-sufficiency among females.
3. The concern about boys’ supposed
‘underachievement’ became a moral panic.
4. The spread of ‘laddish behaviour’ as an
expression of masculinity, has been seen as a
major reason for boys’ ‘underachievement’.
5. The following reasons have been suggested for
the spread of laddish behaviour:
» as a defensive strategy resulting from
pressure to succeed and fear of failure
> changes in the labour market threatening
traditional male, working-class identities.
6. Boys are less likely than girls to see education in
a positive light.
1
Unit 5.7.3 Gender and subcultures
Examples of subcultures based on gender, class
i
and/or ethnicity have already been discussed in this
chapter (see, for example, Willis, Unit 5.1.2). This
unit looks at studies that focus on gender and other
aspects of identity. It begins with a summary of a
contemporary study of working-class masculinities
and education. It then examines a study of British
Muslim boys of Pakistani and Bangladeshi heritage.
It examines their gender and religious identities, the
315
 5 EDUCATION
value they place on education as a means of getting
a well-paid job, and their positive view of their family
as a source of love and security. The unit finally
looks at examples of studies of female subcultures,
including the educational identities of middle-class
Rebel Girls and Asian heritage Gang Girls.
From labouring to learning
Ward (2015) examines a group of young working-class
men in a de-industrialised community in South Wales
(see Unit 5.1.2). This study provides evidence to
suggest that de-industrialisation and the decline of
traditional manual jobs has led working-class boys to
place a higher value on education and to progress to
further and sometimes higher education.
Like most young people in the UK today, they continued
their education after 16 in order to gain qualifications
and because there were few other options open
to them. Manual jobs in the local area had all but
gone - in particular, the coal mines had closed down.
This challenged the traditional working-class culture
of masculinity - the emphasis on physical labour,
toughness and having a laugh. Unlike the lads in Willis’
research, they had no available manual jobs in which to
express this form of masculinity.
Ward identified two main groups in his study - the
Boiz (who were in some respects similar to Willis’
‘lads’) and the Geeks.
The Boiz At school and in further education, the
Boiz continued to enact the more traditional form of
working-class masculinity. They tended to take ‘male’
subjects such as physical education, motor vehicle
studies and A Levels in maths, science, electronics
and business studies. In class they were boisterous,
disruptive, joking and having a laugh. Despite this
behaviour, four members of the Boiz (one-third of the
group) went on to university.
In their leisure, the Boiz followed traditional activities
of young, working-class men - for example, sports
such as rugby and football, and fast cars. They
looked down on the Geeks, as they called them. They
saw the Geeks as effeminate and socially inadequate,
and bullied and teased them.
The Geeks Compared to the Boiz, the Geeks were
studious, quiet and well-behaved. They followed
school rules and wore school uniform. They were
.
determined to achieve, got high grades and nearly all
went to university. They took a mixture of A Levels -
maths, science, English, history and media studies.
Outside school, the Geeks read books and comics,
wrote poetry and played computer games. At times,
316
they followed traditional working-class leisure
pursuits. However, they looked forward to escaping
from their working-class community and taking up
middle-class occupations.
Continuity and change The two groups adapted
to de-industrialisation in different ways. The Boiz
continued with traditional working-class masculinity
in terms of their identities and behaviour,
apart from recognising the need to continue to
further education and, for a third of them, to go
to university.
The Geeks made greater changes. Their masculinity
was now based on educational success and a desire
for a new way of life outside the working-class
community in which they were raised.
Activity
Ward spent two and a half years following the
educational and social lives of 32 young men. His
research was based on participant observation,
semi-structured and unstructured interviews, and
conversations with individuals and groups.
1. Evaluate the usefulness of participant
observation to investigate the educational and
social lives of young men.
2. Identify one similarity in the research approach
adopted by Ward and Willis.
3. Explain one difference between the findings of
Ward and Willis.
Evaluation of Ward’s study
This study moves away from the so-called ‘crisis of
masculinity’. It suggests that, at least to some extent,
traditional working-class masculinity can co-exist
with educational success. In this respect, the ‘lads’
and ‘ear ’oles’ of Willis’ 1970s study have adapted
fairly well to become the ‘Boiz’ and the ‘Geeks’ of
the 2010s.
Activity: Data from Mai'rtm Mac an Ghaill’s
research into the Macho Lads
Darren: It’s the teachers that make the rules. It’s
them that decide that it’s either them or us. So you
are often put into a situation with teachers where
you have to defend yourself. Sometimes it’s direct
in the classroom. But it’s mainly the head cases
that would hit a teacher. Most of the time it’s all the
little things.

Gilroy: Acting tough by truanting, coming late to
lessons, not doing homework, acting cool by not
answering teachers, pretending you didn’t hear
them; that gets them mad. Lots of different things.
Noel: Teachers are always suspicious of us. Just like
the cops, trying to set you up.
Source: adapted from Mac an Ghaill, 2004.
1. How does the boys’ behaviour indicate an
anti-school subculture?
2. Suggest intersected factors which might explain
the boys’ behaviour.
Louise Archer - Muslim boys
and education
In Race, Masculinity and Schooling: Muslim Boys
and Education (2003), Archer examined how British
Muslim boys saw themselves, their schooling and
their future. Her sample consisted of 31 Muslim boys
aged 14-15 and her data came from discussion
groups led by three interviewers/discussion
I respects gender roles were unfair but believed that
leaders - two British women of Pakistani heritage
and Archer herself, a White British middle-class
woman. The boys were mainly of Pakistani and
Bangladeshi heritage. Archer’s main aim was to
see how the boys ‘constructed and negotiated their
masculine identities’.
Muslim and Black identities
In the discussion groups, all the boys identified
themselves first and foremost as Muslim. They were
proud of belonging to a local and global Muslim
brotherhood. They saw this as a strong masculine
identity as opposed to the traditional stereotype of a
‘weak’, ‘passive’ Asian masculinity.
Although most of the boys were born in England,
they did not feel they belonged in England, nor in the
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
countries of origin of their parents or grandparents -
mainly Pakistan and Bangladesh. Although they saw
themselves as Muslim, many were not particularly
religious in terms of their behaviour - for example,
most did not attend the mosque on Friday.
When constructing their identities, the boys drew
partly on Black Caribbean and African-American
styles of masculinity. They sometimes referred to
themselves as ‘Black’ in comparison to the ‘White’
majority. However, the boys’ Black identity was
ambiguous - Black ‘gangsta’ forms of masculinity
were drawn on, rather than forming the basis for
their identities.
Gendered identities
The boys’ gender identity as male was constructed in
relation to girls. They were aware of boys’ supposed
‘underachievement’ and girls’ superior exam
performance and they complained that teachers
unfairly favoured girls. They responded to this with
laddish remarks, seeing ‘messing around’ and ‘having
a laugh’ as typical of a desirable macho masculinity.
This response probably reflected their class position
as well as their gender - most of the boys came from
working-class families.
The boys saw part of their gender identity as deriving
from their Asian Muslim subculture. Men are the
breadwinners - they have freedom and autonomy,
power and control. Women are primarily concerned
with domestic matters as housewives and mothers -
as such, they are subservient. It is a man’s duty to
make sure that women’s behaviour is appropriate -
for example, that their appearance and clothing
are respectable. The boys admitted that in certain
this was part of their religious/cultural tradition and
therefore they should abide by it.
However, the boys recognised that the gender
relations outlined above were not reflected in their
everyday experiences. Muslim girls often refused to
do as they were expected - from the boys’ point of
view, they were often ‘out of control’.
Education and the breadwinner identity
The boys saw themselves as future breadwinners and
viewed education as a means towards successfully
performing this role. They held a strong belief in the
value of education for ‘getting ahead’ and obtaining a
well-paid job. Most of the boys expressed an interest
in continuing their education beyond GCSE and were
encouraged by their parents to do so.
317
 5 EDUCATION

Despite this view of education, some of the boys

felt that the value of qualifications was reduced by
racism. They believed that this made it more difficult
for them to translate qualifications into appropriate
occupations. Because of this, some saw falling back
on family businesses (for example, restaurants), which
did not require qualifications, as an alternative route.
The boys described their family lives in ‘overwhelmingly
positive terms’ - home was a source of warmth, love
and security. They saw adult Muslim masculinity as
involving a breadwinner providing for his family, caring
for his parents in their old age, and supporting relatives
locally and ‘back home’ in Bangladesh or Pakistan. A White-British woman leading a discussion with
Successfully performing this role was a ‘source of pride 14- to 15-year-old Pakistani and Bangladeshi
heritage boys
and a symbol of masculinity’, and education was seen
as a means to this end. 1. How might the gender and ethnicity of
the researcher influence the responses of
Evaluation the students?
This is an important study because it illustrates that
2. With reference to this study, explain what is
identities are changeable and complex - they derive
meant by the term ‘intersectionality’.
from different sources, they change according to the
social context and they are always in the process
of construction and reconstruction. For example,
Rebel girls
the boys ‘shifted across and between’ Muslim,
Black, Asian, Bangladeshi/Pakistani, English and Alexandra Allan (2010) conducted a two-year study
British identities, selecting one or more depending of 25 middle-class, 11 - to 1 2-year-old girls in a
single-sex, high-achieving school in the UK. Some of
on the situation, context or topic of conversation.
the girls were seen by teachers as ‘underachievers’.
Additionally, the boys’ gender, ethnicity, religion,
They were seen by many of the other girls as 'rebels’,
class and experiences of family life influenced their
‘bad girls’ and ‘misbehavers’. The rebels played
identity. Their attitudes towards and experience of
practical jokes and were known for their humour and
education must be seen in terms of this complex and
their view that it was uncool to work.
changing social context.
The rebels saw themselves as different. Although
Archer’s insistence on the importance of social context
they were middle-class, they regarded themselves
may indicate a weakness in her research method. The
as ‘common’, as ‘lacking the right know-how to
data came from small discussion groups led by two
compete’. They defined most of the other girls as
British Pakistani women and one middle-class White
‘posh’ - wealthy, overly confident, haughty and
British woman. Each boy had an audience, consisting
‘stuck up’. In the words of one rebel, ‘They have
of other boys in the group and one of these women.
been to private schools which means they are
Each boy’s projection of particular identities will reflect
taught better because you pay for the privilege.
his perception of the audience. Archer recognises this.
You can tell they are different because they are just
However, it may place limitations on her data - for
so confident.’
example, what would the boys say in the presence
of their father, mother, sister, brother, male friends, The rebels downplayed the importance of academic
female friends and so on? Wider sources of data drawn achievement and were not impressed with those
from different contexts would provide a fuller picture. ; who achieved - ‘they are not really that clever, their
parents had used their money to make them clever’.
Female school subcultures This view can be seen as a defence mechanism,
as ‘self-worth protection by those defined
Although many of the earlier studies of student
as underachievers’.
subcultures focused on boys and saw girls as
peripheral, more recent studies have explored However, despite all this, the rebels achieved well on
subcultural formation among females. a national scale, but not in a high-achieving school.

318

Yet they saw themselves as ‘common’, as below most
of the girls in social class terms and as lacking in
cultural and economic capital.
British Asian girls
Shain (2010) studied 44 Asian girls, aged 13-16,
mostly from Pakistani backgrounds. The girls
attended eight schools in economically deprived
areas of England. Shain identifies four main groups:
1. The Gang Girls opposed the culture of their school,
which they saw as White and racist. This led to an
emphasis on Asian subculture and a withdrawal
from the other students (see Unit 5.6.1).
2. The Survivors conformed to the values of their
school in order to achieve academic success
despite their experience of racism and sexism.
3. The Rebels, so-called by the teachers, were
critical of what they saw as unequal gender
relations in their home community and of the
subculture of the Gang Girls.
4. The Faith Girls gave priority to religion but were
well integrated with other ethnic groups and
followed a survival strategy in order to achieve
academic success.
The Gang Girls Shain (2010) explores the subculture
of the Gang Girls. She argues that setting by ability
is ‘a critical factor in friendship patterns which were
central to the girls’ academic and social experiences
throughout schooling’. The Gang Girls were defined
by the teachers as ‘underachievers’ and placed in
lower sets.
Like most Asian girls, they experienced racist abuse.
They fought back, insulting those who insulted them.
They responded to racist abuse and relegation to
lower sets by forming an all-Asian female subculture,
They wore traditional dress, which they ‘fiercely
defended’ as a 'visible marker of Asian identities’.
They rejected what they saw as the White, racist
culture of the school and excluded from their group
Asian students who appeared to mix in friendship
with White students.
Teachers saw the Gang Girls as troublemakers.
Confined to lower sets and regarded as failures, the
Gang Girls ‘gradually withdrew from learning’.
Conclusion
This and previous units have looked at some of the
many examples of students’ gendered subcultures.
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
The idea of intersectionality is a useful approach
to understanding how students’ subcultures and
identities are formed by several interconnected
factors. These factors include gender, ethnicity and
class, the pressure to succeed and the fear of failure,
ability grouping and the changing labour market.
Activity
1. Make brief notes on the relationship between
student subcultures and educational attainment.
2. Evaluate the usefulness of the concept of
intersectionality to an understanding of
student subcultures.
3. Reid (1996) argues that ‘education is both
the cause of inequality and the reflection of
inequality’. Explain this view.
Summary
1. The boys in Archer’s study saw themselves first
and foremost as Muslims.
2. In terms of their gender identity, they felt males
should have power over women. They saw
themselves as future breadwinners taking pride
in caring for their family and parents.
3. They had a strong belief in the value of
education and hoped to continue beyond their
GCSEs. However, some felt that racism might
reduce their chances in the job market.
4. The data came from discussion groups led
! by two British Pakistani women and one
middle-class White British woman. Their gender
! and ethnicity might influence the results.
I 5. With the absence of manual jobs, the Boiz had
i little alternative but to continue their education
after 16. Ward argues that the traditional
working-class culture of masculinity does not
I necessarily prevent educational achievement.
6. The middle-class rebel girls were seen as
underachievers and downplayed the importance
of education to protect their self-worth.
7. The Asian Gang Girls rejected the culture of their
school, which they saw as White and racist.
8. Many factors intersect to make up students’
identities and school subcultures, including
gender, ethnicity, class, ability groups and the
changing labour market.
319
 5 EDUCATION
Unit 5.7.4 Teacher expectations
and gendered
classroom behaviour
Previous units have examined the processes
of labelling and the self-fulfilling prophecy in
classrooms. We have also seen that teachers’
expectations of behaviour and attainment might
differ depending on students’ gender, ethnicity
and class. This unit looks at teachers’ gendered
expectations in more detail.
Teachers’ gendered expectations
Teachers’ perceptions of students are often based on
gender. For example, what is acceptable behaviour
for one gender may not be regarded as acceptable
for another. Diane Reay (2001), in her study of
7-year-olds in an English primary school, noted that
teachers in the staffroom sometimes referred to
girls who misbehaved as ‘scheming little madams’.
Their behaviour was seen as inappropriate for
girls. However, boys who behaved in a similar way
were simply seen as ‘mucking about’. Girls who
misbehaved were sometimes seen as having a
problem, but, in the case of boys, misbehaviour was
usually dismissed as ‘high spirits’.
Perceptions of ability A number of studies have
indicated that teachers tend to see boys as naturally
talented but lazy. By contrast, girls’ achievements
are seen as a result of hard work rather than ability
as such. This may help to explain why boys often
overestimate their ability while girls underestimate
theirs (Francis and Skelton, 2005).
Attending to boys Spender (1982) recorded lessons
given by herself and other teachers. Boys received
over 60 per cent of teachers’ time - 62 per cent in
her case, even though she tried to divide her time
equally between boys and girls. Compared with
boys, girls were ‘invisible’. They tended to blend into
the background, a strategy encouraged by the fact
that boys often poked fun at girls’ contributions to
lessons. In addition, teachers usually allowed boys to
get away with insulting comments to girls.
Michelle Stanworth’s (1983) study of A Level students
and teachers in a college of further education reflects
this focus on boys (see next page). Stan worth found
that teachers gave more time and attention to boys,
were more likely to know boys’ names, and expressed
more concern and interest in them.
320
Teacher expectations and subject choice
Research from the 1980s indicated that teachers and
careers officers tended to steer girls and boys towards
gender-stereotypical subject choices. However, later
research suggested that these directives were less
apparent (Francis and Skelton, 2005).
Behaviour in the classroom
The active and dominant males in reading schemes
(see Unit 5.7.1) may be reflected in the behaviour
of boys and girls in the classroom. From their own
classroom observations and their analysis of other
studies, Barbara G. Licht and Carol S. Dweck (1987)
argue that girls lacked confidence in their ability to carry
out intellectual tasks successfully. Despite the superior
performance of young girls compared to boys in primary
schools, it was the girls who generally expected to
encounter most difficulty when learning new things.
According to Licht and Dweck, boys are able to shrug
off failures by attributing them to a lack of effort on
their part, or unfair assessment by teachers. Girls,
on the other hand, constantly underestimate their
ability, fail to attach significance to their successes,
and lose confidence when they fail.
Francis - gender in the classroom
In Boys, Girls and Achievement, Francis (2000)
reviews studies on gender in the classroom and
describes her own research in this area (see Unit
3.3.1). She says:
Almost two decades on, research shows that
girls’ educational achievement has improved
despite the continuing male dominance of the
classroom, curriculum content (for example,
history’s focus on the lives of men) and greater
demands on teacher time. Francis, 2000
Francis conducted her own research in three English
secondary schools in 1998-99. The schools had
! different levels of overall achievement and were
located in different areas, but all had a majority of
working-class students. She observed four different
classes of 14- to 16-year-olds in each school, visiting
each class three times. In addition to classroom
observations of English and maths lessons, she
interviewed a sample of students.
Like earlier researchers, Francis found evidence
that classrooms were gendered and that boys
tended to dominate. She found that ‘boys tend to
monopolise space in the classroom and playground,
and girls tend to draw less attention to themselves

than do boys’. In 8 of the 1 2 classes, boys were
considerably noisier than girls. A number of the
teachers, though not all, treated male and female
students differently.
There were a number of incidents where boys were
disciplined more harshly or more frequently than girls.
Francis notes that sometimes this might have reflected
the greater noisiness of boys. Girls who were not paying
attention tended to talk quietly rather than disrupt the
classroom with more obvious, noisy behaviour.
Francis found evidence that girls were still getting
less attention than boys and that schools remained
largely male-dominated. However, in some classes
there was little evidence that boys and girls were
treated significantly differently. Furthermore, Francis
did find that some things had changed. For example,
students no longer took for granted the belief that
girls were less academically able than boys.
Fronds found that boys received more attention than
girls in some English and maths classes.
1. On what evidence did Francis base her view that
classrooms were gendered spaces?
2. Why do you think these students no longer
took for granted the belief that girls were less
academically able than boys?
3. In your experience, to what extent do students,
teachers or parents believe that one gender is
more academically able than another?
Michelle Stanworth - gender differences
in further education
Stanworth (1983) examined A Level classes in a
British further education college (which enrolled
students aged 16 plus). She interviewed teachers
and students from seven different classes in the
humanities department. Her findings suggested that
5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
a number of the attitudes displayed by teachers
would impede the educational progress of girls.
Teachers found it much more difficult to remember
the girls in their classes. Without exception, all the
students whom teachers said it was difficult to name
and recall were girls. Quiet boys were remembered,
but quiet girls seemed to blend into the background
and made little impression on their teachers.
Stanworth found that teachers held stereotypical
views of what their female students would be doing
in the future. Only one girl was seen as having
the potential to enter a professional occupation.
Interestingly, she was the most assertive of the girls
in the classroom but her academic performance was
not particularly good. One teacher described the
most academically successful girl as likely to become
a ‘personal assistant for someone rather important’.
Even for this girl, marriage was suggested as one
of the most significant aspects of her future life. Male
teachers mentioned nothing other than marriage as
the future for two-thirds of the female students.
When asked which students were given the most
attention by teachers, the students themselves named
boys two and a half times as often as girls, although
girls outnumbered boys by nearly two to one in the
classes studied. The students reported that boys were
four times more likely to join in classroom discussions,
twice as likely to seek help from the teacher, and twice
as likely to be asked questions.
Furthermore, girls were consistently likely to
underestimate their ability, while boys overestimated
theirs. Students were asked to rank themselves in
terms of ability in each class. In 19 of the 24 cases
in which teachers and students disagreed about the
ranking, all of the girls placed themselves lower than
the teachers’ estimates, and all but one boy placed
themselves higher.
Stanworth claimed that classroom interaction
disadvantaged girls. Teachers had an important role
in this, but students themselves also ‘played an active
part in the regeneration of a gender hierarchy, in
which boys are the indisputably dominant partners’.
Stanworth’s work was based on interviews and not
direct classroom observation. It therefore gives
some indication of what teachers and students
perceive to be happening in classrooms, but does
not actually establish, for example, that teachers give
more attention to boys (Randall, 1987). However,
later research supports the claim that boys tend to
dominate classrooms.
321
5 EDUCATION

Activity 5. Francis found evidence that classrooms were

gendered and that boys tended to dominate.
Once you have revised Section B of this chapter,
make notes on: 6. Stanworth argued that classroom interaction
disadvantaged girls.
1. the relationship between school-based factors
and educational attainment 7. Later research supports the claim that boys tend
to dominate classrooms.
2. the relationship between factors outside school
and educational attainment.

Summary
1. Teachers’ perceptions of students were often
based on gender.
2. Some teachers tended to see aspects of girls’
behaviour as misbehaviour, while similar
behaviour from boys was seen as ‘high spirits’.
3. Research suggests that teachers may have
different perceptions of girls’ and boys’ abilities.
4. Teachers often gave girls less time in lessons
than boys.

322
 5.7 GENDER AND EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 1 1 1 Describe two examples of how gender socialisation may affect educational achievement. [4 marks]
I 0 1 2 1 Explain two limitations of focusing on in-school factors to explain the educational
attainment of girls and boys. [6 marks]
1 0 I 5 1 ‘Education provides equality of opportunity to girls and boys.’ Using sociological material,
give one argument against this view. [6 marks]

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE QUESTIONS

roTTI Describe two examples of student subcultures. [4 marks]
rom Explain two ways in which education may contribute to social solidarity. [8 marks]
I 0 I 5 I ‘Educational systems in modern industrial societies are meritocratic.’
Using sociological material, give two arguments against this view. [12 marks]
foT^n Evaluate the view that intelligence is the most important factor determining how
well a child performs at school. [26 marks]

323
 v. M..
m
IE MEDIA
Chapter contents
Section A Ownership and control of the
media 325
m Section B Media representation and
effects 365
i
Exam-style practice questions 391
Our knowledge of the world beyond our immediate
circle of relatives, friends and acquaintances is
dependent on the mass media. The term ‘mass media’
refers to means of communicating messages (media)
.: to large, geographically dispersed audiences (mass).
* For the sake of brevity, the word ‘mass’ is often
, omitted and people talk simply about ‘the media’
The media is made up of two main categories. The
‘traditional media’ consists of print media such as
Sp newspapers, magazines, comics and, indeed, the book
you are currently reading, and audio-visual media such
as radio, television and film. The second category,
which has only emerged in recent decades and is
therefore termed the ‘new media’, consists of digital
media which rely on the internet for the distribution of
messages via desktop computers and mobile devices
such as laptops, tablets and mobile phones.
An increasingly important subset of the new media
consists of what is known as ‘social media’: digital
platforms which bring people together for the
exchange of a wide variety of information. These
include Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Snapchat,
Instagram, WhatsApp and so on. According to
3:
statista, in the third quarter of 2017 Facebook, for "
example, had over 2 billion active monthly users, A
more than a quarter of the world’s population!
Sociologists are interested in a wide range of
issues connected to the media and how they work,
both globally and in particular societies. In broad
terms these can be divided into two sets. The
first, addressed in Section A of this chapter, has
to do with the crucial issue of power and therefore
asks questions about the ownership and control
of the media. Where does control of the media
lie in different types of society? Where the media
are owned by private corporations, do they have
control or do they have to defer to audiences? Is
the growth of digital technology giving more power
to ordinary citizens compared to governments and
corporations? And what effect is the growth of the
new media having on social relationships and social
identity?
The second set of issues, addressed in Section B,
has to do with how the media represent the
world to their audiences and what effects these
representations have on people’s attitudes and
behaviour. Can viewing violence on screen cause
violence in real life, for example? Do the media r ■+
simply reflect the world around them, acting like a
mirror to society, or do they act more like a hall of
mirrors in a funfair providing a distorted picture of
reality? Do audiences simply accept the messages
they read, see and hear or are they able to stand
back a bit, and maybe even challenge them?

Part 2 Theories of the media and influences
on media content 336
Part 3 The impact of the new media 350
Two of the sets of key concepts that you were
introduced to in the introductory chapter are
particularly relevant in this section.
First, power, control and resistance. Potentially,
the media would appear to have enormous power
to shape our understanding of the wider world
because we are otherwise not in a position to
know what is happening beyond our immediate
surroundings. This raises the question of who
controls the media and therefore the information
we are able to access. Are we able to gain an
accurate and detailed knowledge of the world
through the media or is the picture we gain partial
biased, maybe even deliberately slanted to benefit
those who are in control? In addition, if the state
or commercial media organisations use the media
to serve their own vested interests, what tools do
ordinary people have to resist such manipulation?
Second, social change and development. The mass
media were an integral feature of the movement
from traditional to modern industrial societies.
The invention of the printing press, for example,
same message to large numbers of people. But
what role do the mass media play in social change
and development today? Could globalisation have
occurred without the growth of the internet and
the World Wide Web? Are the traditional media in
decline as people increasingly look for information
online? And are the new media, as some
sociologists argue, bringing about a further stage of
development leading to a ‘postmodern’ society?
Section A is divided into three parts. In Part 1, we
seek to gain an overview of the different ways in which
the media operate in different societies and look
particularly at the relationship between the media and
the state. We also examine current trends affecting the
organisation of the media both nationally and globally.
In Part 2, we look at the operation of the media in
those societies where the media have at least some
independence from the state and at the competing
theories that sociologists have developed to explain
the relationship between ownership, control and
media content. We also examine the postmodernist
view of the media.
Finally, in Part 3, we focus on the new media and
the various sociological debates that the growth
of the new media has prompted. In particular, we
explore the debate between those who see the new
media as positive developments and those who
emphasise their downside.
 6 THE MEDIA
PM 1 BE MEDIA M GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE
Contents
Unit 6.1.1 The media: a global overview
Unit 6.1.2 The media, the state and state
censorship
Unit 6.1.3 Global trends in media
organisation and access
Some of you will live in countries where you have
relatively easy access to a wide variety of media
outlets and different points of view - for example,
to newspapers that display different political
Unit 6.1.1 The media: a global
overview
Across the globe there are enormous differences in
the degree to which the media are able to function
independently of the government. Freedom from
government control is important, for example, if
journalists are to be able to fulfil the function of
‘talking truth to power’: identifying corruption,
incompetence, hypocrisy, oppression and so on in the
government’s dealings with its citizens.
Activity
Vu
A memorial to the murdered Maltese journalist
Daphne Caruana Galizia, who had reported on
corruption in local politics and was killed by a
car bomb in October 2017.
How free are journalists to report critically on political
or religious authorities in the country where you live?
326
allegiances. Others will live in societies where there
is much less diversity of viewpoints and where
326 the state exercises considerable control over both
the traditional media and access to new media.
329 In Part 1, we try to identify broad patterns in the
degree of media freedom in different countries and
look particularly at the role of the state in relation
332
to the media. This relationship, however, is not
fixed: it can and does change - for example, in
response to political changes in countries and to
changes in media technology. We will, therefore, also
seek to identify those trends currently affecting the
organisation and control of the media globally.
There are two main sources of information about
the relative degree of media freedom existing in
different countries globally and which cover most
of the world’s countries. These two sources are the
World Press Freedom Index produced by Reporters
Without Borders (a French organisation, Reporters
Sons Frontieres, or RSF) and the Freedom of
the Press Report produced by Freedom House,
based in the USA. Both are non-governmental
organisations (NGOs), but as Freedom House
receives some of its funding from the US
government it could be argued that it is not as free
of possible political pressure as RSF. Therefore we
will use the latter’s latest report (201 7) to provide
an overview.
Activity
Why might it matter that Freedom House
receives some of its funding from the US
government?
The World Press Freedom Index
The World Press Freedom Index covers 180
countries (over 90 per cent of the total) and
is compiled from the responses of journalists,
media lawyers, researchers and other media
specialists in these countries to a questionnaire
devised by RSF. This qualitative data is combined
with quantitative data on abuses and acts of
violence against journalists during the period
in question.
 6.1 THE MEDIA IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

The questionnaire measures six indicators of

media freedom:
» Pluralism: the degree to which a variety of
opinions are represented in the media.
» Media independence: the degree to which the
media are able to function independently of
sources of political, governmental, business and
religious power and influence.
» Environment and self-censorship: the nature of
the environment in which news and information
providers operate (for example, freedom from
harassment or intimidation).
» Legislative framework: the impact of
the legal framework governing news and
information activities.
> Transparency: how open the institutions and
procedures that affect the production of news and
information are.
> Infrastructure: the quality of the infrastructure
that supports the production of news and
information (for example, the availability of
internet access and distribution facilities for
print media).
Countries are awarded a score between 0 and
100 on the basis of these criteria (the higher the
score, the lower the level of journalistic freedom).
In 201 7, the country judged to offer journalists the
greatest degree of freedom, with a score of 7.60,
was Norway; the least, with a score of 84.98, was
North Korea. Table 6.1.1 provides a summary of the
report’s findings.
Explaining the findings
Broadly speaking, the degree of media freedom
relates to the nature of the political system operating
in different countries. There are a number of ways
in which political systems can be classified, but one
widely used classification distinguishes between
democratic and authoritarian regimes.
In democracies - ‘democracy’ translates literally as ‘rule
by the people’ - there is generally a range of political
parties which competes with each other to form the
government, regular elections which are fair and free,
universal suffrage (that is, virtually all adults have the
right to vote in elections), civil rights/liberties (such as
freedom of expression and freedom of assembly) which
are generally respected, and the legislature (the body
which makes the law) and the judiciary with some
degree of independence from the government.
In authoritarian regimes, all these features are
either lacking or severely compromised. There
may be superficial elements of democracy - for
example, elections may be held, but all candidates
belong to one political party or there are undue
pressures placed on voters to support the official
candidate. Also, infringements and abuses of civil
liberties are commonplace, government criticism is
suppressed and the judiciary is not independent of
the government.
The Economist Intelligence Unit (linked to The
Economist magazine) produces an annual estimation
of how democratic countries are - the ‘Democracy
Index’. It covers most of the countries of the world
and uses 60 indicators to allocate each country

Table 6.1.1 Summary of World Press Freedom Index findings, 2017

Freedom Classification Number Examples

score of
range countries
0-15 Good 16 Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark, New Zealand, Jamaica,
Iceland, Germany
16-25 Fairly good 33 UK, USA, Cyprus, Australia, Spain, South Africa
26-35 Problematic 59 Nepal, Mauritius, Guyana, Kenya, Italy, Japan, Israel, Brazil
Greece
36-55 Bad 51 Pakistan, UAE, Nigeria, Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, Singapore,
Mexico, Russia, India
56-100 Very bad 21 China, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Cuba, Eritrea

Source: RSF World Press Freedom Index 2017.

327
 6 THE MEDIA
to one of four categories: full democracies, flawed
democracies, hybrid regimes and authoritarian
regimes (see Unit 8.3.1). In 2016, it looked at 167
countries and categorised 19 as full democracies,
57 as flawed democracies, 40 as hybrid regimes
and 51 - covering roughly one-third of the world’s
population - as authoritarian regimes.
All the countries rated ‘good’ in terms of media
freedom by RSF in 2017 were rated as ‘democratic’ by
the 2016 Democracy Index (13 as ‘full democracies’,
3 as ‘flawed democracies’) and all the countries
covered by the Democracy Index rated as ‘very bad’
in terms of media freedom by RSF were classified as
‘authoritarian’. This is because full democracies tend
to have a diverse and independent media and support
freedom of expression, while in authoritarian regimes
the media are often state-owned or controlled by
groups closely associated with the government and
:here is widespread media censorship. Interestingly,
:he country rated most highly for media freedom
(Norway) also came top in the Democracy Index and
the lowest-rated country for media freedom (North
Korea) also came last in the Democracy Index.
Activity
Summaries of both the Democracy Index and the
World Press Freedom Index are freely available
on the World Wide Web (assuming access is not
restricted by the state). Look up the country you
live in. Are you surprised by its ranking or is it what
you expected? Do you agree or disagree? Why?
Explain why democracies tend to be associated
with greater media freedom than authoritarian
regimes.
To summarise, we can say that democracies tend
to allow greater media freedom and authoritarian
regimes less. However, outside the two extremes
of full democracy/‘good’ media freedom and
authoritarian regime/‘very bad’ media freedom, the
situation is variable and it is important to avoid
over-simplification. For example, both Japan and
Mauritius are classified as ‘full democracies’ by the
Democracy Index, but RSF classifies their level of
media freedom as ‘problematic’. While it describes
Mauritius as a model African country for democracy
i
and human rights, RSF claims that abuses against
journalists occur. These include ‘threats by the
authorities against the daily newspaper L’Express,
the 2011 jail sentence of the editor of the weekly
328
Somedi Plus, and the Mauritius Broadcasting
Corporation’s warnings to journalists who spoke
during public debates’ Similarly, in Japan, RSF
claims that since the re-election of Shinzo Abe as
Prime Minister in 201 2, media freedom has been
declining, with both local and foreign journalists
experiencing harassment by government officials.
In Unit 6.1.2, we will look more closely at the
variable relationship between the state and the
media in different countries and particularly at the
role of state censorship.
Key terms
Non-governmental organisation A non-profit
organisation that operates independently of
any government.
Democratic regime A political system in which
power is ultimately held by the people.
Authoritarian regime A political system that
concentrates political power in an authority not
responsible to the people.
Judiciary The branch of the state which interprets
and applies the law.
Flawed democracies Nations where elections are
fair and free, and basic civil liberties are honoured,
but which may have significant democratic failings
in other respects.
Hybrid regime A political system which combines
elements of democracy with authoritarianism.
Summary
1. There are two main sources of information
about media freedom globally: the World Press
Freedom Index produced by Reporters Without
Borders (RSF) and the Freedom of the Press
Report produced by Freedom House.
2. The 2017 RSF report covered 180 countries and
categorised 16 as ‘good’, 33 as ‘fairly good’, 59
as ‘problematic’, 51 as ‘bad’ and 21 as ‘very bad’.
3. Broadly speaking, the degree of media freedom
relates to the nature of the political system
operating in different countries, with democratic
systems offering greater media freedom and
authoritarian systems less.
4. However, while this pattern holds true at the
extremes, countries with similar political systems
can differ in terms of the level of media freedom.

Unit 6.1.2 The media, the state
and state censorship
In the last unit, we looked at the global picture in
terms of media freedom and saw that this varies
with the nature of the political regime in different
countries. In this unit, we will take a closer look at
the role of the state in relation to the media and the
role played by state censorship.
Authoritarian regimes
In authoritarian regimes, the state usually seeks to
control both the traditional and new media in order
to control public opinion. In extreme cases, such as
North Korea, Eritrea and Turkmenistan, there are
no independent traditional media sources and the
government seeks to prohibit access to new media.
For example, in North Korea the Korean Central
News Agency is the sole source of official news
for the print and broadcast media and the people
are fed a daily diet of stories extolling the virtues
of its leader Kim Jong-un. According to the Open
Net Initiative, online access within North Korea is
exceedingly rare and limited to sites that comprise
the domestic intranet, whose content is chosen (and
user activity monitored) by the authorities.
However, according to Robert Orttung and
Christopher Walker (2014), most authoritarian
regimes today do not seek total domination of all
means of mass communication. This is both because
of a desire to avoid condemnation in the court of
international opinion and because of aspirations
to economic modernisation. The latter would be
handicapped by wholesale media repression and the
restrictions on information flow that this would entail.
Instead, according to Orttung and Walker, they want
‘effective media control - enough for them to convey
their strength and puff up claims to legitimacy while
undermining potential alternatives’.
Activity
Many authoritarian regimes claim to be
democratic (the official name of North Korea is
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, for
example) and have media freedom enshrined
in their constitution. Assuming that the country
you live in has a written constitution, carry
out research to discover whether it enshrines
media freedom.
6.1 THE MEDIA IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE
Orttung and Walker identify four distinct audiences
that authoritarian-controlled media seek to influence:
1. Regime elites: authoritarian governments need to
reassure elite groups that they are in control and
warn potential opponents among the elite that any
defections will be punished (for example, through
smear campaigns) because any splits could lead to
regime collapse.
2. The general population: state-dominated media are
used to make mass audiences both fear and respect
the regime at the same time as encouraging political
apathy and passivity. State-controlled television is
typically the main tool for achieving this goal.
3. The political opposition and independent civil
society organisations (where these exist): state-run
media are used to try to discredit in the public’s
mind any opposition to the regime, painting
opponents as corrupt, self-interested or as agents
of malign foreign powers.
4. Regular internet users: as the number of people
online grows, authoritarian governments have
realised that they need to at least control politically
sensitive online content as well as that of the press
and broadcasting.
Censorship
Writing in the introduction to Attacks on the
Press: The A/ew Face of Censorship, produced by
the international NGO, the Committee to Protect
Journalists, Joel Simon (2017) claims that strategies
used by authoritarian and hybrid states to control and
manage information fall into three broad categories:
> Repression 2.0: new forms of direct censorship
and the intimidation and/or imprisonment of
critical journalists. These are similar to the direct
control of the media exercised by the Communist
Party in the former Soviet Union before Mikhail
Gorbachev came to power ('Repression 1.0’).
> Masked political control: systematic efforts to
hide repressive actions taken against the media
by dressing them up ‘in the cloak of democratic
norms’. For example, justifying an internet
crackdown by claiming that it is necessary to
suppress hate speech, incitements to violence or to
tackle terrorism. In Turkey, for example, according
to RSF, since the failed coup of July 2016 the
authorities have used the ‘fight against terrorism’
as a pretext for eliminating dozens of media
outlets and imprisoning dozens of journalists.
329
 6 THE MEDIA
> Technology capture: using digital technologies to
stop internal dissent by monitoring and surveilling
critical voices, blocking websites and using
state-sponsored trolling. According to the 2016
Freedom on the Net report produced by Freedom
House, two-thirds of the world’s internet users live
in countries which blocked or restricted access to
social media sites and communication services
during that year.
To this list might be added a fourth category, namely
self-censorship, where journalists avoid criticising
the regime through fear of harassment or because of
financial considerations. According to the NGO, the
World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers
(WAN-IFRA), in Malawi and Cambodia, for example,
governments use the threat of withdrawing state
advertising from independent media outlets as a tool
to pressurise them to avoid criticising the government
(MacDowall and van der Zee, 01/12/2017).
The Freedom on the Net report referred to above
identified China as the country with the most
restrictions on internet freedom (North Korea
was excluded from the report). China has a
comprehensive internet censorship system known
colloquially as The Great Firewall of China’ that seeks
to control both internet traffic originating outside of
China and internal traffic.
Until recently, tech-sawy Chinese internet users had
been able to bypass the government’s efforts to block
foreign websites by using what are known as Virtual
Private Network services (or VPNs) (Baker, 2017).
However, since 2018 new laws require that all VPN
operators are licensed by the government. Moreover,
the state-run telecom companies China Mobile,
China Unicom and China Telecom have been required
to ensure that their 1.3 billion subscribers cannot
access blocked content with VPNs.
Democratic regimes
State control, including state censorship, of the media is
generally seen as incompatible with democracy, at least
in times of peace. Sebastian Stier (2015) examined
data relating to the situation in 149 countries over the
period 1993 to 2010, and found that democracies lead
to ‘significantly higher levels’ of media freedom than
autocracies, other things being equal.
This is not to say that the state plays no part in the
operation of the media in democracies. The state may
well pass laws which limit the freedom of the press
330
in ways which are seen as in the public interest - for
example, hate-speech legislation. It is also likely to
pass laws limiting the ability of any one company
to monopolise a particular media sector in order to
ensure at least some media plurality. For example,
in January 2018 the UK Competition and Markets
Authority (CMA) concluded that it was not in the
public interest for 21 st Century Fox to take over
Sky broadcasting: The CMA has provisionally found
that if the deal went ahead, as currently proposed,
it is likely to operate against the public interest. It
would lead to the Murdoch Family Trust (MFT), which
controls Fox and News Corporation (News Corp),
increasing its control over Sky, so that it would have
too much control over news providers in the UK
across all media platforms (TV, Radio, Online and
Newspapers), and therefore too much influence over
public opinion and the political agenda’ (https://www.
gov.uk/government/news, 23/01/2018).
However, media freedom cannot be taken for granted
in democracies. As indicated in the introduction to
Part 1, changes in government and in the political
climate can lead to attacks on media freedom even
in democratic societies. In its accompanying analysis
of the 201 7 World Press Freedom Index, RSF states
that Violations of the freedom to inform are less and
less the prerogative of authoritarian regimes and
dictatorships’. Among numerous examples, it draws
attention to recent developments in Europe and the
USA where the rise of right-wing populism has seen
the election of neo-conservative governments who
are intolerant of media criticism.
In the USA, the election of Donald Trump has seen
repeated attacks on journalists, with Trump accusing
them of being ‘among the most dishonest human
beings on earth’ and of deliberately spreading
‘fake news’. In Poland, the election of the Law and
Order Party in 2015 was followed by legislation
bringing public radio and television under its control
and the replacement of the existing directors with
government appointees. It also acted to restrict
the distribution of newspapers that were critical
of the government and ordered all state agencies
to cancel their subscriptions and not place any
advertisements in the targeted newspapers.
Similarly, in Hungary, since the Fidesz party came to
power in 2010, the government under Viktor Orban
has sought to tighten its control over the media
through legislation and through the purchase of
independent media outlets by wealthy supporters of
the government.
 6.1 THE MEDIA IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

Contemporary issues: State control of the media in Russia

PREDATOR OF PRESS FREEDOM
Vladimir PUTIN
President of the Russian Federation
Aged 64
Predator since 2000
Vladimir Putin has alternated between the positions of prime minister and
president since 2000. He was FSB (former KGB) director in 1998 and 1999.
Attack technique: nationalistic authoritarianism
Catapulted into the presidency in 2000 after a decade of dilution of authority, Putin has always had an
overriding obsession with control. The media quickly felt the effects of his concern to impose topdown
authority, called the “power vertical," during his first two terms as president, when all the national
TV channels were gradually brought under the Kremlin’s control from the start of the 2000s. The
authoritarianism became even more pronounced after Putin’s return to the presidency in May 201 2 and
string of draconian laws criminalizing protests and limiting free speech. And the previously free Internet
was reined in. Websites were blocked without reference to the courts, bloggers were tightly regulated
and social network users found they could be jailed over a single post. While the leading TV channels
inundate viewers with propaganda, the climate has become very oppressive for those who question
the new patriotic and neo-conservative discourse or simply try to defend quality journalism. Leading
independent media have been picked off one by one. The editors of Lenta.ru and RBK were ousted. Dozhd
TV was dropped from satellite and cable TV services. The main Russian media defence NGOs were all
declared to be "foreign agents.”
Kill tally: T:.\ is less freedom of expression in Russia now than at any time since the fall of the
Soviet Union.
4 journalists are currently in prison: Zhalaudi Geriyev (Kavkazsky Uzel) since 16 April 2016; Alexander
Sokolov (RBK) since 27 July 2015; Sergei Reznik since 26 November 2013; and Alexander Tolmachev
(Upolnomochen Zayavit and Pro Rostov) since 20 December 2011.
Enforcers:
• The Duma (parliament’s lower chamber), which is always keen to pass draconian legislation
• Oligarchs and businessman, who buy independent media outlets and then bring them into line
• The security services
Favourite targets: independent investigative media, especially those that investigate high-level corruption.
Official discourse: brazen hypocrisy
"The media’s active and responsible attitude and a truly independent and courageous journalism are more
than ever desired and indispensible for Russia." (Address to the Union of journalists, April 2013)
Country score: Russia is ranked 148th out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2016 World Press Freedom Index.

REPORTERS
WITHOUT BORDERS
FOR FREEDOM OF INFORMATION

The role of the state in relation to media control Questions

in authoritarian regimes can be illustrated by
the situation in Russia. The panel shown here,
published by RSF, describes President Putin as a
'predator of press freedom’ and details some of
the ways in which he has sought to exercise control
over the media landscape in Russia since coming to
power in 2000.
Source: 'Predator of Press Freedom: Vladimir
Putin: https://rsf.org/en/predator/vladimir-putin-0,
Reporters Sans Frontieres/Reporters
Without Borders
1. Identify the main ways in which Putin has acted
to gain control of the media in Russia, according
to the RSF report.
2. What does RSF say has happened to independent
media outlets under Putin?
3. Explain RSF’s reference to ‘brazen hypocrisy’ (that
is, saying one thing and doing another) in relation
to Putin’s address to the Union of Journalists in
April 2013.
4. Using the RSF report above, produce a summary
in your own words of the state of the media in
Russia in 2016.

331
6 THE MEDIA
Activity
Explain, using examples, why it is misguided to
imagine that media freedom is guaranteed in
democratic societies.
However, these developments have been met with
resistance from sections of civil society in these
countries. Kenneth Roth, the director of the NGO
Human Rights Watch, speaking at the launch of its
2018 annual report, stated that The lesson of the
last year is that resistance matters. The only way to
limit the rise of autocrats is to stand up to them. The
only way to preserve the values populists attack is to
defend them’ (Guardian, 19/01/2018).
Key terms
State-sponsored trolling Where governments
employ people to manipulate online discussions
in ways which promote the interests of those
governments, both home and abroad.
Tech-sawy Someone who is knowledgeable about,
and skilled in, the use of modern technology,
especially computers.
Autocracy A political regime in which power is
concentrated in the hands of one individual -
common in authoritarian regimes.
Media plurality The situation where there
is a range of agencies owning and providing
media content.
Right-wing populism A political strategy that
involves support for traditional morality, a strong
state and laissez-faire capitalism combined with
anti-immigrant and nationalistic rhetoric, and
which claims to speak up for the ordinary person
against the elite (therefore, ‘populist*).
Neo-conservative governments Governments
that embrace right-wing ideas as set out above.
Summary
1. In authoritarian regimes, the state typically
seeks to control both the traditional and new
media, although only in extreme cases do they
seek total control.
2. In seeking to exercise control, according to
Orttung and Walker, they have four distinct
audiences in mind: members of the elite, the
general population, opposition groups and
internet users.
332
3. Simon identifies three types of state censorship:
Repression 2.0, masked political control
and technology capture. Also important in
authoritarian and hybrid regimes is self-censorship
by journalists and programme makers.
4. State control, including state censorship, of the
media is seen as incompatible with democracy.
5. However, media freedom is never guaranteed
and RSF argues that recent years have seen
attacks by the state on media freedom in a
number of formally democratic countries.
Unit 6.1.3 Global trends in media
organisation and
access
Units 6.1.1 and 6.1.2 have sought to provide an
overview of the global media landscape in terms of
the degree of media freedom in different countries
and the role played by the state. In Unit 6.1.3,
we seek to complete the picture by looking at the
underlying trends in the global organisation of, and
access to, the media over recent years.
The global context
The global organisation of the media today reflects a
number of developments in recent decades that have
impacted on the economic organisation of countries
around the world and the relationships between
these countries. Four developments stand out: the
globalisation of capitalism, the spread of neoliberal
ideas, deregulation and digitalisation:
1. Capitalist globalisation Globalisation involves
all parts of the world becoming increasingly
interconnected, so that national boundaries - in
some respects, at least - become less important.
According to William I. Robinson (2004),
! globalisation represents the latest stage in the
historical transformation of capitalism. For most
of the 20th century, capitalism was organised
on a nation-state basis, but in the 1970s the
1 system was faced with a crisis of stagnant growth
i and rising prices (‘stagflation’) and falling profits.
Over the next two decades, Robinson argues,
capitalism was reorganised on a global scale with
the growth of multinational or transnational
corporations (TNCs). Moreover, with the
 6.1 THE MEDIA IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

so-called ‘collapse of communism’ at the end of
the 1980s, regions and areas that had previously
operated outside capitalism’s scope (China, the
former USSR, Angola, Mozambique and others)
were incorporated into a global capitalist system.
2. Neoliberalism These developments were guided
by a political philosophy called ‘neoliberalism’
Neoliberals believe that prosperity and freedom
are best promoted by allowing businesses to
pursue profits with as little state regulation as
possible. Consequently, according to Robinson,
global organisations such as the IMF, World Trade
Organisation and World Bank became promoters
of neoliberalism and hundreds of multilateral,
bilateral and global free trade agreements were
concluded, enabling the growth of TNCs.
3. Deregulation Deregulation is the process of
removing or reducing state regulations that limit
the activities of businesses. Neoliberals see this
as desirable. Critics see it as removing potentially
important safeguards for consumers. What Robert
McChesney (2001) describes as the centrepiece
of these neoliberal policies was the ‘call for
commercial media and communication markets to
be deregulated’ This allowed foreign companies -
particularly, but not only, American ones - to buy
into national media markets, and as a result media
and telecommunications companies were able to
expand on an enormous scale, both domestically
and internationally.
4. Digitalisation The replacement of analogue
electronic and mechanical devices with digital
technology - the ‘digital revolution’ - began in the
1980s and underpins the growth of the new media.
At the centre of this development is the global
spread of the internet. By 2017, nearly half the
world’s population (3.5 billion out of a global
population of 7.5 billion) were connecting to
the internet through PCs, laptops, tablets,
smartphones or other devices (Statista, 2018).
However, the proportion of the population able to
access the internet varies significantly between the
industrialised and less industrialised world, as the
figure in the second activity shows (see below).
Activity
Discuss the extent to which these four processes have
impacted on the media in the country you live in.

Activity
Percentage of global population accessing the internet from 2005 to
2017, by market maturity
100%-
aJ
c
Q)

i£ 80%
OD
.E
3 60%
03
13
2
>
^6 40% ♦
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u—

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c o
u
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0%
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Industrialised Less industrialised World
Internet access globally.

What percentage of the population was accessing the internet in 2017 in the more industrialised world, and
what percentage was doing so in the less industrialised world?

333
 6 THE MEDIA
Trends in global media organisation
Outside of the world’s authoritarian regimes, the
general trend that is evident over the last decade
according to Mike Jensen (2016) is that more and
more of both the traditional and new media, along
with the infrastructure needed to deliver messages,
is owned and operated by TNCs operating on a
global scale.
This has come about through two distinct processes
known in economics as horizontal and vertical
integration:
Horizontal integration is also known as cross-media
ownership and refers to the fact that the bigger
media companies often own a diverse range of types
of media. For example, the Murdoch family, which
owns News Corp and 21 st Century Fox, in addition to
newspapers in Britain, Australia and the USA, owns
book and magazine publishers, film companies and
TV companies.
Vertical integration involves the combination in one
company of two or more stages in the production
and distribution process normally operated by
separate firms. It enables companies to exert greater
economic control over their operating environment.
For example, Time Warner owns the Warner Bros,
film studios, but also owns an international chain
of cinemas in which it shows films produced by
Warner Bros. Similarly, since 2013, Netflix, which
provides an online video streaming service in
Table 6.1.2 The 10 largest media corporations in the world
Rank Corporation
1 Alphabet Inc. (Mountain View/US)
2 Comcast (Philadelphia/US)
3 The Walt Disney Company (Burbank/US)
4 AT&T Entertainment Group (DirecTV)(EI Segundo/US)
5 News Corp. Ltd./21 st Century Fox (New York/US)
6 Time Warner Inc. (New York/US)
7 Charter Comm. Inc. (St. Louis/US)
8 Sony Entertainment [Tokyo/JP)
9 Facebook, Inc. (Palo Alto/US)
10 Altice Group (Amsterdam/NL)
Source: Institut fur Medien- und Kommunikationspolitik/lnstitute of Media and Communications Policy.
334
190 countries has also produced its own original films
and TV programmes.
Vertical and horizontal integration has led to
the creation of enormous media TNCs or media
conglomerates that increasingly dominate the global
picture. A conglomerate is a corporation that is made
up of a number of different, seemingly unrelated
businesses. The companies operate independently of
each other, but are overseen by a holding company.
For example, YouTube is actually a subsidiary of
Google, but Google itself is owned by Alphabet,
a holding company set up in 2015 by Google’s
founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin.
Table 6.1.2 lists the 10 largest media companies
globally by revenue in 2016.
Activity
How many of the top 10 companies are American?
Evaluate the extent to which this implies that
globalisation of the media can be equated with
Americanisation.
Trends in global media acce ,
Surveying global trends in media access in 2018,
UNESCO states that access increased between 2012
and 2016, although the extent of this increase varied
significantly across regions. This development has been
accompanied by significant changes in how audiences
Revenue 2016
€82.0 billion
€72.6 billion
€50.3 billion
€32.9 billion
€32.1 billion
€26.5 billion
€26.2 billion
€25.9 billion
€25.0 billion
€23.5 billion

combine old and new media for accessing news and
entertainment. The internet has registered the highest
growth in users, although television continues to be the
most popular medium. At the same time, consumption
of newspapers and radio has declined overall, though
this trend is not evident in all countries.
Internet and mobile
While the numbers accessing the internet have
continued to grow, the rate of growth has been
slowing down recently, with a 5 per cent annual
growth rate in 2017 compared to 10 per cent in
201 2. At the same time, mobile internet connectivity
has played an important part in expanding access,
particularly in Asia and the Pacific and in Africa.
The number of unique mobile phone subscriptions
increased from 3.89 billion in 201 2 to 4.83 billion in
2016, two-thirds of the world’s population.
Broadca • n -
In Western Europe and North America, the primacy
of television as a source of information is being
challenged by the internet, particularly among younger
generations. In other regions, such as Africa, television
is replacing radio as the main source of information.
The switch from analogue to digital television
has been uneven across the globe. The switch
is significant in that it potentially opens up a
wider range of channels to viewers, as satellite
broadcasting had done previously. According to the
:
International Telecommunications Union, in 2017,
28 per cent of 198 countries had completed the
process, it was ongoing in 35 per cent, was yet to
start in 7 per cent and the situation in the remaining
30 per cent was not known.
The press
Print newspapers have been the most severely affected
by the growth of the internet. Newspaper circulation
globally declined by nearly 8 per cent between
2012 and 2017 according to the World Association
of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA),
although it rose significantly in some Asian and Pacific
countries such as China, India and Indonesia. Many
newspapers have started producing online versions in
an attempt to counteract this trend - some allowing
free access, others requiring payment.
6.1 THE MEDIA IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE
Key terms
Capitalism A system for organising the
production, distribution and exchange of goods
and services based on private ownership and the
profit motive.
Transnational corporations (TNCs) Companies
that operate across national boundaries.
Collapse of communism A series of events
between 1989 and 1991 that led to the fall of
communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the
Soviet Union and led other communist regimes
(such as China and Cuba) to introduce elements
of capitalism into their previously socialist
organisation of the economy.
Cross-media ownership The ownership of
different kinds of media organisations by a
single company.
Media conglomerates Media corporations that
are made up of a number of different, seemingly
unrelated businesses.
Summary
1. The global media landscape today reflects
the historical influence of four main factors:
capitalist globalisation, neoliberalism,
deregulation and digitalisation.
2. Outside of authoritarian regimes, the
21 st century has seen increasing media
industry consolidation with the creation of
media conglomerates through processes of
vertical and horizontal integration.
3. Consequently, media production is
increasingly dominated by TNCs, particularly
American ones.
4. Access to different types of media globally
continues to grow, with access to the
internet growing fastest. However, television
remains the most popular medium, while
consumption of radio and print media has
declined overall.
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END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
! 0 1 1 I Describe four differences between democratic and authoritarian regimes. [4 marks]
1 0 I 2 1 Explain why authoritarian regimes generally seek to limit media freedom. [6 marks]
j 0 1 3 1 Evaluate the role of media censorship by the state in authoritarian regimes. [8 marks]

PART 2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AMD

INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT
Contents
Unit 6.2.1 Who controls the media?
Competing theories
Unit 6.2.2 Understanding news production
and its effects 341
Unit 6.2.3 The postmodernist contribution
to understanding the media 347
There is little debate among sociologists over where
control of the media lies in authoritarian regimes.
As we saw in Part 1, control lies firmly with the
state, which uses the media to paint a positive
picture of the regime and its leaders and seeks
to exclude or, at least, marginalise any voices of
dissent. For this reason, it also seeks to limit its
citizens’ access to new media.
The situation in democratic societies is less
clear-cut. Given that the media are mainly in the
hands of commercial organisations, it might seem
obvious that it is the owners of these companies
who are in control. However, notions such as those
of ‘editorial independence’ and ‘creative freedom’
336 suggest instead that control lies with those who
actually produce media content: journalists,
programme makers, editors and so on. On the
other hand, maybe neither of these sets of actors
has much control, because if they fail to provide
audiences with what they want they will go out
of business/lose their jobs. So maybe it is the
audience who exercise ultimate control.
Unit 6.2.1 examines the competing theories
produced by sociologists aiming to understand the
relationship between owners, media professionals
and audiences in the production of media content.
Unit 6.2.2 focuses on one aspect of media content
which is seen as playing a crucial role in the
political life of democratic societies; namely, the
news. This will provide an opportunity to evaluate
the theories examined in Unit 6.2.1. Finally, in Unit
6.2.3 we will examine the views of postmodernists.

Unit 6.2.1 Who controls the Pluralist theories

' Pluralist theories of the media derive from
media? Competing pluralist theories of power in democratic societies;

theories for example, Robert Dahl’s study of the USA Who

. Governs? (1961). These argue that political power is
spread out among a wide range of competing interest
The sociological debate over where control of the groups representing different sections of society -
media lies in democratic societies is mainly between businesses, trades unions, religious organisations,
pluralists and Marxists, although Marxists are pressure groups, voluntary organisations and so
divided among themselves over exactly where on - none of which are powerful enough to dominate
control lies. the political decision-making process.

336
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT

For pluralists, a similar picture applies to the media around the world for its objectivity and has provided
landscape in democratic societies. Not only are there the blueprint for many subsequent PSBs. Pluralists
a variety of mediums - television, radio, print, film, see PSBs as an additional source of media diversity
the internet and so on - but, within each sector of and a counterweight to any potential bias in the
the media, companies compete with each other for commercial sector.
audiences. Indeed, for pluralists, readers, viewers
and listeners are the real power-holders because Activity
ultimately it is they who choose which media
r
messages to consume: which TV programmes to !
watch, which magazines to buy, which social media to
sign up to and so on. If they did not like the products
that media owners were making available to them,
or if they suspected the media product was biased
one way rather than another, the potential audience
would respond by not consuming the product and the
media company would go out of business. As John
Whale (1977) puts it in relation to the press, ‘It is
readers who determine the character of newspapers.’
Power, then, according to pluralists, lies with the
consumer or audience rather than with owners or
The headquarters of the Telewizja Polska
media professionals. The media have no choice but to (TVP) public broadcasting corporation,
give the public what it wants! Warsaw, Poland.
Moreover, pluralists argue that the rationale for
Does the country you live in have a PSB? If so,
the increasing concentration of media ownership
research how it is funded (the BBC is mainly
described in Unit 6.1.3 is essentially economic
funded by an annual licence fee paid by every
rather than political or ideological. They argue that
household with a TV receiver), how independent
media products are costly to produce. Concentration
it is of the government and what its audience
of ownership is aimed at maximising audience size
share is. Do your findings support or undermine a
in order to reduce costs and to attract advertising
pluralist view of the media?
revenue. The globalisation of the media and the
conglomerates that have resulted from this are also
Finally, the growth of the new media is seen as
merely attempts at finding new audiences in order to
opening up an even greater range of choice of
increase profits, rather than covert efforts to spread,
content with every conceivable taste and shade of
say, American ways of life across the globe.
opinion catered for on the World Wide Web.
Indeed, pluralists argue that it is practically
impossible for owners to interfere in media content Evaluation
because their businesses are economically far too A number of issues can be raised in relation to the
complex. Whale, for example, argues that 'media pluralist theory:
owners have global problems of trade and investment
to occupy their minds’ and so - allegedly - do not » Just how diverse are the media in terms of the
have the time to think about the day-to-day detailed range of views presented? Critics argue that the
running of their media businesses or the everyday media operate within a ‘consensus band’ which
content of their newspapers or television programmes. largely excludes radical views. Moreover, there may
be a range of viewpoints, but these viewpoints may
In addition, many democratic societies have public be skewed in a particular direction. For example, the
service broadcasters (PSBs) that are formally press in the UK is predominantly right-wing.
independent of the state and required by their
i There is plenty of evidence that owners of the
charters to display ‘due impartiality’ in the reporting
press are not neutral when it comes to the
of matters of public policy or political or industrial
editorial line taken by their newspapers.
controversy. For example, the World Service of the
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) - the first 1 Do the public get what they want, or come to want
public service broadcaster - is widely respected what they are given?

337
 6 THE MEDIA
> PSBs are rarely completely immune from
government pressures. In the UK, for example,
it is the government which determines the cost
of the TV licence and it can use this as a lever to
pressurise the BBC.
* Does the concentration of media ownership really
not matter? Tim Berners-Lee, the inventor of
the Web, writing in 2018 argues that ‘What was
once a rich selection of blogs and websites has
been compressed under the powerful weight of
a few dominant platforms. This concentration of
power creates a new set of gatekeepers, allowing
a handful of platforms to control which ideas
and opinions are seen and shared [Guardian,
12/03/2018).
Marxist theories
Karl Marx (1818-1883) lived at a time when
the only mass medium was the printing press.
Consequently, he wrote little or nothing about
the media. However, since the 1960s sociologists
influenced by Marx’s ideas have written
extensively on the media.
For Marxists, the key feature of modern societies is
not the level of technology or the fact that they are
based on markets, but the fact that they are capitalist.
Marxists see capitalist societies as organised around
an inevitable conflict of interest between those who
own the means of production and those who provide
the labour. These ‘social relations of production’ (or
class relations) are seen as central to understanding
how capitalist societies work. Moreover, because
these class relations are unequal and - in the view
of Marxists - because wealth translates into power,
Marxists are sceptical about claims made by such
societies of being truly democratic.
In analysing Marxist views of the media, a distinction
can be drawn between conventional or ‘instrumental’
views, which emphasise the power of the wealthy, and
neo-Marxist views, which emphasise the institutional
constraints within which the media operate under
capitalism - for example, the need to attract
advertising and to make a profit.
Conventional Marxist views
Conventional Marxist views, exemplified by Ralph
Miliband’s The State in Capitalist Society (1973),
argue that the media are directly controlled by
a dominant class who use it as an instrument to
338
control the working class. The key role of the media
is to transmit a set of ideas which justifies the
inequalities inherent in capitalist societies -
‘ruling-class ideology - and which persuade people
that the system is basically fair and operates
in the interests of all rather than the dominant
class. For conventional Marxists, ruling-class
ideology represents a distorted picture of reality.
Consequently, working-class people experience
‘false consciousness’ - they come to believe that
capitalism is a fair system that benefits all people
equally. They therefore fail to see the reality of
their situation - that they are being exploited
by a system that, in the view of Marxists, only
benefits a powerful minority. This is why the notion
of ‘mass manipulation’ is sometimes used to refer
to the conventional Marxist view of the media in
democratic societies.
One of the ways in which ideologies work is by
presenting a partial view of reality as if it were the
whole story. An example is provided by the notion
of the ‘freedom of the press’. For pluralists, this is a
cornerstone of democratic societies, referring to the
idea that the press should be free from government
control so that it can help to hold governments
to account. Conventional Marxists, however,
would argue that the press in capitalist societies
is not really ‘free’. Rather, newspapers provide a
mouthpiece for extremely wealthy individuals -
‘press barons’ - to promote their interests to an
unsuspecting public on a daily basis!
Activity
How do you think pluralists might respond to this
Marxist put-down of the notion of freedom of
the press?
Miliband rejects the pluralist view that the media
represent a diversity of viewpoints. In relation to
the press, for example, he argues that ‘most
newspapers in the capitalist world have one crucial
characteristic in common, namely their strong,
often their passionate hostility to anything further
to the Left than the milder forms of social
democracy, and quite commonly to these milder
forms as well’ (Miliband, 1973). Miliband accepted
I that there is some diversity of opinion within the
| media, but argued that the range of ideas and
1 opinions is very limited and that radical views
i are demonised.
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT

Neo-Marxist views and the propaganda

model Neo-Marxists contest a number of the claims
of conventional Marxists. For example, they challenge
the idea that the owners of capital constitute a ‘ruling
class’ in contemporary democracies and that the
state is simply an instrument of this class. Rather,
they argue that the state has some independence
from the capitalist class or, in their words, is
‘relatively autonomous'. Additionally, they argue that
the class structure is more complicated than a simple
division into ‘bourgeoisie’ (owners) and ‘proletariat’
(workers).They also recognise that there are
important non-class interests in capitalist societies -
linked, for example, to gender, ethnicity, sexuality
and disability - which may all have grievances that
they wish the state to address.
Neo-Marxists share the view of conventional Marxists
that the media play an important ideological role in
justifying capitalist arrangements, but they do not
see this mainly as the result of a kind of conspiracy
by members of the capitalist class to intentionally
brainwash the proletariat. For a start, they argue
Antonio Gramsci 1891-1937.
that the capitalist class is not a unified grouping.
The interests of industrial capitalists (low interest Carry out research to find out more about Gramsci’s
rates, say) may not be the same as those of finance concept of cultural hegemony.
capitalists (high interest rates). Moreover, what may
be in the short-term interests of capitalists (low
wages, say) may not be in the long-term interests of Writing in 2005, David Harvey, for example, argues
the capitalist system (as, if workers cannot afford that the media have played a part in promoting
to buy the goods and services produced, capitalists neoliberal ideas globally: ‘Neoliberalism has, in
cannot make profits). short, become hegemonic as a mode of discourse.
It has pervasive effects on ways of thought to the
Consequently, for neo-Marxists the culture of the point where it has become incorporated into the
dominant class is reproduced through the media, common-sense way many of us interpret, live in and
not so much by design, but as a kind of by-product understand the world’ (2005). Almost all states,
of the structural location of the media and the logic from those emerging from the collapse of the USSR,
of capitalist production. This is part of what is known
old-style social democracies like New Zealand and
as cultural hegemony: the domination of one set of
Sweden, post-apartheid South Africa to China, the UK
ideas over others.
and the USA, have embraced neoliberal tenets such
This hegemonic model is associated with the work as deregulation, privatisation and the withdrawal of
of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, as well the state from many areas of social provision.
as with members of the Frankfurt School for
Closely related to neo-Marxist perspectives is the
Social Research, such as Theodor Adorno and
‘propaganda model’ of media control put forward by
Max Horkheimer. Such thinkers see ideology as a
Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky in their book
natural, almost accidental, outcome of the pursuit
; Manufacturing Consent - The Political Economy
of economic interest. Neo-Marxists believe that
of the Mass Media (1988). Like neo-Marxists,
most media professionals - such as journalists,
they reject conspiracy views of the media, but
editors, television producers, advertising executives -
nevertheless argue that the media (in the USA)
genuinely shape media content in professional ways
systematically promote elite interests.
in order to maximise their audiences. However,
unconsciously they produce a ‘culture industry’ which They identify five news ‘filters’ through which ‘money
reflects their class position and which ideologically and power are able to filter out the news fit to print,
benefits the wealthy. marginalise dissent, and allow the government and

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dominant private interests to get their messages
across to the public’:
1. the size, concentrated ownership, owner wealth and
profit orientation of the dominant mass media firms
2. advertising as the primary income source of the
mass media
3. the reliance of the media on information provided
by government, business and ‘experts’ funded and
approved by these sources
4. ‘flak’ as a means of disciplining the media and
keeping them in line (through complaints, lawsuits,
government sanctions and so on)
5. (at the time they were writing) anti-communism as
a kind of national religion. (Today, the ‘war on terror’
and ‘free market’ beliefs serve a similar function.)
Evaluation
A number of issues can also be raised in relation to
Marxist and propaganda theories:
> The instrumental Marxist notion of a unified capitalist
elite controlling media content is problematic in a
number of ways. First, as neo-Marxists argue, there
are divisions within the capitalist class. Second,
notions of editorial independence and journalistic
integrity are not entirely without substance. Third, the
fact that Marxist critiques of the media can be easily
accessed (for example, through the internet) raises
problems for a theory which claims that capitalists
control content.
> The idea that the media produce ‘false
consciousness’ is also problematic. First, the
concept of false consciousness rests on the
validity of a Marxist analysis of society. Second, it
assumes that the public simply accepts whatever
the media tell it. As we shall see later, sociologists
have questioned the idea that audiences passively
soak up media messages.
> While it is true that extreme wealth as such
is rarely criticised in the media, corruption,
incompetence and unethical behaviour on the part
of the wealthy is likely to be exposed. For example,
in recent years, the Panama Papers and the
Paradise Papers have exposed the offshore financial
affairs of hundreds of politicians, multinationals,
celebrities and high-net-worth individuals. The
documents were leaked to the German newspaper
Suddeutsche Zeitung, which called in the
340
International Consortium of Investigative Journalists
(ICIJ) to oversee the investigation involving nearly
100 media groups globally.
> The internet has drastically reduced the start-up
costs of new media outlets. In recent years, this has
enabled radical voices, both on the left and on the
right politically, that fall outside the mainstream
consensus to establish a platform and communicate
with audiences - the so-called 'alternative media’.
Their typical audiences are relatively small, but they
have certainly expanded media diversity.
Activity
Draw up a table summarising the key strengths and
weaknesses of the pluralist, instrumental Marxist
and neo-Marxist theories of media control in
democratic societies.
Key terms
Editorial independence The idea that: editors
should be able to make decisions without
interference from the owners of media outlets.
Pluralist theories Theories which argue that power
and influence in democratic societies is spread out
across a variety of competing interest groups.
Messages In the context of studies of the media,
‘messages’ is a generic term for anything the
media transmits. It could be a newspaper story, a
movie, a television programme, a tweet, an email
or any of a wide variety of other types of message.
Ruling-class ideology The set of ideas and
beliefs which justify the dominant position of the
capitalist class.
False consciousness A view of the world which
is mistaken.
Press barons Wealthy owners of newspapers who
are considered to have too much influence.
Social democracy A left-wing political philosophy
which supports government intervention in
capitalist societies in order to protect the general
welfare of citizens.
Cultural hegemony Rule or domination achieved
by persuading people that values, beliefs and
ideas that serve the interests of a dominant class
are ‘common-sense’.
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT
Summary
1. While it is clear that the state controls the media
in authoritarian regimes, sociologists disagree
about where control lies in democracies.
2. Pluralists argue that ultimately it is the audience
who exercise control in democracies and that
a diversity of viewpoints are covered by the
media. Critics argue that this diversity is largely
contained within a relatively narrow band of
mainstream views which provide limited criticism
of the status quo.
3. Instrumental Marxists argue that control lies
with the capitalist class, who use the media to
generate false consciousness.
4. Neo-Marxists reject the idea of a capitalist
conspiracy to mislead the public via the media,
but nevertheless argue that the media unwittingly
promote the interests of the dominant class via a
process of cultural hegemony.
5. The propaganda model argues that elite
interests are promoted through the news media.
6. Critics of Marxist and propaganda models
argue that the media in democratic societies
do provide a platform for views that are critical
of the status quo and that the internet has
extended the range of viewpoints that can be
relatively easily accessed by the public.
Unit 6.2.2 Understanding news
production and
its effects
What pictures form in your imagination when you see
the words ‘news’ and ‘journalist’? A typical sequence
of pictures might involve the occurrence of some
unexpected event, a journalist being dispatched to
find out the facts about what has happened, the
same journalist writing up a report of what they have
discovered and the publication of this report in a
newspaper or its broadcast on the radio or TV.
The problem with such a common-sense view of
the news and of the role of journalists in reporting
it, is not that it is untrue, but that it massively
over-simplifies what is involved in the production
of the news. Moreover, it suggests that the news is
purely factual. In this unit, we will explore the many
hidden processes that go into the production of the
news and why it is more accurate to talk about the
news as a manufactured product combining facts and
values rather than to talk about it as a simple matter
of reportage.
We will also use the topic of the news to evaluate
the debate between pluralists and Marxists we
explored in the previous unit. Does journalism
provide citizens with the information they need to
participate actively in democratic societies and make
informed political decisions, or does it systematically
mislead them about what is going on in a way that
benefits dominant groups, including governments,
corporations and the wealthy?
The social manufacture of the news
The first thing to note about the news is that it
involves a highly partial account of reality. Millions
of events occur within societies and across the globe
every day, but only a tiny fraction of these are ever
reported. ‘News’ is the end result of a process of
selection by editors and journalists who therefore act
as gatekeepers, controlling the flow of information.
This selection is guided by news values, general
guidelines or criteria that determine the worth of
a news story and how much prominence it is given
by newspapers or broadcast media. Specifically,
news values refer to what journalists, editors and
broadcasters consider as ‘newsworthy’ - that is,
something which is seen as socially significant and
interesting enough to appeal to an audience.
Johan Galtung and Marie Ruge (1970) supply one of
the best-known lists of news values. Although their
research was conducted in 1965 and was focused
just on the coverage of international events, it is still
widely seen as of general and continuing relevance.
Galtung and Ruge identified the following set of news
values used by journalists:
> Extraordinariness - events that are unexpected,
rare, unpredictable or surprising. (As Charles A.
Dana famously put it: ‘If a dog bites a man, that’s
not news. But if a man bites a dog, that’s news!’).
1 Threshold - perceived as socially significant.
1 Unambiguity - events that can be reported in
black-and-white terms.
1 Reference to elite persons - involve the rich,
high-status or well-known people.
> Reference to elite nations - involve countries that
are seen as globally prominent.
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 6 THE MEDIA
> Personalisation - can be reduced to the actions of
the individuals involved.
* Frequency - events are newsworthy, long-term
social processes are not.
> Negativity - bad things are seen as more
newsworthy than good things.
Activity
EEKEMvSfu
IP w si
*ri-
British newspaper front pages following the
announcement of the royal engagement of
Prince Horry and Meghon Morkle.
How might the focus on events and personalities
make it difficult for the news to offer a more
sociologically informed understanding of social
processes and structures that shape the events
it reports?
The second thing to note about the news is that
the facts do not speak for themselves. In order to
be meaningful, facts have to be interpreted.
The news media do not simply tell us about
what is happening, but offer us particular ways
of understanding what they have selected -
what Stuart Hall (1973) called ‘interpretative
frameworks’ or ‘frames’. Framing refers to the way
an issue is presented to the public or the ‘angle’ it is
given by the news media. It involves calling attention
to certain aspects of an issue while ignoring or
obscuring other elements.
In principle, a clear distinction can be drawn
between facts and comment or opinion. A former
editor of the Guardian newspaper in the UK, C.P.
Scott, famously stated that ‘comment is free, but
facts are sacred’. Moreover, newspapers typically
distinguish comment and opinion pieces (including
their editorial column) from news stories. However,
in practice this distinction is difficult, if not
impossible, to maintain.
The crucial point to recognise is that the same facts
can be interpreted in different ways. Subtle changes in
342
language, for example, can transform how an event or
issue is perceived. This is because words that have the
same denotation (dictionary definition) can have very
different connotations (associations). Governments can
‘intervene’ in the economy (neutral) or can ‘interfere’
(negative); a leader can be ‘strong-willed’ (positive) or
‘inflexible’ (negative); policies can be ‘bold’ (positive)
or ‘reckless’ (negative) and so on.
Another example of framing is provided by media
sensationalism: the use of emotive and colourful
language to grab the viewer’s or reader’s attention.
For example, rapists are never presented as ordinary
men in tabloid journalism, but instead are labelled
‘fiends’, ‘beasts’, ‘monsters’, ‘maniacs’ or ‘rippers’.
(See also Unit 6.5.1.)
The consequence of these two processes - of
selection and framing - is that the news media play
an important role in what is called agenda-setting:
shaping the public’s view of what the important issues
facing society are and how they should be understood.
Activity
Apply the concept of agenda-setting to the issues
which currently dominate the news coverage of
what is happening in your society. Which issues
are at the top of the agenda and how have they
been framed?
Sociological research on the news
Hall and colleagues argued that, because
journalists are supposed to avoid offering their own
interpretations of events, they have to turn to others
to contextualise the events they report. Those in
positions of power tend to be the primary definers
of what is happening. For example, in their work
on ‘mugging’ (street robberies) in the UK in the
1970s, it was government ministers, senior police
officers and judges whose definitions were drawn on
to explain what was happening, rather than ethnic
minority spokespeople, let alone the young Black
men who were the principal perpetrators. These
definitions helped to create, in the view of Hall et al.,
a ‘moral panic’ around mugging at that time.
Other research in the 1970s by the Glasgow
University Media Group (GUMG, now known as
the Glasgow Media Group) looked at television
news reporting of industrial conflict. The UK was
experiencing an economic crisis at that time of
‘stagflation’: stagnant economic growth combined
i with price inflation. There were competing
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT
explanations of these events: the Conservative
government blamed over-powerful trades unions
and strikes; left-wing critics blamed incompetent
management and a lack of investment in
new technology.
In Bod News (1976) and More Bad News (1980),
the CUMC argued that television news failed to
adequately reflect this divergence of opinion and
was skewed towards the government’s position, not
because of any kind of conspiracy, but because the
social background of TV journalists led them to view
Contemporary issues: Framing welfare and welfare recipients
In a comment piece in the UK Guardian
newspaper, Mary O’Hara criticises the way in
which welfare and social security recipients have
been demonised by right-wing governments and
politicians in the UK and USA.
‘Since the emergence almost a decade ago of the
poisonous rhetoric of “skivers and strivers" that
has helped to prop up the fiasco that has been
Tory [Conservative Party] austerity, a culture of
dismissing poor people has become well and truly
entrenched. The despicable idea that being poor is
somehow the by-product of personal flaws rather
than bad policy, and that strong welfare systems
should be rejected, is pervasive.
In the US - which barely has a welfare safety net
and which is the ultimate poster boy for British
advocates of rolling back the state - the campaign
to demolish what little support there is for poor
people has reached a new crescendo. And, as with
austerity in the UK, cruel and counterproductive
policies are wrapped in language carefully crafted
to demean and “other" those in need of assistance.
Since the start of the year, the Trump
administration has launched an all-out policy
assault on America's poor. The opening salvo came
when Medicaid, the national social insurance
programme providing essential health benefits
for about 74 million Americans - was subject to a
brazen, calculated attack.
It isn’t enough that Republicans have been trying
to demolish the 50-year-old programme (despite
it being effective as well as popular nationwide) for
decades. With a new set of guidance issued by the
administration last month, unless legal challenges
are successful, individual states will be able to take
the world from a politically conservative perspective.
There was an illusion of balance, but in practice the
coverage portrayed the workers and trades unions
as the culprits for the country’s economic problems.
For example:
> The Prime Minister, Harold Wilson (Labour), made a
speech about the car industry in which he appealed
to unions and management to cut down on what he
called ‘manifestly avoidable stoppages’ Subsequent
news bulletins reported the PM as calling just on
workers to cut down on avoidable stoppages.
healthcare provided by Medicaid away from people
unable to find a job who fail to meet certain “work
requirements’’. Early estimates suggest that as many
as 6.3 million people could lose access to healthcare.
And how are they trying to sell their proposed cuts
to vital programmes that help the poor? You’ve
guessed it. It’s all about framing. The speaker
of the House of Representatives, Paul Ryan, has
been cheerleader-in-chief, wheeling out phrases
such as “helping people” and positioning cuts to
Medicaid as a boon for “workforce development”.
Others justify the proposals by saying it’s all about
promoting individual fulfilment.’
Source: adapted from: Mary O’ Hara Let’s Tell the
Truth About Poverty - And Stop This Assault on
Welfare, Guardian, 20/02/18.
Questions
1. The policy of ‘rolling back the state’ (that is,
reducing the role of governments, particularly
in relation to welfare provision) is part of
neoliberalism. How does demonising welfare
recipients help to promote this policy?
2. Explain in your own words ‘language carefully
crafted to demean and “other” those in need
of assistance’.
3. How might those who oppose these policies
rephrase ‘helping people’ and ‘workforce
development’?
4. What are the implications for the debate between
pluralists and Marxists of the appearance in
a mainstream newspaper of this highly critical
attack on neoliberal policies?
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6 THE MEDIA
> Coverage of strikes focused on the disruption they
caused to the public rather than on the workers’
grounds for striking.
> Union shop stewards were interviewed on picket
lines while management were brought into the
television studios for lengthy discussions with
the newscaster.
Overall, the GUMG argue that The news is
underpinned by a key ideological assumption. It
is that production in our society is normal and
satisfactory unless there are problems with the
workforce’ (GUMG, 1982). All of the other problems
that may impede production in a system based on
private capital - inefficient management, failure to
invest, profits being used to distribute high dividends
to shareholders rather than for wages or research and
development and so on - remain unexamined.
Then and now: Glasgow University Media Group, Bad News (1976)
‘When we published Bad News in 1976, our
criticisms of television news in the UK were greeted
with some astonishment. It was unusual to criticise
the BBC, which was seen as an august, rather stately
institution offering an objective window on the world.
But we were social scientists and we knew there were
many accounts of controversial issues such as strikes,
the economy and conflict. We compared the news
with other sources such as government figures on
the number of strikes and found no relation between
the level of news coverage and the other measures of
what was actually happening. We examined who got
on and showed how the most powerful figures in our
society were able to shape news agendas and the
way in which our society is explained. This included
who was blamed for its problems and what was seen
as necessary, possible or desirable within it.
Not all journalists are the same and there are some
critical journalists but overall our conclusion was
that the news offered a perspective which accorded
with the views of the powerful and excluded the
powerless.
What has changed? The most obvious difference
now is the growth of new media and the use of these
as alternative sources of news. This presents its own
problems as the internet carries many false stories,
but it has been important as a way of organising
alternative political movements and avoiding
traditional media. Of course, this also means that
344
A later study by GUMG entitled Bod News from
Israel (2004), of the reporting of the Israel /Palestine
conflict on the two leading terrestrial TV channels in
the UK (BBC and ITV), again argued that it was the
perspective of the more powerful side - Israel - that
framed the coverage. Greg Philo and Mike Berry argue
that there are two very different perspectives on this
conflict. They say that Israeli authorities and much
of the Israeli population see the conflict in terms of
their security and the survival of their state in the face
of threats from terrorists and hostile neighbours. In
contrast, Philo and Berry believe the Palestinians see
themselves as resisting a brutal military occupation by
people who have taken their land, water and homes
and who are denying them their own state.
Philo and Berry found the following.
> News reports failed to provide a historical context
to the events they reported, leaving viewers
it can be used by unscrupulous political groups to
spread propaganda and ideologies of discrimination
and racism. The media are in this sense always a
battleground of ideas. Some politicians routinely
attack it, accusing it of ‘fake news’. This is a
good way of insulating their followers from the
inconvenient truths that the best journalists
sometimes uncover. But some of it is fake and social
science helps a great deal in telling the difference.
The question remains, does all this matter in
the sense that the media have powerful effects
on public belief? Some would point to the 2016
Brexit vote in the United Kingdom, to the years of
negative propaganda about the European Union
which preceded it and to the publicity at the
time suggesting, for example, that leaving would
release £350 million a week to be spent on health
services. This seemed convincing for some voters
though critics suggested that the likely effect of
leaving would be a contraction of economic growth
and less money for public services. Still the vote
was carried with very little understanding of its
potential consequences.
All of this underlines the importance of studying
media - of learning to spot false and distorted
accounts, to inform yourself and get as close as
possible to the truth.’
(Professor Greg Philo, Glasgow University,
Scotland, August 2018.)
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT
'extraordinarily confused’. For example, they found
that many viewers thought it was the Palestinians
occupying the occupied territories.
> The reports framed the issue as one of terrorism,
with the Palestinians presented as terrorists who
had initiated the conflict, to which the Israelis
‘responded’. Thus, the Israelis were described as
responding to what had happened to them about
six times as often as the Palestinians.
y Israelis were quoted and spoke in interviews
about twice as often as Palestinians, as were
US politicians (who tended to support Israel)
compared to British politicians.
y There were significant differences in the language
used for the casualties on both sides. Words such
as ‘mass murder’, ‘atrocity’ and ‘brutal murder’
were used to describe the death of Israelis, but
not Palestinians.
More recently still, Mark Curtis (2017) has argued
that news media coverage of British foreign policy
is systematically skewed towards elite interests.
He attacks what he sees as the key ideological
concept underpinning this coverage: the idea of
Britain's basic benevolence in its dealings with other
countries, arguing instead that foreign policy is
shaped essentially by the elite’s perception of what is
in Britain’s economic and strategic interests.
Drawing on the history of Britain’s dealings with
Kenya, Malaya (now Malaysia), British Guiana (now
Guyana), Egypt, Iraq and others, he argues that media
reporting distorts Britain’s role in the world by:
> not reporting some policies at all (that is,
gatekeeping)
» framing discussion within narrow parameters
y ignoring relevant history
y reiterating and failing to counter
elite explanations.
Curtis concludes by quoting approvingly the view
of the GUMG: The news is not a neutral and
natural phenomenon; it is rather the manufactured
production of ideology.’
Conclusion
Pluralists are correct in arguing that in democratic
societies a variety of points of view are represented
in the news media - for example, that there is likely
to be a range of newspapers and magazines which
reports what is happening from the perspective of
different political positions. They are also correct
in arguing that the World Wide Web has provided
a platform for views which fall way outside the
consensus - even though their audience reach is
likely to be limited.
However, there are severe limitations to the
pluralist view.
First, in relation to the press, newspapers reflecting
right-wing views tend to predominate and newspaper
readers may not realise that their favoured newssheet
is providing them with a biased view. A YouGov (market
research organisation) poll of readers of national
newspapers in the UK in 2017 found between 39 per
cent and 49 per cent of respondents said that they
‘didn’t know’ whether the newspaper they read was
‘left’, ‘right’ or ‘centre’.
Activity
Identify the main national newspapers (in terms of
circulation) in the country you live in. In discussion
with your classmates, try to reach a consensus on
the political slant displayed by each of them.
Second, while it is true that media organisations have
to be responsive to the concerns of their audiences,
they can do this without doing or saying anything
that threatens the status quo. As Philo (2012) argues
in relation to UK media responses to the policy of
austerity which followed the 2008 global financial
crisis: ‘the role of the mainstream media is largely to
act as a forum for grumbles and discontent, but not
to explore serious alternatives’.
Third, broadcast news, unlike the press, presents
itself as impartial and objective. Indeed, PSBs are
generally legally required to show ‘due impartiality’
in the reporting of current affairs, which they seek to
achieve by providing a ‘balanced’ coverage. However,
research indicates that in practice broadcast news
unwittingly tends to be skewed towards the frames
preferred by the powerful: governments, large
corporations and political elites.
Most researchers reject the view that this is a result of
some kind of conspiracy. Instead, they point to various
factors - such as the social backgrounds of journalists,
the operating practices of news organisations,
the need to not upset advertisers and so on - as
producing a view of the world that tends to reflect
how powerful groups and organisations see it.
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6 THE MEDIA
Contemporary issues: Fake news
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‘Fake news’ is lies and propaganda told for a
commercial or political purpose which employs digital
technology, especially social media, to go viral.
The term appeared after the 2016 US Presidential
Election, when it became apparent that fake news
stories posted on social media, such as Facebook
and Twitter, had been prevalent during the campaign.
Some, such as stories posted by young people in
Macedonia claiming that the Pope had endorsed
Trump, were motivated purely by commercial
considerations. The youths realised that outlandish
stories captured so much interest that they could
make money through automated advertising that
rewarded high traffic to their sites. Others, such
as stories undermining Hillary Clinton’s campaign
that suggested she had approved weapons sales
to Islamic jihadists when Secretary of State, were
politically motivated.
In November 2017, the US Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence provided a list of 2753
Russian-linked Twitter accounts (now suspended)
which had posted fake news stories supporting
Trump during the election campaign.
Key terms
Gatekeepers Individuals or organisations that
control the flow of information reaching the
general public.
News values Journalists’ ideas about what is and
is not newsworthy.
Interpretative frameworks/frames Ways in
which the news media interpret the events that
they report.
Media sensationalism The use of exaggeration
or distortion to represent people or events in ways
346
Since Trump’s election, he has made frequent
use of the term ‘fake news’. However, it could be
argued that his (mis)use of the term is designed to
undermine and misrepresent legitimate criticisms
of his presidency. As the news media editor of
BuzzFeed has written, Trump has ‘redefined the
term to mean, effectively, news reports he didn’t
like’ (BuzzFeed News, 31/12/2017).
While the term ‘fake news’ is of recent origin, what it
refers to is far from new. ‘Disinformation’ has played
a prominent part in political conflict throughout
history. However, the sheer scope and immediacy
of digital media has led to worries that fake news
could undermine democracy by misleading voters or
encouraging a cynical attitude in which all sources
are treated as equally untrustworthy. As a result,
a number of governments around the world are
either considering or have enacted legislation to
try to tackle this problem. For example, in 2017
the UK government’s Digital, Culture, Media and
Sport Committee began an inquiry into fake news
and the German government passed the Network
Enforcement Act, which requires social networks
that have more than 2 million German users
to take down fake content within 24 hours of it
being reported.
Questions
1. Explain the origins of the term ‘fake news’.
2. Why might Donald Trump's use of the term ‘fake
news’ be seen as disingenuous (devious)?
3. Why is fake news an issue for democracies?
4. Research the conclusions that the UK’s select
committee inquiry reached about fake news.
which will provoke a strong emotional reaction in
the audience.
Agenda-setting The role of news media in shaping
the public’s opinion of what the important issues are
facing society and how they should be understood.
Primary definers Individuals or organisations to
whom journalists turn first to comment on the
events they report.
! Moral panic Widespread public concern about a
particular group or activity that is seen as a threat
to society.
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT
‘Skivers and strivers’ Terms used by Conservative
politicians in the UK to divide the working class
by suggesting that some were lazy (‘skivers’) while
others were hard-working (‘strivers’).
Austerity The policy, adopted by right-wing
governments in a number of countries following
the 2008 financial crisis, of cutting welfare
expenditure and public services.
‘Other’ ‘Othering’ involves persuading people that
certain individuals or groups are unlike themselves
and undeserving of their respect or concern.
Shop stewards Trades union members elected
as representatives of a ‘shop’ (or department) in
dealings with the management.
Picket line A boundary established by workers
on strike, especially at the entrance to their place of
work, which other workers are asked not to cross.
Summar
1. News can be seen as socially manufactured
rather than merely reported.
2. Journalists act as gatekeepers in terms of the flow
of information through society, selecting events to
report on the basis of their news values - ideas
about what makes an event newsworthy.
3. The news also provides particular ways of
understanding the events it reports by framing
them in one way rather than another - for
example, through the language chosen. Powerful
groups tend to be the ones whose frames
provide the primary definition of events.
4. The news plays an important role in setting the
agenda for public opinion.
5. Sociological research suggests that the
mainstream media report events in ways that,
while acknowledging some degree of diversity of
opinion, rarely challenge the basic arrangements
or basic assumptions of a society.
6. Pluralists are justified in arguing that the news
media cover a variety of viewpoints in democratic
societies and that the internet has extended the
range of viewpoints that audiences can access.
7. Newspapers are usually partisan, but audiences
may be unaware of the degree to which the
press provides a partial and one-sided account
of what is happening. Broadcast news may or
may not be partisan, but even when it is legally
required to be impartial it may nevertheless limit
the range of views presented to those that fall
within a consensus band of opinion.
8. Fake news has become a matter of concern
for democracies, as it can misinform voters or
promote a cynical view which treats all news
media as equally untrustworthy.
Unit 6.2.3 The postmodernist
contribution to
understanding the
media
The term ‘postmodernism’ refers to two distinct things.
One is an artistic, architectural and cultural movement
which is characterised by a mixing of artistic styles
and genres. Postmodernism in this sense emphasises
irony, pastiche and playfulness and challenges the
traditional distinction between high culture and
popular culture. The art of Andy Warhol and films
such as The Matrix and Reservoir Dogs could be seen
as examples. The other is a philosophical movement
which has produced some influential claims about
how society is changing and also challenges much of
mainstream sociological theorising. It is with the latter
that we are concerned in this unit.
Postmodernism as a
sociological perspective
Postmodernism as a sociological perspective is
associated particularly with a number of influential
20th-century French philosophers and social
theorists such as Jean-Frangois Lyotard, Jacques
Derrida, Jean Baudrillard and Michel Foucault
(although, confusingly, both Derrida and Foucault
rejected the label of‘postmodernists’).
All of these writers were interested in the role of
language not merely in describing the world, but in
shaping our understanding of it. For this reason, they
were also sceptical about the possibility of discovering
objective truths about the world because it is only
through language that we can describe the world, but
language is not neutral and the meaning of words
can change. Additionally, they claimed that people
no longer believed in the inevitability of progress, the
power of science to solve all problems, the perfectibility
of humanity or the possibility of running societies in a
rational way. In Lyotard’s view, people had rejected what
he called ‘grand narratives’: all-embracing philosophical
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 6 THE MEDIA
systems such as Marxism, religion, science and so on
that claim to explain human experience and history.
For example, Foucault rejected the Marxist notions of
ruling-class ideology and false consciousness because
these assumed that Marxism provided the ‘truth’
about how history and society developed. In Foucault’s
view, all knowledge was bound up with power and the
two together produced ‘discourses’: ways of talking and
writing about the world, but also - at the same time -
ways of understanding the world, which reflected the
interests of those who produced them. The search
for objective truth was therefore a mistaken quest, in
his view, but one could nevertheless usefully analyse
discourses in order to expose the interests they
promoted. For example, one could analyse the medical
discourse around insanity and reveal how psychiatry
had been used as a mechanism of social control.
For postmodernists, society in the latter part of the
20th century was moving into a new era, a postmodern
era in which the main focus of people’s lives was not
labour but consumption, in which traditional social
structures like social class subcultures had fragmented
and been replaced by consumption-based ‘lifestyle
choices’ and in which the media had come to play an
increasingly central role. However, before moving on
to look at how postmodernists view the role of the
media, it is worth pointing out the extent to which their
theories took for granted that what was happening in
Western Europe and North America at that time was
true more generally. For example, for most people in
developing countries, hard physical labour rather than
consumption continued to define their lives and many
had no access to traditional media, let alone the new
media which postmodernists saw as crucial features
of this new era. Similarly, while Western Europe and
North America were, arguably, becoming increasingly
secular, religious beliefs were still a central feature
of the lives of people elsewhere, with the growth of
religious fundamentalism and the Sunni/Shia split in
Islam crucial features of the Middle East, for example.
Activity
To what extent do you think the ideas of
postmodernism are applicable to your society?
Postmodernist views of the media
For postmodernists, the media play a central role in
people’s lives. For example, Baudrillard argues that
we live in a media-saturated society in which we are
surrounded by media images and spend an increasing
part of our days consuming media messages. Moreover,
348
in this new world the traditional distinction between
‘representation’ (media images) and ‘reality’ (the world
outside of the media) has broken down. Instead, we live
in a world of ‘hyperreality’, a world in which people can
no longer distinguish between what is real and what is
fake - between media simulations and the real thing -
because media images have come to constitute such an
important part of this lived reality. In fact, Baudrillard
goes further, arguing that the media provide us with
simulacra: images of things that do not exist in reality.
For him, modern society is based on the production
and exchange of free-floating signs (words, images and
so on) that have no connection with anything real.
Activity
Does the fact that people confuse fake news with truth
support or undermine the concept of hyperreality?
For Baudrillard, entertainment, information and
communication technologies provide experiences
that are so intense and involving that everyday life
cannot compete. Disneyland (now, Disneyland Park)
in California, for example, represents the epitome
of hyperreality for Baudrillard. People go to see
simulations of worlds - Frontierland. Main Street,
USA, New Orleans Square - which either never
really existed in the first place or which represent
idealised and sanitised versions of historical reality.
‘Reality’ television shows - such as Big Brother, the
Real Housewives franchise and Keeping up with the
Kordoshions - which are supposedly unscripted
live broadcasts or recordings of real-life situations,
and often feature an otherwise unknown cast of
individuals who are not professional actors, provide
another example of the blurring of fiction and reality.
Are the people we are watching acting or just being
themselves? Does this distinction even make sense?
Sherry Turkle (1995) echoes Baudrillard when she talks
about television as part of the postmodern ‘culture
of simulation’, where we allegedly learn to identify
with the simulated world of television more readily
than we do with the real world around us. According
to Turkle, such simulation laid the groundwork for the
next development in the relationship between reality
and simulation: the development of virtual reality.
‘Virtual reality’ (or ‘VR’) is a term used to describe
three-dimensional, computer-generated environments
that simulate our experience of the real world. An
early example was provided by Second Life, where
users can create their own characters, using avatars.
Increasingly popular today, however, are virtual reality
games using VR headsets such as Oculus Rift, HTC
Vive, PlayStation VR, Gear VR or Daydream.
 6.2 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND INFLUENCES ON MEDIA CONTENT
Activity
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V carrying out such investigations.
A
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i
If
A gamer wearing a VR headset
How far do you think virtual reality games blur
the boundary between real life and simulations
of real life?
Evaluate Si
Postmodernism does seem to have captured
something about a world in which media images have
become all-pervasive and where people spend a vast
amount of time looking at television, mobile, tablet
and computer screens. Moreover, anecdotal evidence,
such as the stories that actors who have played
villains in soap operas tell about being accosted in
the street by angry members of the public attacking
them for their ‘evil behaviour’, suggests that some
people do indeed have trouble distinguishing between
representation and reality. However, postmodernism
has been the subject of extensive criticism.
Activity
Why are sociologists cautious about using
anecdotal evidence?
First, its claim that the pursuit of objective truth
is misguided is epistemologically flawed. This
claim rests on the assertion that all knowledge
is relative, yet the claim itself is stating that this
particular assertion is not relative, but true.
Presumably, postmodernists want us to take the
claims they make about society seriously, that they
are saying something that is true, yet at the same
time they are denying the possibility of objective truth!
Second, the claims that postmodernists make about
the power of the media today are not generally
backed up by extensive empirical research. For
example, the claim that people are unable to
distinguish between media representations and
reality because the two have become fused in
people’s minds is a strong claim about media
effects that is open to empirical investigation. But
postmodernists do not seem to be interested in
Greg Philo and David Miller (2001) argue that
it is perfectly possible to compare media images
with reality and to highlight inaccuracies and
misrepresentations: ‘a media image is a measurable
part of reality in its own right and the processes by
which it is manufactured can be analysed and exposed’.
Moreover, research that has been carried out on,
for example, reality TV programmes, suggests
that audiences have few illusions about what they
are viewing. Annette Hill (2002) studied audience
responses to Big Brother in the UK. When asked
about the programme, regular viewers felt that
there were elements of reality (in that it was not
scripted and featured non-actors), but they were
well aware that they were watching something
that had been contrived by the producers to make
entertaining television.
Finally, left-wing critics attack postmodernists for
adopting what appears to be a radical posture,
but which actually functions to undermine the
examination of structures of power and inequality in
society. Instead, it encourages an ironic detachment
from any issue which seems to take the idea of
objective truth seriously.
!
Activity
In your own words, describe three criticisms of
postmodernist views of the media.
i
Key terms
Irony Saying the opposite of what you mean. For
example saying, ‘Well, that’s brilliant!’ when what
you mean is that it’s dreadful.
Pastiche A composition in literature, music
or painting made up of bits of other works or
imitations of another’s style.
Hyperreality The reality created by a
media-saturated society where it is no longer
possible to separate representations of reality
from reality.
Simulations Copies of reality.
Simulacra (singular ‘simulacrum’) Signs (words,
images and so on) which no longer bear any
connection to the real world.
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 6 THE MEDIA
Avatars In computing, an avatar is the graphical
representation of the user or the user’s alter ego
or character in a virtual reality setting.
Anecdotal evidence Evidence collected in a casual
or informal manner and relying heavily, or entirely,
on personal testimony.
Epistemology The branch of philosophy concerned
with studying the grounds of knowledge - that is,
the basis on which someone can claim to know
that something is true.
Summary
1. Postmodernism refers to both an artistic and
aesthetic movement that developed in the
second half of the 20th century and to a theory
of how society was changing at that time.
2. Postmodernism is particularly associated
with a number of French philosophers
and social theorists: Derrida, Lyotard,
Baudrillard and Foucault.
3. Postmodernists argue that societies have
become increasingly fragmented and
END-OF-PART OUESTIO
| 0 | 1 | Describe two ways in which pluralist and Marxist views of the media differ.
| 0 | 2 | Explain the role of selection and framing in the production of the news.
1 0 1 3 | Evaluate the postmodernist view of the media.
PART 3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA
Contents
Unit 6.3.1 Understanding new media:
sociological issues 351
Unit 6.3.2 The new media as challenges to
existing power structures 356
Unit 6.3.3 The impact of the new media on
social identities and interpersonal
relationships 359
350
diverse, that people no longer accept grand
narratives that claim to explain how the
world is and how it could be different, and
they reject the search for objective truths
about the world.
4. Postmodernists also argue that people today
live in a media-saturated society of hyperreality
where it is no longer possible to distinguish
between representation and reality. So-called
‘reality TV’ programmes illustrate this blurring
of fact and fantasy.
5. Postmodernist theories have been subjected
to extensive criticism. Critics reject the
relativism they embrace on the basis that this
is epistemologically flawed. Also, the large
claims they make about the role of the media
in contemporary society are not supported by
empirical evidence and the research that has
been done does not provide strong support
for these claims. Left-wing critics accuse
postmodernists of adopting a radical pose
which undermines efforts to address the real
problems of wealth and power inequalities that
characterise late capitalism.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
The media landscape has been transformed over
the last three decades by the growth of new digital
technologies and their rapid global spread.
In Part 3 we examine some of the many issues
that this has raised for sociologists, from their
impact on global politics, at one end of the scale,
to their impact on social identity and interpersonal
relationships at the other.
In Unit 6.3.1 we will seek to clarify the nature of
the new media, explore the role it has played in

globalisation and outline the debate between those
who see these developments as mainly beneficial
and those who see them as mainly detrimental.
In Units 6.3.2 and 6.3.3, we seek to examine at
least some of the many areas of disagreement
between digital optimists and digital pessimists.
Unit 6.3.1 Understanding new
media: sociological
issues
As we have seen, the term ‘new media’ consists
of digital media which rely on the internet for the
distribution of messages via desktop computers and
mobile devices such as laptops, tablets and mobile
phones. It entails a wide range of new means of
communication including email, wikis, blogs, vlogs,
mobile phone applications such as Twitter and
Instagram, virtual reality sites, social media sites and
so on. But what do these all have in common?
The char?: ;tSiv <cs of new media
The new media - whether they have evolved from
traditional media delivery systems or are new in their
own right - share a number of characteristics that
differentiate them from the media delivery systems
that dominated only 30 years ago:
» Digitalisation: the growth of digital technology
in the 1990s resulted in changes in the way
information is stored and transmitted. In particular,
it led to the translation of all information,
regardless of format (for example, images, texts,
sounds), into a universal computer language. The
new media all share this common digital format.
» Convergence: digitalisation resulted in the
realisation that different ways of presenting
a variety of types of information - text,
photographs, video, film, voices and music - could
all be combined into a single delivery system.
This is known as 'technological convergence’.
What were once separate and unconnected
technologies are now part of a converging media
landscape that blurs the lines about how we use
these technologies. For example, people use
smartphones not only to call others, but to send
texts, access the internet, take photographs,
stream music, play video games and watch videos.
6.3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA
Like all new technology, the new media have
provoked wildly optimistic claims about how they
will transform society for the better, on the one
hand, and equally exaggerated predictions of
disastrous consequences for social life, on the
other. Where does the truth lie?
> Compression: digital technologies enable
the compression of signals. This has led to a
proliferation of radio and television channels,
because it means that many signals can be sent
through the same cable, telephone line and
so on. This has resulted in the development of
new markets organised around the concept of
‘narrowcasting’ - the transmission of particular
types of media content to niche audiences.
For example, TV channels are dedicated to
programmes about homes, sewing, wildlife, fishing,
sports, business, cooking, sailing and many more.
> Interactivity: communication via traditional media
is essentially one-way - from the producer of a
message to the audience. The new media enable a
much greater degree of interactivity between the
originators of media messages and their recipients.
This development is captured in the term ‘Web
2.0’, which refers to various applications of the
Internet and World Wide Web, including blogs,
wikis, video sharing services, and social media
websites such as Facebook and MySpace, which
focus on interactive sharing and participatory
collaboration rather than simple content delivery.
Activity
i
-
I
131 EZ3
"■rr >
A ‘smart’ or ‘hybrid’ TV set with integrated
internet and interactive ‘Web 2.0’ features.
Flow do such devices illustrate technological
convergence?
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 6 THE MEDIA
The new media, globalisation and
digital divides
Globalisation involves all parts of the world becoming
increasingly interconnected, so that national
boundaries - in some respects, at least - become
less important. It is associated with increasing global
flows of information, ideas, goods and people.
The new media have undoubtedly played a part in
the process of globalisation through their ability to
compress both space and time: people who are
geographically distant are able to communicate
with each other more or less instantaneously even
when they are on the other side of the globe. It is
also possible for people to become part of virtual
communities of like-minded individuals - say,
scholars researching global warming - who may be
based in many different countries. Also, information,
including audio-visual material, can be transmitted
via the internet across national boundaries by
groups and organisations for educational, cultural,
commercial or political purposes.
However, it is important to recognise the existence
of a number of ‘digital divides’ - inequalities in
access to the new media - globally, regionally and
within nations.
By the end of 2017, roughly half (48 per cent)
of the world’s population regularly connected
to the internet according to the International
Telecommunications Union (UNESCO, 2017/2018).
However, this means that there are large numbers for
whom the new media are out of reach. Only about
35 per cent of people in developing countries have
access to the internet and in the Least Developed
Countries (LDCs) the figure drops to 10 per cent.
Equally significant as the level of economic
development is the nature of the political regime that
people live under. As we saw in Unit 6.1.2, access
to online media for people living in authoritarian
regimes is often limited by governments and - on top |
of this - censorship further limits the content that
people can access.
Within countries, other digital divides are apparent,
along the lines of age, class and gender particularly.
Unsurprisingly, those who have grown up with digital
technology - younger generations - are more
confident about using it than older generations and
generally spend more time online. Marc Prensky
(2001) refers to those who have grown up in the
digital age as ‘digital natives’, whom he contrasts
352
with older people (or 'digital immigrants'), likening
digital literacy to the contrast between those who
are socialised into a culture from birth and those
who have to adjust to it as recent immigrants. Also,
access to new media depends on the ownership of
appropriate hardware - computers, tablets and
mobile phones, for example - the cost of which may
prohibit access for those who are poorer.
Activity
If you are in a position to do so, compare your use
of digital technology with that of your parent(s)
and your grandparent(s). Is a generational divide
apparent?
Finally, there is some evidence that digital technology
has been gendered as more ‘masculine’; that because
it involves technology it will somehow be more
congenial to males than females. The Final Report of
the European Commission on ‘Women in the Digital
Age’ (2018) found that male graduates in information
and Communications Technology (IC7)-related fields
outnumber women by roughly three to one in the
European Union. The report suggests that gender
inequality in the digital sphere is ‘essentially a result
of the persistence of strong unconscious biases about
what is appropriate and what capacities each gender
has, as well as about the technologies themselves’.
Activity
How far do you think such unconscious gender
biases in relation to digital technology still exist in
your own generation? Also, do you think they apply
equally to using digital technology as a consumer or
just to working with it?
Other statistics support this picture. Global figures
on age and class divides are not available, but in
the UK, for example, in terms of age, according to
the Office of National Statistics (ONS), nearly 90
per cent of the population aged 16 and over had
| used the internet in the last three months in 2017.
However, the proportion declines with age from 99
per cent for those in the 16-34 age group, down
to 41 per cent of those aged 75 and over. Similarly,
figures from 2012 provided by ONS indicate that
internet use declines with income, with 100 per cent
of those with a weekly income of over £2000 having
ever accessed the internet, compared with 93 per
cent of those earning less than £200.

In terms of gender, according to the International
Telecommunications Union, the global internet-user
gender gap was 12 per cent in 2016. In other words,
12 per cent fewer women accessed the internet than
men. The gap was largest in the world’s LDCs, at 31
per cent. The regional gender gap is largest in Africa
(23 per cent) and smallest in the Americas (2 per cent).
Digital optimism versus
digital pessimism
As far back as the 1960s, an influential media
theorist called Marshall McLuhan predicted that new
communication technologies would unite the world
into a ‘global village’. The growth and rapid spread
of digital technologies in recent decades - ongoing
digital divides notwithstanding - has provoked an
extensive literature concerned to understand this
development and evaluate its likely impact on society.
This writing can be divided into two broad camps.
On the one hand, digital optimists (also known as
cyber- or techno-optimists) are hopeful that the new
technology will lead, for example, to greater global
understanding, interconnectedness and fellow feeling
as people in different countries become more aware
of the many things that unite them, rather than
those which divide them. On the other hand, digital
pessimists (also known as cyber- or techno-pessimists)
are doubtful whether new technologies alone will
transform international relations in the face of
enormous global military, economic and political
inequalities and are sceptical of the ability of this
new technology to promote democracy.
Activity
Lihe primitives, we now
live in a global village
of our own mahing,
a simultaneous
happening... The
global village is a
world in which you
don’t necessarily have
, live games with each other through mediums such
harmony; you have
extreme concern with
every else’s business
and much involvement
in everybody else’s life.’
A photograph of, and quotation from, McLuhan.
Going by the quote above, do you think McLuhan
would be classified today as a digital optimist or
digital pessimist?
6.3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA
Digital optimists
A clearly optimistic view of the digital revolution is
provided by Nicholas Negroponte. In Being Digital
(1998), he talks about the ‘triumph of the digital age’,
which in his view displays four powerful qualities -
decentralisation, globalisation, harmonisation and
empowerment. Digital technology will empower the
ordinary citizen and reduce the extent to which power
is centralised in the state in the future. People will
be able to cooperate with each other on a global
scale, even though they are geographically distant.
Such cooperation will lead to greater harmony and
strengthen international social bonds.
A more recent example of digital optimism
is provided by the work of Henry Jenkins. In
Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media
Collide (2006), he suggests that interactivity and
convergence have produced a ‘participatory culture’.
In other words, media producers and consumers
no longer occupy separate roles - they are now
participants who interact with each other according
to a new set of rules that are constantly evolving.
This has produced more control at the user end
compared with the past. For example, Jenkins notes
that the print fanzine magazines of the 1980s have
now migrated to the online digital world of bloggers,
because these websites have greater accessibility
and the speed of feedback is almost instant.
Jenkins also suggests that interactivity has produced
a ‘collective intelligence’, because consuming new
media tends to be a collective process. He notes:
‘none of us can know everything: each of us knows
something: and we can put the pieces together if
we pool our resources and combine our skills’. He
claims that such collective intelligence can be seen
as an alternative source of media power to that of
media owners.
The internet provides the main means through
which people can interact with each other in a
participatory culture and build collective intelligence.
They can engage in online discussions or play online
as Xbox LIVE. They may simply be interested in
networking with others through sites such as Twitter
and Facebook. Some of this interactivity will be
creative - for example, people may wish to convey
their thoughts, feelings and opinions through the
setting up of their own websites or blogs. They may
produce their own films and music and post these on
sites such as YouTube. User-generated content and
information sites such as Wikipedia and IMDb are a
popular source of knowledge.
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 6 THE MEDIA
Digital pessimists
The work of Andrew Keen can be seen as a direct
riposte to that of Jenkins. In The Cult of the Amateur
(2008). he agrees that the internet has enabled a
multitude of new voices to be heard, but disagrees
that this represents progress and is extremely
sceptical about Jenkins’ notion of ‘collective
intelligence’. He makes four main claims:
1. Social networking sites such as Facebook
and YouTube are creating a culture of ‘digital
narcissism’ - an excessive desire for personal
attention. Keen argues that these websites have
become ‘shrines for self-broadcasting’ - they exist
so ‘that we can advertise ourselves: everything from
our favourite books and movies, to photos from our
summer vacations, to “testimonials" praising our
more winsome moments or recapping our latest
drunken exploits’.
He notes that 50 per cent of bloggers blog for the
sole purpose of reporting and sharing experiences
from their personal lives. Consequently, Keen
argues that ‘the internet has become a mirror
to ourselves. Rather than using it to seek news,
information or culture, we use it to actually BE the
news, the information, the culture.’
Activity
How far do you think the now widespread habit of
taking selfies on smartphones and posting them
online supports Keen’s claims about increasing
narcissism?
2. Open-source sites such as Wikipedia are
undermining the authority of experts and teachers
and encouraging plagiarism. Keen claims that on
Wikipedia, ‘everyone with an agenda can re-write
an entry to their liking. No one is being paid to
check their credentials or evaluate their material.’
Consequently, internet sites such as these are
vulnerable to untrustworthy material. Moreover,
the internet is undermining ‘the very concept of
ownership, creating a generation of plagiarists and
copyright thieves with little respect for intellectual
property’. Keen argues that students are using this
stolen property to cheat their way through school
and university - ‘the digital revolution is creating a
generation of cut-and-paste burglars who view all
content on the internet as common property’.
3. Anonymous blogs, as well as sites such as Twitter,
and their amateur content are undermining
informed expertise and professional journalism.
Keen argues that the majority of blogs and tweets
354
do not deliver anything worthwhile, because
essentially blogging and tweeting are merely
about expressing shrill superficial opinion rather
than considered analysis and judgement. Blogs
and tweets spread rumours as facts and actually
undermine truth as 'one person’s truth becomes
as “true” as anyone else’s’. Moreover, he argues
that blogging undermines democracy, because
the only conversations bloggers want to hear are
those with people like themselves - they use the
Web to confirm their own partisan views and to
link to others with the same ideas.
4. The rise in digital literacy has led to a decline in
cultural literacy. Keen claims that the more skilled
young people become in using the tools of the
digital revolution, the more ignorant they become
about the objective world around them. He
argues that the informational abundance of the
Web is creating a famine of intelligence and that
this has produced what Mark Bauerlein (2009)
terms ‘the dumbest generation'. Keen claims that
the internet is ‘eroding our ability to concentrate
and contemplate intellectually, the mental
requisites that allow us to read and digest books'.
The digital revolution is therefore transforming
internet users into skimmers - with low attention
spans and poor cognitive skills.
Keen’s negative view of Wikipedia is shared by some
academics, but many others value it as a remarkable
example of what can be produced by ordinary people
when they cooperate with each other, and who argue
that its open-source nature means that, because
everyone has an equal stake in ensuring the reliability
of the information provided, falsehoods are likely to
be spotted and corrected. On the other hand, his
claim that blogs and tweets spread rumours as facts
can be seen as prescient, anticipating the current
concern over the ability of social media to spread
‘fake news’ (see Unit 6.2.2). So, too, can his concern
over the rise of plagiarism, which has led colleges
and universities to employ software that can check for
plagiarism in students’ assignments.
A similarly negative view of the digital revolution is
taken by McChesney in his book Digital Disconnect:
How Capitalism is Turning the Internet Against
Democracy (2013). He writes: ‘For all of the digital
revolution’s accomplishments, it has failed to deliver
on much of the promise that was once seen as
inherent in the technology.’
McChesney’s main concern is with the third of
Keen’s four claims: the impact of the internet
on journalism, especially print journalism. For

McChesney, journalism is a public good which plays a
vital role in democracies, but as internet companies
I developed in the late 1980s by Tim Berners-Lee.
have grown they have sucked advertising money
away from the press. The four most visited sites in
2012 in the USA were Google, Microsoft, Yahoo
and Facebook and these companies had attracted
two-thirds of the revenue from advertising on the
internet in the USA by 201 2. Moreover, people
increasingly obtain their news online rather than
buying newspapers, but the writers providing this
news content are often either amateurs or poorly
paid freelancers who focus on gossip and celebrity
culture rather than ‘hard news’
Activity
See whether you can find out the proportion of
advertising expenditure spent on online advertising
in the country you live in.
The result has been that many smaller newspapers
in Western Europe and the USA have closed and
those that remain are financially vulnerable.
Consequently, in McChesney’s view, the internet has
undermined journalism’s watchdog role, undermined
professional journalistic standards and resulted in
the trivialisation of content.
ConclusiC:
Clearly, there is a lack of consensus about how the
new media are impacting society. There is not the
space to evaluate all the points of disagreement
between digital optimists and pessimists, so instead
in the next two units we will focus on the issues which
have perhaps received the greatest attention: the
impact on politics and the impact on interpersonal
relationships and social identity.
Key terms
Technological convergence In the context of
ICT, refers to the combination of two or more
technologies in a single device.
Narrowcasting Transmitting media messages to
a specific segment of the audience (in contrast
to broadcasting).
The internet and World Wide Web These terms
are often used as if they refer to the same thing.
Strictly speaking, they do not. The internet is
a massive network of computer networks (a
networking infrastructure) begun in the 1960s that
connects millions of computers and other digital
devices together globally. The Web (or World Wide
Web), on the other hand, is the system of webpages
6.3 THE IMPACT OF THE HEW MEDIA
and sites that is accessed via the internet. It was
Digital natives People who have grown up since
birth with digital technology.
Participatory culture A participatory culture is
a culture with relatively low barriers to artistic
expression and civic engagement, strong support
for creating and sharing one’s creations, and some
type of informal mentorship whereby what is known
by the most experienced is passed along to novices.
Collective intelligence The notion that people
working together collaboratively can produce
an outcome that is superior to that produced by
people working alone.
Prescient Knowing or correctly suggesting what
will happen in the future.
Hard news News stories that focus on politics,
economics, war and crime; in contrast to 'soft
news’, which focuses on human interest stories.
Summary
1. The new media share four characteristics which
differentiate them from traditional media:
digitalisation, technological convergence,
compression and interactivity.
2. The new media have played an integral role in
the process of globalisation, although there are
a number of significant digital divides related to
the level of a country’s economic development and
political structure and to class, age and gender.
3. The digital revolution has generated fierce debate
between digital optimists and digital pessimists
about its (likely) effects on society.
4. Digital optimists such as Negroponte and
Jenkins think that the digital revolution will
bring people together across national and ethnic
boundaries, promote democracy and harness
the collective intelligence of the masses.
5. Digital pessimists such as Keen and McChesney
argue that this has not happened. Instead, the
digital revolution has encouraged narcissism,
undermined the authority of experts and
teachers by providing the ignorant and bigoted
with the same opportunity to promote their views
as those with genuine expertise, and reduced
people’s ability and willingness to concentrate.
In addition, by increasingly monopolising
advertising revenue it has undermined traditional
journalism, which has weakened democracy.
355
 A THE MEDIA
Unit 6.3.2 The new media as
challenges to existing
power structures
For digital optimists, the digital revolution was seen
as empowering ordinary citizens through providing
easy access to information, interpretations and
viewpoints which were unlikely to be found in the
conventional mainstream media that traditionally
set the agenda for debate in the wider society.
Additionally, digitalisation facilitated communication
and data-sharing and the internet offered people
the ability to network with thousands of other
like-minded individuals. Some media sociologists,
therefore, have suggested that the internet can
revitalise democracy because it gives a voice to
those who would otherwise go unheard, both in
democratic and authoritarian societies. It can turn
ordinary citizens into ‘citizen journalists’ who can
join together and take action that may lead to social
change - digital activism’.
Digital activism: the optimist view
In their book Digitally Enabled Social Change:
Activism in the Internet Age, Jennifer Earl and
Katrina Kimport (2011) argue that digital technology
has had two main effects on activism: one
quantitative (‘scale change’) the other qualitative
(‘model change’).
In terms of scale change, activists carry out the same
activities as in the analogue era, but more quickly,
on a larger scale and at lower cost. They provide
the example of online petitions (or e-petitions).
E-petitions collect signatures in the same way as
paper petitions, but at larger scale because they can
be signed by anyone at any time, and at lower cost
because they can be started and distributed for free.
Activity
Are you aware of any e-petitions that have been
circulated in your country? Have you ever signed one?
In terms of model change, Earl and Kimport contrast
traditional activism, organised by formal organisations
such as trade unions and NGOs, with what happened
in the Arab Spring (anti-government movements
which spread across the Middle East and North Africa
between late 2010 and mid-2012) and the Occupy
movement (demonstrations against ‘corporate greed’,
social inequality and the political domination of the
356
richest ‘one per cent’, which began in New York in Wall
Street in 2011 and subsequently spread to over 900
cities). The new media allow participants to organise
themselves without formalised, central leaders.
Leaders emerge as a result of individuals choosing to
follow certain people - for example, on Twitter.
Activity
•l
.. ■- 1 *
SP •-
: ■
m
The Arab Spring: protesters gather in Tohrir
Square, Cairo, Egypt, in January !Oil.
Research the role that social medio played in the
Arab Spring protests. For further discussion on this
topic, see Unit 8.3.2.
Digital optimists argue that digital activists have
used the internet to challenge power elites in a
number of ways:
> It has been used to monitor the illegal or immoral
activities of big businesses.
> It has been used to harness mass support for
causes such as Make Poverty History.
> It has also been used to coordinate protests and
activism ranging from the promotion of animal
rights to disrupting G8 meetings about climate
change and debt in developing nations.
» Hacktivist networks such as Anonymous have
defaced corporate and government websites and
engaged in virtual sabotage such as web-sit-ins
and email bombing (sending so much information
to a site that it crashes) and information theft,
especially computer code theft.
Owen Spencer-Thomas (2008) uses the example of
Burma (also known as Myanmar) to illustrate the
growing influence of citizen journalists. He notes that
the mass anti-government demonstrations in Burma
in 1988 failed to receive much media attention
because the military regime banned overseas
journalists from the country. By contrast, the mass

demonstrations in 2007 received far more attention
because civilians themselves had the technology, in
the form of modern mobile phones and camcorders,
to send instant messages and pictures out of the
country to waiting international media such as
Reuters, the BBC and CNN. In other words, the
digital revolution enabled citizen journalism.
Twitter
Dhiraj Murthy (2013) has empirically investigated
the impact of Twitter, which had 140 million users
worldwide at that time, and rejects the cultural
pessimist view that Twitter represents the dumbing
down of society, the victory of short attention spans,
the death of meaningful communication, or the rise
of what Keen calls ‘me-cultures’. Instead, Murthy
claims that Twitter has proved extremely useful as a
news-gathering medium in terms of communicating
information about events such as the Tohuku
earthquake in Japan in 2011, and social movements
such as the Occupy protests and the Arab Spring.
Murthy argues that Twitter was particularly effective
in the Egyptian protests that toppled President
Mubarak, in two ways. First, Twitter helped enable
a mass movement of people out onto the streets
protesting about high unemployment, persistent
Contemporary issues: The #MeToo Campaign
Seoul, South Korea, 8 March 2018. South Korean
Workers Confederation Union Members support
the #MeToo campaign.
The following is drawn from an American blog.
The #MeToo campaign continues to rock our
world. It has spread across the globe and crossed
racial, economic, and other boundaries. The
digital campaign gained traction on October 15,
6.3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA
poverty and police brutality. Indeed, Murthy notes
that both the internet and Twitter were regarded
by the Egyptian authorities as so threatening in
their dissemination of activist information that they
were shut down for a week by the government in
January 2011. Second, Murthy argues that Twitter
helped to bring international attention to what was
going on by acting as a valuable news source for
international journalists.
Murthy concludes that, ‘even if tweets did not
bring feet to Egyptian streets, they helped to
facilitate a diverse global network of individuals who
participated in a wide-ranging set of mobilisation
efforts from the re-tweeters in Starbucks to those
sending letters to their Congress people/Ministers or
participating in activist movements both online and
offline’ (Murthy, 201 3).
He argues that although Twitter may not topple
governments, as a young communications medium it
has the potential to shape many aspects of people’s
social, political and economic lives.
A recent example of digital activism is the
#MeToo campaign seeking to raise awareness of
the widespread nature of the sexual abuse and
harassment of girls and women by men. (See the
Contemporary issues box below.)
2017, when - in response to allegations of sexual
harassment against Hollywood film producer
Harvey Weinstein - actress Alyssa Milano posted
a tweet urging women who had been sexually
assaulted or harassed to post a status on social
media with the words “Me Too,” to “give people
a sense of the magnitude of the problem.” When
she awoke the next morning, she found that over
30000 people had used #MeToo.
Besides hitting Hollywood, media, politics, national
security, and other sectors, the movement has
rapidly spread across the world - a mirror of
the numerous women’s marches across the
globe this past January. By early November,
#MeToo had been tweeted 2.3 million times from
eighty-five countries.
However, the #MeToo campaign has been
somewhat less visible in the Arab world. According
to reporting from CNN, “Experts believe that the
burden of harassment and abuse there is as rife as
357
 6 THE MEDIA
in any other region but that the voices heard are
few and far between.” Lina Abirafeh, director of the
Institute for Women’s Studies in the Arab World
in Lebanon suggests that “There are so many
reasons behind this silence... I’ve heard trickles...
[but] people are scared,” in part due to norms that
attach stigma and shame to speaking out.’
Source: Adapted from #/We7oo Goes Global and Crosses
Multiple Boundaries, blog post by Catherine Powell,
14/12/201 7.
Limitations of the digital optimist view
The evidence and arguments outlined above
provide strong support for the claim that the digital
revolution has empowered ordinary citizens and
facilitated, if not promoted, political action against
authoritarian governments and against powerful
interests within democracies.
However, this is only one side of the story. As already
stated, the Occupy protests in Wall Street spread
to over 900 cities worldwide, yet Wall Street is still
standing and the interests of finance capitalism
appear not to have suffered any major setbacks.
The Arab Spring led to protests and demonstrations
across many countries in the Middle East and
Northern Africa. Yet, as of 2018, only the uprising in
Tunisia has resulted in a transition to constitutional
democracy. In other countries authoritarianism still
prevails (as in Egypt) or civil wars continue (as in
Syria). As Thomas Carothers (2015) argues: The
number of democracies today is basically no greater
than it was at the start of the century’ and many
existing democracies today ‘are experiencing serious
institutional debilities and weak public confidence’.
How can this be explained? A number of factors
are relevant.
First, protests and demonstrations can usually be
withstood by established authorities unless they
succeed in engaging enormous numbers. Rakesh
Rajani (quoted in Carothers), reflecting six years
later on the limited successes of Twaweza, a digital
j use of social media, including YouTube, Twitter,
social change initiative in East Africa which he
I Instagram and Tumblr (Davies, 2016).
launched in 2009, commented that Technology
does not drive anything. It creates new possibilities
for collecting and analysing data, mashing ideas
and reaching people, but people still need to be
moved to engage and find practical pathways to
act. Where the fear of being beaten or the habits of
self-censorship inhibit agency, technology, however
versatile, is a feeble match.’
358
Questions
1. Why can #MeToo be seen as an example of
digital activism?
2. Do you agree that it can be seen as a ‘global’
movement, given that there are over 200
countries in the world?
3. Why might girls and women in some countries
be reluctant to join the campaign even if they are
aware of it?
Second, as we saw in Unit 6.2.1, authoritarian
governments increasingly seek to limit the liberating
potential of the new communication technologies by
means of censorship, masked political control and
technology capture: using the same technologies that
have enabled the global information explosion to stifle
internal dissent by monitoring and surveying critical
voices. For example, in Turkey, the 2014 Internet Law
requires internet service providers (ISPs) to store
the data they collect on Web users’ activities for two
years and to make it available to the authorities upon
request. (It should be noted that similar laws have also
been passed in democracies - for example, the UK’s
Investigatory Powers Act of 2016 - despite opposition
from civil rights groups. However, the political context
matters: according to Amnesty International in Turkey,
since the failed coup of July 2016, over 281 journalists
have been imprisoned (winter 2017, issue 195)
In other words, it is not only pro-democracy
activists who can use digital technology; it is equally
available to those who oppose democracy or wish
to undermine democratic processes in established
democracies. For example, IS (also known as ISIS
or Daesh) has made sophisticated use of digital
technology to seek to radicalise young Muslims
and recruit them to their cause of jihad (holy war).
According to the anti-radicalisation think-tank
, Quilliam, in 2015 IS produced daily an average of
three videos, more than fifteen photographic reports
and nine radio news bulletins in multiple languages,
all available online. In addition, IS makes extensive
Finally, as Senem Duzgit (quoted in Carothers) argues,
it is important not to lose sight of the fact that, outside
the wealthy, established democracies, large numbers
of people still lack access to digital technologies. In
Turkey, for example, approximately half of households
still lack internet access. They are, therefore, reliant on
government-controlled traditional media.
 6.3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA

movement does not appear to have had any

Activity
long-term impact on finance capital.
Give three arguments against the digital optimist
view of the impact of the new media on democracy. 5. They also point out that authoritarian
governments have either censored digital
technology or used it themselves to undermine
Conclusion
democracy in various ways and that digital
As Mary Joyce (2013) argues, the reality of divides continue to limit the radical potential of
digital activism is more complicated than either new technologies.
cyber-optimists or digital pessimists suggest: ‘Digital
technology does not have uniquely positive or negative
effects on activism. Much depends on context, on the
political system in which activists are operating, and on
the complexity of the problem they seek to remedy.’
Unit 6.3.3 The impact of the
However, as Martin Tisne (quoted in Carothers) new media on
argues, the focus on the impact of digital activism
at the national level may be missing significant social identities
developments at the local level which are extending
democracy. He cites the examples of FixMyStreet
and interpersonal
(a website and app that helps people in the United
Kingdom inform their local authority of problems
relationships
needing their attention, such as potholes, broken
The growth of hyper-connectivity - the ability to be
streetlamps and so on), BudgIT (a Nigerian digital
digitally connected to others pretty much constantly
activist platform holding local and regional officials to
across a wide range of platforms - has led to
account on spending issues) and Mejora Tu Escuela
intense speculation about how this might impact
(a Mexican initiative which allows parents to track
on people’s social lives. In this unit, we will explore
the performance of local schools).
what the resulting literature has suggested will be
the impact on people’s social identities and their
Key terms interpersonal relationships.
Citizen journalists Members of the general
public who collect and disseminate news over Social identity
the internet. Social identity has to do with group membership and
Digital activism The use of new information and has both an objective and subjective component.
communication technologies in social and political Objectively, people may see us as belonging to a
campaigning. particular group because of some characteristic we
share with others - say, gender or ethnicity -
irrespective of how important this aspect of
Summary identity is to ourselves. Subjectively, social identity
has to do with how we see ourselves in terms of
1. Digital optimists have argued that digital
group membership, which group or groups we see
technologies have reinvigorated democracy by
ourselves as belonging to.
promoting citizen journalism and digital activism.
As groups differ in their social status, people may
2. Digital technologies have facilitated activism
be looked up to or looked down upon by others in
by allowing it to be conducted more quickly,
terms of their objective social identity. Similarly,
more cheaply and on a larger scale, and by
subjectively they may experience different levels of
democratising activism itself.
self-esteem in terms of their self-identification or they
3. The Arab Spring protests and the Occupy may even refuse to identify with a social identity that
movement were both facilitated by digital media. they actually belong to. For example, someone with
a physical impairment may not identify themselves
4. However, digital pessimists point out that only
as disabled or someone who is attracted to the same
one of the many countries involved in the Arab
sex may not see themselves as gay if they believe
Spring is now a democracy and that the Occupy
that such identities are stigmatising.
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 & THE MEDIA
Interpersonal relationships are the relationships
we have with others, both face to face and online -
family, friends, acquaintances, colleagues, strangers
and so on.
Case study: changing identities
in the UK
In 2013, a government-commissioned report looking
at ‘a rapidly changing, globalised, technology-rich,
and densely networked UK’ was published called
Future Identities: Changing Identities in the UK: The
Next 10 Years.
The report observed that most people in the UK were
now connected to the internet and 60 per cent of
internet users were members of one or more social
networking sites. As a result, it argued, the UK is
now a virtual environment as well as a real place
and UK citizens are increasingly globally connected.
Moreover, as people increasingly post information
about themselves online on social media, so the
distinction between people’s private and public
identities is becoming blurred. The report also
argued that, while the internet has not produced
a new kind of identity, it has been instrumental in
raising awareness that identities are more multiple,
culturally contingent and contextual than had
previously been understood. In simpler terms, each
of us has numerous (potential) social identities; the
social identities we have available to us depend
on the culture of the society we live in, and which
identities matter to us at any particular time depends
on social context.
A similar picture could be painted for other
industrialised societies and less industrialised
societies are likely to follow a similar trajectory. Are
these developments to be welcomed or feared?
The digital optimist view
For digital optimists, the digital revolution has
opened up the chance to try out and take on an
infinite range of different identities, in line with the
postmodernist theme of greater variability and
flexibility in social identities. For example, Thusha
Rajendran (2018) refers to the opportunities
provided by virtual worlds such as Second Life
and video games such as World of Warcraft where
people ‘can take on different identities and imagine a
completely new existence for themselves’.
360
.......
Rajendran refers approvingly to the liberating
effect of the internet for those who feel ‘trapped in
the wrong body’ - that is, people who identify as
transgender - or who feel constrained by binary
notions of sex - that is, the division into male and
female - and who embrace gender fluidity (that is,
gender that varies over time). Similarly, for people
who are attracted to the same sex, particularly
those living in societies where homosexuality is
illegal or heavily stigmatised, the internet has
provided reassurance that in many societies it is not
homosexuality, but homophobia, that is outlawed.
Rajendran concludes: ‘We no longer have to feel
ourselves straitjacketed by fixed ideas of national,
cultural or sexual identity. In 2018 technology can
help take us beyond who society tells us we are,
where we can explore whole new worlds and different
ways of life, and decide exactly who we want to be.’
Digital optimists also argue that the digital
revolution has massively expanded people’s range
of potential contacts and field of relationships.
Fulvio Castellacci (quoted in Holsten, 2018)
argues that ‘social networking sites like Facebook
and Instagram can have positive effects on our
social life. It can make it easier for us to keep
track of existing acquaintances, and... can help us
develop relationships with people who are far away
geographically.’ For example, it is now much easier
for members of migrant communities to stay in
touch with their families and friends back home, and
online dating, using apps like Tinder, Happn and
Melt, has expanded the range of potential partners
people can meet. Also, engagement with others
through social media can break down feelings of
social isolation for those who are housebound
or struggle with face-to-face interaction because
of shyness.
Activity
Evaluate the digital optimist view of social identity.
Flow far do you think it is true that digital media
allow us to choose our social identity?
The digital pessimist view
For digital pessimists, the digital revolution
has opened up new opportunities for people to
misrepresent their identities online with detrimental
consequences. For example, the anonymity
afforded by the internet has allowed paedophiles

Contemporary issues: Keeping the family together through new media
Migrant parents are using social media to keep
in touch with their children. Image by Ceric Cruz.
Philippines, 2016.
‘Imagine a life in which you have to live away from
your children, maybe for several years.
Ask yourself how you could keep the ties close
between you, watch them growing up, and continue
to be a daiiy part of their lives.
In their book Migration and New Media -
Transnational Families and Polymedia, Mirca
Madianou and Daniel Miller reveal how new
media have come to be at the heart of such
family relationships.
Their research looks at the long-term separation
between migrant mothers and their children from the
Philippines where migration is critical to the economy.
Madianou has talked to both migrant mothers
and their left-behind children who keep in
touch through new media such as Skype, social
networking sites, mobile phones and email and
her study builds up an understanding of how
relationships are maintained through new media
and how they are changing.
Before the advent of the mobile phone migrant
families could only communicate through
occasional letters and very infrequent (and
expensive) phone calls.
to masquerade as children and engage in online
grooming. Less seriously, but still undesirably,
people’s idealised portrayals of their life on social
platforms such as Facebook are seen as likely to
generate feelings of inadequacy or envy among
those who view them as truthful representations of
people’s lives.
6 3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA
...................
Mothers often felt they had become remote from
their families, and in some cases might return
home to the Philippines to find that their children
had not been cared for as they expected.
Digital media change all that. A migrant mother
can now call and text her left-behind children
several times a day, peruse social networking sites
and leave the webcam on for 12 hours achieving
a sense of co-presence. Skype, in particular,
with the use of webcams, has revolutionised
communications between mothers and children,
especially small children who might have been no
more than babies when their mothers left.
Mirca Madianou commented: “Digital media
do not necessarily solve relationship problems.
Our interviews with left-behind children revealed
that the constant communication made possible
through digital media often amplifies family
conflicts and is resented by older children who
experience it as a form of monitoring.”
However, what we found is that new media are
beginning to transform the whole experience
of migration as the promise of constant
communication affects decisions relating to
migration and settlement in the UK.”
Source: abridged from Migration and New Media:
Transnational Families and Polymedia by M. Madianou
and D. Miller, Routledge, 2011.
Questions
1. How have digital technologies made it easier for
migrant Filipino mothers to keep in touch with
their children?
2. What limitations of digital technology does the
article mention?
3. How far do you think such online communication
can compensate for the physical separation of
mothers and their children?
In terms of relationships, digital pessimists are
concerned that people may devote so much time
to online platforms that they neglect their offline
relationships. The addictive nature of online
communication - the need to check the number of
‘likes’ (or other responses) one’s latest post on Facebook
or YouTube has attracted, say - may lead to people
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 6 THE MEDIA
marginalising their immediate relationships. Moreover,
many online relationships are seen as superficial.
For example, pessimists deride the competitive urge
to boast that one has a large number of ‘friends’ on
Facebook or ‘followers’ on Twitter. Are such friends and
followers genuine substitutes for real friends?
Pessimists are also concerned about the way the
internet appears to exacerbate the worst features of
human nature; for example, the misogynistic abuse
of women in the public eye who challenge traditional
conceptions of femininity, and cyberbullying of
children by their peers.
Evaluation
In evaluating the debate between digital optimists and
pessimists as it relates to the impact of the new media
on social identity and interpersonal relationships, it
is important to recognise the relative youthfulness of
the technology involved. The World Wide Web has
only been around for about three decades and social
media for only about two decades. As such, people’s
relationship with such media is still evolving and much
of what has been written about it from both sides of
the debate is speculative.
Nevertheless, quite a lot of research has been carried
out already and some preliminary conclusions are
advanced below.
Social identity
Clearly, it is true that people can experiment with
alternative online ‘virtual’ identities and can engage
in what Erving Coffman called ‘the presentation of
self - or impression management - in creative
ways online. Whether this is beneficial is a matter of
debate. However, Rajendran’s suggestion that this
means we can ‘decide exactly who we want to be’
overlooks the fact that social identities are not simply
chosen, but are, to an important degree, imposed
on us by others. The fact that someone who belongs
to an ethnic minority group can be whoever they
want online, for example, may not prevent them from
being targeted by racist abuse in their everyday life.
What is less in question is the fact that people
with access to the internet can now acquire a
vast amount of information online about debates
relating to identity. Clearly, as in the case of people
for whom same-sex attraction is viewed negatively
in the country where they live, this could be seen
as beneficial. However, there is also information
362
available which could be seen as potentially unhelpful
for, say, young people struggling with identity issues.
For example, young women and men concerned
about their body image could access ‘pro-ana’
or ‘pro-mia’ sites which celebrate and encourage
anorexic/bulimic practices.
Similarly, young people struggling with issues of
sexuality and/or gender identity could access sites
supporting gender-transitioning procedures. It is
unlikely that gender reassignment would be the
best way forward for any but a tiny fraction of such
youngsters, yet increasing numbers of children
and young people are being referred to gender
dysphoria clinics in the West. This is not to suggest,
however, that there is not an important global battle
being fought by activists seeking to secure the
human rights of people who choose to transition.
It is also true that identities can be manipulated
online. For example, IS has sought to radicalise
Muslim youngsters in Britain by implying that you
cannot be both Muslim and British. Shamender
Talwar (quoted in Guardian, 06/09/2015) says that
IS ‘deliberately targets youngsters and home(s] in on
the whole question of identity. They ask them "Are
you Muslim or are you British?" By doing this they
sow doubt in their minds and it becomes easier to
split their loyalties.’
Social media use and
interpersonal relationships
Research carried out by Sonia Livingstone, Alicia
Blum-Ross, Jennifer Pavlick and Kjartan Olafsson
(2018) at the London School of Economics as part of
their Parenting for a Digital Future report challenges
the digital pessimist view that digital media are
separating family members and diverting them from
traditional, shared activities. Their report is based on a
large-scale social survey of 2032 UK parents of children
aged 0-17 in late 2017. They argue that 'digital media
brings families together’ and that watching television
and movies and playing video games together are
now deeply integrated into family life. Moreover, they
also argue that ‘Parents are working hard to enable
children’s online opportunities, and address risks.’
Among the ‘risks’ the parents had in mind were
compulsive social media use and cyberbullying, both
of which have also been researched.

Digital pessimists are concerned about the possibility
of social media 'addiction' Globally, mental disorders
are formally recognised when they are listed in one
or other (or both) of the World Health Organisation’s
(WHO) lutemotional Classification of Disorders or
the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual. Neither recognises ‘social
media addiction’, although in January 2018 the
WHO announced that it would include video-gaming
addiction as a disorder.
However, research carried out in Hungary (Banyai
et al., 2017) suggests that there is a small but not
insignificant risk of problematic social media use
among youngsters. Their research, carried out in
2015, was based on a large-scale social survey of
nearly 6000 adolescents in Hungary. They made use
of a specially developed research instrument - the
Bergen Social Media Addiction Scale (BSMAS) - to
examine respondents’ social media usage and found
that 4.5 per cent of the adolescents belonged to an
‘at-risk’ group, and reported low self-esteem, a high
level of depressive symptoms, and elevated social
media use. Adolescents in this group were more likely
to be female and to spend more than 30 hours per
week on the internet or using social media.
According to Alex Hern (2018), the risk of social
media addiction is not an unfortunate, unintended
by-product of social media use, but something
which the designers of platforms such as Facebook
and Twitter ignored in their efforts to ensure that
users spent as much time on their platforms as
possible. Hern quotes Sean Parker, the founding
president of Facebook, who said at a conference
in Philadelphia in 2017: The thought process that
went into building these applications, Facebook
being the first of them... was all about: “How do
we consume as much of your time and conscious
attention as possible?” That means that we need to
sort of give you a little dopamine hit every once in
a while, because someone liked or commented on a
photo or a post or whatever. And that’s going to get
you to contribute more content and that’s going to
get you... more likes and comments," he said. “It’s a
social-validation feedback loop... exactly the kind of
thing that a hacker like myself would come up with,
because you’re exploiting a vulnerability in human
psychology. The inventors, creators - me, Mark
[Zuckerberg], Kevin Systrom on Instagram, all of
these people - understood this consciously. And we
did it anyway’ (Guardian, 24/01/2018).
6.3 THE IMPACT OF THE NEW MEDIA
Activity
How much time on average do you spend on social
media each week? How does this compare with
your classmates?
Bullying is generally seen as an abuse of power in
situations where there is a power imbalance and
involves repeated acts of aggression carried out by
one or more persons against a victim. Cyberbullying
involves bullying that makes use of new media and
communication devices such as mobile phones and
the internet.
Ruthaychonnee Sittichai and Peter K. Smith (2015)
suggest that, while the form cyberbullying takes can
be conditioned by cultural and schooling factors, it
occurs in all societies where there is a relatively high
level of digital penetration. Moreover, digital
technology is seen as exacerbating the problem
of bullying because perpetrators can block or hide
their identity. Additionally, cyberbullying can have
particularly profound effects, as the content used to
harass the victim can be spread or shared widely and
can remain accessible indefinitely.
Activity
l
0
t
'
■
Graffiti Artists came together as part of an anti-
cyberbullging campaign in Brighton, UK.
Is cyberbullying a significant problem for young
people in the society where you live? Why do you
think this is?
Conclusion
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the advent
of digital media has been associated with a great
deal of hype about its potential to transform
identities and relationships, both for good and
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 6 THE MEDIA
bad. Digital media do indeed offer opportunities
for people to form new social identities, but offline
identities both constrain people’s freedom to do
so and continue to exert a powerful influence on
their lives. Similarly, digital media do indeed offer
opportunities to establish new contacts with others
or new ways of communicating with existing contacts,
but people can use the technology to spread hate
as well as fellow feeling and there are real dangers
for some of becoming ‘hooked’ on social media. At
this point in time, it is an open question whether the
digital optimist or digital pessimist view will turn out
to be nearer the mark.
Key terms
Hyper-connectivity The state of being constantly
connected to others through a variety of digital
platforms such as mobile phones, tablets
and computers.
Homophobia The irrational fear or hatred
of people who are sexually attracted to the
same sex.
Online grooming Using digital technology to build
an emotional connection with a child to gain their
trust for the purposes of sexual abuse, sexual
exploitation or trafficking.
Misogynistic Reflecting hatred of, contempt for,
or ingrained prejudice against girls and women.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 I Describe four key features of the new media.
1 0 | 2 | Explain three ways in which the new media can be seen as promoting democracy.
1 0 1 5 1 Evaluate the digital optimist view that the new media have had a positive effect
on interpersonal relationships.
364
Impression management Efforts to control how
other people see us.
Gender dysphoria A condition where a person
experiences discomfort or distress because there
is a mismatch between their biological sex and
gender identity.
Summary
1. Digital optimists argue that the new technology
has opened up opportunities for people to
choose and express their social identities and to
form new relationships or maintain existing ones
at a distance.
2. Digital pessimists argue that social identities
are imposed as well as chosen and that digital
technologies have created new problems
in terms of relationships such as online
grooming, compulsive social media usage and
cyberbullying.
3. Both sides in the debate have been guilty of
exaggeration. There are both benefits and
problems associated with the growth of digital
technology in terms of its impact on identities
and relationships.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
introduced to in the introductory chapter are
particularly relevant here.
First, power, control and resistance, which was
covered in the introduction to Section A.
Second, socialisation, culture and identity.
Sociologists have long recognised the media
as important agents of secondary socialisation
alongside education, peer groups and the
workplace. But do the media simply reflect the
culture of the society which produces them or
play a part in changing that culture? And are
the new media, by enabling people to interact
easily with members of other, distant societies,
contributing to a kind of ‘global culture’? Also,
how do the media shape our perception of the
identity of people who belong to different social
groups from us? For example, do people living in
Europe and North America gain a rounded picture
of Muslim ethnic minorities living in their country
or one that mistakenly equates Muslims with
Islamic fundamentalists?
the other hand, society is a human product. It was the
actions of people - their exercise of agency - that
produced these societies. In considering the media,
therefore, sociologists have to grapple with the issues
of both how the media shape society and of how
people can nevertheless exercise agency both as the
producers and the consumers of media messages.
Section B is divided into two parts. In Part 4 we
examine how the media represent the members of
a number of important social categories: gender &-r
groups, racial and ethnic groups, social classes and : • ■
age groups. To what extent do the media reflect
I
the diversity and complexity of such groups or,
intentionally or unintentionally, stereotype them?
Finally, in Part 5 we examine the various models that
sociologists have produced to try to understand both
the nature and extent of media effects on society and
on the attitudes and behaviour of its audience. We
conclude by examining these effects in terms of the
relationship between the media, crime and deviance.
 4 THE MEDIA
PART 4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
Contents
Unit 6.4.1 Media representations of gender 366
Unit 6.4.2 Media representations of race
and ethnicity 371
Unit 6.4.3 Media representations of class
and age 376
In Part 4, we return to the question posed in the
chapter introduction. Do the media simply reflect
the world around them, acting like a mirror to
society, or do they act more like a hall of mirrors in a
funfair, providing a distorted picture of reality?
Sociological interest in the topic of media
representation has tended to focus on media
Unit 6.4.1 Media representations
of gender
Sociologists typically distinguish between ‘sex’ and
‘gender’. Sex, in the sense of being male or female, is
seen as biologically determined. Gender, in the sense
of society’s expectations of how males and females
should behave - embedded in notions of masculinity
and femininity - is seen as socially constructed. Ideas
about what is appropriate behaviour for males and
females vary both historically and cross-culturally.
although the degree of this variation and whether
biology plays any role at all in shaping male and
female behaviour are fiercely disputed topics among
both social scientists and natural scientists.
One of the ways in which the media can influence
audiences is through the transmission of gender
stereotypes. The Council of Europe explains these
as follows: ‘Gender stereotypes are generalised
views or preconceived ideas, according to which
individuals are categorised into particular gender
groups, typically defined as “women” and “men”,
and are arbitrarily assigned characteristics and roles
determined and limited by their sex. Stereotypes are
both descriptive, in that members of a certain group
are perceived to have the same attributes regardless
of individual differences, and prescriptive as they
set the parameters for what societies deem to be
acceptable behaviour.’
366
representation of social groups: gender groups,
racial and ethnic groups, age groups and social
classes. We will examine each in turn in the
units of Part 4.
For functionalists, the main focus has been
on the role of the media as important agents
of secondary socialisation. For example what
messages do the media transmit about the
appropriate behaviour for boys and girls,
men and women, or for different age groups.
For conflict theorists, such as Marxists and
feminists, the focus is on ideology: do media
representations simply reinforce sexism, racism,
ageism and classism or can the media play a
role in challenging such ideologies?
The global context
Gender roles and gender relations are a core
feature of every society and are the key concern
of feminist sociologists. Feminism, loosely defined,
refers to a body of ideas and a social movement
dedicated to achieving gender equality. It dates
back a long way and encompasses a wide
variety of tendencies and strategies. Its history
is conventionally divided into three phases or
‘waves’. The first wave, which began at the end of
the 18th century, was narrowly focused on gaining
the vote for women. The second wave, associated
with the women’s liberation movement, ran from
the 1960s to the 1980s and embraced a wide
range of demands, including equal pay and the
outlawing of sexual discrimination. The third wave
runs from the 1990s to the present day and has
been associated with what Sylvia Walby (2011) has
called the ‘mainstreaming’ of gender issues.
Thanks to the success of feminist activism, efforts
to achieve gender equality are now globally
recognised. Research carried out for the World
Bank in 2010/2011, published as On Norms
and Agency (2012), found that in industrialised
as well as less industrialised societies there is
widespread recognition of issues of gender. The
research covered 20 countries in all world regions
and involved over 4000 men and women who
lived in both remote villages and in urban areas
being interviewed in focus groups about the effects

of gender differences and inequalities on their
lives. The researchers reported that ‘Participants
acknowledged that women are actively seeking equal
power and freedom, but must constantly negotiate
and resist traditional expectations about what they are
to do and who they are to be. When women achieve
the freedom to work for pay or get more education,
they must still accommodate their gains to these
expectations, especially on household responsibilities.’
Activity
How prominent are efforts to promote gender
equality in the society where you live?
The global situation
In 1995, 189 Member States of the United Nations
reaffirmed their commitment to gender equality in
what became known as the ‘Beijing Declaration’:
'Ensure the full implementation of the human rights of
women and of the girl child as an inalienable, integral
and indivisible part of universal human rights...’. The
Declaration identified women and media as one of 12
critical areas of the Beijing Platform for Action and
called on media everywhere to make ‘a far greater
contribution to women’s advancement’.
20 years later, reviewing progress, UN Women noted
that:
There has been some progress since the Beijing
Conference, The percentage of stones reported
by women has edged up in most issue areas and
women are amongst the most active social media
users. But even a cursory look at media content
shows how far there is to go.
Women in all types of media tend to be thin and
sexualised. They talk less than men. They have
fewer opinions. And they are far less likely, in the
entertainment industry, to play roles as leaders
or professionals, or even as women who work
for a living.
Except from web article ‘Women and the Media’,
beijing20.unwomen.org, UN Women 2015.
One of the areas where there is reliable quantitative
data relates to women in the news. Every five years,
since 1995, the Global Media Monitoring Project
has analysed one day’s coverage of women in news
reports in national newspapers and television, radio
and internet news broadcasts and tweets. In 1995,
71 countries were covered; in 2015, 114 (more than
half the countries in the world) were covered.
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
The 2015 report found:
> Worldwide, only 24 per cent of the people heard,
read about or seen in newspaper, television and
radio news are women, the same as in 2010.
> That percentage only rises to 26 per cent on digital
news-delivery platforms and in social media ‘tweets’.
> The gender gap in coverage is widest in news
about politics and government.
> In the past 10 years, the only category where
coverage has risen significantly is in the portrayal
of women as survivors of domestic violence.
> A global gender disparity also exists between
female and male news reporters - a ‘glass ceiling’
for women in the newsroom.
This evidence, even though it is only concerned with
one small area of media coverage - news reporting -
supports feminist complaints that women are both
under-represented in the media and misrepresented.
What does research carried out in particular
countries show?
Activity
Roughly what proportion of TV newscasters are
women in the country where you live? Why does
this matter in terms of the audience’s perception of
gender roles?
Research in the UK
Bob Connell (1995) argues that cultural expectations
about gender roles in the UK in the 20th century
were dominated by hegemonic definitions of
masculinity, femininity and sexuality. These cultural
ideas stressed two broad traditional ideas with
regard to gender:
1. Paid work was central to men’s identity and
role. Men were expected to be breadwinners
(primary earners) and heads of households,
responsible for the economic security of their
dependants. Masculinity was perceived to be
individualistic, competitive, ambitious and
aggressive. Men were not expected to openly
demonstrate emotion.
2. Women were categorised primarily as homemakers,
mothers and carers. They were confined to a life
defined by the family, the home and personal
relationships. They were expected to be less rational
and more emotional and neurotic than men.
367
 6 THE MEDIA

Connell argues that these ideas about gender

constituted a patriarchal ideology, which assumed Activity
that masculinity was dominant and femininity was
r T
subordinate because males exercised economic,
social and physical power over females. This ideology ■ • *.«. V JT
was transmitted from one generation to the next L./

through the process of gender role socialisation that

mainly occurred in the family.
However, the mass media, a secondary agent of
socialisation, were also seen as playing a key role in
teaching and reinforcing these cultural expectations
m r-s*

about how each gender was supposed to operate in

the social world. \
A study carried out in the 1980s of women’s
magazines supports Connell’s claims. Marjorie
Ferguson (1983) conducted a content analysis
Vi? ~
of women’s magazines from between 1949 and

I
1974, and 1979 and 1980. She argued that the
magazines from the earlier period were organised
around ‘a cult of femininity’, which promoted a

■
traditional ideal where excellence was achieved
through caring for others, the family, marriage and
appearance. Writing about those from 1979/80, If you want to give a present that combines
beauty, real elegance and outstanding quality’,
she argued that, although they were gradually
and will be an asset for years to come, then
moving away from these stereotypes, they still make it a
tended to focus narrowly on ‘him, home and
looking good (for him)’.
Naomi Wolf (1990) suggests that the images of
f\ \ /%
,
\ h
rOAMer
a >2
/ ■

women used by the media, especially the print DATE

media and advertising, present a particular
‘beauty ideal’ through which they transmit the
strong ideological message that women should
treat their bodies as a project in constant need
of improvement. Guy Cumberbatch (2004) found
that being ‘attractive’ fitted the description for
nearly two-thirds of females featured in television
advertising but only one-quarter of males. He
concluded that women generally occupy a passive
‘decorative’ role in television advertising. Other
research (for example, see the Just the Women
report described in 'Research in the 21 st century
in the UK’) suggests that the same applies to
print advertising.
Every glance at the time and the date recalls
the donor and strengthens the bond of
friendship.
100#/a waterproof, anti-magnetic, shock-
protected, 17 jewels, sweep seconds.
The correct date on the wrist gives invalu­
able service.
The most acceptable gift — a ROAMER
watch — a Swiss watch I
ROAMER VTATCU CO. S.A.
SniOTMlIRX’/Wir/PRI ANin
An advertisement from the 1960s in the UK.
How does this illustrate the use of images of women
to sell products?

Research in the 21 st century in the UK

Activity
Assuming that you have access to commercial
television channels, spend an evening monitoring
the advertisements. Do your findings match those
of Cumberbatch?
Gender roles in the UK have changed significantly
over the last 50 years. Indeed, Helen Wilkinson
(1994) describes the changes as a ‘genderquake’,
likening them to the profound impact of an
earthquake in geology. In particular, there has been

368

an enormous increase in the employment of women,
particularly married women, so that by 2017 the
male employment rate for those of employment age
was about 80 per cent, while that for women was
not much lower, at about 70 per cent. There has
also been some decline in gender segregation in
the labour market, with some movement of women
into jobs traditionally seen as 'men’s jobs’ (for
example, law and construction) and of men into jobs
traditionally seen as ‘women’s jobs’ (for example,
nursing and social care). This can be explained as a
product of the passing and enforcement of equality
legislation since the 1970s, advances of women in
education, the progressive loss of importance of
physical attributes for productivity, change in family
roles and, last but not least, the challenging of
traditional gender norms by feminism.
How far have these changes been reflected in
changes in media representations?
Jane Martinson et al. (2012), in a report entitled
Seen but Not Heard, based on a random sample
of the front pages of 18 national daily and Sunday
newspapers, found that 78 per cent of all front-page
bylines were male and that 84 per cent of all those
mentioned by name or quoted in lead stories were
men. There were very few stories about women’s
professional abilities or expertise, and most press
coverage continues to rely on men as experts in the
fields of business, politics and economics.
A joint report by four women’s organisations
published in November 201 2 - Just the Women -
focused on the representation of women, and
violence against women in particular, in British
newspapers. The report’s findings, which were based
on a fortnight’s analysis of 11 national newspapers in
September 2012, found that over 1300 news reports
involved sexism. The Just the Women report came to
six conclusions about the press reporting of women
and women’s lives:
1. Press reporting often lacks context and this often
leads to inaccurate, incomplete, misrepresentative
and misleading impressions of women and
women’s lives.
2. Photographs and coverage often focus on women’s
appearance and the degree to which women’s
behaviour conforms to a stereotyped code of
acceptable femininity, which has the potential to
reduce women’s aspirations.
3. Press reporting, especially in the tabloid press,
excessively objectifies women and reduces them
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
to sexual commodities in a way that would not
be broadcast on television or allowed into the
workplace because of equality legislation.
4. Selective and de-contextualised reporting
perpetuates stereotypes and myths about victims
of sexual violence and the perpetrators of such
violence, which negatively impacts on women’s
confidence in the criminal justice system.
5. The reporting of rape and violence, and the
advertising of pornography in newspapers, often
glamorise and eroticise violence against women
and girls.
6. ‘Women’s issues’ are often covered in a very
narrow and stereotyped way, and women who have
achieved some level of political and societal power
are often infantilised, denigrated and humiliated.
Magazines for young women
Research by Cyndi Tebbel (2000) suggests that
magazines for teenage girls concentrate heavily on
beauty and slimming. Tebbel reports that women’s
magazines have 10.5 times more advertisements
and articles promoting weight loss than men’s
magazines do, and over three-quarters of the covers
of women’s magazines include at least one message
about how to change a woman’s bodily appearance
- by diet, exercise or cosmetic surgery. The Just the
Women report supports this observation and notes
that newspapers are often critical of celebrities who
put on weight, and they actively encourage girls
to compete with each other to achieve an ideal of
‘thinness’. The report concludes that this impacts
negatively on the self-esteem of young women.
However, David Gauntlett (2008) argues that
magazines aimed at young women in particular
have changed dramatically. He argues that
such magazines:
!
are emphatic in their determination that women
must do their own thing, be themselves, and/or
be as outrageously sassy and sexy as possible.
Many recent movies have featured self-confident,
tough, intelligent female lead characters... Female
pop stars sing about financial and emotional
independence, inner strength, and how they don't
need a man.
This set of media messages from a range of sources
suggests that women can be tough and independent
while ‘maintaining perfect make-up and wearing
impossible shoes’. Gauntlett claims that surveys of
369
 6 THE MEDIA
young women and their lifestyles suggest that these
media messages are having a positive and significant
impact on the way young women construct their
identities today.
Representations of masculinity'
Gauntlett also carried out research on men’s
magazines. He suggests that, rather than reinforce
traditional conceptions of masculinity, they have
an almost obsessive relationship with the socially
constructed nature of manhood. He argues that
such media are positive because they stress that
‘the performance of masculinity can and should
be practised and perfected’. His study of the
content of one men’s magazine in particular, FHM,
concludes that the masculine values it transmits are
‘fundamentally caring, generous and good-humoured’.
Gauntlett argues that these magazines are often
centred on ‘helping men to be considerate lovers,
useful around the home, healthy, fashionable,
and funny - in particular, being able to laugh
at themselves’.
However, Jim McNamara (2006) is sceptical that
media representations of masculinity positively
celebrate being a man. He analysed a wide variety
of media - newspapers, magazines and television -
over a six-month period, and argued that:
Men are predominantly portrayed in mass
media as villains, aggressors, perverts and
philanderers. More than 75 per cent of all mass
media representations of men and male identity
categorized into profiles portrayed men in one of
these four ways. In total, more than 80 per cent
of media profiles of men were negath'e, compared
with 18.4 per cent which showed positive profiles
or themes... There is little equivocation in relation
to men in the media; they are predominantly evil.
Men are mostly reported in mass media news,
current affairs, talk shows and lifestyle media in
relation to violence and aggression.
(McNamara, 2006}
Comment
One of the striking features of research into
contemporary representations of gender in the UK
media is the extent to which researchers disagree
with each other about how far sexist representations
continue to be transmitted. This is likely to reflect
differences in the value positions of different
researchers, diversity within the media and ongoing
ideological conflict around what constitutes sexism.
370
Activity
Social researchers are expected to strive for
objectivity. How does research into media
representations of gender in the UK illustrate the
difficulty of achieving this?
What is clear is that there have been significant
changes over recent decades. For example, it is
no longer seen as ‘inappropriate’ for women to be
newsreaders on TV or radio or to present programmes
focusing on politics, economics or business. Also,
blatant sexist comments made by broadcasters are
likely to be punished - for example, two football
pundits on Sky Sports were sacked in 2011 for making
derogatory remarks about a female football official.
On the other hand, representations of women in the
tabloid press and in popular magazines continue to
focus on their appearance, and women in the public
eye who upset traditionalists are often subjected to a
stream of vile, misogynistic abuse online.
Activity
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A woman, Gabby Logan, was a pitch-side reporter
at the 2010 FIFA World Cup.
How does this challenge traditional representations
of gender?
The continuing influence of patriarchy
In many countries around the world, patriarchal
ideologies continue to have a powerful influence on
media representations. For example, Ahmed Rameez
Ul Huda and Roshan Ali (2015) argue that, despite
the fact that women are increasingly playing an
active role in the media in Pakistan, they continue to
be objectified. For example, in advertisements female
models are often ‘sensually dressed up for the sake
of alluring customers’, even when they have nothing
to do with the product.

Digests of short stories are popular in Pakistan.
Ul Huda and Ali maintain that in these collections
young women are portrayed as preoccupied
with getting married, and married women as
preoccupied with household chores and childcare,
fashion and their appearance. Also, for both, their
main duty in life is portrayed as serving their ‘patti
daive’ (Hindi word for ‘husband’ that means ‘divine/
god-like husband’). This service is considered to be
a labour of love.
Equally popular are drama serials and morning
shows on TV, particularly among housewives. Ul
Huda and Ali argue that these are mainly concerned
with pre-marital and post-marital situations and
with conditions of life for both housewives and
working women. The women in these dramas
are ‘almost always’ subjected to some form
of violence or other hardships regarding their
domestic or external affairs. The morning shows
highlight fashion and cooking and interviews with
glamorous celebrities.
Finally, they argue that, while women are increasingly
accessing social media such as Facebook, Twitter
and Tumblr, they are often subjected to ‘Eve teasing’
online by men - that is, the use of sexual innuendo
or the making of indecent suggestions.
Activity
How far do you think the mainstream media in
your society reinforce traditional conceptions of
masculinity and femininity?
Key terms
Sexism, racism, ageism and classism Belief
systems which suggest that certain groups - men,
white people, middle-aged people and upper
classes - are inherently superior to others.
Stereotypes Shared preconceptions, often of a
negative kind, about the characteristics of a social
group which assume that all members of the
group are alike.
Glass ceiling An invisible barrier making it difficult
for women to achieve top positions in society.
Gender segregation Organisational structures
which separate boys and girls/men and women.
Eve teasing A euphemism used in South Asia to
refer to sexual harassment of women and girls.
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
Summary
1. The media are an important agent of
secondary socialisation.
2. Sociologists are interested in the role the
media play in generating and reinforcing
gender stereotypes.
3. Research suggests that feminism has had a
global impact and in 1995 the UN called on
the media to ‘make a far greater contribution to
women’s advancement’.
4. Commenting on the progress made by 2015,
UN Women argued that there was still a lot of
progress needed.
5. Research on gender representation in UK
media suggests that there have been significant
changes over recent decades, but researchers
disagree about the extent to which the media
are still sexist.
6. The influence of patriarchal ideas on media
representations of men and women is still
evident in many societies, such as Pakistan.
Unit 6.4.2 Media representations
of race and ethnicity
While media representations of gender have probably
received the most attention from sociologists,
representations of race and ethnicity have also
attracted a considerable amount of research.
The meaning of ‘race’ and ethnicity
Both race and ethnicity are social constructs.
Normally, to refer to something as a social construct
is not to imply that it is ‘imaginary’ or ‘doesn’t really
exist’; just that the thing being talked about could be
understood or perceived differently at a different time
or in a different society. However, in respect of race, it
turns out that races do not exist, objectively speaking.
In the 19th century, European scholars developed
a theory that human beings could be divided into
three broad racial categories: Negroid, Caucasoid
and Mongoloid, with the Caucasoid race being
the most evolved. This provided a convenient but
pseudo-scientific rationale for both slavery and
colonialism. However, most scientists and sociologists
now accept that in the 20th century, the science of
371
 o THE MEDIA

genetics has clearly shown that all human beings European - particularly, French, Spanish, Portuguese
have evolved from a single set of African ancestors and British - empires that had developed from the
and that race as a scientific concept is ‘well past 17th century, colonising countries in Eastern and
its sell-by date’, as Steven and Hilary Rose (2005) Southern Asia, Africa and South America. Those
have put it. However, this scientific consensus has empires may now have disappeared, but the ideas
not prevented the continued use of the word ‘race’ of racial superiority which accompanied them have
in popular discourse to refer to people with different proved much harder to eradicate. A telling example
phenotypical characteristics, such as skin colour. is the thriving market for skin-lightening creams in
As such, races should be understood as social countries that were once colonies of these European
categories of people who are mistakenly regarded as countries, a market estimated to be worth S19.8
biologically distinct because they share certain visible billion globally in 2018 [Latin Post, 26/04/18).
physical characteristics.
Today, the term ‘ethnicity’ has largely replaced ‘race’ in
academic writing. Ethnic groups are groups of people
defined by ‘race’, religion and/or national origin who
share a common cultural heritage, so the focus is more
on culture than biology. Yet, ethnicity is still a social
construct in that the categorisations can and do vary
over time and cross-culturally. For example, in the
1950s people who came to Britain from the Caribbean
were referred to as ‘Coloured’. Today, the same people
and their descendants are referred to as ‘Black’.
In everyday life, the topics of race and ethnicity are
associated with numerous misunderstandings. For
example, people confuse ethnicity with ethnic minority
status. Everybody has an ethnic identity, but when
a group of people with a different cultural heritage
live in a society where they are in a numerical
minority, they constitute a minority ethnic group.
Similarly, people often confuse ‘ethnic minority’ with
‘immigrant’ Immigrants are people born in another
country from the one where they are now living.
Someone who belongs to an ethnic minority group
may well have been born in the country where they
live. Indeed, in some countries, surviving members
of the indigenous population - for example, Maoris
in New Zealand, Native Americans in the USA and
Canada - may constitute a minority ethnic group.

Activity
Explain why the idea that human beings can
be divided into biologically distinct ‘races’ is
problematic.
Media representations of race
and ethnicity
The racial theories developed in the 19th century
have had a profound global impact because they were
spread across the world as an integral feature of the
In the 19th and early 20th centuries, representations
of Black people as ape-like or as ‘savages’ were
commonplace in Western media, although they were
not the only group to be depicted in this way. Irish
people were similarly represented in British media
in the 19th century when Ireland was part of the
British Empire. In both cases, whole populations were
‘racialised’ as a way of justifying their exploitation as
colonial subjects.

372

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A cartoon from the English magazine Punch in the
1840s depicting a member of the ‘Young Ireland’
Irish nationalist movement.
Explain how 19th-century racial theories informed
this depiction of an Irishman.
Such grotesque misrepresentations of ethnic groups
are now rare outside the pages of White Supremacist
blogs, but the colonialist attitudes which contributed
to such misrepresentations did not entirely disappear.
In a remarkable special edition of the National
Geographic magazine - based in the USA - published
in April 2018, the editor, Susan Goldberg, wrote:
For decades, our coverage was racist. To rise
above our past, we must acknowledge it. Until the
1970s National Geographic all but ignored people
of colour who lived in the United States - rarely
acknowledging them beyond labourers or domestic
workers... while picturing ‘natives’ elsewhere as
Contemporary issues: The representation of Dalits in Bollywood films
An expert in Indian cinema at Birmingham City
University has said that Bollywood is creating the
wrong perception of an entire community in its
portrayal of Dalits.
As he begins the first study of its kind in 40 years,
Vishal Chauhan, from Ajmer in Rajasthan, is
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
exotics, famously and frequently unclothed, happy
hunters, noble savages - every type of cliche.
Another example of colonialist attitudes is reflected
in the news reporting of indigenous populations.
Typically, indigenous peoples have been exploited
and marginalised by the colonists and a wide range
of social and economic problems have subsequently
developed among indigenous communities, such
as alcoholism and substance abuse, mental health
problems, unemployment and involvement in crime.
However, news reporting implies that it is the
indigenous people who are the problem rather than
being the victims of the problems caused for them by
colonialism.
For example, according to Michael Meadows (2004),
many representations of Indigenous Australians
(Aborigines) ‘focus...on conflict (violence, criminality)
and difference. Indigenous people have been
represented... as the exotic other,...a dying race,
welfare dependent, the drunk, the activist, the threat
73z Carr.in to existing order, the invisible.’ Moreover, according
to David Hollinsworth (2005), their behaviour is
often represented as irrational and out of control.
A final example of the racialisation of minorities
is provided by contemporary Indian society. Lucy
Fedrick (201 2) argues that the Dalits in India have
been racialised as a way of justifying continuing
discrimination against them, particularly in rural
areas. The Dalits constitute about 160 million of
India’s total population of around 1.3 billion and
were previously classified as ‘untouchables’ under the
Indian caste system, which saw them as religiously
‘impure’. ‘Untouchability’ was outlawed in 1950 shortly
after India gained its independence from Britain
and there have been efforts made by governments
since then to help the so-called ‘scheduled castes’ by
means of affirmative action. However, Fedrick argues
that ‘realistically the caste system is still resisting
its extinction and in particular is thriving in smaller
villages throughout India causing discrimination to
thousands of people’.
highlighting the representation of marginalised
people in Indian cinema, and says that their
stereotyped depictions on screen are fuelling
further social stratification.
Dalit, meaning ‘thrashing’ or ‘pressing’ in Sanskrit
and ‘broken’ or ‘oppressed’ in Hindi, is a term for
373
 6 THE MEDIA
the members of lower castes in India. In popular
Indian cinema, Dalits are traditionally portrayed as
ill-dressed, under-confident and ugly. Furthermore,
characters from lower castes are rarely played
by Dalit actors, instead, they are performed by
upper-caste actors donning blackface. According
to Chauhan:
Dalits represent around 22 per cent of India's
population, uet they do not receive equal screen
dme compared with other societal groups. For
example, a recent analysis of lead characters
of more than 250 films released in 2015 and
2014 by The Hindu newspaper m ealed that only
six lead characters belonged to a low er caste
Where filmmakers have attempted to honestly
portray Dalits, their films tend to be labelled
as an art house picture and receive a limited
release. In big budget films, Dalits will more
than likely be played by higher caste actors.
Media representations of ethnic
minorities in the UK
People who belong to Black, Asian and (other)
minority ethnic (BAME) groups in the UK were, for
a long time, seriously under-represented in the
mainstream UK media, except as sportsmen and
sportswomen and as entertainers. An example of
what George Gerbner and Larry Gross (1976) called
‘symbolic annihilation’. Today, this is no longer the
case. Black and Asian faces on TV, for example, as
newsreaders, presenters and as actors, and in TV
and magazine adverts, are now commonplace.
Nevertheless, research suggests that BAME groups
continue to be represented in stereotyped and
negative ways across a range of media content. In
particular, newspapers and television news have
a tendency to present minority ethnic groups as a
problem, or to associate Black people with physical
rather than intellectual activities, and to neglect
and even ignore racism and the inequalities that
result from it.
Peter Akinti (2003) suggests that television often
reflects an inaccurate and superficial view of Black
life, focusing almost exclusively on stereotypical
issues such as gun crime. Toyin Agbetu (2006)
suggests that ‘a Black person constructed in the
media has three attributes: they are involved
374
and lower caste peoples are barely reflected
in positions behind the camera either. Most
worrying, however, is the stereotypical portrayal
of Dalit peoples - when they do appear - as
intellectually inferior and only able to survive
on the good will of upper caste peoples. The
Indian film industry has helped create an untrue
perception of an entire community.
Source: ‘Bollywood Needs to Rethink Dalit Representation,
Media Scholar Says’, University News, 08/08/2017,
Birmingham City University
Questions
1. How are Dalits stereotyped in Bollywood films,
according to Chauhan?
2. What evidence is there in the passage of the
racialisation of Dalits?
3. Why is it significant that there are few Dalits
working behind the cameras?
in criminality, involved in sports or involved in
entertainment’. He suggests that anything that lies
outside those classifications is not of interest to
the media.
Agbetu notes that the media frequently focus on
Black people as the perpetrators of crime rather
than as victims. The word ‘Black’ is often used as
a prefix if an offender is a member of a minority
ethnic group - for example, ‘a Black youth’. The word
‘White’ is rarely used in the same way. Furthermore,
African Caribbean people are portrayed as 'only
interested in carnival and dancing and, of course,
they all come from Jamaica, and they’re all yardies’.
Agbetu argues that ‘Black people are troublesome
but exciting for the media’ In other words, they are
newsworthy because they almost always constitute
‘bad news’.
In a perceptive study of ‘race’ and violent crime
reporting in the national and regional press, Kjartan
Sveinsson (2008) argues that ‘culture’ has replaced
‘race’ as a way of representing the relationship
between ethnicity and crime, but serves the same
function, as it conceives of culture as an innate
quality: as a way of life determined by birth. Thus,
gang, gun and knife crime are conceptualised as
products of a pathological, inner-city Black culture
which leads young Black men to engage in criminal
behaviour.

As Sveinsson argues:
The claim that ‘culture’ is the source of violent
crime necessarily attaches violence to certain
1communities1 defined by their ethnic ‘identity’. This
implies that most members of those groups are
violent. The effect is that entire ‘communities’ are
criminalised on the basis of their (alleged) cultures.
In other words, the complex relationship between
ethnic minority status, relative deprivation,
residential segregation, discrimination,
unemployment and involvement in certain types of
crime is reduced to a supposed criminogenic Black
culture. Moreover, as Sveinsson points out, concepts
of‘culture’ and ‘community’ are seldom drawn upon
when talking about White Britons or crimes carried
out by members of the (White) ethnic majority.
Activity
Explain how the idea of a criminogenic Black
culture involves the use of stereotypes.
Media representations of
Muslims in the UK
Around 4.5 per cent of the UK population are
Muslims, mainly from Pakistan and Bangladesh. Kerry
Moore et al. (2008) carried out a content analysis of
five alternate years of British newspaper reporting
between 2000 and 2008, focused on the key
phrases ‘British Muslim’ and ‘Islam’. They deliberately
avoided looking at coverage in 2001 and 2005 in the
aftermath of the 9/11 and 7/7 terrorist attacks (in New
York and London, respectively) because they wanted to
focus on routine everyday coverage of British Muslims.
This approach generated 23 000 stories in all.
Moore et al. found that the four most newsworthy
and therefore common stories about British Muslims
in 2000 involved terrorism (28 per cent), religious
and cultural issues (20 per cent), community
relations (13 per cent) and attacks on Muslims
(10 per cent). However, between 2000 and 2008,
stories on terrorism or the war on terror accounted
for 36 per cent of all stories.
Generally, Moore et al. conclude that news stories
about Muslims in the UK contain four ideological
messages about Islam. First, that Islam is dangerous,
backward and irrational compared with Western
thought and actions. Second, that multiculturalism,
with its stress on diversity and tolerance, is allowing
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
extremist Islam too much freedom to disseminate
its anti-Western views in Muslim communities. Third
that there is a fundamental clash of civilisations
between the democratic and free West and an
oppressive Islam which restricts or suppresses the
rights of women, homosexuals and others. Fourth,
that Islam is a threat to the British way of life.
Ethnicity, migration and
media in the UK
Philo and Liza Beattie (1999) argue that moral
panics often arise because of negative media
representations of issues such as immigration and
asylum seekers. They note that this coverage creates
fear and concern among the general UK population
because journalists construct immigrants and asylum
seekers as problems and threats. The Information
Centre about Asylums and Refugees (ICAR) (2005)
found that the British media often repetitively
used certain terms and types of emotive language
in their reporting - for example, asylum seekers
were often described as a ‘flood’ or ‘wave’ and as
‘bogus’ or ‘fraudulent’. Philo and Beattie found that
media coverage broadly hinted that immigrants
wished to take advantage of the UK’s benefit and
health systems.
Activity
To what extent are immigrants in the country where
you live scapegoated for social and economic
problems?
Both the ICAR and Philo and Beattie note that media
coverage often excludes essential information such
as the contribution that immigration has made to the
economy or the fact that asylum seekers are often
escaping political persecution, torture and poverty in
their home countries. Philo and Beattie conclude that
news about immigration tends to be xenophobic in
tone and seems to be about reinforcing a narrow and
nostalgic version of British identity. The ICAR argues
that there is often a link between media coverage and
community tensions. It conducted research in London
and discovered that unbalanced and inaccurate
media images of asylum seekers made a significant
contribution to their harassment by local residents.
Conclusion
Our discussion of the representation of race and
ethnicity has indicated the power of the media to
reinforce negative stereotypes of racial and ethnic
375
6 THE MEDIA
minorities. The media in some countries have made
real efforts to address this issue and promote greater
diversity, but further progress is likely to depend on
the extent to which members of such minorities gain
positions in the media production process.
Key terms
Social construct A feature of a society which
appears to be a natural or given phenomenon, but
which is actually a product of social processes.
Phenotypical Relating to visible biological
characteristics.
Racialised Identified as belonging to a racial group.
Affirmative action Action designed to
compensate for past discrimination through the
use of quotas, for example.
Social stratification The ordering of society into
layers with different amounts of wealth, status
and power.
Blackface The use of make-up to darken the skin.
Pathological Causing social sickness.
Criminogenic Generating or causing crime.
Scapegoated Blamed for problems not of
their making.
Xenophobia Hatred or fear of foreigners.
Summary
1. Both race and ethnicity are social constructs.
2. Racial theories developed in Europe in the
19th century have had a global impact despite
the fact that they have been shown to be
scientifically invalid.
3. The media played an important role in the
historical transmission of these theories.
4. Dalits in India have been racialised as a way
of justifying continuing discrimination against
them. Bollywood films do little to challenge
this misrepresentation.
5. While Black and Asian faces are now
commonplace on TV in the UK, media coverage
tends to associate Black people with crime and
Muslims with terrorism.
6. Immigration is often presented via the media
as a threat to the ‘British way of life’ and the
media rarely draw attention to the economic
contribution made by immigrants.
376
Unit 6.4.3 Media representations
of class and age
Sociological research on media representation
of social class and of age groups has been less
extensive than that on gender and ethnicity, though
that is not to say that it is any less important.
Media representations of class
Social class is the system of social stratification
associated with industrial capitalism. Social classes
are social categories or groups of people who share
a similar economic position in terms of occupation,
income and ownership of wealth.
All systems of stratification require legitimation;
that is, some means of justifying the inequalities they
represent. Class systems are typically legitimated on
the basis that they are open or meritocratic. That
is, people can move up the class hierarchy if they
are prepared to work hard enough and make the
necessary sacrifices. Indeed, this is the basis of the
American Dream. The logical consequence of the
notion of meritocracy is that whatever position you
occupy in the class structure is one you deserve: if you
are at or near the top, it is because you are talented,
hard-working and deserving of success; if you are at
or near the bottom, it is because you are talentless,
lazy and undeserving. Class systems may also be
legitimated by 'classisnT, the belief that people from
certain social or economic classes are superior to
others. Some sociologists argue that the media play an
important role in processes of legitimation by the ways
in which they represent different social classes.
Media representations of social classes rarely focus
on the social tensions or class conflict that some
critical sociologists see as underpinning society.
In fact, as we saw in Unit 6.2.1, neo-Marxist
sociologists suggest that the function of the media
is to ensure the cultural hegemony of the dominant
capitalist class and that inequality and exploitation
are not defined as social problems, so that they do
not become the focus of social debate and demands
for social change.
Media representations of
class in the UK
Neo-Marxists argue that media representations of
social class tend to celebrate hierarchy and wealth.
Those who benefit from these processes - the

monarchy, the upper class and the very wealthy -
generally receive a positive press as celebrities who
are somehow deserving of their position. The UK
mass media hardly ever portray the upper classes
in a critical light, nor do they often draw any serious
attention to inequalities in wealth and pay or the
over-representation of those who have been to public
school in positions of power.
Sociological observations of media representations
of the upper classes suggest that popular films
and television costume dramas tend to portray
members of this class either in an eccentric or in a
nostalgic way. In films such as The King's Speech, and
television costume dramas such as Downton Abbey,
a rosy, idealised picture is painted of a ruling elite
characterised by honour, culture and good breeding.
Activity
I class, despite the fact that this group constitutes a
I significant section of society.
Promotional picture for Downton Abbey, season 4.
Downton Abbey ran for six series between 2010
and 2015 on ITV, with an average audience of
around 10 million. How might such programmes
help to legitimise wealth inequalities?
Robert Reiner (2010) argues that the media tend to
represent the UK as a meritocratic society, in which
intelligence, talent and hard work are rewarded.
Marxists point out that this is an ideological myth,
because the evidence suggests wealth is more
important than ability in opening up access to top
universities such as Oxford and Cambridge and top
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
jobs. Moreover, Jock Young (2007) suggests that
British culture is a monetary culture characterised
by a ‘chaos of rewards’, whereby top businessmen
are rewarded for failure and celebrities are
over-rewarded for their ‘talents’. In contrast, ordinary
people in functionally important jobs struggle to get
by. However, the media very rarely focus on these
issues. Rather, they celebrate celebrity culture and its
excesses, and encourage their audiences to engage
in a popular culture underpinned by materialism and
conspicuous consumption.
David Newman (2006) argues that the media focus
very positively on the concerns of the wealthy and
the privileged. He notes that the media over-focus
on consumer items such as luxury cars, costly
holiday spots and fashion accessories that only the
wealthy can afford. In the UK, the upper classes have
magazines exclusively dedicated to their interests and
pursuits, such as Country Life, Horse and Hound and
Tatter. Newman also notes the enormous amount of
print and broadcast media dedicated to daily business
news and stock market quotations, despite the fact
that few people in the UK own stocks and shares. He
notes that ‘international news and trade agreements
are reported in terms of their impact on the business
world and wealthy investors, not on ordinary
working people’.
Representations of the working class
It can be argued that some mass media representations
of the working class are also part of capitalist
ideology. Newman (2006) notes that there are very
few situation comedies, television dramas or films
that focus on the everyday lives of the working
He argues that when working-class people are
featured, the media depiction is often either
unflattering or pitying. Blue-collar heads of
households on prime-time television have typically
been portrayed as well-intentioned but dumb
buffoons or as immature macho exhibitionists.
Newman argues that when news organisations
focus on the working class, it is generally to label
them as a problem - for example, as welfare
cheats, drug addicts or criminals. Working-class
groups - for example, youth subcultures such as
mods or skinheads - are often subjected to moral
panics, while reporting of issues such as poverty,
unemployment or single-parent families often
suggests that personal inadequacy is the main cause
of these social problems, rather than government
377
6 THE MEDIA
policies or poor business practices. Studies of
representations of industrial relations reporting by
the Glasgow University Media Group (GUMG) (1976)
suggest that the media portray ‘unreasonable’
workers as making trouble for ‘reasonable’ employers
(see Unit 6.2.2).
Owen Jones (2011), too, claims that media coverage
of the working class, and particularly the poor,
symbolises an assault on working-class values,
institutions and communities. He observes that from
the 1980s onwards, it became fashionable to disparage
working-class life. Jones notes that journalists are keen
to suggest that those who constitute an - alleged -
unqualified, unskilled and unemployed underclass are
feckless, foul-mouthed, promiscuous and probably racist.
He argues that many journalists suffer from a ‘liberal
bigotry’ in that they assume that all working-class White
people hate immigrants and multiculturalism.
Jones claims that there is also an assumption among
journalists that the old, ‘decent’ working class,
which had a great deal of self-respect, has died out,
leaving behind a detritus of‘chavs’, ‘gym-slip slum
mums’, ‘alcopop-slurping feral street urchins’ and
‘bling-dripping’ thugs who lack any moral compass. He
concludes that the genuine hopes and fears of ordinary
working-class people and the everyday experiences
of their surroundings, communities and working lives
do not exist as far as journalists and TV programme
makers are concerned. He notes that, ‘coupled with
the ludicrous mainstream view that Britain is now a
classless society, the “chav” phenomenon obscures what
it means to be working-class today'.
Activity
V attempt to shape and/or respond to the musical tastes
•»l
* J‘
&H
? around concerns about young people’s behaviour, such
A group of youths hanging around the streets of
London, Britain, that may be labelled as 'chavs’.
How are poor members of the society you live in
represented in the media?
378
John McKendrick et al. (2008) studied a week’s output
of mainstream media in 2007, and concluded that
coverage of poverty is marginal in the UK media, in
that the causes and consequences of poverty were very
rarely explored across the news, documentaries or
drama. Furthermore, reporting of poverty-related issues,
where it existed, was negative, inaccurate and partial -
it often strongly implied that poverty was the result of
individual irresponsibility, that those in poverty were too
content to live off benefits, and that a culture of poverty
was the main cause of anti-social behaviour. It was rare
to find news stories exploring more structural reasons
for poverty, such as government economic and social
policies, global recession, inequalities in the distribution
of wealth and income and so on.
Media representations of age
Most sociological research on media representations
of age groups have focused on young people and
old people. This is because it is these age groups
which have most commonly been found to have been
negatively stereotyped by the media, at least in the
West. In other words, youths and old people have
suffered from the effects of ageism, the belief that
certain age groups are inherently inferior to others.
Media representations of youth in the UK
There are generally two very broad ways in which
young people have been targeted and portrayed by the
media in the UK. On the one hand, there is a whole
media industry aimed at socially constructing youth in
terms of lifestyle and identity. Magazines are produced
specifically for young people. Record companies,
internet music download sites, mobile phone
companies and radio stations all specifically target and
of young people. Networking sites on the internet,
such as Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, allow youth
to project their identities around the world.
However, youth are often portrayed by news media
as a social problem, as immoral or anti-authority, and
consequently constructed as folk devils as part of a
moral panic (see Unit 6.5.2). The majority of moral
panics since the 1950s have been manufactured
as their membership of specific ‘deviant’ subcultures
(for example, teddy boys, hoodies), or because their
behaviour (for example, drug taking or binge drinking)
has attracted the disapproval of those in authority.
Research by Mike Wayne (2007) confirms this
overwhelmingly negative portrayal of youth in the
UK. His analysis looked at 2130 news items across

all the main television channels during May 2006
and found 286 stories that focused specifically on
young people. Of these, 28 per cent focused on
celebrities, but 82 per cent focused on young people
as either the perpetrators or the victims of violent
crime. In other words, young people were mainly
represented as a violent threat to society. Given
that - in terms of recorded crime - offending peaks
in the late teens and early twenties, the association
of youth with crime is unsurprising. However,
most young people do not offend, so the resulting
stereotyped view of youth is misleading.
Wayne also found that it was very rare (only 1 per
cent) for news items to feature a young person’s
perspective or opinion. He notes that the media
only deliver a one-dimensional picture of youth, one
that encourages fear and condemnation rather than
understanding. Moreover, he argues that it distracts
from the real problems young people face in the
modern world - such as homelessness, not being
able to get onto the housing ladder, unemployment,
mental health problems and so on - that might be
caused by society’s or the government’s failure to
take the problems of youth seriously.
Research conducted by the UK National Children’s
Bureau in 2008 confirms this picture. The research
was based on stories about young people which
appeared in a sample of national and regional
newspapers and BBC/ITV news over a two-week
period in 2008. The research found that:
> The media produce more negative stories than
positive ones about youth.
> The media focus particularly on youths belonging
to minority groups.
> Bad news sells.
i
» Journalists are under pressure to cover
negative stories.
Activity
How far are such negative representations of youth
in the media mirrored in the country where you live?
Media representations of old people
Age Concern UK (2000) argues that the elderly are
under-represented across a variety of mass media. For
example, in 2000, 21 per cent of the population were
aged 65 plus, yet only 7 per cent of representations on
television were of that age group. Colin Milner, Kay Van
Norman and Jenifer Milner (2012), in a comprehensive
review of the global mass media’s portrayal of old age,
conclude that media portrayals of ageing:
6.4 MEDIA REPRESENTATIONS
not only reflect the widespread ageism
in society, but largely reinforce negative
stereotypes. In addition, when ageing is
depicted in a manner that appears positive, the
aim is often to push anti-ageing messages and
frame defying ageing as the only example of
successful ageing. (Milner et al., 2012)
The cosmetics industry certainly reinforces this view
with endless advertisements for products which claim
to remove, disguise or even reverse the visible signs
of ageing such as wrinkles and grey hair.
Milner et al. argue that the media categorise the
elderly into two very contrasting groups. At one end
of the scale are 'super seniors’, who are portrayed,
especially by advertisers, as healthy, wealthy and as
defying the ageing process. At the opposite end is
‘bad’ old age, characterised by illness, decline and a
strain on the economy as well as social and health
services. Such media portrayals reflect the intersection
of age with class: representations of wealthy old
people tend to be positive; representations of poor old
people, negative.
Feminists argue that representations of old age are
also modified by gender. For example, older men
are highly visible on film and TV, but older women
less so. While TV presenters in the UK are broadly
reflective of the general population in age terms,
a large majority (82 per cent) of those over 50 are
men. Overall, women over 50 make up just 5 per
cent of on-screen presenters of all ages and both
sexes, and 7 per cent of the workforce both on and
off screen (Commission on Older Women, 2013).
Activity
Iff
>
r
•j
K
Co-presenters attend the Strictly Come Dancing
series I / launch show at Elstree Studios,
England, 2013.
How does the image above of Bruce Forsyth
(then 85) and Tess Daly (then 44) illustrate TVs
differential treatment of men and women by age?
379
 6 THE MEDIA
Cross-cultural variations and
recent developments
It is important to recognise that, as Izian Idris and
Lynn Sudbury-Riley (2016) point out, the findings
described above cannot necessarily be applied to
the East because of cultural differences. Respect
for older adults is 'profoundly rooted in the norms
of Asian collectivist culture’, while Western culture
is more individualistic. In their study of both
print and television advertising in Malaysia, they
found that ‘while older women are still slightly
underrepresented, there appears to be progress
made in that greater numbers of older adults are
now included in mainstream advertising. Moreover,
these seniors are depicted as relatively happy,
active, and physically strong and are utilized in
ads for a range of different products.’ However,
it is possible that Malaysia is not typical of East
Asian countries in general. Research carried
out around the same time (Michael Prieler, Alex
Ivanov and Shigeru Hagiwara, 2017), which
analysed 432 television advertisements from Hong
Kong, Japan and South Korea, found that ‘older
people are highly underrepresented’.
In the West, recent research suggests that media
producers may be gradually reinventing how they deal
with the elderly, especially as they realise that this
group may have disposable income - that is, extra
money (‘grey pounds’) - to spend on consumer goods.
Monica Lee et al. (2007) note that representation
of the elderly in advertisements is still fairly low (15
per cent), but the majority of these advertisements
(91 per cent) portray the elderly as ‘golden agers’,
who are active, alert, healthy, successful and content.
Nevertheless, Lee et al. suggest that this stereotype
may be unrealistic, in that it does not reflect the
wide range of experiences that people have as they
age, including loss of status, poverty, loneliness
and loss of their partner.
Key terms
Meritocratic Relating to a society or organisation
in which success or failure is based on merit,
defined as effort plus ability.
380
American Dream The belief that anyone
who works hard enough and has the
necessary talent can reach the top of the ladder
in the USA.
Conspicuous consumption The purchase
and display of expensive items in order to
demonstrate one’s wealth.
Underclass A social category or group existing
beneath the class structure of a society.
Multiculturalism A social policy in which the
co-existence of different ethnic groups is accepted
without pressure for ethnic minorities to assimilate
into the majority culture.
Chavs An insulting word for people, particularly
young people, whose way of dressing, speaking
and behaving is thought to show their lack of
education and their low social class.
Bling Cheap and showy jewellery.
Folk devils People belonging to a deviant
subculture who are seen as a threat to society.
Summary
1. Systems of stratification need to be legitimated.
The media help to legitimise class systems by
suggesting that they are meritocratic or by
transmitting classist views.
2. Media representations of upper classes
are generally positive, while those of
lower classes are generally negative - for
example, representing poor people as ‘chavs’
or 'skivers’.
3. The media have been accused of reinforcing
ageism through their portrayal of young people
and the elderly.
4. Media treatment of age is modified by
considerations of class and gender.
5. The growth in numbers of relatively affluent
old people has led to some changes in media
representations of this group, particularly in
advertisements.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
ro~m Describe how the media can promote stereotypical views of the members of social groups.
| Q | 2~\ Give three examples of ways in which the attitudes associated with European colonialism
have impacted on media treatment of ethnic groups.
roT3] Evaluate the view that the media are ageist.
PART 5 MEDIA EFFECTS
Contents
Unit 6.5.1 Models of media effects 381
Unit 6.5.2 The media, deviancy and crime 385
So far we have largely taken for granted that the
media have important effects on society, both
for good and ill. For example, we have seen how
authoritarian regimes try to control the messages
their citizens receive through the media and how
these citizens have used the new media to seek to
resist their oppression. We have also looked at the
role of the media in democratic societies and the
debate between those who see it as promoting
democracy and those who see it more as a vehicle
for promoting the interests of elites. In addition,
Unit 6.5.1 Models of media
effects
In sociology, models are simplified attempts to
represent real-life social processes. Over the years, a
number of competing models of media effects have
been developed offering alternative views of the
processes involved.
The hypodermic syringe model
One of the earliest models was the hypodermic
syringe model that was developed after World War I
to explain how propaganda messages had affected
the morale of enemy soldiers. The model suggested
that propaganda worked like a drug injected directly
into a vein using a hypodermic syringe, having a
direct and powerful effect.
6.5 MEDIA EFFECTS
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
we have looked at the wider debate between those
who see the new media as bringing about a more
connected, open and democratic world and those
who are more pessimistic about its impact.
However, social scientists disagree with each
other about just how powerful the media are
and about exactly how they affect both attitudes
and behaviour (to the extent that it does).
Consequently, in this, the final part of the chapter,
we turn our attention to these issues.
Unit 6.5.1 examines the main competing
sociological models of media effects and Unit
6.5.2 analyses how they have been applied to
understand the relationship between the media,
deviancy and crime.
In 1938, when Orson Welles and the Mercury
Theatre broadcast a dramatisation of H.G. Wells' War
of the Worlds on the radio in the USA in the format
of a news bulletin and the New York Doily News
reported that thousands of people were gripped
by mass hysteria, fearful that the earth was being
invaded by Martians, it seemed like the theory had
been validated.
However, subsequent commentators have queried
the New York Doily News’ claims. They point out
that the New York Doily News' report was based
largely on anecdotal evidence that was never fully
investigated and that local hospitals had no records
of hysterical or shocked patients being admitted
following the broadcast. They also point out that
newspapers were concerned at the time that the
relatively new medium of radio could deprive
them of some of their advertising revenue and
381
 6 THE MEDIA

were, therefore, keen to paint it as irresponsible.
In addition, if hundreds or even tens of thousands
really had been gripped by mass hysteria, it seems
likely that this would have been an ongoing story to
be explored at length, yet the newspaper coverage
was dropped after a day or two.
Activity
b=skd iFiwAill
teachers and work colleagues, result in people
modifying or rejecting media messages. They
argued that ‘opinion leaders’ - that is, people of
influence whom others in a social network look
up to and listen to - usually dominate social
networks. These people usually have strong
ideas about a range of matters. Moreover, these
opinion leaders expose themselves to different
types of media - newspapers, television news,
documentaries, soap operas and so on - and form
an opinion on their content. These interpretations
are then passed on to other members of their

FIXE RADIO W social circle.

Katz and Lazarsfeld thus suggested that media
messages have to go through two steps or stages:

STIRS TERROR 1. The opinion leader is exposed to the

media content.

THROUGH U.S. t 2. Those who respect the opinion leader internalise

their interpretation of that content.

a (V ,
.
i Consequently, the media do not directly influence
media audiences. Rather, they choose to adopt
a particular opinion, attitude or way of behaving
after negotiation and discussion with an opinion
"War" Victim leader. The audience, therefore, is not passive,
j but active.

m- VI
, St
IVs
a., j
2£9!!=&ag&«
-.•> ‘ V.:— ‘—sS-sshs—
Front page of the New York Daily News following
the broadcast of War of the Worlds.
Explain why the headline above should be treated
with caution?
Later researchers have argued that the hypodermic
syringe model over-simplifies media effects in a
number of ways. First, it wrongly assumes that
audiences are passive and that audience members
are all affected in the same way. It also pictures the
audience as an ‘atomised mass* whose response
to media messages is unaffected by their social
relations with others. This latter view is challenged by
the next model we will look at.
The two-step flow model
Elihu Katz and Paul Lazarsfeld (1955) suggested
that personal relationships and conversations with
significant others, such as family members, friends,
Clearly, the two-step flow model is itself rather
simplistic, because audience members may or may
not discuss what they see, read or hear with others
and, even if they do discuss some messages, many
messages will go undiscussed. Nevertheless, the
general idea that audiences are not passive and that
effects are dependent on audiences’ social relations
with others is now widely accepted.
The uses and gratifications model
The next model to be developed not only accepted
that audiences are active consumers of the media,
but turned the basic research question on its head.
Instead of asking what the media did to audiences, it
j asked how audiences use the media.
Jay Blumler and Denis McQuail (1968) suggest that
1 people use the media in order to satisfy particular
needs that they have. They argue that these
needs may be biological, psychological or social.
Moreover, these needs are relative - the way that
the audience use the media to gratify their needs
will depend upon influences such as social position,
age, gender, ethnicity and so on. For example,
Julian Wood (1996) illustrated how teenagers may
use horror films to gratify their need for excitement.

382

Blumler and McQuail identifed four basic needs
which people use television to satisfy:
1. Diversion. As James Watson (2008) notes,
'we may use the media to escape from routines,
to get out from under problems, to ease
worries or tensions’. People may immerse
themselves in particular types of media to
make up for lack of satisfaction at work or
in their daily lives. For example, women may
compensate for the lack of romance in their
marriages by reading Mills & Boon romantic
novels. Some people even live alternative lives
and identities as avatars on websites such as
Second Life.
2. Personal relationships. Watson notes that we
often know more about characters in soap operas
than we do about our own neighbours. The media
may, therefore, provide the means to compensate
for the decline of community in our lives. For
example, socially isolated elderly people may
see soap opera characters as companions they
can identify with and worry about in the absence
of interaction with family members. Users may
also see cyber-communities on the Web as
alternative families.
3. Personal identity. People may use the media
to ‘make over’ or to modify their identity. For
example, a teenager who suspects he is gay
may use the experience of a gay character in a
teenage soap opera such as Hollyoaks or Skins
to help him make decisions about how he might
deal with his own sexuality. Social networking
sites such as Facebook allow people to use the
media to present their preferred identity to the
wider world.
4. Surveillance. People use the media to obtain
information and news about the social world
in order to help them make up their minds on
particular issues. In recent years, the gratification
of this need is increasingly taking on an interactive
quality with the growing popularity of online
blogging and websites to which people can add
their own knowledge - for example, Wikipedia.
Later researchers have used this approach to
establish that people may use the media to
satisfy a wide range of needs. For example,
James Lull (1995) found that members of
families use television to satisfy their sometimes
somewhat contradictory needs for communication
with each other, affiliation, social learning and
demonstration of competence, as well as for
6.5 MEDIA EFFECTS
avoidance and dominance (for example, taking
control of the remote control).
Recognition of the fact that audiences seek to satisfy
particular needs as consumers of media is a useful
reminder that audiences are not passive, but tells us
nothing about possible effects. The next model to be
developed sought to understand better how the idea
of an active audience might modify the impact of
media messages.
The reception analysis model
The reception analysis model identifies a number of
ways in which audiences are active in terms of their
reception of media messages. In particular, they draw
attention to processes of:
> Selective exposure: audience members select
which media messages they will expose
themselves to - for example, which newspapers
they will buy or which TV programmes they
will watch.
> Selective interpretation: audience members do
not necessarily simply absorb unquestioningly
the messages they receive, but may
challenge them.
> Selective recall: audience members may forget
information that does not fit in with their
pre-existing world view.
The issue of selective interpretation has received
particular attention from researchers. The key
assumption these researchers have made is that
media messages are polysemic - that is, carry
many potential meanings. To put it another
way, media messages are open to different
interpretations.
The reception analysis model suggests that the way
people interpret media content differs according
to their class, age, gender, ethnic group and other
sources of social identity. Research by David Morley
(1980) examined how the content of a well-known
1970s BBC evening news programme, Nationwide,
was interpreted by 29 groups made up of people
from a range of social, cultural and educational
backgrounds. Members of these groups took part in
in-depth group discussions following the viewing of
one of two extracts (one about strike action taken
by a group of workers, the other about the budget
plans of the government) in order to see how they
had decoded the preferred interpretation of events
offered by the programme makers.
383
 6 THE MEDIA
Morley concluded that people chose to make one of
three ‘readings’ or interpretations of media content:
1. Preferred (or dominant) reading: the viewer shares
the programme’s ‘code’ (its meaning system of
values, attitudes, beliefs and assumptions). This
was the reading associated with, for example,
a group of bank managers, print management
trainees, apprentices and school students.
2. Negotiated reading: the viewer partly shares
the programme’s code and broadly accepts the
preferred reading, but modifies it in a way that
reflects their social position and interests. This was
the reading associated with, for example, teacher
training college students, university arts students
and photography higher education students.
3. Oppositional reading: the viewer does not share
the programme’s code and rejects the preferred
reading, bringing to bear an alternative frame of
interpretation. This was the reading associated with
a group of shop stewards.
Moreover, Morley argued that social class alone
did not determine how a group interpreted the
programme. People within the same social class
could belong to distinct subcultures within that
class and consequently read the programme
extracts differently. For example, the apprentice
group and shop stewards group were both
working-class, but - as indicated above - read the
extracts differently.
Overall, then, the reception analysis model argues
that audience members actively interpret media
messages according to their pre-existing attitudes,
values, beliefs and social position. Chris Livesey
(2014) has suggested that models such as this
which focus on how media messages are filtered
by audience groups can be referred to collectively as
‘normative models’, reflecting the emphasis given to
the importance of understanding how the norms and
values of audience members may influence the way
media messages are interpreted and applied.
The cultural effects model
It is but a short step from the reception analysis
model to the conclusion that the media have little
real effect on audiences, because the latter interpret
what they see, hear or read according to their
pre-existing views, attitudes and opinions. However,
such a step has been challenged by a range of media
sociologists who insist that the fact that audiences
are active does not preclude the possibility that
the media can have significant effects on both
attitudes and behaviour.
384
In relation to the reception analysis model, they pose
the question as to where these pre-existing ideas come
from and query whether it is plausible to suggest that
the media have played no part in their formation. They
also ask what happens when audience members have
no direct experience or other knowledge of an issue.
For example, Philo (2001) notes that when he and his
colleagues began their examination of media coverage
of the Gulf War of 1991, it was clear that public
knowledge about the background to this conflict was
low, meaning that media outlets were in a stronger
position to ‘instruct’ their audiences.
Left-wing sociologists in particular are critical of
models which suggest that the media are ineffectual.
Jenny Kitzinger of the Glasgow University Media
Group argues that:
Many of the terms widely used in media/cultural
studies obscure vital processes in the operation
of media power. Concepts such as ‘polysemy’,
‘resistance’ and ‘the active audience’ are often used
to by-pass or even negate enquiry into the effects
of cinema, press or televisual representations. Our
work shous that the complex processes of reception
and consumption mediate, but do not necessarily
undermine, media power. Acknowledging that
audiences can be ‘active’ does not mean that
the media are ineffectual. Recognising the role
of interpretation does not invalidate the concept
(Kitzinger, 1999)
of influence.
The neo-Marxist cultural effects model argues that,
over the long term, constant exposure to the media
results in the internalisation of an ideology which
portrays capitalism as both natural and inevitable
and, in recent decades, portrays neoliberal policies as
in the interests of all. For example, they argue that in
the UK and the USA media coverage of benefit fraud
in recent years has resulted in the demonisation
of welfare claimants and the undermining of public
support for the welfare state.
Ben Baumberg, Kate Bell and Declan Gaffney (2012)
I examined a database of national daily newspapers
j in Britain from 1995 to 2011 and located
about 6600 articles concerned with benefit and
working-age claimants. They found an ‘extraordinarily
disproportionate’ focus on benefit fraud, with 29
per cent of news stories referencing fraud over this
time period, despite the fact that the Department for
Work and Pensions’ own estimate of fraud across all
benefits is just 0.7 per cent. Moreover, the reporting
of benefit fraud often makes use of sensationalism
in order to provoke a strong negative emotional
reaction in the reader.

The authors also conducted focus groups and
commissioned a MORI survey of public opinion to
examine public attitudes towards benefit claimants.
The survey asked respondents to estimate the
proportion of claims that were fraudulent. Their
estimate was one in four, a proportion pretty much
in line with the proportion of news reports about
benefits that focused on fraud. The hypothesis that
the newspapers were largely responsible for these
estimates is further strengthened by their finding that
there was a strong relationship between the amount of
news coverage of fraud in particular newspapers and
the estimates provided by the readers of those titles.
Activity
Turn2us
to access benefits & grants
%
& Summary
:• 1
*4
Benefits
stigma in ■i
Britain
£ effects. Nevertheless, recognition of the fact that
•I*'.',,
/ i
fif
3 Elizabeth
t Y fT Zjwm i W-a«Nji%
The cover of Boumberg, Bell and Gaffney’s study.
Describe the evidence presented by this research of
newspaper coverage influencing their readers’ view
of benefit fraud.
Conclusion
Clearly, the issue of media effects is one which divides
sociologists and other social scientists. Perhaps this is
unsurprising given the difficulty of isolating the effects
of the media from other possible influences and given
the complexity of the possible effects: short-term or
6.5 MEDIA EFFECTS
long-term; direct or indirect; intended and unintended
and on individuals, groups and society as a whole.
One way of evaluating these competing models is to
examine an area of social life which has been extensively
researched: the relationship between the media, crime
and deviance. It is to this topic we turn in the final unit.
Key terms
Atomised mass A view of the media audience as
made up of a very large number of people who
lack relationships with others.
Polysemic Having many possible meanings.
Shop stewards Trades union members elected
as representatives of a ‘shop’ (or department) in
dealings with the management.
Welfare state All those services provided by the state
intended to maintain the well-being of its citizens.
1. There are a number of competing models of
media effects within sociology.
2. The main ones are: the hypodermic syringe
model; the two-step flow model; the uses and
gratifications model; the reception analysis
model; and the cultural effects model.
3. There is a lack of consensus among sociologists
over both the nature and extent of media
audiences are not passive does not preclude
the possibility that the media have measurable
effects, both in the short and long term.
Unit 6.5.2 The media, deviancy
and crime
m
In sociology, ‘deviance’ refers to behaviour that breaks
social norms, while ‘crime’ refers to behaviour that
breaks criminal laws. The two overlap, but are not
the same. To the extent that social norms vary from
one society and one time to another, so too does
what counts as deviant behaviour. Similarly, to the
extent that the criminal law varies from one society
to another and over time, so too will what counts as
criminality. There is, of course, wide-ranging global
agreement over some types of criminality: murder,
grievous bodily harm, burglary and robbery, for
example. Yet, there are also areas of the law where
385
 6 THE MEDIA

societies differ. Homosexuality, for example, is still of killings and acts of violence as they grow up,
criminalised in 72 countries [Guardian, 27/07/17). through viewing television and films. She suggested
As Geoffrey Pearson (1983) argued, the public that such prolonged exposure to media violence may
are both fearful of and fascinated by crime and in have a ‘drip-drip’ effect on young people over the
virtually all societies the media have sought to satisfy course of their childhood and result in their becoming
the public’s apparently near-insatiable appetite for desensitised to violence - they become socialised into
stories about crime and deviance, more or less since accepting violent behaviour as normal, especially as
its inception in the form of 18th-century news sheets. a problem-solving device. Newson concluded that,
because of this, the latest generation of young people
In this unit, we will examine some of the alleged subscribe to weaker moral codes and are more likely to
effects of the media’s coverage of crime and deviance behave in anti-social ways than previous generations.
as a way of evaluating the models of media effects
covered in the previous unit. Evaluation
There can be no disputing the claim that real-life
Media violence and real-life violence violence can and does mimic media violence. Numerous
One area that has been the focus of extensive examples are available. For example, in 1995, two
research over a long period of time is the possible 18-year-olds, Sarah Edmondson and her then-boyfriend,
relationship between the portrayal of violence in Benjamin Darras, went on a violent crime spree in
the media and violent behaviour in the real world, the southern USA following repeated viewings of
particularly by children and adolescents. the film Natural Born Killers. Darras shot and killed
a businessman in Mississippi and Edmondson shot
Early studies of the relationship between the media and wounded a store clerk in Louisiana. Similarly, in
and violence focused on conducting experiments 2014, 16-year-old Steven Miles stabbed his girlfriend
in laboratories. For example, Albert Bandura et al. to death in his bedroom in Surrey, England, and then
(1963) looked for a direct cause-and-effect relationship dismembered her body, mimicking the actions of Dexter,
between media content and violence. They showed three a vigilante serial killer in a cult US TV series.
groups of children real, film and cartoon examples of a
self-righting doll fbobo doin being attacked with mallets,
while a fourth group saw no violent activity. After being Activity
introduced to a room full of exciting toys, the children in
each group were made to feel frustrated by being told
that the toys were not for them. They were then led to JH.mH ggjgSi
another room containing a bobo doll, where they were
observed through a one-way mirror. The three groups
who had been shown the violent activity - whether real,
film or cartoon - all behaved more aggressively than the
n 1
fourth group. On the basis of this experiment, Bandura
and colleagues concluded that violent media content
could lead to imitation or copycat violence.
In a similar vein, Gregory McCabe and Kimberly
Martin (2005) argue that imitation was a likely
outcome of media violence, because often it is the
hero who uses violence to deal with a problem,
violence which not only goes unpunished but also raid GE
brings rewards to its perpetrator. Consequently, it is
argued that such media violence has a disinhibition
i i W
effect - it convinces children that in some social
situations the ‘normal’ rules that govern conflict and
difference can be suspended - that is, discussion and Poster for Natural Born Killers.
negotiation can be replaced with violence.
Can you think of any reasons for questioning the
A third alleged consequence of media violence is
idea that this film ‘caused’ the crimes committed by
desensitisation. Elizabeth Newson (1994) noted that
Sarah Edmondson and Benjamin Darras?
children and teenagers are subjected to thousands

386

However, the claim that these screen depictions of
homicidal violence caused real-life killings needs to
be treated with caution. First, correlation does not
necessarily prove causation. That is to say, just because
two variables are associated, it does not follow that one
is causing the other. The direction of cause and effect
could be the other way round - homicidally inclined
people may be attracted to watching screen violence -
or a third factor, mental instability, say, or childhood
abuse may lead to both a taste for screen violence
and murderous tendencies. Second, recognising that
the violent acts mimicked those viewed on screen
still leaves unexplained why these specific people
acted in this murderous way when the vast majority
of viewers of Dexter and Natural Born Killers did not
subsequently kill others. Finally, the question has to be
asked: would these or similarly fatal actions have been
carried out at some point by those convicted whether
or not they had viewed these instances of screen
violence? Clearly, we can never know for sure, but - at
the very least - it has to count as a distinct possibility.
Overall, the evidence for a direct causal relationship
between screen violence and violence in real life is
quite weak. For example, studies that have looked at
how children are affected when television first arrives
in a society have found little change. The latest study
was in St Helena, a British colony in the South Atlantic
Ocean, which received television for the first time in
1995. Before-and-after studies showed no change in
children’s social behaviour (Tony Charlton et al., 2000).
Similarly, Richard Rhodes (2000) found that violent
crime rates in Europe and Japan either stayed the
same or declined in the years following the introduction
of television. Nevertheless, it may well be the case
that certain children who have grown up in a violent
i
environment are more vulnerable to being negatively
influenced by screen violence.
Cumberbatch (2004) looked at over 3500
research studies into the effects of screen violence,
encompassing film, TV, video and, more recently,
computer and video games. He states that, ‘If one
conclusion is possible, it is that the jury is still out.
It’s never been in. Media violence has been subjected
to a lynch mob mentality with almost any evidence
used to prove guilt.’ In other words, there is still no
conclusive evidence either way that violence shown in
the media influences or changes people’s behaviour.
Moral panics and deviancy amplification
Two further alleged effects of the media’s
representation of crime and deviance which have
received considerable attention from sociologists
6.5 MEDIA EFFECTS
are moral panics, which have to do with how the
media can affect public opinion, and deviancy
amplification, which is concerned with how the
media can affect behaviour.
The term ‘moral panic’ was popularised by Stan
Cohen (1972) in his classic work Folk Devils and
Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and
Rockers. The term refers to widespread feelings
of anxiety and concern held by the general public
which develop when - in Cohen’s words - 'a
condition, episode, person or group of persons
emerges to become defined as a threat to societal
values and interests’.
According to Erich Goode and Nachman Ben-Yehuda
(1994), there are five distinguishing features of
moral panics:
> concern - the belief that the behaviour of the
group or activity deemed deviant is likely to have a
negative effect on society
> hostility - hostility toward the group in question
develops, and they come to be seen as ‘folk devils’
> consensus - there must be widespread agreement
that the group in question poses a real threat
to society
> disproportionality - the level of anxiety and
concern is disproportionate to the actual threat
posed by the accused group
> volatility - moral panics are highly volatile
(unstable) and tend to disappear as quickly as
they appeared due to a waning in public interest
or news media turning their attention elsewhere.
Moral panics are closely linked to the concept of
deviancy amplification. The concept was coined by
Leslie Wilkins (1967) and draws upon the labelling
theory notion that the social reaction to deviant
behaviour can unintentionally - and ironically -
actually make it worse. It could, for example, attract
more people to engage in this form of deviancy
or encourage those already involved to become
more deviant.
Deviancy amplification needs to be distinguished
from what Young (1971) called a fantasy crime
wave, which occurs when there is no real increase
in the deviant behaviour, but where there appears
to be an increase, either because the police devote
more effort to detection, thereby uncovering more
instances, or because the public become more willing
to report instances as victims or witnesses, thereby
inflating the crime statistics.
387
6 THE MEDIA
Moral panics go through a number of stages, with
the media implicated at every stage:
> The news media (especially, the tabloid press)
report on a particular activity/incident or social
group, using sensationalist and exaggerated
language and headlines,
* Moral entrepreneurs - for example, politicians,
religious leaders and so on - react to media
reports and make statements condemning the
group or activity; they insist that the police, courts
and government take action.
> The media over-simplifies the reasons why the
group or activity has appeared (for example,
young people out of control, a lack of respect
for authority, a decline in morality and so on),
and follow-up articles demonise the group as a
social problem or ‘folk devils’ - that is, the media
give them particular characteristics, focusing
particularly on their dress and behaviour, which
helps the general public and police to identify
them more easily.
> The authorities stamp down hard on the group
or activity - this may take the form of the police
stopping, searching and arresting those associated
with the activity, the courts severely punishing those
Picture of rockers (left) and mods and their preferred modes of transport.
Cohen focused on the media’s reaction to youth
‘disturbances’ beginning on Easter Monday 1964.
He demonstrated how the media blew what were
essentially small-scale scuffles and vandalism out of all
proportion by carrying stories on their front pages and
using sensationalist headlines such as 'Day of Terror by
Scooter Gangs’ and ‘Wild Ones “Beat Up” Margate’
388
convicted of the activity, or the government bringing
in new laws to control the activity or group.
» The reporting of incidents associated with the
group or activity to the police by the general public
rises as the group or activity becomes more visible
in the public consciousness.
> The media report the arrests and convictions that
result from the moral panic, thereby fulfilling the
initial media prophecy or prediction that the group
or activity would be a social problem.
> The group may react to the moral panic, over-policing
and so on by becoming more deviant in protest, or
the activity may go underground, where it becomes
more difficult to police and control.
The mods and rockers
The focus of Cohen’s path-breaking study was two
working-class youth subcultures that emerged in Britain
in the 1960s: the ‘mods’ and ‘rockers’ Cohen argued
that the media themselves played a part in crystallising
the distinctive identities of these two subcultures by
exaggerating their differences from each other (in
terms of dress, musical preferences, preferred mode of
transport and so on) and, at the same time, generated
a moral panic around their activities.
He argued that the media tapped into what it saw
as a social consensus - it assumed that decent
law-abiding members of society shared their concerns
about a general decline in the morality of the young,
symbolised by the growing influence of youth culture.
Subsequently, groups labelled ‘mods’ and ‘rockers’ by
the media were presented and analysed in a distorted

and stereotyped fashion as a threat to law and order.
A deviancy amplification spiral was set in train,
with the news media eager to ‘expose’ new examples
of delinquency, increasing numbers of working-class
youths identifying with one or other group, further
run-ins between the youth groups and calls by moral
entrepreneurs to ‘do something’ about this growing
menace to social order and civility.
Contemporary issues: The moral panic over ‘boat people’ in Australia
.....
- ’
, -•
'Boat people’ travelling to Australia.
In 1976, five refugees sailed into Darwin Harbour
in a small junk that they had piloted from Vietnam.
The government of the day publicly declared it
would ‘offer sanctuary’ to those seeking asylum,
promising that the government’s ‘full resources’
would be made available to them.
Today, asylum seekers who arrive in Australia by boat
are mandatorily detained before being removed from
the country for ‘offshore processing’ and resettlement
in another country. Moreover, asylum seekers who
arrive in Australian waters now are officially referred
to in government statements as ‘illegals’. Using
sensationalist language, ministers have publicly
alleged asylum seekers ‘could be murderers, could be
terrorists’ and report ‘whole villages’ are coming to
Australia in uncontrollable ‘floods’ (Doherty, 2015).
Moral panics and deviancy
amplification: a critique
A number of issues have been raised about moral
panics and deviancy amplification:
> The key feature of a moral panic is the disproportion
between the level of public concern and the real
6.5 MEDIA EFFECTS
The decades since the 1960s have seen a succession
of further moral panics in Britain around such
issues as ‘mugging’, ‘bogus asylum seekers’, 'raves’,
‘predatory paedophiles’, ‘dangerous dogs’, ‘road
rage’, ‘girl gangs’, ‘hoodies’, ‘scary clowns’ and so on.
Can you identify any (similar) moral panics in the
society where you live in the last two decades?
This change in both discourse and policy, according
to Greg Martin (2015), is the product of a moral
panic that has developed over ‘boat people’,
which has taken hold because it resonates with
deep-rooted anxieties about Australia’s national
identity and way of life related to fears of Asian
‘invasion’ and anxieties related to multiculturalism.
In addition, Martin argues, moral panics over
asylum seekers are now a more or less permanent
1 feature of Australian society following US President
-q George Bush’s declaration of a ‘war on terror’
shortly after the 9/11 terrorist attack on the Twin
Towers of the World Trade Center in New York. The
result of Bush’s speech has been the construction
of the ‘Muslim/terrorist/refugee’ as a transnational
folk devil, Martin suggests.
Sources: Adapted from B. Doherty (2015), Call Me Illegal:
The Semantic Struggle over Seeking Asylum in Australia
and G. Martin (2015), Stop the Boats! Moral Panic in
Australia over Asylum Seekers.
Questions
1. Contrast the language used to refer to asylum
seekers in the 1970s with today’s language.
2. Explain the final sentence in your own words.
3. ‘Moral panics can have real consequences.’
How does the moral panic over boat people in
Australia illustrate this claim?
threat that the deviant behaviour poses to society.
However, estimation of whether the level of concern
is disproportionate hinges on a value judgement
and so is not a simple matter of fact.
1 Analyses of deviancy amplification usually leave
the original causes of the initial deviant behaviour
unexplored and unexplained.
389
 6 THE MEDIA
> The appearance of interactive new media, according
to Angela McRobbie and Sarah Thornton (1995),
has radically changed the relationship between
the media and its audience and has consequently
undermined the overall impact of moral panics.
Audiences are allegedly now more sophisticated
in terms of how they interpret media content.
Competition between different types of media -
newspapers, television, 24-hour rolling satellite
news channels, Facebook, Twitter, blogs and other
internet gossip websites - means that audiences
are exposed to a wider set of interpretations about
potential social problems and are consequently
more likely to be sceptical of their moral
panic status.
» These points notwithstanding, both concepts
continue to provide powerful ways of understanding
two significant features of the relationship between
crime/deviance and the media.
The new media and crime
The new media have offered criminals the
opportunity to commit old crimes in new ways (such
as terrorist offences), but also opportunities to
commit a wide range of entirely new types of crime
(such as computer hacking).
Such offences are known as cyber-crimes. The
term refers to any type of criminal activity
conducted through, or using, an ICT device. The
UK government’s National Cyber Security Strategy
(2016) distinguishes between:
i cyber-dependent crimes - crimes that can be
committed only through the use of ICT devices,
where the devices are both the tool for committing
the crime, and the target of the crime; and
> cyber-enobled crimes - traditional crimes which
can be increased in scale or reach by the use of
computers, computer networks or other forms of ICT.
Cyber-dependent crimes fell into two main categories:
illegal intrusions into computer networks such as
hacking (where criminals gain entry to computers or
computer networks in order to gather personal data
or information that they can then exploit in some
way) or the disruption or downgrading of computer
functionality and network space, such as malware and
Denial of Service (DOS) attacks.
Cyber-enabled crimes take many forms:
> economic-related cyber-crimes including fraud
and intellectual property crime, such as piracy,
counterfeiting and forgery
390
i > malicious and offensive communications, such as
cyberbullying and trolling
* offences that specifically target individuals, such
as cyberstalking and harassment
> child sexual offences, such as online grooming
» extreme pornography and obscene publications.
Activity
Explain in your own words the distinction between
cyber-dependent and cyber-enabled crimes.
Conclusion
Our review of research on the relationship between
the media and crime/deviance clearly indicates that
the media can and do have real effects on individuals,
groups and society as a whole. Equally clearly, it reveals
that sometimes - despite extensive and detailed
research - the issue of effects remains uncertain.
Critics of sociology see this as a weakness. They
are wrong. Even if the truth of the matter remains
frustratingly out of reach, research deepens our
understanding of the social world and it is far better
to live with uncertainty than to pretend that there are
simple answers to complex social issues.
Key terms
Copycat violence Violence which mimics an earlier
violent episode.
Disinhibition effect An effect which reduces the
power of in-built barriers to acting in a deviant or
criminal way.
Desensitisation An effect which dampens the
emotional impact of something which would
otherwise be distressing, such as viewing
violent behaviour.
Deviancy amplification A social process in which
i actions intended to reduce deviance have the
opposite effect.
Labelling theory A theory of deviance drawing
upon symbolic interactionism and pluralism.
Fantasy crime wave An imaginary increase in crime.
Deviancy amplification spiral A vicious circle in
which attempts to control deviance feed back on
themselves, producing increased deviance.
Moral entrepreneurs People who make moral
judgements and seek to bring about social change
in line with these judgements.
 6.5 MEDIA EFFECTS

Summary 6. The key feature of moral panics is that the level

of public concern is disproportionate to the real
1. The claim that media violence leads to real-life
threat. Whether the level of public concern is
violence is not well supported by the evidence,
disproportionate in a particular case involves
but the issue remains unresolved.
making a value judgement, so is not a simple
2. Two well-attested media effects in matter of fact.
relation to crime are moral panics and
7. The new media, associated with digital
deviancy amplification.
technologies, have produced new ways of
3. Moral panics are characterised by concern, committing traditional crimes as well as entirely
hostility, consensus, disproportionality new types of offences.
and volatility.
8. It is possible to distinguish between cyber­
4. Deviancy amplification needs to be distinguished dependent crimes (where ICT devices are both
from a fantasy crime wave. the means for committing offences and the
target of such offences) and cyber-enabled
5. The media play a crucial contributory role in the
crimes (where the use of ICT facilitates the
process of deviancy amplification.
commission of offences that can also be carried
out without the use of ICT).

Eit-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 I Give the names of four different models of media effects. [4 marks]
1 0 1 2 1 Evaluate the claim that media violence causes real-life violence. [6 marks]
I 0 1 5 | Explain how the media can generate moral panics. [8 marks]

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE 6UESTI0®

I 0 1 1 I 'Pluralist theory is mistaken in claiming that the media reflect a wide range of different
interests in society.’ Evaluate this view. [35 marks]
1 0 1 2 1 The uses and gratification model of media effects has more strengths than limitations.’
Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

391
 7 RELIGION
Chapter contents
Section A Religion and social order
Section B The influence of religion
Exam-style practice questions
Globally, millions of people identify themselves
as Muslim, Jewish, Hindu or Christian, while
less conventional beliefs include Scientology and
Paganism. Sociologists are not concerned with
evaluating these different religious beliefs. Instead,
they focus on the significance of religion in society.
This chapter explores religion in its social context.
It begins by examining different ways of defining
religion. It asks why science often enjoys higher
status than other sources of knowledge and belief,
such as religion. Sociologists are interested in the
relationship between religion and social class, gender,
ethnicity and age. Are young people, for example,
less likely to participate in religion than older people?
!>%
The chapter then focuses on sociological accounts -
. both positive and negative - of the role of religion
patriarchal and as promoting gender inequality?
What evidence is there to suggest that religious
practices can benefit women?
The chapter also asks whether religion is declining
and becoming less significant in the modern world.
Or are different things happening to religions in
different societies across the globe?
The chapter concludes by looking at different
accounts of the relationship between religion
and postmodernity. How significant are new
religious movements and New Age ideas for
understanding religion today? How do sociologists
explain the growth of fundamentalist religions?
This chapter suggests answers to these and other
important questions.
'
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 SECTION h
\m mn mmeM SOCIAL ORDER
■ □ ‘J U ill n Vs!/
91
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Contents
r Part 1 Religion and society 394
Part 2 Religion and social order 414
Part 3 Gender, feminism and religion 421
Sj
Part 4 Religion as a source of social change 429
Section A focuses on the relationship between
religion and social order. Four of the key concepts
that you were introduced to in Chapter 1 are
particularly important here. The first of these is
power, control and resistance. Many sociologists
see religion as a significant agency of social control.
Potentially, religions have enormous power to shape
their followers’ ways of thinking and behaving, and to
rLA\ encourage them to accept the status quo. However,
religious movements can sometimes spearhead (lead
or be at the forefront of) resistance to governments.
Both functionalist and Marxist approaches see
religion as a powerful force in society. Functionalism
sees it as contributing to social order and social
solidarity, and thereby benefiting society. By
contrast, Marxist accounts see religion as oppressive
and as serving the interests of capitalism.
The second concept is socialisation, culture and
identity. Religion seems to be more relevant to some
social groups than others. For example, globally,
women tend to be more religious than men and
| this may be due to gender socialisation processes.
Religion is bound up with people’s culture and
J their identities. The vitality of religion among some
3 minority ethnic groups may be due to the group
g protecting its cultural heritage and sense of identity.
The third concept is social change and
development. Sociological debates about the
-7
relationship between religion and social change are
longstanding. Max Weber (1864-1920) argued
7
that religious ideas played an important part in the
development of capitalism. More recently, religion
has contributed to far-reaching political, economic
and social changes across the world.
The fourth concept is structure and human agency.
Functionalism and Marxism focus on the role of
religion in maintaining the social structure in its
present form. Critics argue that these structural
theories fail to recognise that religion involves
individual choice, decision-making and active
human agency.
Section A is divided into four parts. Part 1 examines
different ways of defining religion and some of the
difficulties involved in measuring religious belief.
It looks at both religion and science as examples
of belief systems and discusses whether they are
compatible. It also explores the relevance of religion
for different social groups such as women and
young people.
Part 2 focuses on the relationship between religion
and social order. It explores functionalist and
Marxist accounts of the role of religion in society
and examines their strengths and weaknesses.
Part 3 explores feminist perspectives on religion
and the relationship between religion, gender
and patriarchy.
Part 4 examines debates about the role of religion
in promoting or inhibiting change in society. It
explores Max Weber’s account of the role of
Calvinist Protestantism (a form of Christianity) in
the rise of capitalism. It also discusses the influence
of religious movements on political debates and
struggles around the world. m
7'7
•:-v
>5
 7 RELIGION
PART 1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Contents
Unit 7.1.1 Defining and measuring religion 394
Unit 7.1.2 Religion and other belief systems 401
Unit 7.1.3 Religion and different social
groups 406
Unit 7.1.1 Defining and
measuring religion
In order to study religion, sociologists must define
it. Any definition has to take account of the rich
diversity of religions that exists on a global scale.
However, sociologists disagree on the question
of what religion means. What are the sources of
this disagreement? Is there necessarily a clear-cut
boundary between religious and non-religious
phenomena? This unit looks at some of the issues
involved in defining religion. It then examines some
of the difficulties in measuring religious beliefs. It
also explores different types of religious organisation,
such as churches and sects.
Different ways of defining religion
Initially, defining religion might seem to be a
straightforward task. Belief systems such as Judaism,
Islam and Christianity are clear examples of world
religions. Each has its own set of beliefs and values,
its own practices, rituals and symbols. However, it is
difficult to devise a definition that is broad enough
to encompass a wide variety of beliefs without also
including phenomena that are not usually considered
to be religious, such as astrology or fortune telling.
The different sociological definitions of religion
can be divided into three types: substantive
definitions, functional definitions and social
constructionist approaches.
Substantive definitions of religion
Substantive definitions focus on the substance or
content of religion and are concerned with what
religion is. A substantive definition, for example, might
define religion in terms of a belief in the supernatural,
in divine forces, powers or spiritual beings such as
394
How do sociologists define religion? How do
they measure it? Part 1 examines different ways
of defining religion and some of the difficulties
involved in measuring religious belief. It looks at
both religion and science as examples of belief
systems and discusses whether they are compatible.
It also explores the relevance of religion for different
social groups such as women and young people.
a god or gods that are above the laws of nature.
Malcolm Hamilton (2001) argues, however, that
such definitions are problematic because some belief
systems that are commonly regarded as religions,
such as forms of Buddhism, do not necessarily include
a belief in supernatural beings. This highlights the
potential problem of defining and using the concept of
religion from a Western perspective.
Functional definitions of religion
Functional definitions view religion in terms of the
functions or roles it performs for individuals or society.
They focus on what religion does rather than what
it is (Hamilton, 2001). J. Milton Vinger, for example,
adopted a functional definition of religion as 4a
system of beliefs and practices by means of which a
group of people struggles with the ultimate problems
of human life’ (1970, quoted in Hamilton, 2001).
However, Hamilton notes several problems with such
a definition. First, it is too broad. For instance, by this
definition, a political belief system such as communism
could be seen as a religion because of the function
it performs, even though it explicitly rejects religious
beliefs. Second, phrases such as ‘the ultimate problems
of human life’ are open to interpretation. Hamilton
points out that for many people the ultimate problems
of life might be ‘simply how to enjoy it as much as
possible, how to avoid pain and ensure pleasure’. Many
other aspects of social life, apart from religion, address
such issues - for example, medicine and leisure.
Inclusive and exclusive definitions Alan Aldridge
(2007) distinguishes between more inclusive and
more exclusive definitions of religion. With inclusive
definitions, it is relatively easy for a belief system
to qualify as a religion if, for example, it promotes
unity or reinforces social cohesion. Religion is defined
broadly and could include devotion to a soccer team
or loyalty to a rock band or rap artist. Inclusive or

broad definitions would also include political belief
systems such as nationalism, fascism and communism.
One potential problem with using broad definitions
is that they would result in religion being found
everywhere. With narrower or exclusive definitions,
the criteria are more restrictive. The focus is on
the content of religion - for example, a belief in a
supernatural power such as a god or gods. Generally,
functional definitions tend to be more inclusive and
substantive ones tend to be more exclusive.
Activity
ill IT
: — ,
'mm.
Mia
Inclusive, functional definitions would classify
devotion to a soccer team as a religion.
1. How far does soccer or football support involve
the following characteristics?
a. Rituals
b. Sacred symbols
c. Faith
d. A sense of group identity and being
bound together
j such as attending a place of worship.
2. To what extent would you see loyal devotion to a
football team as a religion?
Social constructionist approaches
to the study of religion
Social constructionist approaches are sometimes
referred to as ‘definitions in use’ (Giddens and Sutton,
2013). James Beckford (2003), for example, focuses
on the uses that individuals, groups and agencies
such as the mass media, schools and the state make
of religion in everyday life. Research in this area
explores what people say and mean when they talk
about religion and participate in practices that they
consider to be religious. This approach places more
emphasis on whatever passes for religion in society
and the meanings that people give to it rather than
on questions about what religion is or what it does.
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Difficulties in measuring
religious belief
Sociologists are interested in examining the extent
of religious belief in different societies and changes in
religiosity (the quality of being religious) over time.
However, there are difficulties in measuring levels of
religious belief.
» Sociologists do not agree on a single definition of
religion. The definition they adopt (for example,
an inclusive rather than an exclusive one) will
influence what they class as religious belief, how
they measure it and how many people they count
as holding such beliefs.
» Beliefs differ between religions (for instance,
between Buddhism and Christianity), which can
make direct comparisons difficult.
* The lack of reliable evidence about the extent of
religious belief in earlier periods makes historical
comparison difficult when researching changes in
religiosity over time.
» Reliable data may not be available to allow
international comparisons of the nature and extent
of religious belief.
» Particular measures of religiosity are open to
criticism. For example, can church attendance
figures be seen as a reliable indicator of religiosity?
Some people may attend a place of worship to
meet up with friends or because it is the norm in
their community to do so rather than because they
hold religious beliefs. Others may see themselves as
religious and practise in private, without engaging
in socially recognised religious practices and rituals
» There may be a difference between ‘belonging’ to a
religion and ‘believing’ in its teachings. For example,
many people profess a religious identity (when
completing a census form, for instance), but this
would not necessarily provide a reliable guide to
how many people in a society hold religious beliefs.
1 Surveys of social attitudes are often used to measure
the extent of religious belief but there are problems
in relying on evidence from such surveys. For
example, some people might be reluctant to admit
that they have religious beliefs in contemporary
secular societies. Others might be reluctant to deny
religious belief in societies where religion remains a
major social force. Another problem is that we do
not know whether all respondents understand terms
such as ‘belief, ‘religiosity’ and ‘faith’ in the same way.
Such terms may mean different things to different
395
 7 RELIGION

research participants. For instance, some respondents Quantitative data from attitude surveys are suitable
may associate religious belief with participation in for statistical analysis. They make it possible to
established religious practices, while others think of it discover whether there is a correlation - a statistical
in a broader context as belief in transcendental forces link - between two or more variables, for example
or some general sense of spirituality. Moreover, it between belief in a god and social class.
is hard to probe such a deeply personalised subject
A survey provides a broad snapshot but different
as religious belief (in attitude surveys, for instance)
surveys can produce different pictures of religious
without the potential problem of misinterpretation on
belief in the same society, depending, for example, on
the researcher’s part.
how the questions are worded. Surveys about religious
belief tell us little about other aspects of religion such
Activity as the importance of religion in people’s everyday lives.
Questionnaire-based surveys are used in quantitative
research on religious beliefs, including studies of trends Activity
over time. Questionnaires are designed to measure 'Qualitative methods such as unstructured interviews
concepts or variables (see Unit 3.1.2). To do this, are useful for exploring the nature of religious belief
concepts must be operationalised - put into forms but they are less useful for measuring belief.’
that can be measured. One way of operationalising
religious belief is shown by the British Social Attitudes Evaluate this statement.
survey. Respondents had to select the answer which
best fitted their beliefs from six alternatives. Answers
to this question are easily quantified. The first column
Types of religious organisation
Most people who hold religious beliefs express them
of figures shows the percentage of respondents who
through particular religious organisations. Sociologists
chose each alternative and the second column gives
such as Roy Wallis have attempted to classify the
the actual number of respondents.
diverse range of organisations into different types.
Table 7.1.1 Belief in God
Roy Wallis on types of
Year of research 2008
religious organisation
I don’t believe in God. 18% 356 Wallis (1976) classified religious organisations in
I don’t know if God exists and 19% 368 terms of whether they are:
there is no way to find out. * respectable because they support the norms and
I don’t believe in a personal 14% 282 values of the wider society or deviant because their
God but I do believe in some beliefs do not conform to those of most members
kind of higher power. of society
* uniquely legitimate in claiming a monopoly of
I believe in God some of the 13% 255
the religious truth or pluralistically legitimate in
time but not at others.
accepting that other organisations could also have
I have doubts but I feel that 18% 357 legitimate religious beliefs.
I do believe in God. Wallis’ typology (a classification of different types of
I know God really exists and 17% 332 something) is illustrated in Table 7.1.2.
I have no doubts about it.
Table 7.1.2 Wallis’ typology of religious
Not answered 1% 24 organisations
Total 1974
Respectable Deviant
Source: National Centre for Social Research (2016) - British
Uniquely legitimate church sect
Social Attitudes Survey 33.
1. To what extent does this survey measure Pluralistically
denomination cult
religious beliefs from a Western perspective? legitimate

2. Assess the view that, although these data can be Source: R. Wallis. The Road to Total Freedom: A Sociological
seen as reliable, they lack validity. Analysis of Scientology, Heinemann, London, 1976. p.13.

396

The church
The term ‘church’ is associated with Christian
worship and refers to a large religious organisation
that represents the main religion of a society.
Churches are formal organisations with a hierarchy
of professional, paid officials. Examples include
the Roman Catholic Church and the Church
of England.
In principle, a church might try to be universal - to
embrace all members of society - and to be, in
Wallis’ words, ‘uniquely legitimate’ (the only ‘true’
religion). In practice, however, there might be
substantial minorities who do not belong to it.
Churches are traditionally likely to be ideologically
conservative and to support the status quo. This type
of organisation accepts and affirms life in this world:
members can play a full part in social life and are not
expected to withdraw from society.
Steve Bruce (1996) argues that the definition of a
church discussed above is mainly useful in describing
pre-modern Christian societies where, for example,
Catholic or Orthodox churches tried to be the only
religion. Religious pluralism in societies undermines
the dominance of the church, because it does not
have a monopoly on religious belief.
Denominations
Wallis (1 976) defined denominations as
respectable religious organisations that are
'pluralistically legitimate’ - they accept other
religious organisations and belief systems.
Denominations have often broken away from
a church and exist alongside the original
church and other groups that have broken
away. Examples include Methodist and United
Reformed churches.
Like churches, denominations have a hierarchy
of paid officials and freely admit new members.
Unlike a church, a denomination does not have
a universal appeal in society. For example, the
United Reformed Church had an average of
33 100 attendances each week in the UK in 2015
(Faith Survey, 201 5).
A considerable number of denominations usually
exist within a particular society. The USA, for
example, has no established church, but a large
range of denominations. Denominations do not
claim a monopoly on religious truth. They are
prepared to tolerate and cooperate with other
religious organisations.
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Sects
Wallis (1976) saw sects as deviant religions that
are in tension with the wider society, partly because
they claim a monopoly of the religious truth. Other
characteristics of sects that sociologists have
identified include the following:
1. Sects are smaller than other religious
organisations.
2. Sect members are mainly drawn from lower
social classes and are likely to be in conflict
with the outside world. They reject the
wider values of society in favour of their own
religious beliefs.
3. Members may be expected to withdraw from life
outside the sect, perhaps giving up connections
with friends and family, and living in a commune.
They are expected to be deeply committed to
the sect’s beliefs and may be excluded if they
fail to demonstrate their commitment. Members
must sacrifice ‘worldly pleasures’ in order to
devote themselves to their religious life. Thus,
sects exercise a relatively strong control over
individuals’ lives.
4. Sects do not have a hierarchy of paid officials.
If central authority exists within a sect, it
usually rests with a charismatic leader, whose
personality and perceived special qualities attract
the followers.
Wallis’ definition of sects is broadly supported by
most other sociologists. However, examples of sects
that do not possess the above characteristics can
be found.
Cults
There is no single definition of cults that all
sociologists accept. Many different religious
organisations and spiritual beliefs have been
described as ‘cults’, including Scientology,
Transcendental Meditation (TM) and the Heaven’s
Gate organisation.
Wallis (1976) saw cults as being deviant but
pluralistically legitimate (see Table 7.1.2). However,
although this definition could cover a wide range
of religious organisations, it does not cover all
organisations that are seen as cults.
Cults often have customers rather than members and
these customers may have relatively little ongoing
involvement with the organisation once they have
learned the cult’s basic beliefs.
397
 7 RELIGION

Activity
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Wallis’ typology of new religious movements

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that is taught on courses during which
• New Pentecostalism
individuals learn to concentrate on a personal &
• Subud (spiritual training)
mantra (a word or sound). TM was founded by
the Indian Guru the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi.
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It is claimed that when successfully practised,
meditation can lead to stress reduction, If you have access to online sources of data,
self-development and spiritual awareness. If research into any one organisation in each of the
meditation became widespread, the Maharishi four categories in the figure. Briefly describe their
believed that it could combat crime and reduce main characteristics and identify some of the main
unhappiness. The most advanced practitioners, differences between the four movements you
who undertake specialist training called the have chosen.
Sidhi-Program, claim to be able to levitate
while sitting cross-legged. This is known as
yogic flying. World-rejecting new religious movements
The world-rejecting new religious movements have
In what ways does TM differ from church religions,
many of the characteristics of a sect. They are usually
denominations and sects?
unambiguously religious organisations but they are
highly critical of the outside world and may seek social
change. They often have a communal lifestyle with
members living in relative isolation and the organisation
Wallis' account of new having a strong influence over its members. Many are
seen as morally puritanical, for example the Unification
religious movements Church (often referred to as Moonies, due to their
Wallis was among the first sociologists to develop a founder’s name, Sun Myung Moon) is particularly
typology for the increasing range of new religious strict about restricting sex to monogamous marriage.
movements evident since the 1960s (Wallis, 1984). World-rejecting new religious movements vary
His typology relates specifically to Britain in the enormously in size: the Moonies have an international
1970s and 1980s but it has been applied to other following with hundreds of thousands of followers, while
contexts. A version of Wallis’ account is illustrated in other groups are small and locally based.
the image in the Activity box ‘Wallis’ typology of new Despite the differences between world-rejecting
religious movements’. groups, none of them is content with the world as it
Wallis divides new religious movements into three is, and they are hostile to competing religions.
main groups according to whether the movement and
its members reject, accommodate or affirm the world World-accommodating new religious
outside the movement. He notes the existence of movements
some groups (those in the middle circle) that do not The world-accommodating new religious movements
fit neatly into any single category. are usually offshoots of an existing major church or

398

denomination. For example, neo-Pentecostalist groups
are variants of Protestant or Roman Catholic religions,
while Subud is a world-accommodating Muslim group.
Typically, these groups neither accept nor reject
the world as it is; they simply live within it. They
are primarily concerned with religious rather than
worldly questions and often want to restore the
spiritual purity that they believe has been lost in
more conventional churches and denominations.
World-affirming new religious
movements
The world-affirming new religious movements may
not appear to resemble a conventional religion in
that they often lack a church, rituals and a theology.
However, they claim to be able to provide access to
spiritual or supernatural powers and, in this sense,
can be regarded as religions.
World-affirming groups accept the world as it is, and
they are not particularly critical of other religions.
They offer followers the potential to be successful by
unlocking their spiritual powers. Salvation is seen in
terms of a personal achievement and as a solution to
personal problems such as unhappiness or suffering.
Individuals usually overcome such problems by
adopting a technique such as meditation or ‘primal
screams’ that heightens their awareness or abilities.
World-affirming movements seek as wide a membership
as possible. Rather than attempting to convert people,
they try to sell them a service. Followers carry on their
normal lives except when undergoing training. There
is little social control over the members or customers.
Examples of world-affirming new religious movements
include Transcendental Meditation (TM) and Erhard
Seminars Training (known as est).
The ‘middle ground*
Wallis appreciated that no religious group would
conform exactly to the categories he outlined. Some,
such as the Healthy, Happy, Holy Organization (3HO),
combine elements of different types of movement.
The 3HO is like world-affirming movements in that it
is an offshoot of an established religion, in this case
Sikhism. Like world-affirming movements, it employs
techniques including yoga that it is claimed will bring
personal benefits, such as happiness and good health.
Like world-rejecting movements, the organisation
has a clear concept of God, and members live in
communes or ashrams but hold conventional jobs
outside the movement. Occupying the middle ground,
3HO allows its followers to combine elements of
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
an alternative lifestyle with conventional marriage
and employment.
Rodney Stark and William
Sims Bainbridge
According to Stark and Bainbridge (1985), there is no
clear-cut, definitive way of distinguishing different types
of religious organisation. For example, not all churches
try to convert all members of society and not all sects
are exclusive. Stark and Bainbridge, therefore, argue
that typologies of religious organisations should be
abandoned. They claim that religious groups can be
compared in terms of a single criterion: the degree of
conflict that exists between them and the wider society.
Sects and cults
Stark and Bainbridge argue that there are different
kinds of religious movement in a high degree of
tension with their social environment:
1. Sects are formed as an offshoot of an existing
religion as a result of division or schism within
that religion.
2. Cults are new religions, or at least they are new
in a particular society. Some result from cultural
importation, where a religion from other societies
is introduced into a society. Examples of imported
cults include Eastern religions introduced into
the USA. Other cults are entirely new and result
from cultural innovation; they are unconnected to
existing religions.
Stark and Bainbridge suggest that cults exhibit
different degrees of organisation and can be divided
into three:
1. Audience cults are the least organised and
involve little face-to-face interaction. Contacts are
often maintained through the mass media and
conferences. Many members of the audience for
such cults may not know each other. Examples
include astrology and belief in UFOs.
2. Client cults are more organised and usually offer
services to their followers. Scientology, for example,
offers its clients the opportunity to dear ‘engrains’
(repressed memories of painful experiences) from the
brain with the help of a device called an e-meter.
3. Cult movements involve followers much more. They
try to satisfy all the religious needs of their members
and, unlike client and audience cults, membership
of other faiths is not permitted. Some require little
more than occasional attendance at meetings and
399
 7 RELIGION
acceptance of the cult’s beliefs, but others shape the
whole of a person’s life. The Unification Church is an
example of a cult movement.
The New Age
The New Age is associated with alternative forms
of spirituality that became popular in the 1970s
and 1980s. The New Age incorporates some
world-affirming new religious movements and cults
(particularly client cults and audience cults), but
it is also present in the wider culture of Western
societies in shops, meetings, music, television
programmes, public lectures and so on. This lack
of a tie to particular organisations makes the New
Age distinctive from most other religious and some
spiritual belief systems.
Examples of New Age beliefs include: an interest in
clairvoyance; belief in ‘spirit guides’; various types of
meditation and psychotherapy; belief in astrology;
and an interest in self-healing and natural or
traditional remedies for ill-health (for example, yoga,
aromatherapy and reflexology).
Paul Heelas (1996) argues that the central feature
of the New Age is a belief in self-spirituality. People
with such beliefs have turned away from traditional
religious organisations in their search for the spiritual
and have begun to look inside themselves instead.
According to Heelas, the New Age values personal
experience above ‘truths’ provided by scientists or
conventional religious leaders.
Key terms
Religion Often defined narrowly as a belief
system related to supernatural beings or divine
forces. However, there are several ways of defining
religion including substantive, functional and social
constructionist approaches.
Beliefs Ideas or convictions that individuals or
groups hold to be true even when they are not
based on evidence.
Belief system A set of ideas held by individuals
or groups that help them to interpret and make
sense of the world.
Rituals Religious practices or ceremonies
comprising a set of actions that are carried out in
an established order.
Substantive definitions (of religion) Definitions
that focus on the substance or content of religion -
what religion is rather than what it does.
400
Functional definitions (of religion) Definitions
that focus on the functions or roles of religion -
what religion does rather than what it is.
Inclusive definitions (of religion) Broad
definitions that include traditional religions
and other belief systems such as nationalism,
communism and humanism.
Exclusive definitions (of religion) Narrow
definitions that include traditional religions but
exclude other belief systems.
Social constructionist approach (to defining
religion) Rather than trying to provide a single
definition, this approach focuses on how religion is
used in daily life.
Religiosity The quality of being religious, linked to
beliefs and values.
Church The dominant religious organisation in a
society, which is associated with Christian worship
and usually claims a monopoly of the religious truth.
Denomination A religious organisation that has
broken away from the main religious organisation
in a society and accepts the legitimacy of other
religious organisations.
Sect A relatively small religious organisation which
is in conflict with other belief systems in a society.
Cult To Wallis, a cult is a relatively small
organisation with beliefs that are considered
deviant by most people but which coexists with
other belief systems in society.
New religious movements Religious/spiritual
organisations and movements such as Seventh-
Day Adventists, the Unification Church and
Pentecostalism that are of relatively modern
origin and are in some form of opposition to (or
differentiation from) longer-established, more
powerful religious organisations such as the
Roman Catholic Church.
World-rejecting new religious movements
Religious movements that developed from the
1960s onwards and are hostile to the social world
outside the movement.
World-accommodating new religious movements
Religious movements of relatively recent origin
that hold strong religious beliefs but reject
mainstream religious doctrine. Nevertheless, they
allow members to have conventional lives outside
their religious practice.
World-affirming new religious movements
Religious movements that developed from

the 1960s onwards; they are positive about
mainstream society, and their religious practices
tend to encourage or facilitate social and
economic success.
Audience cults Cults that do not require much
commitment from followers and involve little
face-to-face interaction.
Client cults Cults that offer services (courses or
rituals) to their followers but require little
commitment.
Cult movements Cults that involve followers/
believers fully and act as full religious organisations.
New Age A term for a wide range of broadly
spiritual beliefs and practices that emphasise the
discovery of spirituality within the self. People
seek spiritual experiences, inner peace or growth
through, for example, meditation, crystal healing
and/or aromatherapy.
Self-spirituality The practice of searching for
spirituality inside oneself.
Summary
1. Sociologists disagree on how to define religion
and there are several different definitions of
the concept.
2. Substantive definitions focus on what religion is
and its content, such as belief in supernatural
forces or supreme beings.
3. Functional definitions focus on what religion
does and the purposes, functions or roles that
it performs.
4. Inclusive definitions define religion in broad
terms. Exclusive definitions are narrower
in focus.
5. Rather than searching for a correct or agreed
definition of religion, social constructionist
approaches focus on the uses that individuals,
groups and agencies make of religion in
everyday life.
6. There are difficulties in measuring the extent of
religious belief in different societies.
7. Wallis defined churches as respectable
organisations that claim to be uniquely
legitimate, denominations as respectable
organisations that claim to be pluralistically
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
legitimate, sects as deviant organisations
that claim to be uniquely legitimate, and cults
as deviant organisations that claim to be
pluralistically legitimate.
8. Wallis distinguished between different types
of new religious movement (world-rejecting,
world-accommodating and world-affirming) that
emerged since the 1960s.
9. Stark and Bainbridge question other typologies
of religious organisation and claim that a
single criterion, tension with the wider society,
can be used to distinguish different types
of organisation.
10. However, Stark and Bainbridge do distinguish
three types of cult:
i. audience cults that involve little
face-to-face interaction
ii. client cults that offer services to their
members, and
iii. cult movements that dominate their
followers’ lives.
11. The New Age refers to a range of spiritual
beliefs focusing mainly on the development of
the self that became popular in the 1970s.
Unit 7.1.2 Religion and other
belief systems
Religion and science are both examples of belief
systems that make claims about the world. In
many societies, science is often seen as superior
to other belief systems. Science earns its high
status because of the methods it uses to generate
: knowledge that is generally considered to be
objective and based on evidence. This knowledge
| is often utilised for the benefit of humankind. For
example, medical research has led to the eradication
of smallpox and the control of leprosy. But does
science really deserve its high status? Is scientific
knowledge genuinely superior to other sources of
knowledge and beliefs in society? This unit looks
at contrasting views of science and questions some
of the knowledge claims of science. It explores the
relationship between scientific and religious belief
systems. It also examines religion and science as
examples of ideologies.
401
 7 RELIGION
Science and the Enlightenment
The Enlightenment refers to a range of scientific,
social and philosophical beliefs that developed in
Western Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries.
Enlightenment thinking rejected belief in the
supernatural and in superstition as ways of
understanding the world. It argued that knowledge
could only come from rational ways of thought.
Enlightenment thinking is seen as the foundation of
modernity, a phase in human history during which
trust was placed in scientific views of the world.
For example, it was believed that humankind could
use scientific knowledge to bring about progress,
improve people’s lives, fight disease and tackle
natural disasters.
Open and dosed belief systems
Science and religion are both sources of knowledge
and beliefs but they differ in important respects.
Some approaches distinguish between open belief
systems and closed belief systems. (Bear in mind
that these are not the same as Andrew Sayer’s open
and closed systems discussed in Unit 3.2.3.) Robin
Horton (1993), for example, argues that science is
an open system of ideas, as its knowledge claims
are based on evidence. Science operates in an open
environment and is characterised by questioning,
testing and revising ideas. As a result, science is
constantly developing. By contrast, he suggests
that closed systems of ideas such as religion
are not open to criticism or to alternative views.
Consequently, religion is conservative and does not
modify its ideas over time.
Horton argues, however, that religion and magic
are in some respects similar to science. Each
tries to understand how the world operates in
order to control it for human purposes. Critics
disagree, arguing that religion and magic are
fundamentally different from science. For example,
scientific propositions are testable, whereas
religious beliefs are based on faith. The truth
claims of religion (the beliefs and ideas that
followers of a religion hold to be true) cannot be
tested by rational procedures (Wilson, 1966).
Unlike non-scientific belief systems, science
enables people to explain, predict and control
the world. It can also confirm its explanations in
terms of its practical results - for example, by
eradicating diseases or predicting when a volcano
will erupt. Religion, however, is unable to confirm
its explanations in this way.
402
Karl Popper
Popper (1959) argued that science is an open belief
system. Scientists put forward statements and test
them systematically by observation and experiment.
Scientific theories are open to testing by peers.
However, Popper argued that it is impossible to verify
a theory (see Unit 3.2.5). In his view, all scientific
knowledge is provisional, ‘for the time being’ (Popper,
1974), rather than certain or true for all time.
According to Popper, scientific knowledge is
distinctive because it is not absolute or sacred truth
and can be questioned and tested. By contrast,
with non-scientific thought, such as religion or
magic, explanations are not tested. Popper argued
that subjective experiences or strong feelings of
conviction ‘cannot be decided by science’ (Popper,
2002). Someone may be completely convinced of the
truth of something but this conviction cannot be seen
as an objective scientific statement if it cannot be
tested. For example, statements such as ‘Cod exists’
are not scientific because they cannot be tested
or falsified. Scientific statements must be open to
testing, falsification, criticism and revision.
Activity
Drawing on Popper’s ideas, explain one difference
between scientific knowledge and religious thought.
Critical views of science as an
open system
Sociologists and philosophers now question how
far science is an open system. This suggests that
scientific knowledge may not be as trustworthy as is
usually assumed.
Thomas Kuhn and paradigm shifts
Kuhn (1962) challenged the view that scientific
discovery is based on rational and critical enquiry
(see Unit 3.2.3). He saw science as a closed system
of ideas and argued that progress in science is
neither linear nor gradual. Science is committed to a
particular paradigm, a set of beliefs shared by a group
of scientists. Kuhn did not agree that scientists are
completely objective or that they accept or reject a
paradigm on the basis of evidence alone. For example,
they may ignore any evidence that contradicts the
paradigm and resist new ideas. Change in scientific
knowledge comes about via the replacement of one
scientific paradigm by another during a scientific
revolution. For instance, the shift from Newtonian

mechanics to Einsteinian relativity can be seen as an
example of a paradigm shift, a move from classical to
modern physics involving a radical change in the way
that many scientists viewed the physical world.
Laboratory-based studies of science
Over the last 50 years, traditional views about
science have been challenged. One area of scrutiny
is the practice of science: the way that scientific
knowledge is manufactured or constructed
inside laboratories.
Michael Lynch (1983) conducted research in a
psycho-biological laboratory and his findings suggest
that scientists may be less objective than they claim.
The scientists studied brain functioning by examining
thin slices of rats’ brains under microscopes.
Photographs and slides of the brain slices were
examined to see how useful they were in developing
theories of brain functioning.
Sometimes, unexplained features were found in
the photographs. There was much discussion in
the laboratory about whether these features were
artefacts rather than real features of rats’ brains. They
were frequently viewed as errors in the production of
the photographs or slides. For example, some were
believed to result from scratching of the specimen
when it was being sliced. In reaching their conclusion,
the scientists were influenced by their existing
theories, and the types of feature they were looking for
and expected to find. If the visible marks on the slide
or photograph did not fit the scientists’ theories of how
rats’ brains functioned, they were much more likely to
be dismissed as errors. The scientists’ interpretations
of the data were guided by their theories.
Far from following Popper’s methodology and striving
to falsify their theories, the scientists tried to use
the evidence to confirm them. Many scientists may
be reluctant to dismiss perhaps years of research
because a single piece of evidence does not support
the theory that they have developed.
Steve Woolgar (1988) is sceptical about the
knowledge claims of science. Fie is interested in
what goes on in science on a daily basis and what
scientists do in laboratories. Fie argues that science
is not, in fact, distinct from other forms of social
activity or knowledge production. There is nothing
inherently special about ‘the scientific method’ and,
in practice, scientists do not necessarily stick to it. In
Woolgar’s view, science activities are constructive (in
that scientific ‘facts’ are constructed in laboratories)
rather than descriptive.
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Some sociologists undertake laboratory-based
studies to explore how scientists construct
scientific knowledge.
1. Explain two strengths and two limitations of
using an ethnographic approach to study the
work carried out by scientists in laboratories.
2. Give two arguments for the view that science is
an open belief system.
Postmodernism and science
Most postmodernists challenge the objectivity and truth
of all belief systems. In their view, truth is not something
that exists ‘out there’ waiting to be discovered through
the use of objective scientific methods. Instead, truth is
created or constructed by people.
Postmodernists argue that people no longer place their
trust unquestioningly in science or scientists. People
increasingly question the power of science to solve
global problems such as famine or natural disasters
and to produce a better world. In fact, science and
technology can have negative side effects. For example,
cars and aeroplanes contribute to air pollution and
global warming. Rather than providing truth, the truth
claims of science have been challenged by sceptical
philosophers and historians of science.
Jean-Frangois Lyotard (1984) argued that science and
religions rest on ‘meta-narratives’ - grand theories,
‘big stories’ or myths - that give meaning to other
narratives or stories. For example, science provides a
meta-narrative or a big story about evolution by natural
selection. Meta-narratives give a sense of purpose to
scientific endeavour and a sense of direction to social
life. They suggest that humans can progress, through
science, towards defeating ignorance and oppression,
and that science can help humans to conquer nature.
Lyotard associated postmodernism with the decline of
scientific, religious, political and other meta-narratives.
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An ‘incredulity towards meta-narratives’ develops
in postmodern societies. People no longer put their
faith in these big, all-embracing theories about how
the world works. They become sceptical that any set
of beliefs can provide a means of understanding and
resolving the problems of humanity. They no longer
believe that reason can conquer superstition.
Lyotard’s critics point out, however, that religions and
other meta-narratives are still powerful forces in some
countries. They also argue that, although Lyotard
dismissed the possibility of objective knowledge, he
nonetheless claimed to have accurately described key
changes in society such as an increased scepticism
about science. However, if objective knowledge is
not possible, then there is no reason to believe that
Lyotard’s claim about science is any more ‘true’ than
claims made by sociologists who disagree with him.
The relationship between
science and religion
Some commentators see science and religion as
compatible belief systems that can coexist without
tension. Others see them as competing with each
other in terms of how they explain the world. In this
view, they are incompatible because their ideas clash.
Science and religion as compatible
Science and religion can be seen as compatible for
several reasons including the following.
> Stephen Jay Gould (1999, cited in Bainbridge, 2009)
was a scientist who supported evolutionary theories
of biology. Nevertheless, he argued that there is no
conflict between science and religion, because they
are concerned with different aspects of human life
and needs. Gould claimed that one type of human
i
need is the need to understand the facts about how
nature works. Science has the authority and power to
teach about this. However, humans also have a drive
to give meaning to their own lives and to find a basis
for their moral views. Religion can fulfil this need
without directly conflicting with science.
> Bruce (2011) argues that science and religion
can coexist quite easily. Not many people have a
great deal of knowledge about scientific methods
and discoveries. In his view, science is unlikely to
disprove religious faith if that faith is backed up and
supported by a strong religious community.
Science and religion as incompatible
An alternative view is that science and religion are
fundamentally incompatible. Richard Dawkins (2006)
argues that belief in ‘supernatural gods’ is simply a
404
delusion completely at odds with scientific beliefs.
Dawkins rejects Gould’s idea that religion can provide
answers to questions which science cannot. Although he
accepts that science may not have answers to questions
about the meaning of life, he sees no reason why religion
should be seen as offering any expertise in such areas.
Dawkins argues that religion is based on faith. In his
view, faith is an inadequate and positively harmful
basis for believing in something. It involves believing
without question despite the lack of evidence to
support it. This can lead, for example, to violent acts
being carried out on religious grounds (see Part 4).
People used to believe that the sun went around
the earth. In the 17th century, the Roman Catholic
Church convicted Galileo, an Italian astronomer, of
heresy for his hypothesis that the earth revolves
around the sun.
1. Drawing on Galileo’s experience, explain one
way in which religion can be seen as a closed
belief system.
2. Evaluate the view that science and religion are
compatible belief systems.
Ideology
An ideology refers to a set of shared ideas, beliefs or
values that provide a way of interpreting the world.
This can result in a partial, false or distorted view of
reality. In practice, an ideology often legitimises or
justifies the position and actions of powerful groups
in society, such as the ruling class or men. Religion
can be seen as an ideology.
Marxist accounts of religion as an ideology
Marxists focus on the ideology of the ruling class.
In this sense, ideology is a viewpoint that distorts
reality and justifies the position of a particular social
group. Marxists see ruling-class ideology as a set of
beliefs and values that express the interests of the

bourgeoisie in capitalist society. Ruling-class ideology
legitimises existing power relationships in society.
Karl Marx saw religion as an ideology in that
religious beliefs uphold the interests of the ruling
class and justify inequalities of wealth and power
(see Unit 7.2.2). This can be seen in Christian
teachings such as ‘blessed are the meek’ (those who
are gentle and unwilling to disagree with others)
and 'the meek shall inherit the earth'. Religious
beliefs also make the social order appear natural,
acceptable and inevitable. Marxists link religion to
false class consciousness in that religious ideas keep
the subject class from recognising its own interests
and disguise the true extent of its exploitation.
By justifying the status quo, religion distorts reality.
False class consciousness blinds members of the
subject class to their true situation and their real
interests. In this way, religion diverts people’s
attention from the real source of their oppression
and helps to maintain the power of the ruling class.
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Key terms
Knowledge claims Information or statements
(for example, claims about what the world is like)
that a particular individual, group or belief system
such as science holds to be true but which are
nonetheless open to debate.
Enlightenment The period from the 17th century
in Europe that emphasised reason, was sceptical
about belief systems such as religion and put its
faith in natural science and progress.
Open belief system A set of ideas that makes
knowledge claims based on the testing of
evidence. Consequently, its beliefs develop
over time. Science is seen as an open belief
system that tests evidence through observation
and experimentation.
Closed belief system A set of ideas that is not
open to testing or criticism, so its beliefs tend not to
change. Religion and magic are seen as examples of
closed belief systems. Religion, for instance, is based
on faith rather than on the testing of evidence.
Truth claims Statements or ideas that particular
individuals, groups or belief systems (such as
religions) hold to be true, and which are not open
to debate.
Artefacts Things produced by the research process
(for example, resulting from a technical error) that
do not exist in the phenomenon being studied.
Meta-narratives Large-scale singular explanations
of society.
Ideology A set of dominant ideas in society
that distort reality and serve the interests of a
particular group, such as men or the ruling class.
Summary
1. Science is seen as an open system of ideas,
because its knowledge claims are based on
testing and revision. Religion is seen as a closed
system, as its beliefs are based on faith and it is
not open to testing.
2. Popper saw science as an open belief system
that is based on falsification. Religious beliefs
are not scientific statements, because they
cannot be tested.
3. Kuhn saw scientists as conservative rather than
as completely objective. Progress in science
comes about during a scientific revolution when
one paradigm replaces another.
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 7 RELIGION
4. Sociological research inside science laboratories
highlights the processes involved in the
manufacture of scientific knowledge.
5. Postmodernism suggests that science is a
meta-narrative rather than the truth. Lyotard
argues that people have lost faith in science
and scientists.
6. Science and religion are seen as compatible
because they are concerned with completely
different aspects of human life. They are seen
as incompatible because belief in gods conflicts
with scientific beliefs.
7. The term ‘ideology’ refers to a set of shared
beliefs and values that provide a way of
interpreting the world which results in a partial -
and usually distorted - view of reality.
8. Marxists see religion as ideological and link
it to false class consciousness. Religious ideas
keep the proletariat from recognising its true
interests in capitalist society and help to
maintain ruling-class power.
Unit 7.1.3 Religion and different
social groups
Religious organisations and movements tend to
attract more members or believers from some
groups than others. The main social divisions linked
to religious belief and participation are social class,
gender, ethnicity and age. This unit examines the
relationship between social groups and religiosity,
asking questions such as how does social class
influence religious belief? Why do women appear
to participate more than men in most religions and
spiritual groups? How closely is ethnicity associated
with differences in religious affiliation? And do people
get more religious as they age?
Social class and religiosity
Evidence suggests that different types of religion
tend to appeal to different social classes. However,
the evidence is not clear-cut and there is no
straightforward relationship.
Marxist theories of social class
and religion
According to Marxists, religious participation
and social class are closely related. Marx (1844)
406
described religion in capitalist societies as the
'opium of the people’. He saw it as acting like a drug
by giving its followers a false sense of well-being
and distorting reality. Marx argued that religion
started in the subject classes as a way of coping
with oppression, but it was later adopted by the
ruling classes as a way of justifying their advantaged
position in society. Marx, therefore, argued that all
classes believed in religion, although for different
reasons. As the subject class (the proletariat
in capitalist societies) developed greater class
consciousness, they could potentially lose some of
their religious beliefs. This leaves open the possibility
that higher classes (particularly the ruling class,
or the bourgeoisie under capitalism) might become
more religious than subject classes.
Max Weber, class and religious beliefs
Sociologists highlight the links between social
class and different types of religious organisation.
This idea originated in the work of Weber (cited in
Christiano, Swatos and Kivisto, 2008) who believed
that different classes tended to develop different
types of religious belief and that this was linked to
different religious organisations.
| Weber distinguished between different theodicies
(religious explanations) for suffering on earth.
» Some religions have a theodicy of misfortune,
which claims that wealth and worldly success are
indicators of evil. This type of belief tends to be
associated with religious organisations that are
popular with lower social classes.
» By contrast, a theodicy of good fortune suggests
that worldly success indicates virtue. This is
i associated more with higher classes.
Weber, however, did not suggest that religious
beliefs were simply dictated by class position.
Instead, particular classes and status groups
I played an active role in creating and recreating
beliefs. They were influenced by their class position
and class interests, but these did not directly
determine their beliefs.
Activity
Briefly explain how Weber recognised that religion
involves human agency.
Social class and social mobility
Drawing on USA-based research, Stephen Hunt
(2004) notes that generally sociologists argue that

upwardly mobile groups and individuals tend to
belong to religious organisations with more liberal
beliefs - for example, about sexuality. However,
conservative or fundamentalist beliefs are likely
to be supported by those who feel that their stake
in society might be threatened by upwardly mobile
social groups. Lower social classes who feel excluded
tend to support sects that offer some religious
compensation for their low status and reject
mainstream norms and values.
Social class and religious organisations
Evidence suggests a link between different types
of religious organisation and their members’
social class.
» Churches aspire to include members from all
social classes. Because of its size, members of a
church are drawn from all classes in society, but
the upper classes are particularly likely to join
because churches are often closely connected to the
established political order. For example, the Roman
Catholic Church in the Middle Ages had important
political, educational and social functions.
» Denominations tend to be slightly anti­
establishment, as they have broken away from
the religious mainstream. However, Wallis (1984)
noted that they are respectable organisations and
therefore appeal most to the upper working class
and the lower middle class. They are not usually
closely identified with the upper classes.
1 Sects have traditionally recruited the most
disadvantaged people in society. They require
members to give up their previous life, so those
with much to lose are unlikely to join. They tend
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Hunt argues that New Age beliefs (for example,
different types of meditation) are supported by
those ‘who have sufficient time and means to pay
for a narcissistic journey of self-discovery’ They are
particularly supported by middle-class people in
‘expressive’ professions (such as artists and writers)
who have university-level education. Hunt also claims
that, in the USA, occult practices and superstitious
beliefs are more popular with lower classes, who have
limited education and live in rural areas.
to appeal to the deprived because membership
offers a way of coping with disadvantage by
finding meaning and a sense of self-worth within
the sect. Wallis (1984) argued that in the 1960s
and 1970s, sects also began to appeal to the
‘relatively deprived’ middle class of affluent
students who were seeking compensation for their
lack of a spiritual life.
» World-affirming new religious movements (Wallis,
1984) such as TM are positive about mainstream
society. Their religious practices tend to facilitate
social and economic success. Client cults (Stark and
Bainbridge, 1985) such as Scientology offer services
to their followers but require little commitment.
Both world-affirming new religious movements and
client cults appeal to the successful and affluent who
want to become even more successful.
> Cult movements such as the Unification Church
involve their followers or believers fully and
are similar to sects in opposing mainstream
society. Consequently, they tend to attract the
disadvantaged or relatively deprived.
» According to Heelas (1996), New Age movements
tend to appeal to the middle class (particularly
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women). Like Hunt (2004), Bruce (2002) believes
that they attract those in expressive professions
such as the media, teaching and counselling who
believe in self-improvement.
Evaluation
In the USA, detailed data are available on social
class, religious belief and participation. However,
there is a shortage of such data in many other
countries. It is therefore difficult to assess the
accuracy of claims about class and different religious
organisations. Consequently, most of the claims
discussed here should be treated as hypotheses
rather than as well-supported theories. Furthermore,
class intersects with other social divisions, particularly
gender, ethnicity and age, in shaping religious belief
and participation.
According to this view, women are less involved
in the labour force than men and more involved
in raising children. Not only do women have
more time for church-related activities but their
lower-level involvement in paid work also gives
them a greater need for the sense of personal
identity which religion can provide. Some US
research suggests that religion is seen as a
household activity. Socialising children by taking
them to church can be regarded as an extension
of female childcare roles.

Gender and religiosity

Statistical evidence suggests that women tend to be
slightly more religious than men on a global scale. The
Pew Research Center (2016) estimated that globally,
83.4 per cent of women identified with a faith group
compared with 79.9 per cent of men. In 61 of 192
countries, women were at least two percentage points
A woman and child at a church.
more likely than men to express a religious affiliation,
but there were none in which the reverse was true. 1. Do you agree that women in your society are
more religious than men? Explain your answer.
Alan S. Miller and John P. Hoffman -
Risk and religion 2. To what extent do women and men have
Miller and Hoffman (1995) note two main types different structural locations in your society?
of sociological explanation for women’s greater Do women lack a sense of occupational
religiosity. identity? Do they have more time than men for
activities related to religion?
1. Differential socialisation
According to the differential socialisation view,
These two explanations are not mutually
‘females are taught to be more submissive,
exclusive. Indeed, the socialisation of females
passive and obedient and nurturing than are
and males tends to lead to them occupying
males and these attributes are associated
different social locations, which in turn reinforces
with higher levels of religiosity’ (Miller and
gender differences. However, Miller and Hoffman
Hoffman, 1995). These characteristics are more
argue that these explanations cannot fully
often found in traditional religious beliefs. For
explain the gender differences in religiosity. They
example, religions such as Christianity emphasise
quote research which suggests that, even when
obedience to God and characteristics such as
socialisation and structural location are taken into
being loving, which are associated with female
account, women are still more religious than men.
gender roles. Male roles place less emphasis on
They argue, therefore, that a third factor, attitude
these characteristics. This theory is supported
to risk, is also important. There is nothing to lose
by USA-based evidence discussed by Miller and
by being religious. However, not being religious
Hoffmann which indicates that men who are
can be seen as risk-taking behaviour because
submissive, passive, obedient and nurturing tend
it risks condemnation to hell after death. Using
to be more religious than other men.
survey-based research from the USA, Miller and
2. The structural locations of women and men Hoffman show that men tend to be less averse
(their location in the social structure) to risk than women. Furthermore, both men and

408

women who are more risk averse have higher levels
of religiosity. They conclude that women’s greater
concern about risk is an important additional factor,
alongside socialisation and structural location, in
explaining women’s greater religiosity.
Evaluation The argument put forward by Miller
and Hoffman that women have more time for
church-related activities is highly debatable given
that a great deal of research suggests that women
spend more time on housework and childcare than
men. Furthermore, rates of female participation in
the labour market are high in nations such as the
USA and the UK, making it questionable whether
women lack a sense of occupational identity.
Steve Bruce - religion and
secularisation
Bruce (1996) suggests that religion tends to have
an affinity with aspects of femininity that make
women 'less confrontational, less aggressive, less
goal oriented, less domineering, more cooperative
and more caring’. This affinity applies to traditional
religion and is particularly strong with New Age
spiritual beliefs. Many women are attracted to the
‘healing, channelling and spirituality’ side of New Age
beliefs because these are more in keeping with female
gender roles. The minority of men involved in the New
Age tend to be more interested in the paranormal
than in the more feminine aspects of the movement.
Bruce argues that women are more attracted to
traditional religions than men because ‘the churches
have always been interested in the control of sexuality
and in the instruction of the next generation, both
matters which are concentrated on the domestic
hearth and in which women have a major role to play’.
According to Bruce, there is a division in the modern
world between the public sphere (of paid work, politics
and so on) and the private sphere (the domestic
world of the family and personal life). Bruce believes
that as a result of secularisation (the decline in the
significance of religion in society - see Unit 7.5.1),
religion has become less important in the public sphere
and increasingly confined to the private sphere. Since
women are more involved with the private sphere than
men, and religion has become a largely private matter,
women have tended to become more religious than
men. As religion has declined generally, men with their
predominantly public-sphere social roles have lost their
religiosity more quickly than women.
To Bruce, within an overall pattern of decline, religion
has declined less among women than men. However,
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
the type of religion that has retained an appeal for
some women varies by social class. Working-class
women tend to retain a belief in forms of religion
and spirituality in which they are more passive.
They believe in a powerful God, or in ‘obscure forces
beyond their control’, such as fortune telling and
superstition. By contrast, middle-class women have
more experience of controlling and improving their
own lives. Consequently, they tend to follow religions
that allow more individual autonomy, and forms of
spirituality which facilitate personal development.
They are attracted to New Age beliefs that promote
self-growth and development.
Linda Woodhead - female religiosity
and secularisation
Woodhead (2005) believes that processes of
secularisation and the decline in Christianity have
influenced Western societies, but they can only
be understood with reference to gender. From the
19th century, modernisation led to a process of
rationalisation in which people calculated the best
and most rational means to achieve given objectives
rather than relying on faith or tradition to guide their
actions. This had a ‘corrosive effect’ on religion, as it
left little room for the non-rational faith required by
religion. However, this process largely affected men.
The housewife role became increasingly important
for middle-class women and this isolated them to
some extent from rationalisation. Women were not
‘absorbed into rationalized values’ and so were less
likely than men to become disillusioned with the
church’s teachings.
Church attendance among men declined and
women became the majority of those involved in
churches. Churches became ‘increasingly feminized
or domesticized’. They placed more emphasis
on 'love, care and relationships’ and less on God
as an all-powerful and punitive ruler. However,
they continued to reinforce male power through
paternalistic images of God as a ‘loving father’. As
churches became feminised, they lost prestige and
became even less appealing to most men.
Religion and different spheres of life
By the 1970s in Western societies, many married
women were returning to the labour force and were
increasingly exposed to the rationalised culture of
paid work. This led to a rapid decline in churchgoing
among women. Woodhead believes that the changes
in women’s lives largely account for the decline of
Christian churches and denominations in Western
409
 7 RELIGION

Activity

Comforting hands from heaven and dramatic lightning.

1. Explain why these two images can be seen as representing feminine and masculine views of a Christian God.
2. If churches emphasise the message given in the first image, how could that account for gender differences in
church attendance?
3. To what extent do these images present a Western, Christian bias?

countries since the 1970s. However, women are still
more interested than men in religion and spirituality,
for a number of reasons.
1. Women are still less involved in the public world
of work than men. More women than men work
part-time and women are still much more likely to
have the main responsibility for childcare.
2. Woodhead argues that there are three rather than
two spheres in contemporary societies. These are:
> primary institutions such as those associated
with work and politics
> secondary institutions associated with caring
for others, including the family and religion
> an individual sphere in which people are
concerned with their own autonomous and
individual selves.
parent and so on). New Age beliefs allow this
tension to be bypassed because they create a new
‘type of selfhood in which identity is not dictated
by social position and experience, but discovered
from within’. The contradiction between roles in
primary and secondary institutions is resolved by
seeking your identity in the individual sphere.
Religion and ethnicity
Most evidence suggests that members of minority
ethnic groups in Western countries such as Britain
are more likely than majority ethnic groups to see
themselves as religious; religions that are mainly
followed by minority ethnic groups are more likely
to be practised by believers; and their religion is
I more likely (in most respects) to influence their lives.
: However, there are exceptions to these tendencies.

Religion remains relevant to those women whose

i John Bird - explanations for high
lives are based in secondary institutions. Given this,
women are still more likely than men to be involved in
churches and denominations.
3. New Age beliefs also tend to be dominated by
women. Woodhead argues that this helps to
resolve a contradiction between ‘traditional’
female roles in the home and more ‘masculine’
roles in the workplace. In paid work, your sense
of self largely derives from your position or job,
whereas in family roles your sense of self is more
concerned with relationships with others (as wife,
410
levels of religiosity
Bird (1999) identifies five important reasons for the
higher levels of religiosity among minority ethnic
groups in Britain:
1. Many ethnic groups ‘originate in societies
with high levels of religiosity’. For example,
Bangladesh and Pakistan have high levels of
religious observance and belief. First-generation
immigrants tend to bring these high levels of
religiosity to the UK.

2. For minority ethnic groups, religion can 'act as a
basis for community solidarity’ Solidarity based
on religious affiliation can perform important
social functions for new migrants, giving them
'a point of contact in a new country, a source of
marriage partners, social welfare and so on’.
3. Bird argues that ‘Maintaining a religious
commitment is also a way to maintain other
aspects of cultural identity such as language,
art, patterns of marriage, cooking and so on.’
Religion and minority ethnic cultures can be
mutually reinforcing.
4. The importance of religion can be maintained
through socialisation and ‘there is often strong
family pressure to maintain religious commitment’.
5. Some minority ethnic groups might also have strong
religious beliefs because it helps them cope with
oppression. Disadvantaged minority ethnic groups
tend to be working-class, and their religious beliefs
can be seen as a response to their position in the
social structure. Bird suggests that Pentecostalism
might perform a dual function for British African
Caribbeans. First, it can be ‘a way to adjust to a
society in which (they) face discrimination and social
injustice’. Pentecostalism can act as the ‘opium of
the people’ (see Unit 7.2.2). Second, it can also
help people to combat disadvantage by improving
their social and economic position. For example,
Ken Pryce (1979) pointed out that Pentecostalism
encouraged hard work and thrift, which could result
in Pentecostalists gaining greater economic security.
Steve Bruce - cultural defence and
cultural transition
Bruce argues that minority ethnic groups are more
likely to engage in religious activity than the ethnic
majority, mainly due to social reasons. The vitality of
religion is largely a response to the social situation of
minority ethnic groups rather than an expression of
deep religious commitment. Bruce sees the strength of
minority ethnic religions as caused by either:
1. cultural defence, where an ethnic group is
protecting its sense of identity and maintaining
ethnic pride through religion; or
2. cultural transition, where an ethnic group uses
religion to cope with the upheaval of migration.
These two processes can work together as
immigrant minority ethnic groups try to both adapt
and defend their religious/cultural heritage. For
example, Meredith McGuire (2002) describes how
Vietnamese-American Buddhists simultaneously
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
attempt to continue socialising their children into
their culture and also to gain acceptance in US
society. She describes how, in 'Houston, Texas, the
Vietnamese community has created their Temple with
many features reminiscent of Vietnam’ However, the
Temple is also used as a community centre, assisting
people to integrate into US society - for example,
by facilitating networking to help people find jobs. In
such centres, minority ethnic groups can ‘negotiate
a Buddhist religious identity and work to have it
accepted as legitimate in their new community’.
Activity
arttii *- ■V
)
k
m
i
'
A Buddhist Temple in Houston, Texas.
Explain how centres such as Vietnamese Buddhist
Temples in US cities can be seen as linked to
cultural defence and cultural transition.
Decline or revival in ethnic
minority religions?
Bruce argues that, over time, minority ethnic groups in
many Western societies become more integrated and
are increasingly influenced by the wider secular society.
As a consequence, their religious beliefs will decline.
George Chryssides (1994) argues that, in Britain, the
religions of immigrant groups and their descendants
have had three main paths open to them:
» Apostasy, when a particular set of religious beliefs
is abandoned in a hostile environment. For example,
a Sikh might convert to Christianity.
> Accommodation, when religious practices are adapted
to take account of the changed situation. For example,
a Sikh might remove his turban because he believes it
could improve his chances at a job interview.
> Renewed vigour, when the religion is reasserted
more strongly as a response to actual or perceived
hostility towards it. For example, parents might insist
on strong religious orthodoxy from their children.
411
 7 RELIGION
Chryssides acknowledges that minority ethnic religions
have faced difficulties in Britain. They have had to
establish places of prayer and deal with situations
in which religious observation might be difficult.
However, he argues that the general pattern has been
characterised by accommodation and renewed vigour
rather than apostasy. Buildings have been bought and
converted into mosques and temples, and religious
beliefs and practices have been retained or adapted
rather than abandoned. For example, many Muslim
women have found ways to dress modestly while
incorporating Western elements into their clothing.
Age, generation and religiosity
Evidence suggests that, in most countries, the young
tend to be less religious than the old. For example,
the World Values Survey (discussed in Burkimsher,
2008) found that younger people (classified as those
under 30 years) were less likely to say they attended
places of worship than older people (those aged 50
or over) in the majority of countries surveyed.
Reasons for age differences in religiosity
David Voas and Alasdair Crockett (2005) identified
three possible explanations for age differences in
religiosity. The differences could be due to age, a
period effect or the progressive decline of religion.
1. Age. Many commentators have suggested that
people tend to get more religious as they get older
and see themselves as coming closer to death.
Religious belief might also be affected by life events
such as having children. Parents might return to
active involvement in religion because they think it
is important for their children’s socialisation.
2. A period effect. Those born in a particular period
(a cohort) might be particularly likely or unlikely
to be religious because of specific events or social
changes during the era in which they grew up.
For example, Peter Brierley (2006) notes the
rapid decline in churchgoing among the young
in the 1990s and argues that Those in
“Generation Y”, defined by some as those born in
the 1980s, have been found to have little spiritual
interest, being rather focused on “happiness”.’
3. The progressive decline of religion could mean that
each generation is less religious than the previous
one. Supporters of this view generally favour the
secularisation thesis (see Unit 7.5.1).
Evidence
Voas and Crockett examined data from the British
Social Attitudes survey to consider which of these
theories was most plausible. The data allowed them
412
to see whether a cohort was more or less religious
than other cohorts and whether their attitude to
: religion changed as they aged,
Voas and Crockett found little evidence that people
became markedly more religious with age, or that
specific cohorts were becoming less religious. Instead,
they concluded that in Britain ‘change has occurred
because each generation has entered adulthood less
religious than its predecessors’ This was partly because
each generation was less likely to socialise their children
into religious beliefs than the previous generation.
Voas and Crockett’s conclusions may not apply to all
types of religious and spiritual beliefs. For example,
Heelas et al. (2005) claim that New Age spiritual
beliefs are growing rapidly despite few young people
being involved, because people do not usually start
to engage with such spiritualities until middle age.
Marion Burkimsher (2008) identified similar patterns
across many, but not all, countries. She examined
statistical evidence from the European Values Surveys
of 2002, 2004 and 2006 and the World Values
Surveys of 1995 and 2004. She found that evidence
from ‘stable developed countries’ (including Western
Europe) suggested that recent generations were less
religious than earlier generations. Although there
was generally a trough in religiosity among people
in their early 20s, and a slight increase in their late
20s, attendance did not generally increase after the
age of 30. There was, therefore, little evidence of
increased religiosity as people aged.
However, in some ex-communist countries in Eastern
Europe and in much of Africa, there is evidence of
increased religiosity among the young. In the USA,
youth attendance fell between 1980 and 1995 but
rose again between 1995 and 2000. Furthermore,
Puerto Rico, Mexico and Brazil have all had rising
rates of attendance among the young.
Key terms
Theodicy of misfortune A religious explanation
for suffering which claims that wealth and worldly
success are indicators of evil.
Theodicy of good fortune A religious explanation
for suffering which claims that wealth and worldly
success are indicators of virtue.
Fundamentalist beliefs A set of religious beliefs
that advocates returning to the ‘fundamental’
original teachings of a particular religion.
New Age movements Diverse and loosely
organised groups that became popular in the 1970s
and 1980s, within which people seek spiritual

experiences focusing primarily on the development
of the self. They are sometimes viewed as a subset
of new religious movements. Examples include est,
Heaven’s Cate and Dianic Wicca.
Differential socialisation The contrasting ways
in which females and males are brought up within
and outside the family.
Structural location The position of different social
groups within the social structure - for example,
the greater involvement of men in full-time paid
employment than women.
Attitude to risk The extent to which individuals
are willing to expose themselves to social
practices, beliefs and situations that carry a
possibility of danger.
Public sphere The social world outside the family
and personal life.
Private sphere The social world inside families
involving personal relationships.
Secularisation A process involving a decline in the
social significance of religion.
Modernisation The process of moving from
traditional society to a modern developed society.
Rationalisation A process in which people
calculate the most efficient means to achieve given
objectives rather than relying on faith or tradition
to guide their actions.
Primary institutions Institutions associated with
work and politics.
Secondary institutions Institutions associated with
caring for others, such as the family and religion.
Individual sphere The sphere of social life
concerned with individual identity.
Cultural defence An ethnic group using religion to
reinforce and maintain ethnic identity and pride.
Cultural transition An ethnic group using religion
to cope with social change and migration.
Apostasy Abandoning a set of religious beliefs in
a hostile environment.
Accommodation Adapting religious beliefs in
response to a changed environment.
Renewed vigour An increase in the intensity of
religious feelings in response to perceived hostility.
Age The length of time a person has lived.
Period effect The effects of being born in a
particular era on social beliefs and practices.
Cohort A group of people born in a particular
time period.
7.1 RELIGION AND SOCIETY
Summary
1. Marxists believe that religion originates
among subject classes to help them cope with
oppression, but it is also adopted by the ruling
classes to justify their position.
2. Weber argued that different theodicies
appealed to different social groups. A theodicy
of misfortune attracts lower classes and a
theodicy of good fortune attracts higher classes.
3. Hunt argues that socially mobile groups tend
to join liberal religious organisations and social
groups who feel under threat tend to join more
conservative organisations.
4. Churches aspire to attract members from all
classes but tend to be predominantly middle-
and higher-class institutions because they
generally support the establishment.
5. Denominations tend to appeal to the upper
working class and lower middle class, while
sects generally attract the disadvantaged or
the relatively deprived.
6. World-affirming new religious movements
appeal to the affluent. The New Age mainly
attracts middle-class professionals, particularly
women in expressive professions.
7. Statistical evidence suggests that women tend
to be more religious than men in all types of
religious organisation in most countries.
8. Miller and Hoffman explain gender differences
in terms of gender socialisation, the structural
locations of men and women, and men’s
greater willingness to take risks.
9. Bruce argues that secularisation has led to religion
being largely confined to the private sphere, in
which women are more involved than men.
10. Woodhead believes that secularisation has
impacted on men more than women, which has
resulted in churches becoming feminised and
appealing to women more than men. New Age
beliefs appeal to women because they help
women to develop a new sense of selfhood
which bypasses the contradiction between their
family and work roles.
11. The religion of minority ethnic groups in
countries such as Britain is closely connected
with the ethnicity and countries of origin of
first-generation immigrants. Most minority
413
 7 RELIGION
ethnic groups in Britain tend to be more
religious than their White counterparts.
12. Bird explains higher levels of religiosity among
minority ethnic groups in terms of ethnic
origins, community solidarity, cultural identity,
socialisation and oppression.
13. Bruce argues that religion acts as a form
of cultural defence or a way of coping with
transition to a new society. In his view,
minority ethnic religions in the UK will decline
over time. However, Chryssides suggests that
they can develop in three ways: apostasy,
renewed vigour or accommodation.
14. Statistical evidence suggests that, in most
countries, young people are less religious
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 I Describe two types of definition of religion.
1 0 I 2 | Explain two limitations of the view that science is an open belief system.
I 0 1 5 1 ‘Science and religion are incompatible belief systems.'
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
PART 2 RELIGION AND SOCIAL ORDER
Contents
Unit 7.2.1 Functionalist accounts of religion 414
Unit 7.2.2 Marxist accounts of religion
Religions, one of the most important belief
systems in contemporary societies, are a key area
of sociological interest. Sociologists focus on the
Unit 7.2.1 Functionalist accounts
of religion
In the functionalist view, society has functional
prerequisites or basic needs such as value consensus
(broad agreement on society’s values) which must
be met if it is to survive over time. Functionalism
examines social institutions such as religion in terms
of their functions. It focuses on the positive role of
414
than older people. Voas and Crockett
suggested that the statistical patterns could
be due to people getting more religious
as they age, a period (or cohort) effect
or secularisation.
15. Data from the British Social Attitudes survey
suggest that, in Britain, secularisation is the
main cause of age differences in religiosity.
However, Heelas claims that New Age beliefs
are growing rapidly, despite relatively few
young people being involved.
16. Burkimsher found that secularisation is
affecting most industrialised countries, but in
Eastern Europe and Africa there is evidence of
young people becoming more religious.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
significance of religion in society. What is religion
really about beneath the surface? How does it
shape relationships between people? Does religion
418 perform a positive or negative role in society?
This part examines how functionalist and Marxist
perspectives address questions about the role and
function of religion in society and its relationship to
social order.
religion in society and its contribution to meeting
society’s needs. This unit examines some of the main
functionalist theories of religion.
£mile Durkheim s account of religion,
the sacred and the profane
Durkheim (1912) argued that all religious beliefs
divide the world into two completely separate parts:
the sacred (things that are set apart and forbidden)
 7.2 RELIGION AND SOCIAL ORDER

and the profane (ordinary, everyday things).

However, the ‘sacred’ are not simply things such as Activity
gods or spirits. According to Durkheim, anything i
could potentially be sacred, including a tree or a
rock. What sacred things have in common is the tj

reverential attitudes (feelings of great respect and

awe) that they inspire among believers. '•4.V
5
m
Durkheim argued that sacred objects such as trees do
not have any intrinsic qualities that make them sacred.
Consequently, they must be symbols. In order to II \
/
understand the role of religion in society, he believed
that it is necessary to examine the relationship
between sacred symbols and what they represent.
Durkheim examined reports of totemism, the religion
of Australian Aboriginal groups. Aboriginal society is
|kva
divided into clans. Each clan has its own unique totem,
usually a plant or an animal such as a kangaroo. The Among many Roman Catholics around the world,
statues of angels are seen as sacred.
totem is a sacred symbol and ritual observances
separate it from profane or ordinary things. A Sarah Dunlop and Peter Ward (2014) asked young
representation of the totem - the totemic emblem or Polish Catholics living in England to take photographs
image - is placed or painted on objects or people. The of what is sacred to them. Their photographs included
totemic emblem is also surrounded by rituals and is images of churches, statues and people.
considered more sacred than the totemic object itself. If you were asked to take photographs of what is
The totem provides clan members with their shared sacred to you, what would you include?
name. This means that clan members themselves
possess sacred qualities because of their sacred name. Durkheim emphasised the importance of collective
worship. The social group comes together in religious
Durkheim argued that the totem is the symbol of
rituals full of drama and reverence. Together, its
both God and society. From this, he argued that God
members express their faith in their common values
and society are, in fact, the same thing. He suggested
and beliefs. In this highly charged atmosphere, the
that, in worshipping god, people are actually
integration of society is strengthened.
worshipping society. Society is more important and
powerful than the individual. Durkheim argued that
‘Primitive man comes to view society as something
sacred because he is utterly dependent on it.’ People
invent a sacred symbol such as a totem because
it is easier for someone to 'visualize and direct his
feelings of awe toward a symbol than towards so
complex a thing as a clan’.

Religion and the collective conscience

Durkheim viewed religion as performing valuable
functions for society. He argued that social life would be
impossible without the shared values and moral beliefs
An Aboriginal teenager being painted with his
that form the collective conscience. Without them, he
totem for a ceremony to mark his initiation as an
argued, there would be no social order or social control.
adult member of the community.
In short, there would be no society. Religion performs
a key function by reinforcing the collective conscience. 1. Why do you think Aboriginal teenagers are painted
The worship of society strengthens the values and with a totem as part of their initiation ceremony?
moral beliefs that form the basis of social life. In this
2. What functions might this ceremony perform
way, religion acts like a cement that binds members of
for the group?
society together and promotes social solidarity.

415
7 RELIGION
Evaluation of Durkheim
1. Critics argue that Durkheim studied only a small
number of Aboriginal groups, which were not typical.
It might be misleading to generalise about Aboriginal
beliefs and religion as a whole from this sample.
2. Andrew Dawson (2011) suggests that some of
the fieldwork data that Durkheim relied on were
of doubtful validity. Other critics argue that
totemism is not a religion.
3. Durkheim’s views on religion are more relevant
to small, non-literate societies whose members
share a common belief and value system. They
are less relevant to modern societies with diverse
subcultures, social and ethnic groups, and a wide
range of religious beliefs, rituals and institutions.
Despite these criticisms, many sociologists recognise
Durkheim’s contribution to an understanding of religion.
William E. Paden (2009) argues that Durkheim’s
observations about the importance of religion for
social solidarity remain valid in many circumstances
today. The symbolic importance of the Western (or
Wailing) Wall in Jerusalem for Jews is an example of the
continuing symbolic importance of sacred objects.
| social life. These problems fall into two categories.
416
1. How might the example of the Western Wall be
used to support Durkheim’s account of religion?
2. Why might some feminists use this example to
support the view that religion is patriarchal?
Talcott Parsons’ account of religion
Parsons (1937, 1964, 1965) argued that religious
beliefs provide guidelines for human action and
standards against which people’s conduct can
be evaluated. In a Christian society, for instance, the
Ten Commandments show that many of the norms
of the social system can be integrated (or brought
together) by religious beliefs. For example, the
commandment Thou shalt not kill’ integrates diverse
norms such as how to drive a car, settle an argument
and deal with the suffering of the aged. The norms
that direct these areas of behaviour prohibit
manslaughter, murder and euthanasia, but they are
all based on the same religious commandment.
In this way, religion provides general guidelines for
conduct, which are expressed in a variety of norms.
By establishing general principles and moral beliefs,
religion helps to provide the value consensus that is
necessary for social order and stability.
Religion and social order
Parsons saw religion as addressing particular
problems that occur in all societies and disrupt
The first relates to ‘the fact that individuals are "hit”
by events which they cannot foresee and prepare
for, or control, or both’ One such event is death,
particularly premature death. Parsons saw religion as
a mechanism for adjustment to such events and as a
means of restoring the normal pattern of life.
The second problem area is that of ‘uncertainty’.
This refers to endeavours in which a great deal
of effort and skill has been invested, but where
unknown or uncontrollable factors can threaten
a successful outcome. One example is humanity’s
inability to predict or control the effect of weather
upon agriculture. Parsons argued that religion
provides a means of coming to terms with such
situations through rituals which act as ‘a tonic to
self-confidence’. In this way, religion maintains social
stability by relieving the tension and frustration that
could disrupt social order.

Religion and problems of meaning
Parsons argued that religious beliefs give meaning
to life; they answer questions about humanity and
the world we live in. One of the major functions of
religion is to 'make sense’ of all experiences, no
matter how meaningless they appear. One example
is the question of why some people experience
suffering. Religion provides answers to this: suffering
tests a person’s faith; it is a punishment for sins;
and those who endure suffering with strength
will be rewarded in heaven. In this way, suffering
becomes meaningful.
Parsons (1965) saw a major function of religion as
providing meaning to events that people do not
expect or feel ought not to happen. This allows them
to adjust to these events. On a more general level, this
adjustment promotes order and stability in society.
Evaluation of the functionalist
perspective
1. Critics argue that the functionalist perspective
over-emphasises the role of religion in
maintaining social order and stability. It
underplays dysfunctional or negative aspects of
religion and neglects the many instances where
religion can be seen as a divisive and disruptive
force. Functionalism gives little consideration to
hostility between different religious groups within
the same society, such as Shia and Sunni Muslims
in Iraq, Hindus and Muslims in India or Catholics
and Protestants in Northern Ireland. In such
cases, religious divisions can be seen as a direct
threat to social order.
2. The functionalist approach focuses on religion
as a conservative force in society and does not
explore religion as a radical force that is linked to
social change. (See Part 4 of this chapter.)
3. Functionalism tends to see religion as a product
of socialisation and to assume that people will
be socialised into the religious culture of their
society. However, other approaches adopt a
more individualistic stance. For example, rational
choice theory sees religion as meeting the
needs of individuals rather than those of social
groups or society as a whole. This theory argues
that there are rational choices behind belief in
religion - people believe in religion because there
is something in it for them. Unlike functionalism,
rational choice theory focuses on individual
7.2 RELIGION AND SOCIAL ORDER
choice and decision-making, and sees religion as
involving active agency.
4. From a feminist perspective, functionalism fails
to examine the role of religion in maintaining
patriarchy and female oppression. From a
Marxist perspective, it fails to examine religion’s
role in maintaining capitalism.
Key terms
The sacred and the profane Durkheim’s
distinction between things that are set apart and
inspire reverential attitudes among followers (the
sacred) and ordinary, everyday things (the profane).
Totemism A form of religion practised by the
Australian Aboriginal peoples in which a sacred
totem (usually a plant or animal) symbolises the clan.
Rational choice theory An approach that
assumes most people are naturally religious, that
religious belief is based on rational choices and
that religion meets individuals’ needs.
Summary
1. Functionalism focuses on the positive role
of religion and its contribution to meeting
society’s needs.
2. Durkheim argued that, in worshipping god,
people are actually worshipping society. Religion
is functionally important in reinforcing the
collective conscience and promoting social order
and social solidarity.
3. Critics question the validity of the data that
Durkheim used, the relevance of his views to
modern, diverse societies and his account of
religion as the worship of society.
4. Parsons linked religion to value consensus, order
and stability in society. Religious beliefs give
meaning to life and make sense of all experiences,
regardless of how meaningless they appear.
5. Critics argue that functionalists pay insufficient
attention to dysfunctional aspects of religion and
its role in generating conflict, division
and change.
6. Unlike functionalism, rational choice theory
sees religion as involving individual choice,
decision-making and active agency.
417
 7 RELIGION
Unit 7.2.2 Marxist accounts
of religion
While functionalism focuses on the positive role of
religion in society, Marxism is critical of religion in
all class-based societies. Marxists identify two main
classes in capitalist society: the ruling class and the
subject class. The ruling class - the bourgeoisie -
own the forces or means of production, while the
subject class - the proletariat - only own their
labour power and are forced to sell their labour to
the bourgeoisie in order to survive. The relationship
between these two classes is based on exploitation,
as the proletariat’s wage is much less than the profits
that the bourgeoisie makes.
Marxists see capitalist society as made up of
the economic base which largely shapes the
superstructure. They see beliefs (including religious
beliefs) and values in society as forming a ruling-class
ideology. This produces false class consciousness (a
distorted picture of society that disguises class-based
exploitation) and the subject class are not aware
that they are being exploited. At the same time, false
class consciousness legitimates the ruling class’s
position in capitalist society. This unit examines
Marxist perspectives on the relationship between
religion, capitalism, exploitation and oppression.
Karl Marx’s views on religion
Marx argued that ‘Man makes religion, religion does
not make man.’ He challenged the Christian belief
that God created man in his own image by arguing
that man created God in his own image. In Marx’s
view, people create imaginary beings or forces which
stand above them and control their behaviour.
People project their own human powers and
capabilities onto God, who is seen as all-powerful.
As a result, they become detached from themselves.
Marx saw religion as a form of alienation in capitalist
society in that it disguises the fact that people can
take control of their own destiny. In this way, religion
prevents them from realising their own potential such
as their power to control their own lives on earth.
Marx saw religion in capitalist society as an ideology in
that religious beliefs support the bourgeoisie’s interests
and justify inequalities of wealth and power. Religion
is linked to false class consciousness because religious
ideas distort reality, disguise the extent of exploitation
418
in capitalist society and prevent the proletariat from
recognising its own interests.
In order to achieve true happiness and fulfilment,
religion and the social conditions that produce
it must be abolished. In Marx’s future classless
communist society, religion would not be necessary
because the social conditions that produce it, such as
alienation and exploitation, would no longer exist.
Religion as 'the opium of the people’
Marx described religion as 'the opium of the people’
(Marx, in Bottomore and Rubel, 1963). He argued
that religion acts as a drug to dull the pain produced
by oppression (see Unit 7.1.3). It helps to make
life more bearable for the proletariat and therefore
dilutes demands for change. As such, religion merely
numbs or stuns its followers rather than bringing
them true happiness and fulfilment.
From a Marxist perspective, religion can dull the pain
of oppression in the following ways:
1. It promises a paradise of eternal bliss in life after
death. Engels argued that Christianity appeals to
oppressed classes because it promises 'salvation
from bondage and misery’ in the afterlife. The
Christian vision of heaven can make life on earth
more bearable by giving people something to
look forward to.
2. Some religions see the suffering produced by
oppression as a just punishment for sins. Suffering
is also seen as a trial set by God, promising
rewards for those who endure poverty with
dignity and humility. Religion makes poverty more
bearable by offering a reward for suffering and
promising compensation in the afterlife for injustice.
3. Religion can offer the hope of supernatural
intervention to solve problems on earth. Members
of religious groups such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses
wait for the day when supernatural powers will
descend from on high and create heaven on earth.
Anticipation of this future can make the present
more acceptable.
4. Religion often justifies the social order and an
individual’s position within it. God can be seen as
creating and supporting the social structure. This
can make particular social arrangements appear
as God-given and therefore inevitable. It can also
help the proletariat to come to terms with their
situation and make life more bearable for them.

Religion and social control
From a Marxist viewpoint, religion does not
simply cushion the effects of oppression; it is
also an instrument of that oppression. It acts as
a mechanism of social control, maintaining the
existing system of exploitation and reinforcing
class relationships. Marx argued that Christianity
preaches 'submissiveness and humbleness’ to the
proletariat. In doing so, it keeps them in their
place. Furthermore, by making unsatisfactory lives
bearable, religion tends to discourage people from
attempting to change their situation. By offering an
illusion of hope in a hopeless situation, it prevents
thoughts of overthrowing the system. In this way,
it acts as a conservative force in society (see
Unit 7.4.1).
Activity
Ml
r &
z^\ V
4%
m,f /
. .* ! ,
a
w %
In Marxist terms, religion acts as a means of social control and keeps people in their place.
1. From a Marxist perspective, how might religious beliefs and practices act as an opiate or a painkilling drug?
2. Explain one similarity between Marxist and functionalist theories of religion.
3. What key differences are there between Marxist and functionalist perspectives on religion?
7.2 RELIGION AND SOCIAL ORDER
Marx did not believe that religion would last forever.
Religion was rooted in societies that alienated,
exploited and oppressed their members. When such
societies were replaced, religion would no longer be
necessary. Ultimately, the proletariat would remove
the need for religion by replacing capitalist society
i with communism.
I In Marx’s vision of the ideal communist society,
exploitation and alienation are things of the past.
The means of production are communally owned,
which results in the disappearance of social classes.
: Members of society are fulfilled as human beings;
they control their own destinies and work together
for the common good. Religion does not exist in this
communist utopia because the social conditions that
produce it have disappeared.
w
u
Sunday.
T HE church-bell calls, and we
obey,
1
» ; And meet in God’s own house to $
pray.
ms. At eve we wander by the brook,
Or ponder o’er some holy book;
rf*
And say, when radiant glows the
West,
“ Thanks be to God for Sabbath .
rest.”
419
 7 RELIGION
Evidence to support Marxism
There is considerable evidence to support the
Marxist view of the role of religion in society.
The caste system of traditional India, for example,
was justified by Hindu religious beliefs. In medieval
Europe, kings and queens ruled by divine right.
The Egyptian pharaohs went one step further by
combining both god and king in the same person.
Slave-owners in the southern states of America often
approved of the conversion of slaves to Christianity,
believing it to be a controlling and gentling influence.
It has been argued that, in the early days of the
industrial revolution in England, employers used
religion as a means of controlling the masses and
encouraging them to remain sober and to work hard.
Pentecostalism (a form of Christianity that has grown
significantly among poor people in Latin America,
Africa and parts of Asia) emphasises sobriety
(not drinking alcohol) and hard work. Pentecostal
churches have conservative teachings on issues
such as abortion, sexuality and the role of women
in society and within the church. Consequently,
Pentecostals are seen as likely to support the status
quo and to work hard in order to try to improve their
social position (see also Unit 7.4.1).
Bruce (1988) points out that, in the USA, conservative
Protestants - the ‘New Christian Right’ - consistently
support right-wing political candidates in the
Republican Party, and attack more liberal candidates
in the Democratic Party (see Unit 7.4.2). Although
Bruce emphasises that the New Christian Right have
had limited influence on American politics, they have
tended to defend the interests of the rich and powerful
at the expense of other groups.
Evaluation of Marxism
1. McGuire (2002) argues that the relationship
between religion and social and political action is
more complex and unpredictable than Marx claimed.
Although religion can act as an opiate, it can also be
linked to social and political change.
2. Marxism does not explain the existence of
religion where it does not appear to contribute
to the oppression of a particular class. Critics
argue that Marxism fails to explain why religion
might continue to exist when, in theory at
least, oppression has come to an end. Under
communism in the USSR after the 1917 revolution,
the state actively discouraged religion and many
places of worship were closed. The communist
state placed limits on religious activity and banned
the religious instruction of children. Nevertheless,
420
religion did not die out under communism, as
Marx predicted. Religious activity increased again
once communism had ended. This suggests that
Marx was wrong to believe that religion would
disappear under communism. It also suggests that
there may be other reasons for the existence of
religion apart from those put forward by Marx, or
that communism failed to end oppression.
3. Functionalist approaches accept that religion may
act as a means of social control. However, they see
this as functional for society.
4. Some feminists link religion to patriarchy rather
than to capitalism. They see religion as legitimising
male power rather than ruling-class power.
5. Rational choice theory adopts a more
individualistic stance than Marxist (and
functionalist) approaches and sees religion as a
matter of individual choice and agency.
Activity
*
-/#/_] k/ / / /S/ / /
mm
r<
1 tJP
Rational choice theory views religion in similar
terms to a market.
1. How far do you agree that when people make
choices about religion, they act like consumers
choosing between different products in
the marketplace?
2. In your view, to what extent is religion a matter
of individual choice?
Key terms
Mechanism of social control A means by which
individuals are persuaded to conform to the rules
in society.
New Christian Right A term originating in the
USA to describe Christian groups with links
to the right-wing Republican Party. They have
conservative views on social issues and want
religious culture to be central in public life.

Summary
1. Marx argued that people create religion. They
project their own powers or capabilities onto
superhuman beings and become detached or
alienated from themselves.
2. In Marx’s view, religion is an ideology in that
religious beliefs support the ruling class’s
interests and justify inequalities.
3. Marx saw religion as an opiate - a painkilling
drug - which makes life more bearable for the
proletariat under capitalism. In doing so, religion
dilutes demands for radical change in society.
4. Marx linked religion in class-based societies
to alienation and oppression. However, by
replacing capitalism with communism, the
proletariat would remove the need for religion.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
1 0 1 1 1 Describe two functions of religion.
1 0 1 2 1 Explain two limitations of the Marxist account of religion.
1 0 1 5 1 Through its contribution to meeting society’s needs, religion performs a positive role.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
PART 3 GENDER. FEMINISM AND RELIGION
Contents
Unit 7.3.1 Feminist perspectives on religion422
Unit 7.3.2 Patriarchy and gender inequality
in religion 426
There are several different feminist approaches
within the sociology of religion, including radical
feminism and liberal feminism. These different
approaches agree that power and authority are
not distributed equally between women and men
within most religious organisations and traditions.
Male domination can be seen in many religious
7.3 GENDER. FEMINISM AND RELIGION
5. Examples such as the caste system of
traditional India and the divine right of kings
support the Marxist view of the role of religion
in society.
6. Critics point out that, although religion can
inhibit change, it can also encourage social,
economic or political change. They also argue
that Marx was wrong to believe that religion
would disappear under communism.
7. Functionalism sees the social control aspect of
religion as functional for society.
8. Feminists see religion as justifying male
rather than ruling-class power and
as legitimising patriarchy rather than
capitalism.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
teachings about women and men, in the leadership
structures of religious institutions and in the
practices of religions. Therefore, the feminist views
of religion relate well to the key concept of power
and control. Feminist approaches use the term
‘patriarchy’ to refer to a system of male domination
in society and they argue that patriarchy is
supported by a set of religious beliefs. But are
all religions necessarily patriarchal? Can religion
empower women rather than oppress them? Can
religion be a form of resistance? This part looks at
the different feminist views on the role of religion in
society and its links to patriarchy.
421
 7 RELIGION

The position of women in many societies across the

Unit 7.3.1 Feminist perspectives globe has improved over the last 50 years. Faced

on religion with such changes to women’s social status, some

groups want women’s traditional roles (for example,
as wives and mothers) to be re-established. Such
Feminist theories of religion, like Marxist theories,
groups often appeal to sacred texts in order to
often argue that religion can be an instrument of
justify their views on gender.
domination and oppression. However, they tend to
see religion as a product of patriarchy rather than 4. Places of worship. Some places of worship
of capitalism. Many feminists see religion as part segregate men and women. Women’s second-class
of a wider ideology or set of ideas which serve the status is often related to their female identities.
interests of men rather than those of a capitalist class. Jean Holm (1994) points out that ‘Menstruation
and childbirth are almost universally regarded as
Religion is seen as a patriarchal institution that
polluting. In many traditions women are forbidden
perpetuates gender inequality over time. Feminist to enter sacred places or touch sacred objects
sociologists draw on evidence from a variety of
during the menstrual period.’ For example, Hindu
religious beliefs and practices to support this view.
women are prohibited from approaching family
They highlight four main ways in which religion can shrines when pregnant or menstruating. Muslim
be seen as patriarchal. women are not allowed to touch the Qur’an, go
1. Religious organisations. Most religious into a mosque or pray during menstruation.
organisations are hierarchical in their structures
and male-dominated in their leadership. Women
continue to be excluded from key roles or positions Activity
of power in many religions. The Church of England
finally allowed the ordination of female priests
in 1992 and female bishops in 2014. Roman
Catholic women, however, cannot become priests.
This exclusion is despite the fact that women
often participate more in organised religion (when
they are allowed to) than men (see Unit 7.1.5).
Orthodox Jewish women cannot become
rabbis and, in Hinduism, only men can become
Brahmanic priests. Sikhism is perhaps the most
egalitarian of the major religions, as all offices are
equally open to men and women. However, even
in Sikhism, only a small minority of women have
significant positions within the religion.

2. Laws and customs. In most religions, women
have fewer rights than men. The Roman Catholic
Church, for instance, has strict rules on abortion
and contraception. Women often have fewer rights
than men regarding divorce and are subject to
more rules about what is seen as appropriate
dress when praying. In countries where the
cultural norms are influenced by religion, men and
women may be treated unequally by, for example,
receiving different punishments for adultery.
3. Sacred texts. Sacred texts tend to give women
subordinate roles. In most religions, the gods are
male and women are portrayed in minor roles. All
the apostles in the New Testament, for example,
are men. One explanation for this is that the
sacred texts were usually written by men.
Many feminists see the majority of religious
organisations as male-dominated in their
leadership.
1. How far do you agree with the view that religions
are patriarchal?
2. Can you think of any arguments to counter
this view?
Fang-Long Shih (2010) identifies two main feminist
perspectives on religion: the radical feminist
perspective and the liberal feminist perspective.
However, other feminist-inspired viewpoints have also
developed which challenge the view that religion is
necessarily patriarchal.

422

Radical feminist perspectives
on religion
Radical feminist perspectives argue that gender
inequality is the central type of inequality in society.
Furthermore, a radical transformation of society is
necessary to remove gender inequality. Unlike liberal
feminists, they believe that small-scale reform will not
be enough to bring about change.
Simone de Beauvoir’s account of female
oppression within religion
De Beauvoir (1953) argued that religion acts for
women in similar ways to those suggested by Marx
for oppressed classes. Oppressors (men) can use
religion to control the oppressed group (women).
Religion also serves as a way of compensating
women for their second-class status. De Beauvoir
notes that men have generally exercised control
over religious beliefs in different faiths and use
divine authority to support their dominance over
women. The fear of God serves to keep women in a
subordinate position.
Religion gives women, like Marx’s proletariat,
the idea that they will be compensated for their
sufferings on earth by equality in heaven. In this way,
the subjugation of women through religion helps to
maintain a status quo in which women and men are
unequal. Furthermore, in terms of their role within
religion, women are seen as vital because they do
much of the work for religious organisations and
introduce children to religious beliefs.
Goddess religion and feminist spirituality
Some feminists argue that the subordination of
women has not always been a characteristic of the
majority of religions. Karen Armstrong (1993), for
example, argues that in early history women were at
the centre of'the spiritual quest’. In the Middle East,
Asia and Europe, archaeologists have uncovered
numerous symbols of the Great Mother Goddess.
She is pictured as a naked pregnant woman and
seems to represent the mysteries of fertility and life.
There were very few early effigies of gods as men.
As societies developed religious beliefs in which
there were held to be many different gods and
goddesses, the Mother Goddess still played a crucial
role. However, the final death knell for goddesses
came with the acceptance of monotheism - belief in
a single male god (such as Yahweh, the god of the
prophet Abraham) rather than in many gods.
7.3 GENDER. FEMINISM AND RELIGION
Mary Daly and Goddess religion
Some feminist approaches, such as that of de
Beauvoir, assume that religion is inevitably
patriarchal and must be abolished. Others accept
that religion is patriarchal but do not believe that
religion itself needs to be abolished. Instead, they
argue that patriarchal religions need to be replaced
with feminist religion. In particular, they need to be
replaced with Goddess religion.
Daly (1973) was one of the earliest advocates
of this approach. She was strongly influenced by
de Beauvoir and agreed that religion was oppressive
to women. She argued that existing religions are
based on an ‘inadequate God’, and that women are
oppressed in several ways:
1. Religions such as Christianity have often proclaimed
that the subordination of women is God’s will.
2. God is portrayed as a man and as Father. ‘One-sex
symbolism’ of this sort alienates women and places
them in an inferior position to men.
3. Religion tells believers that redemption comes
through prayer, not through actively trying to
change the situation and abolish exploitation. For
this reason, it tends to support the continuation
of patriarchy.
Daly argued for a new feminist spirituality. This
sense of spirituality can come from within women
themselves and can lead to the revolutionary
overthrow of dominant, male gods. Together, women
can 'struggle towards self-transcendence’ so that
religious and spiritual insight comes from within and
not from the teachings of male preachers imposing a
male god on women.
In this way, some religions may oppose rather
than support male domination. Woodhead (2007)
describes the Goddess feminist movement as
seeking 'to honour the “divine feminine’’ in their
own lives and in society’. It is committed to the
empowerment of women.
Radical feminist approaches which emphasise the
importance of Goddess religion have demonstrated
that, while a belief in God can help to maintain
patriarchy, non-patriarchal religions are possible.
However, critics argue that Daly’s work is rather
generalised and, in places, lacks detailed evidence
to support her claims. Nevertheless, Shih (2010)
believes that this type of research has been
significant in developing the sociology of religion in
general, by helping to open up female and feminist
423
 7 RELIGION
perspectives. For example, Woodhead (2007) has
discussed how involvement in New Age activities such
as Reiki in Kendal, Britain, can be a way for women
to gain self-esteem, which may be low as a result
of patriarchal ideology. For example, women may
have found that their sense of self-worth has been
undermined by male partners and that involvement in
New Age activities is a way to overcome these feelings.
Patriarchy, Islam and the
limited role of religion
Both de Beauvoir and advocates of Goddess religion
write from the perspective of Western, Christian
women. Furthermore, they assume that religion itself
is a main cause of patriarchy. However, Nawal El
Saadawi (1980), an Egyptian feminist writer, discusses
424
female oppression in the Arab world and elsewhere.
She examines the importance of religion in creating
and perpetuating oppression but does not see religion
itself as the main underlying cause of oppression.
Instead, she sees it as just one aspect of a wider
patriarchal system which needs to be overthrown.
El Saadawi denies that the oppression of women is
directly caused by religion in general, or by Islam in
particular She notes that oppressive practices such as
female circumcision have often been attributed to the
influence of Islam. However, female circumcision has
been practised in a considerable number of countries,
not all of them Islamic. In her view, genuine religious
beliefs tend to be opposed to any such practices and
aim at ‘truth, equality, justice, love and a healthy
wholesome life for all people, whether men or women’
Furthermore, she believes that other religions,
including Christianity, are often more oppressive
than Islam. To El Saadawi, female oppression is not
essentially due to religion but to patriarchy. Men have
often distorted religion to serve their own interests, to
help justify or legitimate the oppression of women. El
Saadawi is not hostile to religion itself, but only to the
domination of religion by patriarchal ideology.
Evaluation of radical feminism
1. Critics argue that much radical feminism tends to
generalise about religion and to see all religions as
equally patriarchal. However, some liberal feminists
have identified certain religions, such as Quakerism,
that are not clearly or strongly patriarchal.
2. Radical feminists also tend to ignore evidence
that progress has been made and that aspects
of patriarchal ideology within religion have been
successfully challenged.
3. Radical feminists such as de Beauvoir and Daly have
not backed up their views with detailed research. In
other cases, the validity or representativeness of the
research may be open to question.
4. Radical feminists are not particularly sensitive to
the ways in which women may find space within, or
use, apparently patriarchal religions to further their
own interests.
Liberal feminist perspectives
on religion
Radical feminists tend to believe that patriarchy is so
built into existing religions that only their destruction
or replacement with an alternative can lead to the
furthering of feminism. However, liberal feminists,
while also regarding existing religions as patriarchal,

focus more on reforming religions in order to remove
patriarchal elements from them. In their view, religion
and feminism are compatible. They start off by
identifying the aspects of religion which, in their view,
need reforming.
Inequalities in major religions
Holm (1994) argues that, while the classical
teachings of many religions have stressed equality
between men and women, in practice they have
usually been far from equal. In Japanese folk
religions, for example, women are responsible for
organising public rituals but only men can take
part in the public performances. In Chinese popular
religion, women are associated with Yin and men
with Yang. However, Yang spirits are more important
and powerful. In Buddhism, both men and women
can have a religious role, as monks and nuns,
respectively. However, all monks are seen as senior
to all nuns. Orthodox Judaism only allows males
to take a full part in ceremonies. In Islam, in some
regions, women are not allowed to enter mosques for
worship, and men have made all the legal rulings. In
Christianity, it is still impossible for women to take
the highest positions in church hierarchy.
The limits to patriarchy and
progress towards greater equality
Many liberal feminists suggest that the patriarchal
oppression of women within religion is not universal.
Essays in a book edited by Holm (1994) identified
three main reasons for this:
1. Some religions are generally patriarchal but aspects
of them can still provide significant opportunities
for women. For example, Leila Badawi (1994) noted
aspects of Islam that are positive for women. Unlike
Christian women, Muslim women keep their own
family name when they get married.
2. There are a few religions which do not have a
strong tradition of patriarchy and have always
I in general.
been relatively egalitarian. According to Alexandra
Wright (1994), some Christian religions,
particularly Quakerism, have never been oppressive
to women. For example, Quakers believe in totally
democratic organisational structures and value
men and women’s contribution to the day-to-day
running of the religion in equal measure.
3. Patriarchal aspects of some religions are
changing, partly as a result of liberal feminists’
actions and campaigns for gender equality within
religions. For example, some have campaigned
7.3 GENDER. FEMINISM AND RELIGION
for women to hold senior posts within the Church
of England hierarchy on equal terms to men.
Partly due to such campaigns, women have
been consecrated as bishops within the Church
of England since 2015. Others are currently
campaigning for the Roman Catholic Church to
ordain women as priests.
Activity
In Berlin, Germany, a new mosque, Ibn
Rushd-Goethe, has been built which seeks to
challenge patriarchal interpretations of Islam.
It does this by allowing men and women to pray
together as well as allowing women imams. The
founder and imam, Seyran Ates, a self-proclaimed
Muslim feminist, argues that the way to overcome
problems such as radicalisation (where individuals
are encouraged to take on extreme and sometimes
violent actions in the name of religion) and hostility
towards Islam is to introduce more a progressive,
feminist brand of faith. The mosque is part of a
small but growing number of similar mosques
around the world that have received both hostile
criticism and also some hopeful support.
1. Outline two ways in which the Ibn Rushd-Goethe
mosque challenges radical feminist views
of religion.
2. Explain why this new mosque may appeal to
women more than traditional mosques.
Evaluation of liberal feminism
1. Although there is evidence of some progress
as a result of liberal feminism, the extent of this
progress is open to question. Radical feminists
tend to believe that patriarchy is so embedded
within existing religions that reform will never
be enough to significantly improve the position
of women within religion and within society
2. Some feminists, while not rejecting liberal
feminism altogether, believe that it has had only
a limited impact. Shih (2010) refers to research
which suggests that, even with increasing
numbers of women ordained within the Church of
England, relatively little has changed and sexist
attitudes within the Church remain strong.
3. Statistical evidence suggests that there is still a
long way to go before women achieve equality
within the Church of England. For example, in
425
7 RELIGION
2012, women made up 12 per cent of senior
staff (including cathedral clergy, archdeacons
and bishops); in 2015, this figure stood at 19 per
cent (Church of England, 2016).
Key terms
Patriarchy A pattern/structure of male dominance
and control.
Radical feminists Those who believe that society
is dominated by men and the only way to improve
the position of women is via radical changes
in society.
Liberal feminists Those who believe that
gender equality is possible within existing social
structures, with changes in attitudes, laws and
social policies.
Goddess religion Religion that honours the 'divine
feminine’, the female side of the divine.
Summary
1. Feminist theories see religion as a patriarchal
institution in terms of its hierarchical
organisations, its laws and customs, its sacred
texts and its places of worship.
2. Radical feminists such as de Beauvoir argue
that religion is inevitably patriarchal and must
be abolished.
3. While accepting that religion oppresses
women, some feminists argue that
patriarchal religions need to be replaced with
non-patriarchal religions such as a new feminist
spirituality or a Goddess religion.
4. El Saadawi sees religion as playing a role in
women’s oppression but rejects the idea that
it is the main cause of oppression. Instead,
she sees religion as one aspect of a wider
patriarchal system.
5. Critics of radical feminism point out that not
all religions are equally patriarchal and that
aspects of patriarchal ideology within religions
have been successfully challenged. Furthermore,
women may use apparently patriarchal religions
to further their own interests.
6. Liberal feminist perspectives focus on removing
patriarchal aspects from religion and argue
that progress has been made towards greater
equality. Critics question the extent of this
progress and reform.
426
Unit 7.3.2 Patriarchy and gender
inequality in religion
Patriarchy and women in
conservative religions
Conservative religions, which tend to support
traditional values, are often seen as the
most oppressive types of religion for women.
Fundamentalism and evangelicalism, which
advocate traditional morality and the importance
of the domestic role and modesty for women, seem
to be particularly patriarchal. In Catholicism
there are strict rules governing men and women’s
sexuality - for example, prohibiting sex outside
marriage or abortion. Furthermore, there are strict
rules concerning women’s sexuality even within
approved relationships, such as marriage among
orthodox Jews. These examples also suggest that
religion might affect women in different ways
and therefore generalisations about religion
are inappropriate.
However, some feminist sociologists question whether
they necessarily always succeed in oppressing
women. A number of researchers have found
evidence that women find space within such religions
! to develop their own ideas or use aspects of these
religions to further their own interests. For example,
Sophie Gilliat-Ray (2010) points out that some
British-born Muslim girls and young women wear
the hijab (a scarf covering their head and hair) as a
means of negotiating approval from their parents to
go into higher education or paid employment. This
may help to explain why many conservative religions
are embraced by a significant number of women.
Islam and the veil
Many feminists view the issue of veiling and modest
dress among Islamic women as controversial. Rachel
Rinaldo (2010) notes that, as veiling regained
popularity in the 1970s and 1980s, 'the reaction
from feminists was overwhelmingly negative’, seeing
the practice as a ‘reassertion of patriarchy’. After
the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979, for example,
veiling was made compulsory, and some saw this as
a direct attack on women's rights. However, these
assumptions have been challenged by a number of
other feminist writers.
Helen Watson (1994) argues that the veiling of
Islamic women can be interpreted as beneficial
to them. She examines three Muslim women’s

responses to veiling and finds that Islamic women
in a globalised world can use veils in a positive
way. As Western culture tries to influence Islamic
countries, and more Muslims live in the Western
world, the veil can take on new meanings for
women. For example, Nadia, a second-generation
British-Asian woman studying medicine at
university, actively chose to start wearing a veil
when she was 1 6. She was proud of her religion
and wanted others to know that she was Muslim.
She felt that 4lt is liberating to have the freedom
of movement and to be able to communicate with
people without being on show. It’s what you say
that’s important, not what you look like.’ She found
that, far from making her invisible, wearing a veil
made her stand out, yet it also helped her to avoid
unwanted comments and attention from men.
Watson concludes that veiling is often a reaction
against an increasingly pervasive Western culture.
It can be seen as the assertion of independence,
separate identity and a rejection of Western cultural
imperialism. Rather than seeing the veil as a sign
of male oppression, it is ‘part of the search for an
indigenous Islamic form of protest’ against patriarchy
in society.
Watson’s conclusions, however, should be treated
with some caution. Her observations are based on a
sample of three women. She appears to have made
no attempt to find Muslim women who felt men or
patriarchal society forced them into wearing the veil
against their will.
The next section explores the extent to which new
forms of religion follow similar patterns of reflecting
patriarchal ideology, or alternatively if they provide
alternative ideas and practices.
Activity
In many parts of Europe, it is now illegal to wear
any form of face covering in public places, but
critics argue that this infringes people’s freedom
of expression and religion.
1. Why might some feminists support a ban on
wearing a veil in public?
2. Why might other feminists oppose such a ban?
3. To what extent do you agree that the state
should impose rules on what people wear
in public?
7.3 GENDER.
feminism and religion..
Do more recent forms of religiosity
reflect patriarchal ideology?
Given the huge array of new forms of religions
emerging in recent years, it can be difficult to make
generalisations about the extent to which they
perpetuate ideas which oppress women. However,
this section explores some examples which both
challenge and support the claim that religions
continue to uphold patriarchal ideology.
New religious movements
New religious movements (relatively modern forms
of religion which are different from, or challenge,
traditional religions in some way) are not easy to
compare, as they vary considerably in relation to
gender. Susan Palmer (2008) suggests that the
majority, however, tend to reinforce conservative,
simplistic ideas about the role of women as carers or
mothers that uphold patriarchy. A minority of new
religious movements offer opportunities for greater
experimentation with gender roles. For example,
the Raelians encouraged experimentation with
gender roles, encouraging transvestitism, as well
as practising the removal of gendered identity and
behaviour. Other new religious movements sought to
challenge patriarchal assumptions, although these
practices are not always long-term. For example,
between 1981 and 1985 the Rajneesh movement
I
granted women leadership positions, only shortly
afterwards to be replaced by male leaders. Therefore,
the overwhelming view is that new religious
! movements are unlikely to challenge patriarchy or,
indeed, offer women any form of liberation.
Pentecostalism
Some feminists express concerns about
Pentecostalism’s deep conservatism with respect to
i women’s roles. However, Elizabeth Brusco (1996)
carried out research into Pentecostalism in Colombia
in the 1980s and found that Pentecostalism can be a
source of change or emancipation for women. Brusco
claims that Pentecostalism has the capacity to reform
gender roles in ways that enhance female status.
Brusco claims that Pentecostalism promotes female
interests in simple, practical ways, such as involving
them more in organisational roles and valuing
their contribution in the family. Pentecostalism also
has the potential to challenge machismo or male
dominance that is so central to Latin American
culture. This is possible through the expectations and
427
7 RELIGION

teachings about the need for men to be respectful to

their wives and other female relatives. However, this
finding is only limited to Colombia, so the pattern
may not be reflected elsewhere.
New Age movements
New Age movements (see Unit 7.1.3) appear to attract
women more than men. For example, the Kendal
Project in the UK (see Unit 7.5.2) notes that women
are more likely to be part of a growing number of
people who are not affiliated to traditional religious
organisations, but who instead attend New Age
movements that practise techniques such as yoga.
Michael York (2004) claims that much of the outlook of
New Age movements, their spirituality and organisation
lends itself to a more female-centred belief system.
Cynthia Eller (1993) claims that New Age movements
in the USA offer women the opportunity to be part
of a feminist spirituality movement, as opposed to
traditional patriarchal forms of religion.
Key terms
Fundamentalism A form of religion whose adherents
want to return to what they see as the core doctrines
of the faith as set out in sacred texts such as the
Bible or the Qur'an. Christian fundamentalists, for
example, adopt a literal interpretation of biblical
accounts of miracles and the Creation.
Evangelicalism A movement within Protestant
Christianity that is seen as conservative in its
support of traditional values.
Cultural imperialism The practice of imposing
a culture, viewpoint or civilisation on people in
another, less powerful country.
Summary
1. Fundamentalism and evangelical Christianity
are seen as particularly patriarchal. However,
some feminist sociologists argue that women
can find space within such religions to develop
their own ideas.
2. Many feminists have reacted negatively to the
popularity of veiling among Muslim women.
However, Watson argues that wearing a veil in
a globalised world can be beneficial to Muslim
women.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
| 0 | 1 | Describe two ways in which religion can be seen as oppressive for women. [4 marks]
I 0 | 2 | Explain two limitations of the liberal feminist view of religion. [6 marks]
[ 0 I 5 I ‘New forms of religion continue to maintain patriarchal ideology.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]

428

PARI 4 RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF
SOCIAL CHAH6E
Contents
Unit 7.4.1 The relationship between religion
and social change 429
Unit 7.4.2 Religious movements, political
debates and struggles 435
Sociologists are interested in the relationship
between religion and social change. To what extent
Unit 7.4.1 The relationship
between religion and
social change
There are a number of possible relationships
between religion, social change and social stability. In
general, functionalist and many Marxist and feminist
sociologists argue that religion may be a conservative
force, a factor that inhibits social change. By contrast,
neo-Marxists such as Otto Maduro (1982) argue that
religion may also be a radical force that promotes
change. This unit looks at different sociological
accounts of the role of religion as a source of social
change, including debates about the relationship
between religion and the origins of capitalism.
Religion as a conservative force
Religion can be seen as a 'conservative force’ in two
senses, depending on how ‘conservative’ is defined.
The phrase ‘conservative force' is usually used to refer
to religion as preventing change and maintaining the
status quo. Functionalists, Marxists and feminists
generally agree that religion acts as a conservative force
in society. However, they disagree in terms of how they
interpret this. From a functionalist perspective, religion
contributes to social order and stability (see Unit 7.2.1).
In doing so, religion facilitates the continued existence
of society in its present form and inhibits change. This is
interpreted by functionalists in positive terms.
7.4 RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CHANGE
is religion a source of stability in society? Can
it promote social change and, if so, what sort
of change does it bring about? In addressing
these questions, this part draws on functionalist,
Marxist and feminist approaches. It also explores
the ideas of Weber on the links between religion
and the rise of capitalism. Finally, it examines
the influence of religious movements on political
debates and struggles around the world. What role
have religious leaders and beliefs played in political
debates, struggles and conflict?
Marx had similar views to functionalism in that
he saw religion as maintaining the status quo (see
Unit 7.2.2). However, he argued that religion operates
in the interests of the ruling class rather than those of
society as a whole. By promising its faithful followers
rewards in the next life, religion discourages people
from demanding radical social changes in this life and
acts as an agency of social control.
Many feminists see religion as a patriarchal
institution that perpetuates rather than challenges
gender inequality. From a feminist perspective,
religion can be seen as ideological in that it socialises
people into accepting patriarchy and gender
inequality as natural and inevitable.
‘Conservative’ may also refer to traditional beliefs
and customs. Usually, if religion helps to maintain the
status quo, it will also maintain traditional customs
and beliefs. For example, the stance of successive
popes has restricted the use of abortion among
Roman Catholic women. The Roman Catholic Church
also has traditional views on issues such as marriage,
divorce, sexuality, contraception and gender.
In some circumstances, however, religion can support
social change while at the same time promoting
traditional values. This often occurs when there is a
revival in fundamentalist religious beliefs within, for
example, Christianity or Islam. Such beliefs involve a
return to what a group claims are the ‘fundamentals’
or basic, original beliefs of a religion. Christian
fundamentalism in the USA, for example, involves
an emphasis on the literal truth of scripture, a literal
429
7 RELIGION
interpretation of the biblical account of the Creation
and a rejection of the scientific theory of evolution.
It advocates traditional roles for women in society,
and control over female sexuality and reproduction
expressed, for instance, in its attitudes to abortion.
Bryan Turner (2005) argues that Christian
fundamentalism has become an important force in
the revival of right-wing politics in the USA.
Fundamentalism involves the reassertion of
traditional religious and moral values to counter
social changes that have taken place and to oppose
the people who support these changes (see Unit
7.6.2). If fundamentalists are successful, they
succeed in defending traditional values. At the same
time, however, they change society by reversing
innovations that took place earlier.
Islamic State (IS) can be interpreted as acting as both
a force for change and a conservative force. On the
one hand, it is a movement that wants to bring about
change (the establishment of a state that is governed
by Islamic law). On the other hand, IS is seen as an
organisation that supports traditional, conservative
values. This illustrates the importance of distinguishing
between the two meanings of the word ‘conservative’.
Activity
; that God had predetermined the world and that a
A preacher challenges students on an American
university campus to abandon evolutionary theory
and replace it with Christian beliefs.
1. In what way might religion be seen as a
conservative force in society?
2. Briefly explain one similarity between feminist
and Marxist views on the relationship between
religion and social change.
3. Briefly explain one difference between
functionalist and Marxist views on the
relationship between religion and social change.
430
Religion as a change-promoting force
Marx is generally regarded as a materialist. He
argued that the material world shaped people’s
beliefs, including their religious and political beliefs.
In his view, the economic system largely determined
the type of religion that was dominant in a particular
society and the beliefs that people held.
Unlike Marx, Weber rejected the view that religion
is always shaped by economic factors. In his view,
under certain conditions, religious beliefs can have a
major influence on economic behaviour and promote
social change.
Weber’s theory of the role of
religion in the rise of capitalism
Weber (1958, first published 1904/05) examined the
relationship between the rise of Calvinism, a Protestant
form of Christianity, and the development of Western
industrial capitalism. He tried to demonstrate that:
> Calvinism emerged before the development of
Western capitalism
> capitalism first developed in areas where Calvinism
was influential.
The Protestant ethic Calvinist Protestantism
originated in the beliefs of John Calvin (1509-64)
and his followers in the 17th century. Calvin led the
Protestant Reformation in Switzerland and France.
The term ‘Reformation’ refers to attempts to reform
the Roman Catholic Church and to the development
of Protestantism in Western Europe.
Calvin believed in the doctrine of predestination:
distinct group of people, the elect, were destined
to go to heaven. The elect had been chosen by God
even before they were born. Unlike members of
other religions, such as Roman Catholics, Calvinists
believed that those who were not among the elect
could not earn themselves a place in heaven, no
matter how well they behaved on earth. They could
not change God’s decision.
Weber pointed out that Calvinists had a psychological
problem: they did not know whether they were
among the elect. Consequently, they suffered from
uncertainty about their status. However, they
reasoned that only the elect would be able to live a
good life on earth. If their behaviour was exemplary,
they could feel confident that they were among
those chosen by God to go to heaven after death.
Their behaviour was not an attempt to earn a place
in heaven; instead, it was an attempt to convince
themselves that they had been chosen to go there.

The Protestant ethic developed first in 17th-century
Western Europe among Protestants, including
Calvinists. This ethic was ascetic, encouraging
abstinence from life’s pleasures, an austere lifestyle
and self-discipline.
Calvinists saw their occupation or career as a calling,
as something to which they had been called by
God. The Protestant ethic produced individuals who
worked hard and single-mindedly in their calling.
Acquiring wealth provided ascetic Protestants with
a clue to their fate. They saw financial success as a
sign of God’s favour - as a sign that they were one
of the elect, saved rather than damned. The money
they made, however, could not be spent on luxuries
or frivolous entertainment. It had to be spent on the
glory of God. In effect, this meant being even more
successful in one’s calling and, in practice, reinvesting
profits in the business. Therefore, the interpretation
that the Calvinists put on the original doctrine of
predestination contributed to them becoming the
first capitalists.
Activity
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A preconditions to develop capitalism, they were not
I
i and individuals engaged in making money. What
ul i encouraged the development of capitalism.
This cartoon from 1653 shows o Puritan (a follower
of Puritanism, a strict form of Protestantism
that was influenced by Calvinism) driving Father
Christmas out of town. Christmas fun and games
were banned in mid- 1 7th-century England.
How might this cartoon illustrate Weber’s view of
the Protestant ethic?
The spirit of capitalism Weber argued that modern
capitalist enterprises are organised on rational
7.4 RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CHANGE
lines and business transactions are conducted in
a systematic manner. Underlying the practice of
capitalism is the spirit of capitalism - a set of
ethics, values and ideas such as to waste time loses
money. The spirit of capitalism involved seeing the
accumulation of capital as an end in itself rather
than as a means to an end. It involved dedication
to acquiring money through economic activity and
avoiding the use of wealth for personal enjoyment.
Weber claimed that the origins of the spirit of
capitalism were to be found in the work ethic of
ascetic Protestantism. He saw ascetic Protestantism
as a vital influence in the creation and development
of the spirit and practice of capitalism. In his view,
the methodical and single-minded pursuit of a calling
encouraged rational capitalism. Making money
became both a religious and a business ethic.
Finally, Weber noted that the importance of
wealth creation and the restrictions on spending it
encouraged saving and reinvestment. The ascetic
Protestant way of life led to the accumulation of
capital, investment and reinvestment. It produced the
early businesses that expanded to create capitalism.
Religion in non-Protestant societies Weber
compared religions and economic developments in
different parts of the world in order to understand
the relationship between religion and changes
in society (Weber, 1963, first published 1922).
Although other parts of the world beyond
Western Europe possessed many of the necessary
among the first areas to develop it. For example,
India and China had technological knowledge, labour
they lacked, according to Weber, was a religion that
Materialism and Weber’s theory In Weber’s view,
he had shown that some religious beliefs could
promote economic change. He claimed to have found
a weakness in Marx’s materialism, which implied
that the economic system always shaped ideas.
Weber put much more emphasis than Marx on the
influence of ideas in bringing about economic change.
However, Weber also recognised the importance
of the economy, material factors and technology in
making capitalism possible. Material factors were as
important as ideas in the development of capitalism.
Neither could be ignored in any explanation.
431
7 RELIGION
A portrait of John Calvin. Weber examined the
impact of Protestant religions such as Calvinism
on the development of Western capitalism.
Write a summary of Weber’s ideas on the
relationship between the Protestant ethic and the
development of capitalism.
Evaluation of Weber
1. Werner Sombart (1907) argued that Weber was
mistaken about Calvinists’ beliefs. According
to Sombart, Calvinism opposed greed and the
pursuit of money for its own sake. However, Weber
pointed out that it was not the Calvinist beliefs in
themselves that were important. The doctrine of
predestination was not intended to produce the
rational pursuit of profit. However, this was one of
its unintended consequences, in that it led to the
Protestant work ethic.
2. Critics point to parts of the world where Calvinism
was strong but capitalism did not develop until
much later. For example, Switzerland, Scotland,
Contemporary issues: Pentecostalism
Pentecostalism
Pentecostal movements are one of the faster­
growing churches within world Christianity and
have spread rapidly in Latin America and other
less industrialised societies. One interpretation of
Pentecostalism regards it as a new form of Weber’s
Protestant ethic (Martin, 2013). Pentecostals’
lifestyle, based on hard work, saving money and
self-discipline, is seen as encouraging upward
social mobility and effective participation in a
432
Hungary and parts of the Netherlands all contained
large Calvinist populations but were not among
the first capitalist countries. However, Gordon
Marshall (1982) argues that Weber did not claim
that Calvinism was the only factor necessary for
the development of capitalism. Simply finding
Calvinist countries that failed to become capitalist
comparatively early cannot therefore disprove
Weber’s theory. In his own study of Scotland,
Marshall found that the Scots had a capitalist
mentality but were held back by a lack of skilled
labour and capital for investment, and by
government policies that did not stimulate the
development of industry.
3. Karl Kautsky (1953), a Marxist, argued that early
capitalism came before and largely determined
Protestantism. He saw Calvinism as developing
in cities where commerce and early forms of
industrialisation were already established. Weber’s
defenders insist that a distinctive rational capitalist
entrepreneur did not emerge until after Calvinism.
4. Others question whether it was Calvinists’
religious beliefs that led to them becoming
businesspeople. According to this view, Calvinists
devoted themselves to business because they were
excluded from holding public office and from joining
certain professions by law. Like Jewish people in
Eastern and Central Europe, they tried to become
economically successful in order to overcome their
political persecution. However, Weber’s supporters
argue that only Calvinists developed capitalist
behaviour involving rational planning to accumulate
capital. As a result, only they could develop capitalist
businesses before capitalism was established.
Despite these criticisms, Weber successfully
highlights the theoretical point that ideas - in this
case, religious ideas - can lead to economic change.
modern economy. Consequently, in this view,
Pentecostalism is associated with economic and
social change.
Pentecostalism is seen as a modernising movement
in less industrialised societies in Latin America,
Asia and Africa in terms of economic behaviour. Its
beliefs are compatible with economic and industrial
growth. It also seeks to transform family life and,
in some cases, the role of women to bring about
greater gender equality.

David Martin (2013) notes that Pentecostals
believe in bettering themselves and self-help.
They are prepared to change their circumstances
themselves rather than expecting others to rectify
their wrongs for them. He sees Pentecostal pastors
as religious entrepreneurs who run enterprises,
including transnational megachurches, that
are religious versions of large-scale businesses.
Becoming a pastor can provide a route of rapid
upward social mobility for some.
Allan H. Anderson (2014) suggests that
Pentecostalism can change its believers’ values
and motivate new economic behaviour. As a
result, Pentecostalism has encouraged capitalism
and development in, for example, parts of Africa.
He agrees with Martin that Pentecostalism can
create upward social mobility. It can also legitimise
economic success.
The Prosperity Gospel in Brazil
The Temple of Solomon in Sao Paulo, Brazil, is
the world headquarters of the neo-Pentecostal
Universal Church of the Kingdom of God.
Examples of religions as
vehicles for social change
G.K. Nelson (1986) argues that, 'far from encouraging
people to accept their place, religion can spearhead
resistance and revolution’. In cases when religion has
been a force for change in society, the society that
results may be strongly influenced by that religion.
Numerous examples show that religion can act as a
vehicle for social change.
» In the 1960s, a number of radical and revolutionary
groups emerged within the Roman Catholic Church in
Latin America. They preached liberation theology,
arguing that it was the duty of church members
to fight against unjust and oppressive right-wing
dictatorships. Liberation theology is committed to
the struggle for justice and to taking action on behalf
7.4 RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CHANGE
Pentecostalism is the fastest-growing sector
of Protestantism in Brazil, a predominantly
Roman Catholic country in Latin America. Many
neo-Pentecostal churches have introduced the
Prosperity Gospel to Brazil. The Religious Literacy
Project argues that one key belief of the Prosperity
Gospel concerns the power of Jesus Christ and the
gospel to heal not only people’s emotional and
physical illnesses, but also their financial ills. In
effect, having faith, praying and donating money to
a Pentecostal church can lead to financial rewards
and riches. Wealth and prosperity are seen as signs
of God’s favour, while (by implication) poverty is
linked to a lack of faith.
Neo-Pentecostalism’s enthusiastic acceptance of
the Prosperity Gospel associates devotion with
upward social mobility. This has contributed to
the widespread appeal of neo-Pentecostalism
among the Brazilian urban poor as well as the
middle class.
Question
Drawing on the example of Pentecostalism and other
relevant material, evaluate the view that religious
ideas can encourage social and economic change.
of the poor and marginalised. In 1979, Catholic
revolutionaries supported the left-wing Sandinistas
(named after their leader, Sandino) when they
seized control in Nicaragua and two priests became
ministers in the first Sandinista government.
Maduro (1982), a neo-Marxist sociologist,
accepts many aspects of Marx’s analysis of
religion but rejects the idea that religion is always
a conservative force and claims that it can be
revolutionary. He argues that religion is often 'one
of the main (and sometimes the only) available
channel to bring about a social revolution’. Maduro
claims that, until recently, Catholicism in Latin
America tended to support the bourgeoisie and the
right-wing military dictatorships, which represented
its interests. The Catholic Church has tended to
433
 7 RELIGION

deny the existence of social conflicts between
oppressive and oppressed classes. It has
recognised some injustices, such as poverty and
illiteracy, but has suggested that their solution lies
with those who already have power. It has also
celebrated military victories but failed to support
unions, strikes and opposition political parties.
On the other hand. Catholic priests have
increasingly demonstrated their autonomy from
the bourgeoisie by criticising them and acting
against their interests. Maduro believes that
members of the clergy can develop revolutionary
potential where oppressed members of the
population have no other outlets for their
grievances. The oppressed can pressurise priests
to take up their cause. Theological disagreements
within a church can provide interpretations of a
religion that are critical of the rich and powerful.
All of these conditions were met in Latin America
and led to the development of liberation theology.
» In the USA in the 1960s, Reverend Martin Luther
King and the Southern Christian Leadership Council
played a leading role in establishing civil rights and
securing legislation to reduce racial discrimination.
> In South Africa, Archbishop Desmond Tutu was
active in the struggle to bring apartheid (which was
based on a government policy of racial segregation
between 1948 and 1994) to an end.
> In Iran, Islamic fundamentalism played a part in the
1979 revolution, led by the Ayatollah Khomeini, a
religious leader.
tends to use religion to justify their actions. In
Britain, however, religion plays a less central role in
society’s culture, so it tends to have a lesser role in
legitimising social change.
3. The social location of religion: the part that
religion plays in the structure of society. The
greater the importance of religion, the greater its
potential to participate in generating change. Where
an established religious organisation plays a major
role in political and economic life, it has considerable
scope to impact on processes of change.
4. The internal organisation of religious
institutions. Religions with a strong, centralised
authority have more chance of affecting events.
On the other hand, the central authority might try
to restrain the actions of parts of its organisation.
For example, at the Puebla Conference in Mexico
in 1978, the Pope clashed with Latin American
Roman Catholic bishops who advocated liberation
theology and the need to bring about political
change and support the poor.
Activity

Factors affecting whether religion

promotes or inhibits change Some religions, such os Buddhism, may have less
McGuire (2002) identifies several significant impact on social change than others.
factors in determining whether religion is a
change-promoting or a change-inhibiting force. Explain why the beliefs of some religions may be
more likely than others to produce adherents who
1. The beliefs of the particular religion. Religions
seek to change society.
with strong moral codes are more likely to produce
members who are critical of society and who seek
to change it. If a religion stresses concern with this Key terms
world, its members are more likely to engage in
Conservative force A factor such as religion or
action that produces change than a religion that is
the mass media that inhibits social, economic or
more concerned with sacred and spiritual matters.
political change.
Consequently, Protestantism can have more impact
Predestination The belief that God has
on social change than Buddhism.
predetermined whether people will be saved or
2. The culture of the society in which a religion damned after they die.
exists. In countries where religious beliefs are
Elect The people chosen by God to be saved and
central to the culture (for example, in Latin
destined to go to heaven.
America), anyone wishing to produce change
434

Protestant ethic Weber used this term to refer to
the value that Calvinists placed on the importance
of thrift, abstaining from pleasure and the duty to
work hard in one’s calling.
Ascetic An austere and self-disciplined lifestyle that
does not involve indulging in any of life’s pleasures.
Calling The vocation, position in society or
particular way of life that some individuals believe
they are called to by God.
Spirit of capitalism The essence of capitalism
involving the single-minded pursuit of profit as an
end in itself.
Liberation theology A movement of radical
Roman Catholic priests in Latin America, dating
to the 1960s, who promote political change, fight
oppression and support the poor.
Summary
1. Religion can be seen as a conservative force
in terms of preventing social, political and
economic change, and in terms of maintaining
traditional customs and beliefs regarding, for
example, abortion and divorce.
2. In the case of fundamentalism, religion can
support social change and promote traditional
values at the same time.
3. Functionalist, Marxist and feminist approaches
see religion as a conservative force but disagree
on how to interpret this.
4. Weber saw religion as a force for change and
argued that the Calvinist way of life was a key
factor in the development of capitalism.
5. While Marx argued that the economic base
largely determines the superstructure, including
religious beliefs, Weber argued that religious
beliefs could have a major effect on economic
behaviour and bring about social change.
6. Critics question Weber’s interpretation of
Calvinist beliefs and point out that capitalism
preceded Calvinism.
7. Many examples - including liberation theology
in Latin America - show that religion can
generate change.
8. McGuire identifies several factors that affect
whether religion promotes or inhibits change:
the beliefs of a particular religion, the culture
of the society within which the religion exists,
the social location of religion and the internal
organisation of religious institutions.
7.4 RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CHANGE
Unit 7.4.2 Religious movements,
political debates and
struggles
Religious leaders and beliefs have influenced political
debates, conflicts and struggles in many parts of the
world including Bosnia, Northern Ireland, the Middle
East and the Indian subcontinent. This unit explores
the influence of religious movements on political
debates and struggles. It does this by examining case
studies including the evangelical movement in US
politics and the ayatollahs in the Iranian revolution.
The evangelical movement in
US politics
In the USA. evangelicalism is made up of Conservative
Christians who try to influence government and return
to what they see as traditional Christian values in
American life. It includes, for example, the Assemblies
of God and the Southern Baptist Convention.
Evangelicalism has grown dramatically in the USA
since the 1970s. According to the Pew Research
Center, 25 per cent of US adults identified with
evangelical Protestantism in 2014.
Since the 1960s, Conservative evangelical
Protestants have been concerned by many of
the political and cultural changes taking place in
the USA such as the women’s liberation and civil
rights movements, and the increase in divorce.
Many oppose the teaching of the theory of
evolution in schools. The evangelical movement
promotes its cause partly through conventional
democratic politics. Some commentators argue
that evangelicalism helped to elect the Republican
George W. Bush in the 2000 and 2004 presidential
elections. According to a CBS News poll,
Donald Trump, the Republican candidate, gained
80 per cent of the White evangelical vote in the
presidential election in 2016. Anthony Giddens
and Philip W. Sutton (2017) note that ‘Evangelical
organisations are highly effective in mobilising
resources to help achieve their religious and
political objectives.’
Bruce (2003) links the New Christian Right’s (NCR)
programme in national politics in the USA to
evangelical Protestantism (see Units 7.2.2 and 7.5.2).
In his view, the NCR wants to restore conservative
religion to a central position in public life. The NCR
seeks to influence politicians, has infiltrated the
435
7 RELI6I0N
Republican Party and is concerned with tackling
issues such as abortion, homosexuality and divorce.
According to Bruce (1988), the NCR support ‘a more
aggressive anti-communist foreign policy, more military
spending, less central government interference,
less welfare spending, and fewer restraints on free
enterprise’. However, Bruce argues that the NCR has
failed to achieve popular support. It has not made
marked progress on issues that are specific to its
conservative Protestant agenda, such as restricting
divorce and abortion. This is partly because the
NCR is not successful at building alliances with other
groups in order to take political action on issues such
as abortion. Furthermore, the NCR has powerful
opponents among those who support tolerance and
liberal ideas. More recently, however, activists in the
USA who support the idea of a woman’s right to choose
whether to have an abortion argue that the Trump
administration poses a threat to abortion rights.
The Iranian revolution (1978-79)
Under the last shah or ruler of Iran, society
underwent a process of change that was influenced
by Western ideas, dress and music. One aspect of
this change involved the liberalisation of traditional
Islamic attitudes to women. However, many Iranian
people resented the West’s influence on the country
and the existence of a rich elite whose wealth derived
from the oil industry. Iran’s ayatollahs (religious
Contemporary issues: The Arab Spring
Anti-government protesters gather in Tahrir Square,
Cairo, Egypt, on 1 February 2011.
436
leaders) blamed poverty on Western influences
and the decline of Islam. They saw the solution as
involving a rejection of Western ideas and a return to
a truly Islamic society based on the Qur’an.
In 1979, the Shah was deposed during a revolution
that was partly inspired by Islamic fundamentalism.
The liberalisation that took place under the Shah
was reversed.
The Iranian revolution led to the introduction of an
Islamic republic under the leadership of Ayatollah
Khomeini. Western music and alcohol were banned,
bars were burned and nightclubs were closed down.
Women had to wear a veil and Islamic law was
reinstated. The Islamic republic sought to 'Islamize
the state - to organize government and society so
that Islamic teachings would become dominant in all
spheres’ (Giddens and Sutton, 2017).
Fundamentalist religious beliefs contributed
to revolutionary changes in Iranian society. By
challenging the status quo, religion acted as a
change-promoting force. However, by supporting
traditional values, it acted as a conservative force.
Activity
Drawing on your own examples, explain how
religion can be linked to conflict or violent
struggle.
The Arab Spring illustrates the role that
religion can play in influencing political debates
and struggles. This term describes a number
of rebellions and protests that challenged
undemocratic and corrupt regimes that held power
in several Arab countries including Tunisia, Egypt,
Libya and Syria. These protests involved Muslims
and other groups who used social media networks
to exchange views, demand reforms and generate
political change.
The first uprising of the Arab Spring began in
Tunisia in 2010 and resulted in the overthrow
of the Tunisian president in 2011. in October
 7.4 RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CHANGE

2011, open elections were held in Tunisia and a
democratic government took power. The success of
this uprising gave hope to other social movements,
and demonstrations and protests led to the
resignation of President Mubarak of Egypt in
2011. The Muslim Brotherhood played a part in
these protests and formed a government in Egypt
after winning an open and free election in 201 2.
The example of the Arab Spring suggests that
religion can promote political change by helping
to give a voice to dissent and demands for reform.
The democratic reforms introduced, however, may
not necessarily be long-term ones. In Egypt, for
instance, the army backed the overthrow of Egypt’s
elected president in 2013 and began a crackdown
on critics, including the Muslim Brotherhood.
Question
How far does the example of the Arab Spring
illustrate the idea that religious movements can
influence political debates and struggles?

Bruce’s account of the relationship Activity

between religion and conflict
According to Bruce (2000), there are three types of
i
relationship between religion and conflict:
1. Religion is often used to justify ‘what are essentially
secular national or ethnic conflicts, even when the
combatants are the same religion’ (Bruce, 2000).
The civil war in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s
illustrates this. Croats, Serbs and Bosnian Muslims
fought one another and religion must have played
IS m ll Vi

some role since each group follows a different

faith (Croats are Roman Catholic and Serbs are
Orthodox). However, the war was largely based on
.
•
mr
- ,V*Y

ethnic divisions and concerned control of territories

rather than the truth of different faiths.
2. Other conflicts are essentially to do with religion.
Some participants in conflicts see themselves
as engaged in a crusade (a Christian mission
to spread their religion) or jihad (the Islamic
equivalent). Bruce believes that Osama bin
Laden had largely religious motives for his
leadership of al-Qaeda, and that Iranian attempts
to export its Islamic revolution have also been
religiously motivated.
3. In most cases, however, religious and secular
motives are ‘inseparably intertwined’. There
is often an overlap between religious groups,
national boundaries and ethnic divisions, so a war
might be fought for religion, country and ethnicity
at the same time. In these circumstances, religion
'provides each side with a justification for seeing
itself as superior (we obey God) and the enemy as
inferior (they are the Infidel)’ (Bruce, 2000).
Many people in the West see religion as
inevitably linked to conflict, violent struggle and
war. In practice, however, conflicts and wars
are often based on interrelated rather than
single factors.
i
I 1. Explain two reasons why religion may be a
source of struggle.
2. What other factors may have been involved in
religious conflicts in recent history?
Summary
1. The evangelical movement in the USA attempts
to influence government policy and return to
what adherents see as traditional Christian
values.

437
7 RELIGION

2, Bruce links the New Christian Right’s
programme in national politics in the USA to
evangelical Protestantism. In his view, the NCR
has infiltrated the Republican Party and is
concerned with tackling issues such as abortion,
homosexuality and divorce.
3. According to Bruce, the NCR has not made
marked progress on issues that are specific
to its conservative Protestant agenda, such
as restricting divorce and abortion (although
access to abortion may be changing under
the Trump administration). The NCR is not
successful at building alliances with other
groups and does not enjoy popular support.
4. The ayatollahs were influential in the Iranian
revolution which led to the introduction
of an Islamic republic under Ayatollah
Khomeini’s leadership.
5. Bruce argues that the role of religion in
conflict varies. Religion can be used to justify
conflict over secular concerns such as control
of territories. Other conflicts are motivated by
religion. Often, however, religious and secular
motives are interconnected.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 I Describe two characteristics of the Protestant ethic. [4 marks]
| 0 | 2 | Explain two limitations of Weber’s account of the role of religion in the rise of capitalism. [6 marks]
I 0 I 5 1 'Religion acts as a change-inhibiting force in society.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]

438
 SECTION
THE INFLUENCE OF RELIGION
ommm
Contents
Part 5 The secularisation debate 440
Part 6 Religion and postmodernity 454
h
! Three of the key concepts that you were introduced
| to in the introductory chapter are particularly
\ relevant here.
a i First, the key concept of social change and
\ development is central to the secularisation debate,
j the debate about the declining influence of religion
J in people’s lives today in some parts of the world.
I There is a range of evidence for and against
the secularisation thesis, for example, including
attendance at religious services and religious
affiliation. Rapid social changes in society have
had a range of effects on the beliefs that people
have, leading to some changes in religious beliefs
and practices. Why are some groups responding
to the process of globalisation by becoming more
religious? Why are other groups responding to
globalisation by becoming less religious?
Second, this section also relates to the key concept
of socialisation, culture and identity, as we explore
the different ways that religion continues to inform
and shape people’s lives, or not; for example, the
extent to which religious beliefs continue to be
powerful in shaping people’s socialisation, culture
da*.
i/s
/. / • -V.;?
.V
and identity. Why is religion an important marker of
identity for some cultural groups but not for others?
Third, the key concept of inequality and opportunity
is also explored in this section through the
emergence of new forms of religion as a response
to growing inequalities in society, including
fundamentalism. Why has fundamentalism grown
significantly recently?
Why are some religions more attractive to those
who experience a lack of opportunity?
Section B is divided into two parts. In Part 5, we
explore the secularisation debate, using both
arguments and evidence for and against, based on a ^ Y
range of different measures. This discussion highlights
the fact that measuring religion can be difficult, as
sociologists do not necessarily agree on a definition :
of religion and the fact that there is a lack of reliable
evidence about religious belief in earlier periods.
Part 6 explores new forms of religion, including
new religious movements and New Age movements
and the reasons for their emergence. The influence
of globalisation on religiosity is explored - in
particular, the extent to which beliefs have shifted
to become increasingly privatised and based on
individual needs. One characteristic of religion in
postmodern society has been the growth of a range
of fundamentalist religions, and the causes and
consequences of this change are examined.
439
*
 7 RELIGION
PART 5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE
Contents
Unit 7.5.1 The secularisation thesis 440
Unit 7.5.2 Evidence for and against
secularisation 444
The role of religion in society has long been
debated, with some sociologists claiming that
religion has become more significant in day-to-day
life, while others see religion as taking a far
Unit 7.5.1 The secularisation
thesis
This unit begins by exploring what secularisation
actually means, followed by some of the key
arguments which claim that secularisation is occurring,
including both classic and more contemporary
perspectives. There are two significant factors to take
into account when exploring the importance of religion
in contemporary society. First, there are many more
religions to choose from today; second, the process of
globalisation has had a range of interesting effects on
religious practices and beliefs.
What is secularisation?
If we are to measure secularisation and discuss
the extent to which it is happening, a definition is
an important starting point. As seen earlier in the
chapter, sociologists define religion in different ways
and it is therefore no surprise that definitions for
secularisation vary, as well.
Definition 1
Bryan Wilson (1966) provided a good ‘classic’
definition of secularisation, calling it ‘the process
whereby religious thinking, practices and institutions
lose social significance’. This definition is useful
because it makes clear that secularisation is a
process. It is also a very broad definition that covers
a range of different aspects of religion. However,
it is hard to use this definition to measure or
operationalise secularisation because Wilson is not
clear about what he means by religious thinking,
440
less important role in complex societies. On the
other hand, there are those who see religion
as simply changing rather than declining in
significance. Unit 7.5.1 explores the meaning
of secularisation, as well as considering key
arguments which claim that secularisation is
occurring. Unit 7.5.2 explores empirical evidence
from around the world, looking at patterns of
religious participation, membership, affiliation
(or belonging) and disengagement.
practice or institutions specifically. These three
aspects of religion could be differently interpreted
and therefore, when measured, may produce different
results. Another problem with Wilson’s definition is
that he is not clear about when the process began,
making it difficult to measure the extent to which
secularisation has occurred.
Definition 2
In an attempt to produce a better definition, Bruce
(2002) provides the following:
Secularisation is a social condition manifest in:
a. the declining importance of religion for the
operation of non-religious roles and institutions
such as those of the state and the economy
b. a decline in the social standing of religious roles
and institutions
c. a decline in the extent to which people engage in
religious practices, display beliefs of a religious
kind, and conduct other aspects of their lives in a
manner informed by such beliefs.
This definition is easier to operationalise, as it is
more detailed; however, like Wilson, Bruce does not
. provide a timescale, nor does he explain exactly
what 'beliefs of a religious kind’ are. Part of the
problem is that religion takes many different forms
and is practised in an increasingly varied number
of different ways in different contexts. As we saw in
Unit 7.1.1, there are different definitions of religion
and religiosity: more inclusive definitions of religion
can include a range of activities and beliefs that may
not be seen as religious by some. However, despite
these difficulties, Wilson’s and Bruce’s definitions are
a useful initial starting point.

Definition 3
More recently, Jos6 Casanova (2003) identifies a
significant division between two types of definitions
of the term ‘secularisation’, reflecting two levels
of approaching the issue; the macro (large scale)
and the micro (small scale). One way of using the
term sees secularisation as a macro process: the
'secularisation of societal structures or the diminution
of the social significance of religion’ (Casanova, 2003).
In this definition, the main emphasis is on religious
institutions and religious beliefs playing a decreasing
role in influencing public life so that religion becomes
an increasingly private matter. However, this definition
is difficult to measure quantitatively with statistics, for
example. The other way of measuring the term is at a
micro level and refers to the 'decline of religious beliefs
and practices among individuals’ (Casanova, 2003). At
this smaller scale, the emphasis is on how many people
believe in God, how many people attend churches or
other places of worship and how many may affiliate to
a religion. Each of these measures is likely to produce a
very different picture of the role of religion.
Activity
1. Suggest one reason why it is difficult to
define secularisation.
2. Explain why Bruce’s definition might be
considered easier to operationalise than
Wilson’s.
3. Suggest one reason why micro-level research
on individuals produces a different picture
of secularisation compared with macro-level
evidence.
What is the secularisation thesis?
The secularisation thesis is the hypothesis or theory
which claims that secularisation is occurring. There is
little agreement among sociologists about the rate at
which this is happening or how best to operationalise
(or measure) the process. There are also questions
to be asked about which forms of religion are less
important today and which have become more
important. Secularisation theorists use a range of
different sources of evidence to support their claims
and we will look at this more closely in the next unit.
The views of sociologists tend to reflect the ideas of
the time in which they were written, so it is important
to understand when these views emerged.
7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE
Classical theories of secularisation
It is worth being aware that the majority of
sociologists themselves take a secular view of
the world; they claim that religion is a social
construct and therefore changes over time and
from place to place. Most of the founding key
figures of early sociology predicted that, as
societies developed, religion would either decline
(as Durkheim suggested) or disappear altogether
(as Marx predicted would happen as a result of
communism). Remember that functionalism and
Marxism relate to the key concept of structure, as
they take the view that religion forms part of the
structures of society that shape behaviour. Auguste
Comte, an early sociologist, argued that the growth
of science and scientific, rational thinking would
replace religious thinking. Weber, an interpretivist,
claimed that religion would decline due to the rise
of modernity. Modernity and religion, according to
Weber, cannot coexist.
Has rationalisation led to a decline in
religious belief? Weber argued that religion would
decline in importance because of the development
of modernity. Modern societies are seen to be
incompatible with religion having a central role
in society. Weber thought that in modern societies
people would act less in terms of emotion and
tradition and more in terms of the rational pursuit
of goals. Weber calls this process rationalisation,
and he argued that this would gradually erode the
influence of religion as people began to turn to
science for their understanding of the world. People
would no longer believe that prayer, for example,
was a way to achieve their aims (Weber 1958,
1963, first published in 1904; Gerth and Mills
1954). Weber’s approach and that of other classical
secularisation theorists have been developed by a
range of contemporary sociologists.
Contemporary theories
of secularisation
Bruce (2011) develops Weber's ideas further to
establish his own theory of secularisation. Bruce
claims, like Weber, that it was the particular
characteristics of Protestant beliefs that, contributed
to secularisation. However, Bruce argues it was
also other changes that were happening in wider
society that, along with Protestantism, created the
conditions for secularisation. These changes are
set out below, including structural differentiation,
social differentiation, societalisation and schisms.
441
 7 RELIGION
Structural differentiation in modern Western
societies (the modern period was from around 1850
to around 1980, reaching its height in the 1950s)
led to the separation of social institutions such as
the church, the family and education as they became
more specialised in their role. Churches, as part
of this process, became less central to social life
and the role of the church therefore more narrowly
focused on providing a belief system for individuals.
At the same time, social differentiation occurred.
In feudal times (roughly from the 9th century
through to the 15th century), in mainly agricultural
societies, all social groups lived closely to each other
and saw themselves as inhabiting the same social
world, which was very unequal. As the process of
urbanisation began between approximately 1 750
and 1850, with the development of cities and towns,
different social classes emerged and became more
distinct and separate. At this time, there was greater
social mobility and people were less likely to feel that
they belonged to one social world.
These changes coincided with a shift towards the
greater emphasis on the individual, a process known
as individualism. This shift reflected the fact that
people felt less need for collective experiences and
institutions such as the church. As individualism
occurred, the processes which were once linked to
socialisation (for example going to church) were
less relevant and necessary. Bruce sees the final
reason for secularisation as the schisms or splits
that occurred in established religions along with the
increasing number of different social and cultural
groups in society. Furthermore, an increase in new
forms of religious beliefs may have made established
religious beliefs weaker.
So, while Bruce accepts that scientific, rational
thinking is a partial cause of secularisation, he
claims that wider social changes meant that religion
became a much less significant part of people’s lives
in contemporary society. Bruce feels that the most
significant reason for the decline in religion is that
there are many alternative views of the universe for
people to choose from today rather than religion with
its one particular account of the absolute truth.
There are other contemporary sociologists who
support the view that secularisation is occurring,
including Wilson (1994), who claims that religion has
lost its significance at a societal, institutional and
personal, individual level. For Wilson, secularisation
is about the fact that religion no longer has authority
to define morals and rules about the way people
live their lives. Like Bruce, Wilson agrees that
442
i secularisation is linked to .the decline in community
in contemporary society and he expresses concern
about the lack of moral guidance for young people
now that the church no longer has this responsibility.
However, the American sociologists Stark and
Bainbridge (1987) argue that, while the secularisation
process is occurring among traditional religions,
at the same time there is a continual regrowth of
new forms of religion or a religious revival, so the
secularisation process will never be fully complete.
Activity
Think about the society you live in.
1. What has happened to the role of traditional
religion(s): has it/have they declined in
importance or grown? How might you
measure this?
2. Have alternatives to traditional religion grown in
recent years and, if so, why?
Evaluation of views on the
secularisation thesis
One major problem with the secularisation thesis
is that it assumes that at some point in the past
religion was significant to most people, a view
which some claim is false or not supported by
sufficient empirical evidence. This view of the past
as a ‘golden age of religion’ is difficult to measure,
because in the past a range of reliable or valid
records about beliefs and practices did not exist.
Many people may have participated in churchgoing
simply to conform to social expectations of the time,
rather than because they believed in their religion.
Before the 19th century, a significant number of
people were illiterate and therefore many records
do not reflect a representative sample of religious
views and practices. We do know, however, that in
the first ever Census in 1851 in England and Wales,
only 40 per cent of the population attended church,
which challenges the idea that there ever was a
‘golden age of religion’ in these countries.
Furthermore, secularisation theorists tend to come
from Western cultures and their views may not be
I shared by sociologists and thinkers from around
the world. Western sociologists are in danger of
assuming that their ideas about secularisation can
be applied to places where religion may be much
more significant today. Furthermore it can be difficult
to find a common definition for all forms of religion,
making it difficult to compare levels of religiosity.

There is much debate about the role that religion
will take and how far secularisation will go. Some
claim that secularisation will occur as a result
of globalisation and Westernisation. Others,
including Bruce (2011), see secularisation as
mainly occurring in Western societies. Bruce goes
on to argue that once a society becomes secular
it can no longer become religious again, as it is
an irreversible process. However, others, such as
Cilles Kepel (1994), disagree, citing evidence of
the regrowth of some forms of traditional religions
among some groups in the West and beyond. For
Contemporary issues: Christian denominations in Cuba
V •’
.h
ifOL-A" I' j’T-i
Son Cristobal Catholic Cathedral in Havana, Cuba,
where religion is flourishing.
In Cuba, as socialist ideas fade, enforced
atheism is also in decline, which has resulted in
Christian denominations flourishing. National
holidays such as Good Friday and Christmas
Key terms
Globalisation Involves all parts of the world
becoming increasingly interconnected, so that
national boundaries - in some respects, at least -
become less important.
The secularisation thesis The theory or hypothesis
that religion is having less influence on people’s lives.
Structural differentiation The process by which
institutions become separated and specialised.
Social differentiation There are many different
groups in society, such as age, gender and class.
Sodetalisation The process by which close-knit
local communities lose power to larger towns and
cities or bureaucratic states.
7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE
example, there has been a significant growth in
some traditional forms of religion such as Hinduism.
This resurgence of religion may be due to a number
of factors, including concerns over the loss of
spirituality, the need for religion as a source of
comfort or the fact that there is more immigration,
and migrant populations tend to be more religious
than non-migrants. There is a range of examples
of new forms of religion which suggests we are
now witnessing a revival of religious beliefs. This is
known as resacralisation, the process of people
reaffirming their beliefs in the sacred.
have been reinstated and churchgoers no longer
face discrimination. In particular, evangelical
Christianity has been popular among migrants
who arrive in Havana and find community through
the church. There are some who say that, under
socialism, young people in particular became more
likely to be interested in buying material objects
and having sex outside marriage. One evangelical
pastor says, 'We are living in a society which has
lost its values, Christ gives them back.’
Questions
1. Suggest two reasons why religion has grown in
Cuba in recent years.
2. Explain how this example might provide evidence
of a resurgence in religion.
Schisms Splits in religious organisations to form
separate groups.
Modern Western society The period approximately
between 1850 and 1980s when many societies
became industrialised and when structural
differentiation occurred.
Individualism The process whereby individuals
focused more on their own personal ideas and
thoughts than on conforming to social expectations.
Resacralisation The process by which interest in
and belief in the sacred is revived.
443
 7 RELIGION
Summary
1. There are a number of definitions of the concept
of secularisation, which depend on how religion
itself is defined.
2. Most classic early sociologists believed that
the development of science and modern
societies would lead to religion becoming
less important.
3. Weber argued that rationalisation would erode
the influence of religion. Bruce provides a
contemporary theory of secularisation, which
links it to the development of modernity and
changes in the characteristics of social life that
accompany it.
4. There are problems with the secularisation
thesis, as it relies on the idea that there was
in fact a time when people were a lot more
religious, with little evidence to support the view
that this is true. Also, secularisation theorists
do not agree on the extent to which the process
will occur.
5. There is also evidence suggesting that
there is a religious revitalisation, which may
in part be a response to the process of
secularisation itself.
6. This debate comprises largely of the views
of White, Western sociologists, who may fail
to take into account the role of religion in a
contemporary global context.
Unit 7.5.2 Evidence for and
against secularisation
As we have seen in the previous unit, most claims
that secularisation is occurring come from European
or American sociologists and reflect the views of
those societies. This unit explores a wide range
of empirical evidence from around the world.
The data are complex and vary between and within
geographical areas. For example, in the data from
the World Values Survey (2000), 98 per cent of
the public in Indonesia said that religion was very
important in their lives, while in China only 3 per cent
considered religion very important.
444
However, there are counterclaims that religious
identities and religious beliefs have not declined as
much as is widely assumed, that traditional religions
are not in decline and that new forms of spiritual
beliefs are also growing. Remember that these
issues relate to the key concept of identity. This unit
examines these competing arguments and evidence
in relation to patterns of religious participation,
membership, affiliation (or belonging) and
disengagement, drawing on a range of examples
from around the world.
Measuring secularisation
Activity
V.
*r
_w
1
V.
?
The Holi Festival in Nepal. This is a Hindu religious
festival that marks the arrival of spring. It is a
celebration of fertility, colour and love, as well as
the triumph of good over evil.
1. Why do you think that religious festivals
such as the Holi Festival (above) are still
important today?
! 2. Give one example of a religious festival that is
considered important in your society.
3. Suggest one reason why such festivals may be
losing significance today.
Different measures of secularisation
In a major piece of research, the International Panel on
Social Progress (2017) investigates changing religious
beliefs at a global level. The research, led by Grace
Davie et al., shows how different ways of measuring
religiosity reveal strikingly different results.
 7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE

Table 7.5.1 Percentages of the population who

Activity attend religious services regularly
New Zealand
Affiliation
Worship Salience Belief Practice Country Percentage (%)
Attendance of Religion in Cod of Prayer

self-identification
^ % who % very
@ ©% yes % several
Nigeria

Ireland
89
84*
red: Christian attend important. times a day.
yellow: more than rather once a day. Philippines 68
non-religious once a week. important several times
once a week, a week Northern Ireland 58*
once a month
Jordan Puerto Rico 52
Worship Salience Belief Practice
Affiliation Attendance of Religion in Cod of Prayer
South Africa 56

green: Muslim
©
self-identification % who
attend
red: Christian more than
H % very
important.
rather
% several
times a day.
once a day.
Poland
Portugal
55
47*
once a week, important several times Slovakia 47
once a week, a week
once a month
Mexico 46
Circles represent all survey respondents; all religions
Data sources: Todd M. Johnson. Brian J. Crim. & Cina A. Zurlo. eds.World Religion Database. Italy 45*
Leiden/Boston: Brill, accessed April 2017. World Values Survey Wave 6: 2010-201 A.

Measuring religion quantitatively produces some very Dominican Republic 44

different results depending on the measure used.
Belgium 44*
1. In your opinion, do you think New Zealand or
USA 44
Jordan is more religious, and why?
Turkey 43
2. Explain what the two case studies above reveal
about the differences in religiosity between New Peru 43
Zealand and Jordan.
India 42
3. Explain which measures included above are
most significant, and why? Canada 38*

4. Identify three problems with measuring Brazil 36

religion quantitatively. The Netherlands 35*
5. Can you think of other questions that you might
Venezuela 31
want to ask? What do the measures above not
tell us about the beliefs people hold? Uruguay 31
Austria 30*

Religious participation Chile 25

On a global level, numbers of those who regularly Argentina 25
participate in religious services varies widely. It is
worth noting that participation is not necessarily the Britain 27*
same thing as believing, and many people choose Spain 25
to participate in religion for a range of reasons
other than religious belief. For example, people may Slovenia 22
choose to participate for social reasons; therefore, Croatia 22
the data may be neither reliable nor valid. Equally,
participation in regular services is different to Hungary 21*
participating in major life events such as weddings, France 21*
christenings and funerals. Nonetheless, it is worth
exploring levels of participation for comparative Romania 20*
reasons. Data from the World Values Survey, which
includes 60 nations, reveals the following interesting
patterns of attendance of religious organisations: 445
 7 RELIGION

"fable 7.5.1 (Continued)

Activity •:
Country Percentage (%)
1. Explain why you think Russia has the lowest i
South Korea 14 attendance rates according to Table 7.5.1.
Switzerland 16 2. Give two reasons for the patterns In Table 7.5.1.
Australia 16 3. Explain why these statistics might not be a
Lithuania 16 reliable measure of religiosity.

West Germany 14 4. Explain why these variations in religiosity may

make it difficult to tell whether secularisation is
Czech Republic 14* occurring.
Bulgaria 10-
Ukraine 10 Church attendance declining in the
USA and in the UK
Taiwan 11 It is worth noting, again, that there is a lack of reliable
Moldova 10 data on religious attendance for many parts of the
world. Similarly, there is a lack of data on religious
Georgia 10 participation in the past.
China 9 Some of the strongest evidence for the theory of
Armenia 8 secularisation as applied to the UK, and to a lesser
degree the USA, is based on church attendance
Azerbaijan 6 statistics. It is important to note that the USA is
Serbia 7 more ethnically diverse than the UK. Although both
countries have a majority of Christian-based religions,
Montenegro 7 there has been an increase in alternative religions,
Belarus 6 partly as a result of high levels of immigration in
recent years. The earliest available survey statistics on
Latvia 5 church attendance in the UK originate from the 1851
Denmark 5* Census of Religion. This found just under 40 per cent
of the adult population attended church. In England
Norway 5
and Wales, the numbers had dropped to 35 per cent
East Germany 5 by 1901 and 20 per cent by 1950. Between 1980
and 2015, attendance fell from 11.1 per cent to 5.4
Sweden 4
per cent (BRIN, 2018). Other types of participation
Iceland 4* in organised religion have also declined. In the UK,
in the 1920s and 1930s, over 90 per cent of babies
Finland 4
were baptised, but by 2001 this was down to 45 per
Estonia 4 cent (Brierley, 2005) and by 2009 it had reduced to
just over 20 per cent (Brierley, 2011).
Japan 3
As Figure 7.5.1 shows, according to the available
Russia 2
statistics, there has been a fall in attendance in
Source: based on latest available data from the 1990-91 most churches in the UK between 1980 and 2015.
or the 1995-97 World Values surveys. Results with an However, there has been a rise in attendance at New
asterisk are from the 1990-91 survey: all others are from churches (a range of new forms of recently formed
the 1995-97 survey, https://news.umich.edu/study-identifies- Christian denominations), Orthodox churches and
worldwide-rates-of-religiosity-church-attendance/ Pentecostal churches, though not high enough to
offset the falls in other institutions.

446
 7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE

Figure 7.5.1 English church attendance by denomination.

1 240 OOO
Anglican 7 >3 500

289 2 00
Baptist 242 90(

1 582 500
Catholic 806 700
244 600
Independent 69 100

458 3C0
Methodist 209 300
95 9 )0
New churches 69 600

I 10 300
Orthodox ■ 31 700

228 900
Pentecostal 407 300

186 600
United Reformed 56 500

141 500
Other churches 115 000

0000 200000 400000 600000 800000 10000001200000 1400000 1600000 1800000 2000000 2200000

1980 2015

Source: English church attendance by denomination

increased immigration, as immigrants tend to

Activity
Does Figure 7.5.1 suggest that secularisation
is taking place in England or instead that there
has been a shift in the popularity of different
denominations? Justify your answer.
i
In the USA, according to the Pew Research Center,
the percentage of Americans who say they ‘seldom’ or
‘never’ attend religious services (aside from weddings
and funerals) has risen slightly in the past 10 years.
Twenty nine per cent of American adults in 2018 say
they seldom or never attend worship services, up
from 25 per cent in 2003. However, the proportion
of people who say they attend services at least once
a week has remained relative y steady: 37 per cent
TZ ZTu at Wee, y today’ “mpareJ Wlth
39 in 2008. However, people saymg they usually
attend services is not necessarily a truthful or valid
measure of religiosity, as people may exaggerate how
often they actually do attend.
be more religious than non-immigrants (see Unit
7.1.3). Elsewhere, there is evidence that attendance
patterns are changing, for example in the USA. The
pattern in the UK and the USA is that while there is
a decline in traditional religions, there is a growth in
new and non-Christian forms of religion.
Membership of religious
organisations
Re|jgjous membershjp numbers, although interesting,
may be an unre|jab|e SQUrce Qf informatjon about
reljgiosjty because fe organisations have
djfferent requirements or criteria for re|igious
membership, making it hard to compare religious
organisations. Membership should not be confused
wjth affiliation> which is discussed later in the section.
The genera, however, is that the number of
members Qf tradjtiona| churches in both the UK and
the USA is declining.

Evidence that attendance is increasing

As seen in Figure 7.5.1, in the UK, there has been
an increase in attendance at new denominations -
Evidence that religious membership in
for example, Pentecostal churches. Flowever, this the UK is in decline
increase is not as significant as the number of Table 7.5.2 shows the number of church members,
those no longer attending the traditional churches. and the number of denominations, in the UK in 2012
These growing denominations may well reflect and 2017 (Brierley, 2017).

447
 7 RELIGION

i
Activity
j
■fable 7.5.2 UK church membership 2012-17 |
2012 2017 Percentage of
Religions
membership membership change 2012-17

Roman Catholic 1475000 1301000 -12%

Anglican 1424000 1167000 -18%

Presbyterian 731000 593000 -19%

Orthodox 440000 514000 17%

Pentecostal 359000 400000 11%

Methodist 234000 198000 -15%

Independent 221000 233000 6%

Baptist 191000 180000 -6%

New churches 186000 210000 13%

Smaller denominations 177000 193000 9%

Fresh expressions 41000 96000 135%

Source: UK Church Statistics No.3, 2018 edited by Peter Brierley, http://brierleyconsultancy.com

1. Describe the main trends in church membership shown in Table 7.5.2.

2. Explain how far these trends support the secularisation theory.

Evidence which suggests an to outnumber Christian births by 2035. At the

increase in religious membership
While traditional Christianity is witnessing a decline
in membership in the UK and other countries,
other traditional religions, as well as non-traditional
religions, are seeing an increase both in the UK
and beyond.
Demographic changes This increase in religious
membership is not necessarily due to increased
interest in the religion. Some suggest that the
patterns are a reflection of population changes
in particular parts of the world. For example,
membership of Islam is growing at a rapid rate
globally. According to the Pew Research Center
(2017), globally, babies born to Muslims will begin
same time, people with no religion are predicted
to sharply decrease in the number of children they
have, based on current trends. By 2055 to 2060, it
is predicted that just 9 per cent of all babies will be
born to religiously unaffiliated women, while more
than 70 per cent will be born to either Muslims
(36 per cent] or Christians (35 per cent). This
demographic evidence challenges the secularisation
thesis, because it shows that it is population changes
rather than beliefs which are at the heart of the
changing patterns of religiosity globally.
Other religions that are growing as a result of an
increasing birth rate include Hinduism, which is the
fastest-growing religion in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.

448
 7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE

A growth in membership of Christian security and a sense of belonging in a time of

denominations In terms of new forms of uncertainty (see also Unit 7.2.1).
religion, there has been a significant increase in
In sum, in 1900, there were fewer than 1 million
denominations, particularly Christian denominations -
Pentecostals/Charismatics in the world. In 2017,
for example, in places such as Nigeria, where rapid
they increased to 669 million. By 2050, they will
social change has led to people wishing to turn to a
top 1 billion - the second Christian group to do so,
form of religion that they can relate to, that provides
behind Catholics.

Contemporary issues: Christian denominations in Nigeria

supermarkets, banks, a funfair, a post office, even
a 25 megawatt power plant. The church provides
education and healthcare and a much reduced cost
of living. In fact, the line between church and city is
rapidly vanishing and it is the church, not the local
authorities, that is organising the local community
both practically and spiritually.
Source: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/
sep/11 /eat-pray-live-lagos-nigeria-megachurc
hes-redemption-camp

In Logos, Nigeria, there has been o huge growth in

Christian denominations.
In Nigeria, there has been rapid social change
and huge population growth. Christianity is
on the rise, in various forms. For example, in
Lagos, ‘Redemption Camp’ has been set up, with
5000 houses, roads, rubbish collection, police,
Questions
1. Explain why new denominational forms of
Christianity may appeal to people living
in Nigeria.
2. Give one reason why this example challenges the
secularisation thesis.

Religious affiliation Activity

Another way of measuring religiosity is to look at Table 7.5.3 Religious affiliation in the 2001
:
religious affiliation, that is, the number of people and 2011 UK Censuses (percentages)
who identify themselves as belonging to a particular
religion. While there may be a number of reasons No Christian Muslim Other Not
why people claim affiliation, such as to conform to religion stated
social norms, the measure is still interesting as it
2001 14.8 71.7 3 2.8 7.7
highlights those who may claim an affiliation but not
attend religious services. 2011 25.1 59.3 4.8 3.6 7.2

A decline in religious affiliation
Generally, the decline in religious affiliation reflects
the patterns in religious attendance, as seen in
Table 7.5.2.
Table 7.5.3, based on affiliation in the UK, shows
that, as well as a significant increase in the
proportion of people saying they had no religion,
Source: ONS (2012) Religion in England and Wales, 2011.
1. Describe the trends in religious affiliation shown
in Table 7.5.3.
2. Compare these trends with those in relation
to participation and membership in Tables 7.5.1
and 7.5.2.

449
 7 RELIGION
there has been a significant fall in the percentage of
those claiming an affiliation with Christian religions
and an increase in the percentage of those saying
they were Muslim or affiliated with other religions.
It is also important to consider where the majority
of people who are unaffiliated are located. According
to the Pew Research Center (2017), as of 2015,
three-quarters of unaffiliated people live in Asia
and the Pacific. This may be due to the fact that
China, which is home to a significant proportion of
the global population, has been governed under
communist ideology, which does not encourage or
even allow religious beliefs.
Evidence that there has been an
increase in religious affiliation
Davie (2002) argues that, while there is evidence
to suggest that affiliation to traditional Christianity
is in decline in some parts of the world such as
the UK, it is thriving in other areas, particularly in
denominational forms. Also, there are parts of Europe
where affiliation to Christianity continues to remain
high, such as Poland and the Republic of Ireland.
Religious disengagement
So far, we have explored measures of religiosity such
as religious participation, membership and affiliation.
However, some theorists argue that it is the changing
role of religion in society which is also a key indicator
of the significance of religion in society. From this
point of view, individual beliefs are less important
than the declining social significance of religion in
shaping other aspects of society. Disengagement
involves the withdrawal of the church from wider
society as a result of its declining influence on other
institutions, particularly politics and law; for example,
there is less creation of laws based on religious
ideas. This links to the key concept of socialisation:
if religious disengagement is occurring, people are
likely to receive a less religious upbringing and
therefore less likely to develop a religious identity.
According to the Pew Research Center (2017), more
than 20 per cent of countries have an official state
religion, with the majority of these being Muslim
states, and a further 20 per cent of countries identify
a preferred or favoured religion. A small majority (53
per cent) of countries have no official or preferred
religion, and 10 countries (5 per cent) are hostile
to religion. Most of the 43 countries with state
religions are in the Middle East and North Africa,
with a cluster in northern Europe. Islam is the official
religion in 27 countries in Asia and sub-Saharan
450
Africa as well as North Africa and the Middle East.
Thirteen countries - including nine in Europe - are
officially Christian, two (Bhutan and Cambodia) have
Buddhism as their state religion, and one (Israel) is
officially a Jewish state. No country has Hinduism as
its state religion. In some cases, the state religion is
simply limited to playing a part in state ceremonies,
but in other cases the role of religion is significant in
shaping ideology and policies. In addition, countries
with established religious affiliations tend to
strictly regulate religious practice, including placing
restrictions or bans on minority religious groups.
Evidence that religious
disengagement is occurring
Martin (1969) argues that in the UK today, compared
with the Middle Ages (the 13th to 15th centuries),
the power, wealth and prestige of the established
church in Britain has declined dramatically. During the
Middle Ages, the church carried authority and in many
ways took the role that the state or the government
takes today. Bruce (1995) agrees that the Church of
England has lost power, as it has become more distant
from the British state.
Evidence that religious
disengagement is not occurring
In the USA, religion appears to retain an important
role in society, with little evidence of religious
disengagement. Christians with strong religious
beliefs are active in politics, particularly the
so-called New Christian Right (Johnstone, 2007).
The New Christian Right emerged in the 1970s
and encouraged Americans to vote for politicians
who supported their policies. They consist of the
conservative and fundamentalist Christians who
believe that what they see as a moral decline
in American society should be opposed and
that some aspects of the Bible should be taken
literally. Casanova (1994) supports the view that
disengagement is not happening everywhere.
He believes that recent history shows that, while
there has been some decline in religious beliefs
and practices in parts of Europe, this has not been
the case in other parts of the world. Furthermore,
Casanova argues that religion is becoming stronger
not weaker; ‘public religions’ are becoming more
important in many countries as a global force.
Patterns of religious disengagement are complex.
While there is some evidence to suggest that
states express a desire to be secular, this is often
accompanied by a public discourse which places
religion at the heart of social and political debate.

Activity
■ :!
>
■
/f
m established religions and the growth of new religious
■ i
mm ia
I |
Sitting down for prayers ot school in Pakistan.
1. In Pakistan and some other countries, education
is often heavily influenced by religion. Can you
think of examples of how religion has shaped
your education?
Contemporary issues: Between the religious and the secular - fuzzy fidelity
Over recent years, sociologists have begun to pay
increasing attention to the large number of people
who are neither atheists nor fully fledged followers
of a religion. Although there is considerable
evidence of quite rapid decline in religious
participation and strong religious belief in the UK
and some other parts of Europe, the number of
self-proclaimed atheists has gone up much more
slowly. Voas (2009) was the first to highlight this
issue and he identified those with only vague
connections to religion as having fuzzy fidelity.
They come from a Christian background, but their
faith is vague, generalised and weak. This group
has come to be referred to as the ‘fuzzies’ and they
might, for example, support a religion because it
represents their national identity or because they
like aspects of religious tradition (for example,
carol services). Alternatively, they might have given
up on Christianity altogether, but find New Age
beliefs appealing.
A very different view is taken by Heelas (2015).
Basing his arguments largely on Britain, he claims
that there is little evidence to suggest that most
people will end up as atheists with no spiritual
beliefs at all. A survey in 2013, (Theos, 2013, cited
in Heelas, 2015) found that just 13 per cent of
Britons agreed that 'humans are purely material
beings with no spiritual element’.
7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE
2. How might this image challenge the idea that
disengagement is occurring in Pakistan?
Is the growth in new religious
movements evidence of
secularisation?
There are two key patterns over the past few
decades: the decline in traditional dominant
movements. This could suggest that religion is
becoming less important in people’s lives, supporting
the secularisation thesis, or alternatively it could
be seen as evidence that in fact people continue
to be religious simply through different forms of
religion which they feel may be more relevant in
contemporary society. Furthermore, the growth
of new religious movements might be seen as a
revival in religion. This perspective would appear to
challenge the secularisation thesis.
HUMANISM
IN A NUTSHELL
1. PUTTING HUMAN BEINGS
AND OTHER LIVING THINGS
AT THE CENTRE OF YOUR
MORAL OUTLOOK
2. SEEING THE WORLD AS A
NATURAL PLACE AND LOOKING TO
SCIENCE AND REASON TO MAKE
SENSE OF IT
3 PROMOTING AND SUPPORTING
HUMAN FLOURISHING ACROSS ALL
FRONTIERS. AND CHAMPIONING
HUMAN RIGHTS FOR EVERYONE
AND THAT'S ABOUT IT
^humanist
A poster from Humanists UK, a campaigning and
community-services-based charity which supports
non-religious people to shape their own lives and
have their voices heard.
Questions
With some reference to the image, discuss whether
humanism is more likely to produce widespread
atheism or increased spirituality.
451
7 RELIGION
Does the emergence of New Age
movements lead to secularisation?
It is debatable for some sociologists whether New
Age movements can be seen as constituting a
religion, while for others they can be seen as having
a basis in spiritual and non-rational beliefs. As such,
they represent a challenge to at least some theories
of secularisation.
Bruce (2011) argues that the New Age has only a
small number of followers who take it seriously
and regard it as spiritual. Bruce believes that, by
its very nature, the New Age has less effect on
society than more conventional religious beliefs
because the beliefs advocated by the New Age
are diffuse (Bruce, 2002) meaning that people
can believe whatever they choose and need not
follow a single set of teachings. Bruce (1996)
claims that the New Age is simply an extreme
form of the individualism that is characteristic of
modern societies.
Contemporary issues: The Kendal project
Some indication of the vitality of the New Age is
provided by a study conducted by Heelas, Woodhead
and colleagues in the town of Kendal in Cumbria, in
northern England (Kendal Project, 2001a, 2001b;
Heelas et al., 2005). The study attempted to find
every religious group, and groups with a spiritual
dimension, in Kendal and within a five-mile radius.
The researchers identified 25 different churches,
and on 26 November 2000 a total of 2207
people attended these churches. They also found
62 groups with a spiritual dimension, including
yoga groups, healing groups, Tai Chi classes and
Buddhist groups, all of which used a language of
spiritual growth. They also found 90 people who
practised alternative therapies, of whom 63 said
their practice had a spiritual dimension. From their
research, they were able to estimate that around
730 people were involved in spiritually inclined
but non-Christian activities in a single week. This
compared to 674 who worshipped in Anglican
churches in a typical week.
These findings led Heelas et al. to suggest that
both secularisation and sacralisation were
452
Arguments that New Age movements
do not cause secularisation
It could be argued that Bruce underestimates the
significance of the effects he identifies. If substantial
numbers of people are willing to question scientific
orthodoxy and place some trust in beliefs that
require a degree of faith, this could be taken as
evidence against the secularisation theory. Paul
Heelas (1996) certainly regards the New Age as
rather more significant than Bruce does. He quotes a
1993 Gallup opinion poll which found that in Britain
26 per cent of people believed in reincarnation, 40
per cent in some sort of spirit, 1 7 per cent in flying
saucers and 21 per cent in horoscopes; while a 1989
Gallup poll found that no less than 72 per cent had
‘an awareness of a sacred presence in nature’.
The problems of measuring religiosity
There are a number of challenges to operationalising
the concept of religion, as this discussion alone has
shown. For example, individuals may belong without
occurring at the same time. These changes were
seen as part of a spiritual revolution in which the
nature of spirituality was changing.
Secularisation was defined as a decline in
traditional theistic religions (based on a strong
belief in God). The decline was evident in the falling
numbers involved in the congregational domain,
where members of congregations meet together to
pray in places of worship.
On the other hand, sacralisation (an increased
emphasis on the sacred) was taking place in the
holistic milieu. The holistic milieu involves support
for ‘body-mind spirituality’ and is evident in New
Age beliefs and the beliefs of some religions.
It exists in groups, therapy sessions, individual
encounters and in shops selling products with
spiritual connotations.
According to the Kendal Project, then,
secularisation in the UK is only taking place in the
narrow sense of a decline in traditional religion.
From a broader perspective, beliefs are shifting
away from traditional religion towards more
individualist, spiritually inclined beliefs.

The parish Church in Kendal, Cumbria.
believing and vice versa. Similarly, there may be issues
with people claiming that they are religious when they
are not, due to pressures to conform, for example.
Alternatively, people may feel too embarrassed or shy to
disclose their personal religious beliefs. There are also
different levels of participation; for some, participation
means attending key ceremonies such as weddings,
while for others participation means regular attendance
at religious services. Measuring the influence of religion !
from a range of different institutions is also subjective
and can be interpreted in a number of different ways.
There are multiple problems of comparing data across
different geographical areas because interpretation of
measures can vary significantly.
Condusions on the secularisation debate
Most of the long-term evidence on participation and
membership in the UK and (to a lesser extent) the
USA seems to support the secularisation theory, at
least in terms of traditional religion. Although recent
years have seen a growth in smaller, newer religious
organisations, compared to the 19th century and
early decades of the 20th there is little doubt that
fewer people attend a place of worship or belong to
a religious organisation. On the other hand, globally,
non-Christian religions are growing and Islam is
predicted to outgrow Christianity, so care needs be
taken in making assertions about the secularisation
process worldwide across all forms of religion.
Affiliation patterns seem to reveal similarly complex
patterns. Davie (2007) accepts that 'Secularisation is
a multi-dimensional concept’, meaning that there are a
number of (sometimes conflicting) different parts of the
process, and these frequently operate independently of
each other.
Most theorists who either support or attack the
theory of secularisation are now willing to admit that
7.5 THE SECULARISATION DEBATE
Questions
1. Explain why a decline in attendance at this and
other churches in Kendal does not necessarily
show that secularisation is taking place.
2. How convincing do you find the arguments of
Heelas et al. that sacralisation is occurring in
Kendal with the growth of New Age spirituality?
the theory cannot be unproblematically applied to
all groups in all societies. It can, therefore, be argued
that the national, regional, ethnic and social class
differences in the role of religion make it necessary to
relate theories to specific countries and social groups.
Key terms
Participation The various ways in which people
are involved with a religion - for example,
attending services.
Membership The way some participants of
religion have joined their church.
Affiliation A sense of belonging to a religious
organisation.
Disengagement The withdrawal of churches from
wider society because of their declining influence
on other institutions, particularly politics and the
legal system.
Fuzzy fidelity A vague belief that there may be
some sort of religious or spiritual force without
any adherence to specific religious belief.
Diffuse Spread across a wide area or among a
range of people.
Spiritual revolution Radical change in the nature
of spirituality, moving from the congregational
domain to the holistic milieu.
Congregational domain The site of conventional
religious organisations where congregations
meet together to pray in a consecrated place
of religious worship.
Sacralisation The process of becoming sacred.
Holistic milieu The varied settings in which
New Age spirituality is promoted and practised,
including groups and therapy sessions.
453
7 RELIGION
Summary
1. Statistical evidence suggests that church
attendance and other types of participation in
organised traditional Christian religions (such
as church weddings) has fallen considerably in
Britain and the USA.
2. Some churches, such as Pentecostal churches,
have seen an increase in attendance.
3. Islam is growing, but mainly due to
demographic reasons such as a higher fertility
rate and a younger population.
4. Membership of most types of religious
organisation in the UK has fallen, although
there have been increases in membership
of some non-Christian religions and in some
sects and denominations.
5. Global figures suggest that 80 per cent of the
population affiliate themselves with a religion,
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 1 Describe two problems with measuring religiosity.
1 0 I 2 1 Explain two ways in which the growth of New Age movements supports the idea that
secularisation is occurring.
| 0 | 5 1 The emergence of new religious movements means that there has been a religious revival.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view.
PART 6 RELIGION AND POSTMODERNITY
Contents
Unit 7.6.1 New forms of religion:
new religious movements
and New Age movements 455
Unit 7.6.2 Religion in postmodern global
society: privatised belief and
fundamentalism 457
In this part, the role of religion in contemporary
society is explored from a range of postmodern
perspectives. Postmodernists explore the
454
although the numbers are declining in terms
of traditional Christian churches.
6. Disengagement involves the declining influence of
the church on other institutions. There is evidence
that in the UK the church has less influence over
politics and the law than in the past.
7. There are problems in interpreting all figures
on religious participation, membership
and affiliation.
8. There is some evidence of a move away from
traditional religious belief towards spiritual
beliefs, although the extent and significance of
this change is disputed.
9. Religious pluralism can be seen as evidence for
and against secularisation.
10. Bruce claims that the growth of New Age
movements is evidence of secularisation, while
Heelas disagrees and argues that they are a
sign of a revival of religion.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[6 marks]
increasing flow of ideas about beliefs that are
possible through greater interconnectedness
globally. This has meant that not just religious
ideas are spreading, but also rational scientific
secular ideas. Unit 7.6.1 explores why the
growth of new religious movements and New
Age movements helps us understand the role of
religion in people’s lives around the globe today.
Unit 7.6.2 looks at the main characteristics of *
religion in postmodern society, as well as exploring
how the rise of fundamentalism can be explained
from this perspective.

Unit 7.6.1 New forms of religion:
new religious
movements and
New Age movements
As discussed earlier in the chapter, new religious
movements, New Age movements, sects and
cults have grown at certain periods of history (see
Unit 7.1.1). This unit explores why the growth of
particular new religious movements and New Age
movements help us understand the role of religion in
people’s lives around the globe today.
Reasons for the growth of
sects and cults
Religious sects and cults are not a new phenomenon;
they have existed for centuries. Bruce (1995) traced
the emergence of the first sects to the reformation
of the Christian church in the 16th century in Europe.
Despite this, most existing sects and cults originated
in the 20th century, particularly in the 1960s
and 1970s. The growth of sects and cults can be
explained either in terms of why people choose to
join them or by looking at changes in wider society.
In reality, these two approaches are closely linked.
Marginality
Weber (1963, first published in 1922) provided
one of the earliest explanations for the growth
of sects. He argued that they were likely to arise
within marginal groups in society: members
of groups outside the mainstream of social life,
who often feel that they are not receiving the
prestige and/or economic rewards they deserve.
Marginalisation relates to the key concepts, as it
represents the idea that some groups in society
lack power and control, and see religion as a
form of resistance. One solution to this problem
is to join a sect based on what Weber called a
‘theodicy of disprivilege’ (a theodicy is a religious
explanation or justification; disprivilege is a lack
of material success and social status). This enables
people to explain their position in society and to
find a way to improve it.
Wilson (1970) pointed out that a variety of situations
could lead to the marginalisation of groups in society
and provide fertile ground for the development of sects.
7.6 RELIGION AND POSTMODERNITY
These situations include defeat in war, natural disasters
or economic collapse. In part, the growth of sects in
the USA in the 1960s was accomplished through the
recruitment of marginal and disadvantaged groups.
The Nation of Islam, for example, aimed to recruit
poor and marginalised African Americans, such as
those serving a prison sentence. However, for the most
part, in the 1960s and 1970s the membership of the
world-rejecting new religious movements was drawn
from among the ranks of young, White middle-class
Americans and Europeans. Wallis (1984) argued that,
despite this background, most were marginal because
they were likely to be involved in alternative lifestyles
such as those relating to hippy subcultures, drug use
or surfing.
Relative deprivation
The concept of ‘relative deprivation’ refers to
subjectively perceived deprivation - the feeling
of having less than others. Certain members of
the middle class, for example, may feel spiritually
deprived rather than materially deprived in a world
they see as too materialistic, lonely and impersonal.
According to Wallis, this means that they therefore
seek salvation in the sense of community offered by
the sect; it becomes an opportunity.
Stark and Bainbridge (1985) also employed the
concept of relative deprivation in explaining the
origins of sects. They define sects as organisations
that break away from an established church, and
they believe it is the relatively deprived who are
likely to break away. McGuire (2002) argues that
the relative deprivation does not directly cause the
growth of sects, but it can produce conditions which
make growth more likely.
Social change
Wilson (1970) argued that sects arise during
rapid periods of social change when traditional
norms are disrupted and social relationships
come to lack consistent and coherent meaning.
He gave the example of the rise of Methodism
in the working-class communities during the
early years of the industrial revolution in Britain.
Methodism provided the support of a close-knit
community organisation, well-defined and strongly
sanctioned norms and values, and a promise of
salvation. Similarly, Bruce (1995, 1996, 2011)
attributes the development of a range of religious
institutions, including cults and sects, to a general
process of modernisation and secularisation.
455
 7 RELIGION

then the rationality of modernity also brought

Reasons for the growth of with it individualism, which led to the growth of
new religious movements non-rational beliefs.
The growth of new religious movements is a global
phenomenon, evidenced through membership and Activity
affiliation, although patterns are variable. Wallis (1984)
pointed to a number of social changes that he believed
accounted for the growth of new religious movements
in the 1960s, some of which particularly relate to
young people. First, Wallis stated that the growth of
higher education extended the transition between
childhood and adulthood, giving young people the time
to explore different ideas and lifestyles free from work
and family responsibilities. Second, the young felt that
new technology would lead to the end of economic
scarcity, giving the economic freedom to try out new :
J
ways of living. Third, radical political movements in
the 1960s encouraged the exploration of alternative
lifestyles. These reasons coincide with the large-scale
i
social change which led many individuals to turn to new | iv -

religious movements for individual reasons, such as

searching for identity, belonging and security.
Reasons for the growth of
New Age movements
John Drane (1999) argues that the appeal of New
Age movements is connected to the failure of new
religious movements to deliver personal satisfaction.
Drane, along with postmodernist sociologists,
claims that Western societies are turning against
modern institutions and belief systems. They claim
that people have lost faith in these due to the
problems experienced in the modern era, such as
the world wars and environmental destruction - for
example, the depletion of the ozone layer. There is
also considerable scepticism about science, such
as the way that some drug companies have placed
pursuit of profit over a desire to improve health
and cure illnesses. Similarly, the church is treated
with distrust due to its failure to keep in touch with
people’s need for spirituality and because it has been
associated with corruption and abuse cases. This has
led to people turning to New Age movements as an
alternative, postmodern form of spirituality. However,
many New Age movements are based on adapted
versions of existing religions. For example, yoga is
connected to Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism, but
can be practised today in a secular or spiritual way.
On the surface, New Age movements appear to
contradict the view of sociologists such as Weber
that the modern world is becoming increasingly
rational. However, if Heelas and Bruce are correct,
456
Yoga is a relatively new practice in some parts
of the world.
Give two reasons why New Age movements
particularly appeal to middle-class women in
Western societies.
Key terms
Marginal groups Members of groups outside the
mainstream of social life, who often feel that they
are not receiving the prestige and/or economic
rewards they deserve.
Theodicy of disprivilege Weber’s concept for a set
of ideas which explain inequalities using religious
beliefs. A theodicy is a religious explanation or
justification; disprivilege is a lack of material
success and social status.
Relative deprivation This refers to subjectively
perceived deprivation - the feeling of having less
than others.
Summary
1. There are several reasons for the growth of
sects, cults and new religious movements,
including marginality, relative deprivation and
social change.
2. Drane saw the New Age as a product of
postmodernity and the rejection of modern
belief systems.

Unit 7.6.2 Religion in postmodern
global society:
irivatised belief and
undamentalism
Postmodern thinkers claim that patterns in religiosity
very much reflect the postmodern era in which
we now live, with its emphasis on greater choice
and individualism. Postmodern society is also
characterised by a greater focus on consumerism and
the commodification of religion, made possible partly
through the increasing role of the internet, mass media
and new forms of social media. This unit explores the
main characteristics of religion in postmodern society,
as well as exploring how the rise of fundamentalism
can be explained from this perspective.
Arguments for an increase in privatised
religion - believing without belonging?
Some sociologists claim that religion today may
be expressed in different ways. Religion for these
thinkers has become increasingly privatised; people
develop their own beliefs and relationship with God
and see religious institutions as being less important.
Davie (1994, 2007) coined the phrase ‘believing
without belonging’ to describe this situation. If
religion is increasingly seen as a choice open to
an individual, rather than an obligation imposed
by society, then people may increasingly hold
religious beliefs in private without feeling the need
to demonstrate them in public. Similarly, there are a
wide range of new forms of privatised religion which
are much harder to measure, as they take place in
the private sphere of the home - for example, online.
Lyotard - The rejection
of meta-narratives
The postmodernist Lyotard (1979) argued that
postmodernity involves growing 'incredulity towards
meta-narratives’ or a lack of faith in any big stories
about society and human progress (see Unit 7.1.2).
Both religion and scientific rational thought can be
seen as types of meta-narratives that individuals are
choosing to reject. From a postmodernist perspective,
people no longer feel that they need to accept and
adopt any single set of beliefs; rather, they wish
to find their own individual truth. Technological
advances have also lead to a plethora of new ways
in which religious ideas can be accessed, meaning
7.6 RELIGION AND POSTMODERNITY
that individuals can participate in religion in different
ways, such as viewing religious events online or
through social media - for example, the emergence of
televangelism, where people at home can participate
in religious services remotely. These technologically
based new forms of religious participation may be
challenging to measure.
Lyon - relocation of religion
and re-enchantment of the world
These ideas have been developed by the postmodernist
David Lyon (2000). According to Lyon, Western societies
are becoming increasingly consumerist, which is, in turn,
influencing religious ideas and practices. As consumers,
people do not wish to be told which religion to believe
in; they want to make up their own minds. According
to Lyon, religion is not therefore declining, it is simply
relocating to the sphere of consumption. Religion
has moved out of the traditional institutions such
as education and the law and instead become more
commercial so that people can consume and celebrate
religion in a number of ways. For example, in the USA,
Christian values such as the importance of marriage are
celebrated through Disney film characters in the theme
parks known as Disneyland. Religion has become part of
popular culture, through the media, social commentary
or through the messages espoused by companies, and
therefore Lyon does not believe that a decline in church
attendance indicates that secularisation has occurred.
Rather, there are alternative ways to participate in
religion. He claims that over the past three to four
decades there has been a re-enchantment, meaning
that, although traditional religions may be in decline,
alternative forms of religion and ways of practising
religions have developed in the West and elsewhere.
Activity
\
■i V,
4
• i
Televangelism is becoming a popular way for
people to participate in religion. It involves
watching religious services on television or online.
457
 7 RELIGION
1. Evaluate the view that televangelism is evidence
of a process of re-enchantment.
2. Explain how televangelism supports the idea of
belief without belonging.
Hervieu-Leger - spiritual shopping
Danifcle Hervieu-LSger supports postmodern views
of religion in Western societies; she also agrees
with Davie in claiming that religion has become
less public and more private. Hervieu-Leger argues
that religion was traditionally part of a chain of
memory (Hervieu-L6ger, 2000) - something that is
passed down from generation to generation which,
as Durkheim argued, helps to integrate society.
Rather than God being experienced in a direct and
personal way, churches have acted as intermediaries
and religion has been learned more than directly
experienced. However, in many European countries,
this chain of memory has, to some extent, been
broken. Secularisation has weakened the hold of the
traditional churches so that collective memories about
religion are no longer passed down from parents to
children with the force that they once were.
As a result of this, individuals have been left to
choose (or to reject) their own religious path. This
has resulted in individuals engaging in spiritual
individualism (Hervieu-Leger, 2006) in which people
shop around for the religion that suits them best, a
process also called spiritual shopping. This suggests
a shift towards people becoming consumers of
religion in which they expect to gain something from
their religious participation, usually self-improvement
or fulfilment. They may try to experience a variety
of religions and spiritual beliefs to see which
they prefer.
Hervieu-Leger does not believe that the influence of
Christian churches will disappear. Some individuals
will choose them as a ‘personal option’ Furthermore,
many people will be nostalgic for church services
and keen to maintain the fabric of beautiful church
buildings. Churches, however, will become less and
less important as a source of collective identity,
individual beliefs and moral values.
Evaluation of postmodernist views
As discussed earlier, patterns of religiosity are
complex and there is evidence which suggests that
some traditional religions such as Islam are in fact
growing rather than new forms of religion beginning
to overtake old forms. Furthermore, the postmodern
458
thinkers explored above tend to reflect on Western
religious practices, which are not necessarily
representative of global patterns. They also ignore
structural factors which affect the way that people
engage with religion - for example, the fact that
religion provides a source of comfort for structurally
marginalised groups with fewer opportunities.
Therefore, this approach may not offer a complete
explanation of religion in contemporary global society.
Religious fundamentalism
as a characteristic of
postmodern society
Despite the problems with postmodernist views,
one reason why postmodernism may be useful for
understanding the role of religion in society today is
that it helps to explain the emerging forms of religion
in contemporary society. While the secularisation
thesis suggests a progressive decline in religion,
previous sections have indicated that there are, in fact,
many parts of the world where religion appears to be
thriving or reviving. In a number of contexts, the term
‘fundamentalism' has been used to describe the nature
of religion today, particularly where it is undergoing an
enthusiastic revival in strongly held beliefs.
In a major comparative study of Strong Religion
(or fundamentalism), Gabriel Almond, R. Scott
Appleby and Emmanuel Sivan (2003) identified
fundamentalist movements among Jews in Israel;
Muslims in Pakistan, Palestine, Egypt and the Russian
regions of Dagestan and Chechnya; Sikhs and Hindus
in India; Christians in the USA and Ireland; and
Buddhists in Sri Lanka. Islamic fundamentalism has
perhaps been subject to more attention than other
forms, particularly after the Islamic fundamentalist
group al-Qaeda’s 9/11 attacks in the USA and the
rise and fall of Islamic State in Syria and bordering
countries. However, fundamentalism is by no means
confined to Islam. Furthermore, most Islamic people
(like most Christians, Hindus and the followers of
other religions) are not fundamentalists.
What is fundamentalism?
According to Bruce (2000), the term ‘fundamentalism’
was first used in the 1920s, when conservative
evangelical Protestants published a series of
pamphlets in which they called for a return to 'The
Fundamentals of the Faith’. These Protestants were
‘anti-modernist’ in that they objected to the way in
which, as they saw it, their religion was becoming

diluted in the modern world. Almond et al. (2003)
defined fundamentalism as ‘a discernible pattern of
religious militance by which self-styled “true believers”
attempt to arrest the erosion of religious identity,
fortify the borders of the religious community, and
create viable alternatives to secular institutions and
behaviours’ (Almond et al., 2003).
How can we explain the growth
of fundamentalism?
Fundamentalism itself is not new; examples of such
religious beliefs can be found throughout the history
of religion. However, there has been a recent growth
in the number of fundamentalist movements. There
are a number of explanations for the growth of
fundamentalist groups, which are in many ways a
response to the forces of globalisation and rapid
social change. Globalisation, the process whereby
the world is becoming increasingly interconnected,
has been happening over a long period of time.
However, over the past A0 years globalisation has
rapidly increased as a result of technological and
communicative advances. The effects of recent
globalisation have included the spread of liberal
Western values (including tolerance to same-sex
relationships, sex outside marriage, equality between
the genders) and increased migration. These changes
have been interpreted in different societies and social
groups in a number of ways.
Cultural defence As discussed in earlier sections,
Bruce (2002) regards one role of religion today as
allowing people to protect and maintain their cultural or
ethnic identity. They generally do this as they perceive
their ideas, practices and beliefs to be under threat as a
result of rapid social changes and the spread of liberal
values. An assertion of traditional or fundamentalist
values is a rejection of liberal values. Cultural defence
can also be a response to discrimination - for
example, Islamophobia. People may respond to such
discrimination through the strengthening of their
religious beliefs as a way of seeking comfort from a
world that is otherwise hostile. Remember that this
relates to the key concepts; for some, fundamentalism
provides a form of resistance to social change.
Cultural transition Another feature of a global
contemporary society is that there is far greater
migration. As Bruce points out, religion plays an
important social function in helping groups settle and
create networks in new locations. This is especially
true when moving into an area as a religious or
ethnic minority. It may be the case that people who
7.6 RELIGION AND POSTMODERNITY
were less religious in their previous location become
more religious in their new context, as a means of
coping with all of the changes.
Religious disengagement As seen earlier (see Unit
7.5.2), where states become more separate from
the influence of religious ideas, they may become
more liberal in their ideology. In fact, religious
disengagement within the state can actually lead to
a resurgence in religion, including fundamentalist
religion. This idea relates to the argument that, today,
religion has not become more privatised; rather, it
remains firmly part of public and political discourse.
We have seen how in the USA Christian fundamentalist
groups have had huge political presence, for example,
culminating in the election of President Trump in 2016.
Marginality Individuals who find themselves at the
edge of society - for example, those who experience
discrimination, racism and material deprivation -
may well be attracted to the security and strong
sense of identity that fundamentalist groups provide.
Also, individuals who feel left behind by the forces
of globalisation and are affected adversely by rapid
social change are also likely to feel more attracted to
fundamentalist groups.
Religious revival
Much of this section has explored how secularisation
probably reached its height in the 1970s and, since
then, how religious ideas have undergone a process
of renewal or revitalisation. Fundamentalism is one
such expression of this religious revival. Although
we have seen the development of rational modernity,
people still feel very much in need of religion as a
compensator, and for some, this comes in the form
of fundamentalism. Postmodernists claim that this
means people are looking for alternative, new forms of
religion which reflect the values and wishes of this era.
Bruce - fundamentalism as a reaction to
modernisation
Bruce (2000) sees fundamentalism as a reaction to
modernisation (as discussed earlier in Unit 7.1.3).
Modernisation, which according to Bruce has been
occurring throughout the past century, involves
societalisation (in which social life becomes increasingly
fragmented) and differentiation (in which religious life is
separated from other aspects of social life such as the
economy). Modernisation also involves rationalisation,
in which social life is planned to achieve certain goals,
not based upon faith or prayer. A further feature of
modernity is a tendency towards egalitarianism, in
459
 7 RELIGION
which all members of society share certain rights. For
example, it involves increasingly egalitarian gender
roles as women gain full citizenship rights. According
to Bruce, all of these processes challenge the authority
of religion, and in some circumstances groups with
strongly held religious beliefs will try to defend their
religion against the perceived threats.
In Western countries such as the USA, modernisation
has provided a local and immediate challenge to some
aspects of traditional religious belief. Elsewhere -
for example, in Islamic countries such as Iran and
Turkey - the process of modernisation has produced a
range of responses.
In both sets of circumstances, Bruce believes that
‘the main cause of fundamentalism is the belief
of religious traditionalists that the world around
them has changed so as to threaten their ability to
reproduce themselves and their tradition’ (2000).
He sees fundamentalism as a 'rational response
of traditionally religious peoples to social, political
and economic changes that downgrade and
constrain the role of religion in the public world’
(Bruce, 2000).
Almond et al. (2003) - fundamentalism
as a response to secularisation and
modernisation
Almond et al. (2003) discussed the findings of a
major comparative study of fundamentalist religions
throughout the world. Their findings correspond
with postmodernist explanations and observations.
A total of 75 case studies were carried out by
researchers over a 20-year period, and interviews
were conducted in the Middle East, North Africa and
the United States.
They follow Bruce in seeing fundamentalism
as a reaction to the social changes associated
with modernisation and secularisation. Without
secularisation, there would be no need for a
fundamentalist movement. Furthermore, the
development of communications has contributed to
globalisation, and with it the influence of Western
secular rationalism has spread to non-Western
countries. However, it has also provided opportunities
for fundamentalists to organise and spread their
message. Thus, the New Christian Right in the USA
have made extensive use of the media, including
starting their own TV stations. The internet has been
important in spreading Islamic fundamentalism
460
worldwide. It also allows the 'demonstration effect’ or
copycat behaviours such as suicide bombings.
Key terms
Privatised religion Religion of significance to the
individual but which has relatively little connection
to religious institutions and little or no Importance
in wider society.
Re-enchantment The process by which people
re-engage with spirituality.
Chain of memory The way that memories
(including religious beliefs) are passed down from
one generation to the next.
Spiritual individualism Religion in which
individuals follow their own spiritual path rather
than following the teachings of a particular
religious leader or religious institution.
Spiritual shopping The idea that people relate
to religion as consumers, and that they select and
consume various forms of religion, sometimes
multiple forms at the same time.
Liberal Western values A set of ideas which focus
on individualism and choice as well as rights.
Religious revival The idea that spiritual and
religious ideas and practices are going through
a period of growth as people re-engage with the
same or new forms of belief systems.
Egalitarianism The tendency towards becoming
more equal.
Summary
1. Postmodern thinkers claim that patterns in
religiosity very much reflect the postmodern
era in which we now live, which includes
greater individualism.
2. Davie believes that there is a general trend
towards ‘believing without belonging’.
3. The postmodernist Lyotard claimed that,
as people reject major meta-narratives,
they turn to new forms of religion or
spirituality.
4. The postmodernist Lyon (2000) argues that
Western societies are becoming increasingly
consumerist, which is in turn influencing
religious ideas and practices.
 7.6 RELIGION AND POSTMOOERNITY

5. According to the postmodernist Hervieu-LSger,
in many European countries the chain of
memory (collective religious memories) has
been weakened and spiritual individualism and
spiritual shopping are replacing traditional
forms of religion.
6. Bruce and Almond et al. argued that the
growth of a range of fundamentalism is a
response to modernisation, secularisation,
globalisation and the spread of liberal values.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
I 0 I 1 I Describe two reasons for the growth of sects and cults. [4 marks]
I 0 1 2 1 Explain two limitations of the postmodernist accounts of religion. [6 marks]
1 0 1 5 1 The growth of fundamentalist religions is a response to rapid social change.’
Using sociological material, give one argument for this view. [6 marks]

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE QUESTIONS

roTil The arguments against the secularisation thesis are stronger than the arguments for.’
Evaluate this view. [35 marks]
foTTl The extent to which religious organisations are patriarchal has been exaggerated.’
Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

461
 * '■?
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8 GLOBALISATION
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h Chapter contents
■I Section A Key debates, concepts and
K| perspectives
j^P Section B Contemporary issues
[*■ Exam-style practice questions
llTT This chapter explores the concept of ‘globalisation’.
9 However, this concept is not easy to define. Anthony
Giddens (1996), for example, claims that ‘there are
3H few terms that we use so frequently but which are
HI in fact as poorly conceptualized as globalization’.
Similarly, Wayne Ellwood (2015) describes
globalisation as the ‘least understood (concept)
\ of the new millennium’. Consequently, a number of
competing theories of globalisation exist, some of
which view globalisation very positively, while others
claim that it is extremely harmful to societies.
What is evident is that sociologists do not agree on
which dimensions of globalisation - if it is indeed
i
occurring - are the most significant elements of its
impact on the world.
Section A explores the debate about whether
globalisation is a beneficial or harmful
phenomenon. In particular, sociological perspectives
A are examined to work out whether they view
globalisation as a positive or negative form of
5 change. We also examine the possible impact of
i globalisation on the formation of individual and
large-scale identity. For example, have cultures
and therefore the identities of those who are
part of those cultures been overwhelmed by
a homogenised global culture? Or have they
been able to resist globalisation? Finally, has
- ~
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Westernisation been mistaken for globalisation?
■
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We also explore the impact of globalisation on
power and politics. For example, what has been
463 the impact of globalisation on the nation-state?
518 Wliy have social movements opposing globalisation
emerged in recent years? How can the nation-state
tackle problems such as environmental degradation
brought about by globalisation?
Section B explores contemporary issues associated
with globalisation. We explore how life chances
relating to education, income and health are
distributed around the world and sociological F
v
)
explanations for global inequalities. For example, is
global capitalism responsible for these inequalities
or are they self-inflicted? tfr
We also consider the causes and consequences of
global migration. For example, do migrants choose
to leave their societies of origin or are they pushed
out by social factors beyond their control? How are
they received by the societies in which they arrive?
Do migrants experience the same job opportunities
and rights as members of indigenous populations?
Are indigenous workers ‘happy’ to welcome
migrant workers?
Finally, we explore the contemporary issue of
global crime. A range of global crimes is examined,
ranging from overtly criminal acts committed by
international human trafficking gangs and drug
cartels to corporate and green crimes committed
by ‘respectable’ transnational corporations. In
particular, we look at who benefits from the
globalisation of crime and issues relating to the N
difficulties of policing and prosecuting such crimes. p
 ■ V2 ¥ I
SECTION A
KEY DEBATES. CONCEPTS AND PERSPECTIVES
-
Contents
Part 1 Perspectives on globalisation 464
Part 2 Globalisation and identity 477
ft Part 3 Globalisation, power and politics 494
Section A focuses on key debates, concepts
and perspectives on the process and impact of
i
globalisation. Three of the key concepts that you
were introduced to in the introductory chapter are
1
H relevant here.
rT
J First, think about power, control and resistance. One
I of the reasons why digital technology, one of the
L cornerstones of globalisation, expanded so rapidly
j in influence across the world is because ownership
Y and control of digital communication systems
became increasingly concentrated in the hands of
fewer transnational corporations. Some critics of this
concentration of ownership argue that it amounts to
an unhealthy control of news and information, and
that consequently ordinary people may be unable
p to gain an accurate and detailed knowledge of the
world. These criticisms have led to calls for the state
to get more involved in the regulation of digital
technology in order to prevent these corporations
abusing their power. However, some Marxists argue
that digital technology has produced a networked
^ global society and has transformed the relationship
between the electorate and the powerful. They argue
that digital technology has the potential to revitalise
I democracy because it gives a ‘voice’ to traditionally
powerless groups such as those in poverty, women,
the LGBT community and the anti-globalisation
movement. It gives oppressed people the ability to
facilitate social change.
Second, keep social change and development in
mind. Some sociologists claim that human history
can be reduced to four major social changes or
stages of development: the agricultural revolution,
the industrial revolution, the computer revolution
( and the digital revolution. Globalisation is often
portrayed as the final stage of history of both
modern Western society and of those societies
situated in the developing world. In the eyes of many
politicians, economists and sociologists, globalisation
is responsible for a permanent deindustrialisation of
the West and the shifting of significant economic and
cultural power permanently eastward.
Third, consider socialisation, culture and identity.
We examine how globalisation may have impacted
in both positive and negative ways on identity. Some
sociologists claim that globalisation has the potential
to produce a global consciousness in which difference
and inequality in all their forms are eradicated so
that human beings will view themselves primarily
as citizens of a one-world society. Some sociologists
dismiss this scenario as too utopian and argue that at
best we should hope that the process of globalisation
can raise social and political consciousness - for
example, so that citizens across the world can unite to
oppose breaches of human rights. Other sociologists
argue that these aspirations are too ambitious and
that globalisation may only impact on people’s ability
to construct their personal identity by providing them
with increased consumer choices.
LL
Section A is divided into three parts. Part 1
if
explores what sociologists mean by ‘globalisation’ CL
and considers its economic, political and cultural UL
dimensions. It examines three broad sociological
perspectives on this phenomenon: 'globalists’, who
view globalisation in a very positive light; ‘sceptics’,
who consider globalisation to be extremely harmful to
societies, and ‘transformationalists’, who argue that
globalisation may eventually have the positive effect of
reducing national differences and global inequalities.
The second part of this section is focused on
globalisation and identity, specifically on whether
global forces have affected people’s sense of self. For
example, has globalisation produced a global identity
or consciousness? Or has it reinforced people’s sense
of national or religious identity as they seek to resist
global forces? How have individuals and cultures
adapted to globalisation? How might global forces '
themselves be shaped by local cultures?
The third part of this section focuses on globalisation,
power and politics. In particular, it explores two
important concepts, liberal democracy and human
rights, and the ability of nation-states to defend these
important principles in the context of globalisation.
Moreover, it examines how the nation-state tackles
problems such as environmental degradation brought
about by globalisation.
 S GLOBALISATION
PART 1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION
Contents
Unit 8.1.1 Key definitions and issues 464
Unit 8.1.2 The significance of different
dimensions of globalisation 467
Unit 8.1.3 Theories of globalisation 472
In Part 1. we explore key definitions and issues
surrounding globalisation, which is a contested
concept that sociologists rarely agree upon. In
particular, it is important to understand that there
are three main ways in which globalisation has
impacted on the world at large and on individual
cultures and nation-states. First, sociologists
are interested in the consequences of economic
Unit 8.1.1 Key definitions and
issues
Globalisation is a complex process and one that
is difficult to define. In this unit we consider the
challenges of defining globalisation, the processes
that make up globalisation and how globalisation has
developed in different ways since the prehistoric period.
Defining globalisation
Manfred Steger (2017) notes that the concept of
globalisation has been used in both the popular
press and academic literature to describe ‘a process,
a condition, a system, a force and an age’. He argues
that, as these competing labels have very different
meanings, their indiscriminate usage is often obscure
and invites confusion. Consequently, he argues that
globalisation as both a concept and a theory of
social change is highly contested. Moreover, there
is an unfortunate tendency to reduce the complex
concept of globalisation to the simplistic metaphor of
an ‘unstoppable juggernaut’ which is determined on
spreading Western capitalism and cultural values and
‘flattening or eradicating local, regional and national
cultures and traditions’.
Steger suggests that sociologists need to adopt a
more nuanced approach to understand globalisation.
464
globalisation for the economies of the world.
Second, some sociologists claim that political
globalisation has occurred and that consequently
the nation-state may be in decline. Third,
sociologists are also interested in socio-cultural
globalisation and how this is impacting on local
cultures and identities. Underpinning all three
dimensions of globalisation is the debate as to
whether it is a positive or negative process. Some
sociologists - the globalists - are very positive
about globalisation, while others (particularly
Marxists and feminists), are more cautious
and sometimes very sceptical about its effects.
Postmodernists, on the other hand, believe that
globalisation has the potential to ‘transform’ the
world for the ‘better’.
This approach sees globalisation as incorporating
three very distinct concepts:
1. ‘Globality’ signifies a social condition characterised
by tight economic, political, cultural and
environmental interconnectedness and flows
underpinned by technological innovation that have
rendered most national borders and boundaries
irrelevant. However, Steger does argue that we
should not assume that full globality is already
upon us. He also warns that it is not known what
form full globality will eventually take or what its
effects will be, despite the sociological debate as to
whether globalisation is a good or bad thing.
2. ‘Global imagining’ refers to people’s growing
consciousness of 'thickening globality’. Steger claims
that people across the world still have a sense of
‘home’ and generally still subscribe to a sense of
local or regional or tribal or ethnic or religious
identity. However, Steger argues that national
identity is increasingly diluted as globality thickens.
3. ‘Glocalisation’ - as globality evolves, it produces
a dynamic global-local nexus which changes
the character of both the national and local.
Steger uses the world’s most popular sports
event, the men’s football (soccer) World Cup, to
illustrate these concepts. He points out that this
four-yearly event is a great example of globality
and globalisation in that it is organised by a
global organisation - FIFA - which represents
every country with an official football association

that has agreed to follow the same global rules
and regulations. The globality of the event can
be illustrated by the fact that the location of the
tournament has rotated across continents since
it began in 1930. Moreover, the World Cup is a
global television event - every game is shown live
to a global TV audience. The World Cup also has
global sponsorship in that global conglomerates
such as Coca-Cola and McDonald’s pay billions
of dollars to advertise their brands in stadiums
during matches and in the commercial half-time TV
breaks. However, Steger points out that the World
Cup has localised dimensions too, in that countries
compete with each other to host the tournament.
The way it is organised into groups followed by
knock-out rounds also encourages local pride as
national teams with low positions in FIFA’s rankings
- for example, Tunisia (ranked 21 st in 201 7) -
battle highly ranked football nations, for example,
Belgium (ranked third in 2017), to a draw or
inflict a shock defeat on them. Steger, therefore,
concludes that the men’s football World Cup is very
much both a global and glocalised event.
Activity
Football fans in Moscow's Red Square during
the 2018 men's World Cup. Steger sees the
World Cup as an example of both globality and
glocalisation.
Draw two columns; label the one on the left
'Example of globality’, and the one on the right
'Example of the glocal’.
Research the World Cup. Choose one of these events
- the 2014 men’s World Cup in Brazil, the 2018
men’s World Cup in Russia or the 2015 women’s
World Cup in Canada. Focus on finding information
8.1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION
on the following and categorise them as either
exclusively global in character or as an example of
glocalisation, a combination of the local and global.
» The qualifying group stage
> Ticket applications from fans of the countries
that have qualified
i Spectators banging drums, blowing vuvuzelas,
trumpets and so on, or doing Mexican waves
» The television audience that watched the World
Cup Final live
» Brazilian/Russian/Canadian spending on building
new stadiums and security
» Long-term effect on tourism to Brazil, Russia
or Canada
» The manufacture and import of replica kits and
World Cup footballs
» The artists chosen to perform at the
opening ceremony
» Winner of the Golden Ball for the best player in
the tournament
» The World Cup Final and the crowning of the
champions.
Steger, therefore, sees globalisation as a set of
social processes that transform our present local
social conditions and life experiences into one of
globality. At the micro-level of individual experience,
this means that distance is no longer an obstacle to
interaction between people separated by geography
or time-zones. Individuals can now interact and
communicate instantaneously with others who sit
at computers thousands of miles away in different
time zones. David Harvey (1990) refers to this global
transformation as space-time compression.
Martin Albrow (1987) claims that this has resulted
in the incorporation of the very different and varied
people and cultures of the world into a single
globalised culture and society, or ‘global village’. At
its simplest, globalisation means that the planet we
live on now feels smaller - remote places are now
more accessible than they were in the past.
On a macro-level, globalisation can be defined as a
process characterised by a growing engagement and
communication between societies wherever they are
located in the world and regardless of what language
they speak.
Robin Cohen and Paul Kennedy (2000) suggest
that globalisation refers to the increasing
interconnectedness and interdependency of the
465
 8 GLOBALISATION
world’s nations and their people, which has resulted in
a single global economic, political and cultural system.
As Allan Cochrane and Kathy Pain (2000) note, 'the
lives of ordinary people everywhere in the world seem
increasingly shaped by events, decisions and actions
that take place far away from where they live and
work’. Societies that were once distant, independent
and very different to one another are today
increasingly globally intertwined and interdependent,
whether they want to be or not. Moreover, the macro
and micro are also interwoven in that the everyday
local lives of ordinary people are increasingly shaped
by events, decisions and actions that take place
thousands of miles from where they live.
The causes of globalisation
Cohen and Kennedy argue that globalisation
needs to be understood as ‘a set of mutually
reinforcing transformations’ of the world. In order to
understand these ‘transformations’ and the causes
of globalisation, it is important to examine six
interrelated dimensions of globalisation:
y the historical
> the technological
y the economic
y the cultural
» the political
y the moral.
The historical dimension of globalisation
Steger argues that globalisation is not a modern
phenomenon but has actually been going on in a
piecemeal fashion for the past 2000 years. In particular,
culture, language, religion, and even disease, have
spread throughout the world as a result of the following:
y population growth which encouraged both trade
and migration
y the development of technology, especially in the
fields of weaponry, ship-design and navigation
y the control of such technology gave some
countries, especially in Europe from the 1490s on,
the military power to set up global empires and to
transport people over long distances as part of a
global slave trade.
The contemporary period - from the
1980s to the present day
Steger argues that, although globalisation has always
existed, it picked up ‘quantum’ speed from the
1980s onwards to the extent that it has resulted in
466
a 'great convergence’ in which ‘different and widely
spaced people and social connections are coming
together more rapidly than ever before’ The reasons
why globalisation has accelerated since the 1980s -
particularly the development of digital technology - will
be discussed in more detail in the rest of this chapter.
However, it is important to acknowledge that
globalisation is not a single process. It is therefore
vital to examine its different dimensions in order to
understand that it is, in Steger's words, 'an intricate
tapestry of overlapping shapes and colours’ Steger
warns that we must resist the temptation to reduce
globalisation to one single or overwhelmingly crucial
feature.
Key terms
Globalisation The trend of increasing interaction
between societies and individuals on a worldwide
scale due to advances in transportation and
communication technology.
Globality A social condition characterised by tight
economic, political, cultural and environmental
interconnectedness and flows underpinned by
technological innovation that have rendered most
national borders and boundaries irrelevant.
Global imagining People’s growing consciousness
that they share a common global culture or that
they share common interests with their neighbours
in the global village.
Glocalisation A combination of the words
‘globalisation’ and ‘localisation’, used to describe
a product or service that is developed and
distributed globally, but is also adjusted to
accommodate the user or consumer in a local
market. The term is also used more generally
as a hybrid fusing of the global and local, as in
‘Bollywood’.
Conglomerates A corporation composed of a
collection of companies which have been brought
together by mergers and takeovers.
Micro-level Processes that occur at the level of
individuals.
Space-time compression A term invented by
David Harvey that refers to a set of processes that
impact time and space, that is, they cause the
relative distances between places as measured in
terms of travel time or cost to shrink so that the
world seems to be a much smaller place.
Macro-level Processes that happen at a societal
or structural level.

Summary
1. Globalisation is a complex process that is often
over-simplified.
2. The most effective way to define globalisation
is that it reflects the growing interdependency
of world society and/or the increasing
interconnectedness of societies which are usually
separated by geographical distance, time zones
and very different cultures.
3. Steger suggests that globalisation is made
up of three processes: globality, the global
imagination and glocalisation.
4. It is important to understand that globalisation
is not a new process but that it has accelerated
at an incredible speed in the last couple of
decades.
Unit 0.1.2 The significance of
different dimensions
of globalisation
In the previous unit we examined the historical
dimension of globalisation. We now briefly examine
the other five dimensions: the technological,
economic, cultural, political (sometimes referred to
as the ‘ideological’) and the moral. It is important to
understand that, although these can be examined
as separate entities, they actually overlap and are
interdependent. For example, the technological
dimension has had a considerable impact on the
economic and cultural dimensions of globalisation.
Activity
Go through Steger’s five historical periods and list
all the technological inventions and innovations
that he highlights as contributing to increased
globalisation.
The technological dimension
of globalisation
Although there have been numerous technological
innovations that have contributed to increased
globalisation, five related technological creations
since the late 1980s have probably made the
greatest contribution to globality, the global
8.1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION
imagination and the formation of the local-global
nexus known as glocalisation. These technologies
more than any other have transformed our concept
of time and space.
First, in 1989 Tim Berners-Lee created and
developed the World Wide Web or internet - a global
network of connected computers which transfers
information around the world in seconds. The
internet allows users to access websites - a collection
of pages of multimedia content - located under a
single domain name. Internet technology has rapidly
developed in the last decade as related technological
innovations have been harnessed to its use, including
search engines, browsers, broadband, cloud storage
and social media platforms.
Second, the development of digital technology means
that all information, regardless of format (for example,
images, text and sound), is now converted into
binary code that can be transmitted instantaneously
along the information superhighway of the internet.
Digitalisation allows information to be delivered across
a range of media platforms that were once separate
and unconnected technologies. It is now possible to
watch television and films, take photographs, consult
maps and use GPS, download and listen to music,
play games, send texts and emails, and upload
photographs, videos and comments to social network
and sharing sites on one device.
Third, the rapid evolution of microchip-based
microprocessor computer technology means that
digital computers are getting smaller and are
therefore perfectly suited to practical domestic use.
This has resulted in the sales of laptop or notebook
computers exceeding those of desktop computers.
For example, nearly three out of four computers sold
worldwide in 2018 were laptops or tablets.
Four, a new breed of mobile phone - the
■
smartphone - appeared in the early 21 st century. This
mass communications device is essentially a handheld
personal computer supported by broadband and/or
Wi-Fi which can connect to the internet and email. The
Pew Research Center reported in 2017 that about
three-quarters of US adults (77 per cent) say they own
a smartphone, up from 35 per cent in 2011, making
the smartphone one of the most quickly adopted
consumer technologies in recent history. Smartphone
ownership is more common among those who are
younger or more affluent. For example, 92 per cent
of 18- to 29-year-olds say they own a smartphone,
compared with 42 per cent of those aged 65 and
older. Interestingly, these devices are less likely to be
used for talking or texting. American adults report that
467
8 GLOBALISATION
they mainly use smartphones to shop and to access
the internet, especially social media platforms such as
Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram and Twitter. However,
although smartphone ownership is climbing in less
industrialised nations, a digital divide still remains.
Over a third of people in less industrialised nations
owned a smartphone according to a Pew survey carried
out in 2015, but more industrialised economies have
considerably higher rates of smartphone adoption and
use. For example, the highest rates of smartphone use
were found in South Korea, Sweden, Australia, the
Netherlands, Spain and the USA.
Fifth, smartphone technology can now also be found
in televisions. Smart televisions are the result of
technological convergence between computers and
flatscreen televisions. Internet access is integrated into
the device, which can be used to access social media
apps, terrestrial domestic as well as global satellite TV
channels, and streaming services such as Netflix.
Steger argues that these technological innovations
have contributed to globalisation in the
following ways;
) They have created new social networks.
» They have multiplied existing connections that cut
across traditional political, economic, cultural and
geographical boundaries.
» They have expanded and stretched social relations,
activities and connections, especially in the
economic and cultural dimensions.
» They have intensified and accelerated social
exchanges and activities, especially communication
power, and in so doing have created what Manuel
Castells (2009) calls 'a global network 500161/.
Consequently Steger concludes that globalisation is
'about growing worldwide interconnectivity’. He notes
too that it involves 'both the macro-structures of a
global community and the micro-structures of "global
personhood’” or identity.
468
Examine the statement by Steger shown here and
answer the questions that follow it.
‘If we asked ordinary citizens on the busy streets
of global cities like New York, Shanghai, or
Sydney about the essence of globalisation, their
answers would probably involve some reference
to growing forms of economic connectivity fuelled
by digital technologies. People might point to
their mobile devices such as Cloud-connected
smart wireless phones like the popular iPhone and
tablets linked to powerful internet search engines
like Google Chrome that sort in a split second
through gigantic data sets. Or they might mention
accessible video-postings on YouTube; ubiquitous
social networking sites like Instagram, Facebook
and Twitter; the rapidly expanding blogosphere,
satellite - and computer-connected HDTVs
and Netflix movie streaming and interactive
3-D computer and video games.’
Using the list in this quote, design a
questionnaire aimed at a reasonably
manageable sample of people in your school
or college - say 20-30 individuals. The first
question should be an open question asking,
‘What sorts of examples would you use to
support the view that the society in which you
live has become globalised?’ They might, for
example, cite global market brands or the
fact that in the city or town in which they live
there is a McDonald’s or Starbucks. Follow this
open question with closed questions based
on whether they use the sorts of technologies
mentioned by Steger in the extract. Then ask
questions about what countries they have visited
as tourists, and what global tastes they have
in popular music, film and television. Ask them
whether they like and enjoy food or drink that
originates from outside their culture and society.
Conclude by asking them whether they consider
themselves global citizens of the world.
Discuss the results as a class. Were they expected
or unexpected?
 8.1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION

The economic dimension Activity

of globalisation Ask your teacher to pin up a map of the world on
There has been a rapid intensification of your classroom wall. Stick pins in those countries
international trade and investment in the past people in your class have visited, to ascertain the
30 years and as a result distinct national or local extent of your global footprint.
economies have dissolved into a global free-trade
globalisation, but one that has been woefully
and market economy. Countries have become
under-appreciated, has been containerisation. He
economically interdependent because of the
argues that container shipping has developed over
expansion of international trade, the development
the last 50 years into a huge industry that has
of 24-hour global financial trading markets and
transformed economic geography, slashed
the global dominance of the so-called ‘three sisters
transportation costs and reshaped the global flow
of trade’; the World Trade Organization (WTO),
of trade in manufactured commodities. Levinson
the World Bank and the International Monetary
puts it more bluntly when he claims in the subtitle
Fund (IMF). Moreover, global trade has led to the
of his book that the shipping container made the
emergence of transnational corporations (TNCs),
world smaller and the world economy bigger. For
which have created an international division of
example, containerisation is responsible for the
labour by situating their manufacturing plants in
transportation across the world of roughly 90 per
different locations across the globe, by transferring
cent of manufactured goods.
money, technology and raw materials across
national borders and by creating global markets and
consumers for their products. TNCs dominate the Activity
fields of manufacturing, oil exploration, chemical and
arms production, finance, popular culture and digital
technology. Marxists claim that the overriding aim
of such TNCs is to maximise profit by systematically
exploiting global workers and consumers wherever
they are situated in the world. Many TNCs are more
economically powerful than individual countries, and
consequently they wield disproportionate bargaining
power over local economies, governments and labour
forces. For example, of the 100 richest ‘economies’
in the world in 2018, 51 are TNCs and only 49 are The container terminal in Rotterdam, the largest
actual countries. port in Europe, which serves a hinterland of
40000000 consumers.
Two examples of economic globalisation which are
worth highlighting are: Can you think of ways in which containerisation
might be useful for global criminals?
» Tourism, which has been dramatically boosted by
technological developments in air travel such as the
creation of jumbo jets like the Airbus A380 and There is no doubt that the development of an
Boeing’s Dreamliner. Air travel has also dropped in increasingly unified global economy is having
cost as budget airlines have flourished. In 2017, effects on domestic economies. Decisions made in
according to the World Tourism Organization, 1322 one society about lifestyle preferences and leisure
million people were recorded as arriving in a country pursuits can cause problems such as unemployment,
from abroad because of tourism. This was worth debt and the loss of livelihoods for workers and
nearly S1,000 billion in 2017, making tourism one farmers thousands of miles away. Zygmunt Bauman
of the world’s largest industries. In 2017, the Middle (2007) observed that ‘on a planet open to the free
East and Asia had the greatest growth of tourists. circulation of capital, and commodities, whatever
Europe still has the greatest number of tourists - happens in one place has a bearing on how people in
nearly 671 million in 2017. all other places live, hope or expect to live... Nothing
> Containerisation. Marc Levinson (2016) argues that is truly, or can remain for long, indifferent to anything
the most significant influence on economic else - untouched and untouching’.

469
 8 GLOBALISATION

The cultural dimension of globalisation

Cultural globalisation refers to the rapid movement
of ideas, attitudes, meanings, values and cultural
products across national borders. It refers specifically
to the idea that there is now a global common
culture transmitted and reinforced by the internet,
popular entertainment media, transnational
marketing of particular brands and international
travel and tourism that goes beyond local cultural
traditions and lifestyles. Sociologists cannot agree on
whether cultural globalisation positively or negatively
shapes the identities, perceptions, aspirations, tastes
and everyday activities of young people, wherever in
the world they may live.
It is argued that culture has become globalised as
ownership and control of the world’s media, internet
providers and websites have become increasingly
concentrated in the hands of fewer transnational
corporations. Cultural products such as films,
television, music, designer fashion, news, social
networking sites, food, drink, brands and sport are
primarily developed and manufactured for global
consumption. This means that the populations of
diverse societies now encounter and consume the I
same sorts of cultural products. Despite huge
differences in distance, upbringing and social context,
many of us now listen to the same popular music,
read the same books and watch the same films,
television programmes and sports.
.

Activity
Make a list of sports that are global because
countries worldwide annually host key events or
competitions in that sport.

It is argued that global cultural icons such as pop

stars BeyoncS, Jay-Z, Madonna, Kanye West and One
Direction; global sport stars such as Cristiano
Ronaldo, Lionel Messi, Kobe Bryant, Sachin
Tendulkar, Rafael Nadal and Serena Williams; and
Hollywood and Bollywood film stars are important
global role models in that they export aspects of
their home culture to their foreign fans, who read
about their lifestyles as well as sometimes engaging
in cultural appropriation - they may adopt aspects of
other cultures such as tattoos, dress codes, jewellery
and incorporate them into their own lifestyles,
producing a popular hybridised culture that fans
worldwide can tap into.
Cultural globalisation has allegedly increased
interconnectedness among different populations
and cultures. For example, food is an important part
of cultural experience. Most societies around the
world have diets which are unique to them. However,
the cultural globalisation of food and diet has
been particularly promoted by American fast-food
transnationals such as McDonald’s, Burger King and
KFC. It can be argued that the 35 000 McDonald’s
restaurants that operated in 118 countries in 2015
have had a global effect on local diets and eating
habits. Moreover, many global cities such as London,

470

New York and Tokyo have restaurants that specialise
in Chinese, Italian, Japanese, Indian and Thai cuisine.
Activity
Either survey your classmates to find out whether
they have global tastes in food and drink, or, if it
is safe, walk around your city or town centre or
local neighbourhood in order to list restaurants or
takeaways that specialise in food that originates
outside the society in which you live.
The political or ideological dimension
of globalisation
It is claimed that political globalisation is increasingly
extending beyond local politics. Until the end of
World War II, the governments of nation-states were
traditionally responsible for maintaining the human
rights, security and economic welfare of their citizens.
However, many countries are joining and becoming
actively involved in global political institutions such as
the United Nations, NATO, the European Community
and the G7. In turn, these global organisations shape
and influence domestic political policies.
Politics is also intertwined with economic
globalisation. For example, both the World Bank
and IMF often lend money to individual countries on
the condition that they adopt a neoliberal economic
approach to free trade. This often involves these
global political institutions insisting that, in return for
aid, less industrialised countries should ‘reform’ their
economies so that trade and banking is deregulated
and public spending on, say, health or welfare is
reduced and/or that state-owned agencies and
services are privatised by being sold off to TNCs.
The moral dimension of globalisation
Bauman argued that on a planet criss-crossed by
'information highways’, everything that happens in
any part of the world is eventually known. Bauman
observed that the human misery associated with
distant places and remote ways of life are vividly
brought into our homes by a global news media.
He argued that in the global world, global inequality
and the humiliation and injustice it brings are now
very visible via digital technology. Moreover, he
argued that the well-being of one place can ever
be innocent of the misfortune of another. As Milan
Kundera (2004) observes, 'there is nowhere one can
escape to in a globalized society’.
8.1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION
Bauman argued that globalisation brings with it
increased risk. Global risks have evolved in the sense
that the world increasingly shares the same global
problems such as disease, terrorism, crime, climate
change and environmental degradation, which
increasingly emanate from the same global sources.
Activity
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Chernobyl nuclear power plant.
Research the true story of the world’s worst nuclear
disaster, which occurred at Chernobyl on 26 April
1986 - at the time Chernobyl was in the USSR.
What global effects did this disaster have?
Moreover, Bauman argued that global inequalities in
wealth, income and life chances are likely to worsen
the risks faced by the global population by increasing
the fears, tensions and uncertainties of those trapped
at the bottom of the global stratification system.
He claimed that economic globalisation leads to
unregulated markets that further widen inequality
and the sense of hostility and grievance felt by those
who go without across the world. This is a recipe
for planetary lawlessness, which is then used by
the powerful as another excuse for greater levels
of surveillance, control and repression of powerless
groups. Bauman also predicted the rise of fascist and
racist movements, nationalism, populism, religious
fanaticism and terrorism.
There is evidence that globalisation has produced
a new set of shared moral problems and fears. For
example, it has produced geo-political tensions
between the USA and North Korea and, according
to Samuel Huntington (2002), between the Christian
and Muslim worlds. It has also led to the rise of
right-wing nationalism in several European countries,
especially Austria, Hungary, Poland and Italy, that
have come to power because of popular fears about
migrants and refugees. All of these countries have
471
 8 GLOBALISATION
introduced tougher immigration policies and have
seen significant rises in racist hate crimes.
Like Bauman, Michael Ignatieff (2017) believes that
there is a need for a form of moral globalisation in an
increasingly divided world, within which global citizens
speak the same ethical language when confronting
i and multicultural understanding envisaged by those
global ethical issues such as the behaviour of TNCs,
corruption, public trust, tolerance, multicultural cities,
reconciliation after war and conflict, and resilience in
times of uncertainty and danger.
Examples of global morality can be found in the rise
of global social protest movements, such as Amnesty
International and Greenpeace, which aim to protect
human rights and the environment respectively.
In addition, an anti-capitalist global movement
has developed symbolised by protests outside G7
conferences as well as the Occupy and Anonymous
campaigns. These have used global communication
systems to form alliances with activists in other
countries to protest against the poverty, inequality,
greed and corporate tax evasion they associate with
global capitalism.
Globalisation has also led to the rise of social and
political movements which are critical of capitalism,
such as the radical Syriza government elected in
Greece in 2015. Finally, there are signs that
globalisation is being blamed by those suffering
long-term unemployment and wage stagnation in
both the USA and Europe.
Summary
There are five important interdependent
dimensions of globalisation: the technological,
economic, cultural, political and moral.
Unit 8.1.3 Theories of globalisation
Sociologists disagree about the effects of
globalisation. Some sociologists argue that
globalisation is a fact of life, and therefore
irreversible. Optimistic globalists believe this to
be a good thing, because they believe that this will
eventually break down barriers between societies
and promote greater tolerance and understanding.
In contrast, critical sociologists believe that
globalisation simply promotes economic and cultural
forms of imperialism and therefore poverty, inequality
and potential conflict between religions and cultures.
Some perceive globalisation to be a threat to
472
traditional ways of life which have been in place for
centuries. They are, therefore, very pessimistic about
globalisation, which they predict will inevitably lead
to dystopia - that is, a world full of risks and conflict.
This is in contrast to the utopia of human rights,
universal access to education and communications,
who see globalisation as a positive process.
Activity
Explain why the civil war in Syria is often referred
to as 'the world’s war’. Think about how many
nation-states are involved in the war either directly
or indirectly. Think, too, about the geographical
origins of the foreign fighters who volunteered to
fight for Islamic State.
Globalist theories of globalisation
Globalists are sociologists who believe that
globalisation is a fact which is having real
consequences for the way that people and
organisations operate across the world. However,
globalists are not united on the consequences
of such a process. Some globalists - the
hyper-globalists - see the process of globalisation
as a positive phenomenon, while the pessimists
or sceptics see globalisation as a type of cultural
imperialism that is generally having a negative effect
on the local cultures of less industrialised societies.
Hyper-globalism
Hyper-globalists (sometimes called optimists or
positive globalists) welcome globalisation because
they believe that it will eventually produce tolerant
and responsible world citizens. Amartya Sen (2002)
suggests that globalisation represents hope for
all humanity because it will produce a universal
techno-scientific culture which will liberate people
from poverty. Mario Vargas Llosa (2000) suggests
that much war and conflict is caused by local cultural
differences. Therefore, the quicker that local cultures
merge into a single global culture the better.
Neoliberals such as Thomas Friedman (2000) argue
that globalisation has occurred as a result of the
global adoption of neoliberal economic policies. He
identifies a neoliberal economic set of principles that
he calls the ‘golden straitjacket’, which he argues
all countries need to fit into if they are to achieve
success in the global economy. These principles
include the privatisation of state-owned enterprises
and pensions, the maintenance of low inflation, a
 8.1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION

reduction in the size of government bureaucracy,

the liberalisation of trade and investment and the
reduction of corruption. He argues that this golden
straitjacket is 'pretty much "one-size fits all"...it is not
always pretty or gentle or comfortable. But it’s here
and it’s the only model on the rack this historical
season’ (quoted on p. 21 of Ha-Joon Chang (2008)).
Friedman claims that the globalised world economy
is the result of the fact that, since the 1980s, most
countries have adopted similar economic policies
focused on deregulation, privatisation and the opening
up of free trade and investment. These countries were
often shepherded onto the 'right' economic path by the
'good Samaritans’ of Western governments, especially
the USA and the ‘three sisters of free trade’. Friedman
argues that the world is now in a golden age of Sri Lankan soft drinks and coconut water compete
prosperity and predicts that this will eventually see the with international brands.
end of problems such as world poverty. What examples of competing international and
‘local’ brands can you think of in your own society?
Pessimistic or sceptical globalism
In contrast, pessimistic globalists, such as Jeremy US political and economic influence has been aided
Seabrook (2005), argue that globalisation is a immensely by US film and music. Where the marines,
negative phenomenon because it is essentially a form missionaries and bureaucrats failed, Charlie Chaplin,
of Western (and especially American) imperialism, Mickey Mouse and Mariah Carey have succeeded
peddling a superficial and homogeneous form of effortlessly in attracting the world to the American
popular culture and consumption. way.’ Mass advertising of Western cultural icons
such as McDonald’s and Coca-Cola has resulted in
Seabrook argues that, by definition, globalisation
their logos becoming powerful symbols to people,
makes all other cultures local and, by implication,
especially young people, in the less industrialised
inferior. He suggests that globalisation implies a
world, because they imply that they need to adopt
superior, civilised mode of living - it implicitly
Western consumer lifestyles in order to modernise.
promises that it is the sole pathway to universal
prosperity and security - consequently diminishing It is argued that cultural globalisation may,
and marginalising local cultures. Seabrook suggests therefore, eventually undermine and even
that globalisation sweeps aside the multiple destroy rich local cultures and identities. Ben
meanings that human societies and cultures have Barber (2003) feared that the globalised world
derived from or imposed upon their environment. He is turning into a ‘McWorld’, in which all cultures
argues that integration into a single global economy and consumption will be standardised. Other
is a ‘declaration of cultural war’ upon other cultures commentators have expressed similar anxieties
and societies and that it often results in profound about the ‘coca-colonisation’ or ‘Disneyfication’
and painful social and religious disruption. of the developing world. In his critique of cultural
globalisation, Seabrook suggests that ‘it is not only
Many pessimistic globalists argue that
the economies of countries that are reshaped, but
Westernisation or Americanisation has been mistaken
also the minds and sensibility of the people. Their
for globalisation. These sociologists are concerned
value systems are re-formed in the image of the
about the concentration of the world’s media in the
global market.’ This cultural change is interpreted
hands of a few powerful American and Japanese
by some sections of developing nations as a form
TNCs. It is argued that these TNCs disseminate
of cultural imperialism - an attempt by the West to
primarily Western, and especially American, forms of
spread its supremacy - as a colonialism of the mind.
popular culture. There have been concerns that these
cultural products reflect a cultural imperialism that Seabrook argues that the principal response of
results in the marginalisation of local culture. Peter most world leaders to globalisation has been one
Steven (2004) argues that, ‘for the past century, of fatalism. They imply that the world is simply

473
 8 GLOBALISATION
powerless to resist globalisation, which is presented
as inevitable and irreversible. Seabrook argues that
most leaders of the industrialised world take this
position because they are experiencing an ‘impotence
of convenience’ - their confessed powerlessness
disguises the fact that the forces of globalisation
economically advantage their countries and their
economic elites.
Marxist theories of globalisation
Marxists do not believe that globalisation is a new
phenomenon. Harvey (2011), for example, points
out that capitalism has been an international
phenomenon for hundreds of years. All we are
experiencing at the moment is a continuation, or
evolution, of the Western or American-dominated
form of capitalist production and trade, as the logic
of capitalism propels manufacturing and marketing
to seek greater profits in the global arena. In his
world-systems theory, Immanuel Wallerstein (2011)
argues that globalisation has always been an
important part of the way that capitalism organises
itself. He argues that capitalism is responsible for
creating a ‘world order’ or world system because
capital from its very beginning has ignored national
borders in its search for profit. In particular,
Wallerstein observes that this world capitalist system
is organised around an international division of
labour consisting of three levels of exploitation.
The ‘core’ or more industrialised countries control
world trade and monopolise the production of
manufactured goods. The ‘semi-peripheral’ zone
includes what Jim O’Neill (2001) dubbed the BRIC
countries - the fastest-growing market economies
such as Brazil, Russia, India and China, which
resemble the core countries in terms of their urban
centres but also contain extremes of rural poverty.
Countries in the semi-periphery are often connected
to the core because the latter contract work out
to them. For example, most Apple products are
manufactured in China. The third tier of this capitalist
global system is composed of countries that make
up what Wallerstein calls the ‘peripheral’ sector - for
example, much of Africa. These countries mainly
supply minerals and cash crops to the core and
semi-periphery, and are the emerging markets in
which the core countries market manufactured goods
such as cigarettes and mobile phones.
Wallerstein goes on to suggest that this global
capitalist system is constantly evolving in its search
for profit. The signs of this are:
474
) constant commodification (attaching a price
to everything)
» de-skilling (the breaking down of complex skills into
simple repetitive skills in order to pay people less)
» mechanisation, such as robot computerised
technology.
Wallerstein argues that these processes, too, are
becoming globalised and predicts that in the long
term they will generate so many dispossessed,
excluded, marginal and poor people who will unite
in a global revolutionary movement that they will
transform the global capitalist system into a more
just socialist world economy.
Evaluation of Marxist theories
of globalisation
The main problem with Wallerstein’s theory of global
capitalism, as with Marxism generally, is that it is
guilty of economic reductionism. It assumes that the
economy is driving all other aspects of the system
(politics, culture and so on). Albert Bergesen (1990)
argues that political influences in the form of military
conquest were more important than the logic of
capitalism in bringing about globalisation.
However, despite these criticisms, Wallerstein’s work
was one of the first to acknowledge the ‘globalisation’
of the world (although he himself never uses the
term). He draws attention to the international
division of labour, which some see as the main source
of global inequality. Lately, however, sociologists
working from a globalisation perspective have noted
that relationships within the world system are far
from one-way. Economic interdependence can also
mean that problems in the less industrialised world
(such as financial crises caused by debt) can have a
negative ripple effect on both the industrialised and
less industrialised economies that make up the global
capitalist system. For example, a financial crisis in
South Korea in 1997 led to the car manufacturer
Nissan-Hyundai making British workers redundant.
Feminist theories of globalisation
Serena Parekh and Shelley Wilcox (2014) argue that
economic globalisation must also be understood in
terms of the effects it has had on women, who make
up a disproportionate percentage of the global poor.
Feminists tend to argue that these effects have been
primarily negative for women. Feminists point out
that globalisation has promised many things that are

crucial to feminists: peace, prosperity, social justice,
environmental protection, the elimination of racism
and ethnocentrism and, of course, an increase in the
status of women. However, economic and political
globalisation have actually created the conditions
for war and increased militarism, increased the gap
between the rich and the poor and created a system
that is hostile or antagonistic towards women.
Parekh and Wilcox argue that there are four
key features shared by feminist approaches to
globalisation.
First, early feminist analyses focused on issues that
were widely believed to be of particular importance
to women around the world, such as domestic
violence, workplace discrimination and human rights
violations against women. However, some feminists
criticise this approach as too narrow because they
argue that even apparently gender-neutral global
issues often have a gendered dimension, including
war, global governance, migration, southern debt and
climate change.
Second, radical feminists have particularly focused
on women’s global subordination especially with
regard to the gendered harms involved in sexual
slavery, forced domestic labour, and the systematic
withholding of education, food and healthcare from
women and girls that follow from societies in which
most live in poverty.
Third, intersectional feminists believe that attention
needs to be paid to how patriarchal systems of
oppression and injustice interact with other forms of
oppression such as race, ethnicity, nationality, social
class and sexuality to produce global disadvantage.
Fourth, feminist critiques of globalisation are
committed to avoiding ethnocentrism, especially
the idea that feminist ideas and the experiences of
women worldwide are universal. They acknowledge
that feminist ideas from Western cultures have been
unfairly imposed on women from less industrialised
countries. Feminism also recognises the role that
women played as part of the colonial oppression
of indigenous peoples. For example, Frances
Kaye (2017) observes that ‘in terms of working
with the Indians, as missionaries, as matrons, as
schoolteachers, White women got a lot of power
out of the disempowering of native people. That’s
not something you can be happy about...if we don’t
recognise that then we’re still justifying imperialism
and colonialism.’
8.1 PERSPECTIVES ON GLOBALISATION
Transformationalist and postmodernist
theories of globalisation
Transformationalists agree with sceptics that the
impact of globalisation has been exaggerated
by globalists, but argue that it is foolish to reject
the concept out of hand. This theoretical position
argues that globalisation should be understood
as a complex set of interconnecting relationships
through which power, for the most part, is exercised
indirectly. They suggest that the globalisation process
can be reversed, especially where it is negative or, at
the very least, that it can be controlled.
Transformationalists are particularly critical of
the cultural-imperialist globalisation argument for
three reasons:
1. These arguments make the mistake of suggesting
that the flow of culture is one-way only - from the
West to the less industrialised world. This focus fails
to acknowledge how Western culture is enriched by
inputs from other world cultures and religions.
2. It underestimates the strength of local culture.
As Cohen and Kennedy (201 2) observe: ‘People in
Lagos or Kuala Lumpur may drink Coke, wear Levi
jeans and listen to North American pop artists, but
that does not mean they are about to abandon
their customs, family and religious obligations or
national identities wholesale, even if they could
afford to do so, which most cannot’.
Roland Robertson (1992) argues that local
cultures are not swallowed up by global or
Western culture. Like Steger, Robertson
emphasises the concept of ^localisation’ and
notes that the global and the local can work well
together. He argues that local people tend to
select only what pleases them from the global,
which they modify and adapt to local culture and
needs. Cohen and Kennedy also argue that the
local ‘captures’ the global influence and turns it
into a form compatible with local tastes. They
refer to this process as ‘indigenisation’. A good
example of this is the Indian film industry -
‘Bollywood’ combines contemporary Western
ideas about entertainment with traditional Hindu
myth, history and culture. There is evidence that
this glocalisation or indigenisation eventually
leads to hybridisation - for example, some world
music fuses and mixes Western dance beats with
traditional styles from North Africa and Asia.
475
S GLOBALISATION
Activity
/.* f ubiquity of Western and especially American
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3?
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The popularity of Bollywood films extends well
beyond India.
Take a close look at the popular culture of the
society or culture to which you belong, and debate
with your classmates whether young people in your
society are adopting glocalised forms of leisure.
3. Transformationalists and postmodernists also
see the global media as beneficial phenomena
because they are primarily responsible for diffusing
different cultural styles around the world and
creating new global hybrid styles in fashion, food,
music, consumption and lifestyle. It is argued that
in the postmodern world such cultural diversity
and pluralism will become the global norm.
Postmodernists, therefore, see globalisation as a
positive phenomenon because it has created a new
class of global consumers, in both the industrialised
and less industrialised world, with a greater
range of choices from which they can construct a
hybridised global identity.
Key terms
Globalists Sociologists who believe that
globalisation has had significant and real effects
on the world, although they may disagree as to
whether these effects are positive or negative.
Hyper-globalists Sociologists who are optimistic
and positive about the effects of globalisation.
476
Cultural imperialism The process and practice
of promoting one culture over another. Many
sociologists see it as the consequence of the
cultural products.
BRIC An acronym for the fast-growing economies
of Brazil, Russia, India and China.
Indigenisation The action or process of bringing
something under the control, dominance, or
influence of the people native to an area.
Summary
1. Some sociological theories welcome globalisation
and believe that it will eventually promote
tolerance, reduce inequality and promote the
‘one world federation’ approach we see portrayed
in science fiction films such as Star Trek.
2. Other sociologists, however, claim that
globalisation will never produce a global
consciousness because it is not truly global.
Rather, globalisation is really Westernisation
or Americanisation disguised as globalisation.
Consequently, it is argued that it functions like
an ‘evil empire’ destroying local cultures and
foisting its imperial value system in the form
of Western popular and secular culture on
traditional societies.
3. Marxists believe that globalisation is just another
means by which the capitalist system has
extended its reach in order to exploit the labour
power and markets of less industrialised societies
and thus increase global inequalities in wealth.
4. Feminist theory points out that globalisation
has probably reinforced patriarchy and gender
inequality rather than reduced these types of
oppression.
5. Transformationalists and postmodernists argue
that globalisation has increased the potential
for the social interaction of people from very
different cultures and has encouraged cultural
exchanges that have produced glocalised and
hybrid responses to globalisation.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
oTT Describe two ways in which technology has contributed to globalisation.
roiT] Explain one positive and one negative effect of globalisation.
roTTI Explain two reasons why transformationalists are positive about globalisation.
ART 2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
Contents
Unit 8.2.1 The impact of globalisation on
identity 478
Unit 8.2.2 Cultural convergence versus cultural
divergence 484
Unit 8.2.3 The role of Western ideology in
shaping identity and the concept
of Westernisation 490
This part will explore the impact of globalisation,
especially in the form of global social media on
personal, social and cultural identity. In particular,
it will examine how personal identity has been
transformed by globalisation. It also considers
three social reactions to globalisation: ethnic
revitalisation, cultural defence and hybridisation.
An important question that needs to be asked
is whether globalisation makes people around
the world more alike or more different. Steger
observes that pessimistic globalists suggest
that globalisation is resulting in a convergence
of cultures and that we are witnessing ‘the
rise of an increasingly homogenized popular
culture’: ‘As evidence for their interpretation,
these commentators point to Amazonian Indians
wearing Nike sneakers; denizens of the Southern
Sahara purchasing Yankees baseball caps; and
Palestinian youths proudly displaying their Golden
State Warriors basketball singlets in downtime
Ramallah.’ However, critics of this view argue
that globalisation has actually produced cultural
divergence or, in Steger’s words, ‘a cultural
rainbow that reflects the diversity of the world’s
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
existing populations’. Bauman argued that some
cultures and religions have seen globalisation as
convergence and interpreted this as an attack
on, or at least a threat to, their traditional way of
life. These cultures have reacted in a ‘defensive
aggressive’ way to this perceived danger by
adopting fundamentalist beliefs and employing
terror as a strategy of resistance to globalisation.
A third way of approaching and interpreting
the influence of globalisation is to analyse what
Steger calls the ‘global-local nexus’ to see how
globalisation has both responded, and adapted
itself, to local needs and sensibilities. Such an
analysis has seen the emergence of hybridised
forms of local culture in which local services and
consumers have borrowed aspects of globalisation
and converted them to local use.
Finally, we need to examine the claim that what
some theorists refer to as ‘globalisation’ is
best understood as a form of Westernisation or
Americanisation. For example, Marxists such as
Wallerstein argue that globalisation is merely
an extension of the Western capitalist quest for
profit into new territories. Additionally, there is no
doubt that many developing societies have seen
globalisation as a smokescreen for the imperialist
ambitions of Western governments. Certainly,
Islamist movements such as al-Qaeda and ISIS
seem to view globalisation as merely a means
through which decadent Western values infect
young Muslims. The Islamic Republic of Iran has
actively sought to reduce the impact of Western
values on Iranian young people by banning
Western pop music and movies.
477
 B GLOBALISATION
Unit 8.2.1 The impact of
globalisation on identity
Until the digital revolution of the 1990s, social
networks generally involved people - friends, family
or work colleagues - making the effort to physically
meet face to face, to write letters or talk on the
telephone. However, it can be argued that digital
technology, particularly texting, email and the rapid
and global spread of social media platforms such as
Facebook and Twitter, have radically transformed the
ways in which we communicate and interact with one
another today.
The growth of social media
The computer-digital age has produced virtual
communities in which globally dispersed people
with common interests are no longer constrained by
geographical distance or time zones. The existence of
the internet and its diversity of websites, newsgroups,
discussion boards, social networking platforms and
so on, as well as email and video applications such as
Skype, has produced instant interaction and sharing
at any time and from any place. It can, therefore, be
argued that global social network platforms such as
Facebook have replaced local institutions such as
the family, the educational system, the workplace,
religion and old media such as newspapers and
television as the most important infrastructure
through which people organise their lives, interact
with others, construct and project their identity and
exchange social capital in the 21 st century.
Castells argues that digital networks and social
platforms have dramatically changed the nature of
social networking in the 21st century. In particular,
Facebook has become the major agency for
packaging, promoting and presenting the self for
public consumption. In January 2017, 1.86 billion
people - 96 per cent of all adults online worldwide -
registered with Facebook. People, especially those
who belong to the millennial generation, use
Facebook, Twitter, Snapchat and Instagram, WeChat
and Sina Weibo to engage in what Castells calls
'mass self-communication’. This has transformed
our traditionally subjective interpretation of personal
identity or self into a social product which we project
into cyberspace in return for mass admiration and
social approval. According to Sherry Turkle (2016),
internet-based social networks free people of the
478
| burdens of their physical identities and allow them to
present ‘better’ and 'more attractive ’cyber-versions
of themselves.
Activity
Survey both your class and year group in order to
find out the extent and frequency of use of social
media platforms and social media apps among
your age group.
Globalisation, global social media and
young people’s identity
Howard Gardner and Katie Davis (2014) observe
that young people are the most frequent users
of social media. Jan Van Dijk (201 2) claims that
social network sites have replaced email and
telephone as the preferred mode of interaction for
teenagers. These observations are supported by
research carried out in 2017 by the Education Policy
Institute (EPI) which investigated internet use by
540000 young people across 35 countries. This
research found that more than one in three British
15-year-olds are ‘extreme internet users’ who spend
at least six hours a day online, markedly higher than
any other country in the study apart from Chile.
Gardner and Davis found that young people take a
great deal of care in how they present themselves
online for public consumption. They identify three
trends in this online presentation and performance
of self:
1. Many young people construct and perform a
socially desirable and polished online self which
generally exaggerates the more socially attractive
aspects of a person’s personality but downplays
less ‘cool’ traits. This generally means that a young
person’s online identity may be more outgoing and
extroverted than their everyday offline identity.
I
2. Some young people construct a range of fictitious
identities because they are performing to different
|
audiences who may have different expectations.
For example, a person may construct a Facebook
identity to attract maximum connectedness, a
Twitter identity which is ‘edgy’ in its comments
on current events, and a Reddit identity which
is deliberately provocative and aggressive in the
stance it takes on particular online debates.
3. Once the self has been constructed on a platform
such as Facebook, there is evidence that

young people then engage in constant identity
performance in that free time is mainly taken up
checking phones in order to manage the online
impressions others have of them by ‘liking’ what
others upload as well as updating their own profile
and status.
Gardner and Davis argue that there are several
advantages for young people in social networking
and constructing online relationships. For example,
accumulating connections or online relationships
may be empowering and enriching for some
because it can produce social capital - they can
make connections with others and share resources
and experiences which are of mutual benefit to all
concerned.
For example, membership of an online community
may provide opportunities for people with similar
interests to find and interact with one another.
These opportunities may produce the possibility of
benefiting from both bonding social capital’ and
‘bridging social capital’ (see Unit 2.2.3).
Sociologists such as Daniel Miller (2011) suggest that
social media platforms have a number of benefits.
For example, texting and updating one’s Facebook
page and profile may function to micro-coordinate
activity among friends and family who are physically
scattered by geographical distance. Miller observes
that Facebook extends and makes meaningful
relationships which in the pre-social media age would
have grown weaker or lapsed altogether as people
got older or moved away.
Furthermore, social media platforms may act as a
social lifeline, particularly for those who are isolated,
shy or disabled. John Bargh and Kate McKenna
(2004) found that social platforms can often help
those with low self-esteem relate to others because
social networking does not involve face-to-face
interaction.
The critique of digital social networking
However, critics of social networks suggest that
the costs of this global online revolution may
outweigh its benefits. They argue that digital forms
of communication may be dysfunctional for the
following reasons.
First, Marxists such as Christian Fuchs (2017) argue
that powerful global corporations monopolise and
control digital communication and social media and
this fact undermines the concept of a participatory
digital global culture. He argues that, as a result,
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
connectedness is less important than connectivity.
Van Dijk (2012) illustrates this when he observes that
the algorithms developed by social networking sites
like Facebook for commercial reasons increasingly
determine what people like, want, know or find. The
aim of these algorithms is not to connect people but
to keep them online for as long as possible and to
maximise the possibility that they will click on and
connect to other commercial sites. Fuchs argues that
social platforms like Facebook have resulted in the
commodification of friendship and connectedness.
He argues that social media activity is not as
voluntary as users believe it to be. Algorithms
shepherd people towards making ‘choices’ that
benefit capitalist agencies such as advertisers. Social
media content may, therefore, simply reflect the
capitalist imperative to commodify and market all
aspects of social life in order to make profit.
Second, there are concerns about how the data
collected by sites such as Facebook might be used.
Facebook in particular has been accused of violating
the privacy of its users. In 2018, Facebook was
criticised for permitting a company called Cambridge
Analytica to ‘harvest’ personal data from global users
of Facebook to sell onto political parties so that they
could target political advertising at particular groups
of individuals. This example supports the Marxist
case that commodification is the major goal of social
media platforms. It is also becoming apparent to
politicians and law-makers across the world that
global social media are very difficult to police.
Third, the quality of online relationships or
‘friendships ’ has been questioned by Turkle, who
observes that people boast about how many people
they have ‘friended’ on Facebook, but research on
the nature of friendship in the USA concludes that
Americans say they have few real friends. Miller
observes that critics of Facebook suggest that
| ‘friending’ represents a ‘kind of inflation’ of superficial
and weak relationships that actually diminishes the
value of true friendship. He argues that the quality of
Facebook relationships can feel non-genuine because
they lack the intimacy, vulnerability and physical
closeness that characterise real relationships.
Gardner and Davis argue that such ‘friends’ may be
connected but they may not always be connecting.
Fourth, Turkle suggests that the way people are
mentally ‘tethered’ to their digital devices is
unhealthy. She points out that, although digital forms
of communication connect users to more people, it
has also resulted in greater anxiety. She observes
479
 S GLOBALISATION
that devotion to checking one’s mobile phone is
almost religious. When mobile phones are misplaced,
anxiety levels rise and people feel cut off from reality.
Turkle argues that young people should be described
as ‘cyborgs’ because they are always connected to
one other, regardless of where they are, via their
laptops, tablets and smartphones.
Activity
Young people using smartphones.
Interview a selection of your classmates about how
they see the differences in the quality of the friends
they come into face-to-face contact with compared
with their online friends. What are the differences
and similarities that they see or interpret?
As an additional experimental activity, on the same
day ask your classmates whether they would be
prepared to leave their phones at home for a day.
How many of them refuse? What is their excuse?
How do those who agreed feel about it? Do they
fee I anxiety because they don’t have access to their
phone? How do they feel about Turkle’s description
of them as ‘cyborgs’?
i to influence voters as well. Consequently, political
Danah Boyd (2014) argues that the constant tracking
of social media performance is particularly unhealthy
for teenagers, because it has weakened their ability
to develop an autonomous sense of self in that they
become too dependent on how other people react to
them online. Research published in 2017 suggests
the frequent use of global social media is making
children and teenagers more anxious. It found that
40 per cent of its sample reported that ‘they felt bad’
if nobody 'likes’ their selfies and 35 per cent said
their confidence was directly linked to the number
of followers they had. Jean Twenge (2017) also
argues that fear of negative reaction to their identity
performance is producing rising levels of moodiness,
anxiety, sadness and isolation among teenagers.
Boyd’s research suggests teenagers feel that their
thoughts and feelings are not real until validated
by others online. Gardner and Davis similarly argue
480
that constant self-projection and self-tracking
online reduces the time teenagers have for
self-contemplation and real-life interaction with
others. They observe that the maintenance of virtual
identities means that teenagers today are more likely
to suffer from narcissism compared with previous
generations. There is also some evidence that digital
interaction makes young people less empathetic
and possibly ‘meaner’ online than in person. Online
bullying, sexting, grooming, hate crimes and
sexual harassment are now recognised as common
problems of the digital age.
Fifth, digital technology may also be disruptive,
because it potentially reduces interaction between
family members. Turkle has argued that the
proto-communities of social network sites are
increasingly replacing real communities composed of
family, extended kin and neighbours. As a result, the
‘post-familial’ family in which family members spend
more time interacting with their gadgets than with
each other is becoming the norm.
However, not all sociologists are critical of global
social media platforms. Marxist sociologist Castells
claims that global media have helped heighten
young people’s sense of political identity by creating
a networked global society. Castells argues that
before the digital revolution of the internet, politics
involved joining vertical organisations such as a
political party or pressure group and/or reading
the products of such organisations such as political
manifestos. In addition, media organisations,
which were also vertical organisations, attempted
news or scandal travelled relatively slowly. Castells
argues that new digital media have transformed the
relationship that the electorate has with politicians
and the way that politicians behave because political
news and gossip that is instantaneously available can
ruin political careers within minutes. Moreover, these
networks are now able to highlight global political
issues such as human rights abuses that in the past
were largely invisible to people on the other side of
the world. This means that states and governments
may come under global pressure to clean up their
records on human rights, too. For example, the
leaders of Myanmar have come under considerable
global pressure to halt their persecution of the
Rohingya people in recent years.
Castells claims that the global reach of social media
has transformed the attitudes of the millennial
generation towards world politics because it has
I
given them a political voice that they never had
before. Traditionally, politics was dominated by
older privately educated and wealthy elites. Global
social media platforms have given ordinary young
people the power and confidence to be heard on
global issues such as human rights abuses, identity
politics, global injustice and inequality. In both the
USA and UK, the popularity of radical politicians such
as Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn post-2016
is very much a product of this online networking by
young people. The Black Lives Matter, MeToo, Make
Poverty History, Occupy and anti-globalisation
movements (AGMs) have all become major thorns
in the side of mainstream establishment politicians
because of the massive online support generated by
young people for these causes. The success of other
identity politics issues such as the legalisation of
same-sex marriage and the increasing pressure on
governments to recognise the rights of individuals
who identify as transsexual, intersex and non-binary
is partly the result of young people using global
media to highlight these civil rights issues. Global
social media, then, have proved extremely useful in
giving a voice to groups which were previously muted
or repressed by the powerful, such as the poor,
ethnic minorities, the LGBT community, the disabled,
and even oppressed people and tribes in remote
parts of the world.
The extent of social media’s effect
on identity
However, we have to consider that digital
communication and social media may actually have a
minimal effect on cultural identity and change for the
following reasons;
1. Some critics argue that we have entered a
‘post-truth’ age and consequently young people
may find it increasingly difficult to distinguish
between facts and opinion, and between real news
and ‘fake’ news.
2. Ellen Helpser (2017) points out that many
people across the world do not have access
to digital communications, and that the poor
lack the resources to join in with this so-called
digital revolution. Helpser refers to those who
are excluded from digital communications as a
'digital underclass*. Domestically, this group
is made up of groups that are more likely to be
unemployed, low-paid, and to have few educational
qualifications. Globally, this digital underclass is
mainly to be found in parts of sub-Saharan Africa.
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
3. Luke Martell (2010) points out that there is a
growing tendency in the digital corporate world for
power to be concentrated in fewer and fewer more
powerful hands. He argues that digital technology
gives a false impression of more power being given
to a greater number of people. He suggests that
digital technology may only be a quantitative rather
than a qualitative improvement because political
information could be obtained before the internet,
although more awkwardly and slowly. Martell
concludes that, technologically, the internet is
revolutionary but that it does not necessarily follow
that it will have a revolutionary impact on cultural
or political life.
4. Some countries have taken control of digital media
in order to regulate the ability of their citizens to
access international websites. For example, China
has blocked all references to the word ‘democracy’
on its most popular search engine and denies its
citizens access to websites such as Wikipedia. All
internet use is closely monitored by the authorities.
This censorship and surveillance is referred to
colloquially as the ‘great firewall of China’.
5. Andrew Keen (2015) is also critical of the idea that
the internet and digital technology have the power
to politically change the world. He argues that the
internet is too chaotically organised to be effective
in bringing about change. Moreover, he argues that
social networking sites do not contribute to the
democratic process in any way because they are
merely vehicles for shameless self-promotion. He
further argues that the content of Twitter and blogs
often go unchecked and, consequently, uninformed
opinion, lies and trolling are the norm, rather than
considered political analysis and expertise. Dhiraj
Murthy (2018) argues, too, that the revolutionary
power of Twitter to change the world is grossly
exaggerated.
Global social media and women’s
identity
Feminist theory has traditionally focused on how
societies tend to be organised in patriarchal ways -
that is, in favour of men.
Feminists were particularly critical of old media forms
of communication such as newspapers and television,
which they saw as patriarchal agencies mainly engaged
in the symbolic annihilation of women - that is, they
tended to show women in a narrow and limited range
of social roles and suggest that their achievements are
481
 8 GLOBALISATION

less important than their looks and bodies. Feminists they might occur. A good example of this online
are also critical of some online digital content, empowerment is Laura Bates’ ‘Everyday Sexism’
particularly the easy availability of pornography project, which in 2018 had more than 315 000
websites on the internet. Feminists also point out followers on Twitter and Facebook. This is a
that control of the content of new digital forms of consciousness-raising initiative encouraging women to
communication is in the hands of transnational send in everyday experiences of street harassment,
corporations such as Apple, Microsoft and Facebook, workplace discrimination and body-shaming. Helen
which are mainly owned or controlled by men. Lewis (2018) argues that the internet and social
media have lowered the barrier to women speaking
However, millennial feminists tend to more optimistic
out against sexual exploitation. Individual women who
about the power of global social media to challenge
experience sexual harassment are no longer isolated.
global patriarchy, and its potential to change women’s
They can now find each other by logging onto global
social position in society for the better. They argue
media sites which show female victims that they are
that the anonymity granted by many forms of digital
not alone and that there are many others who have
communication allows women to reach beyond their
similar stories to tell. Social networking via global
oppressed feminine identity and take on alternative
media has the potential to create alliances among
identities that avoid the negative judgements and
women that can challenge the patriarchal power
stereotypes often applied to female identity. Research
structures that still exist in many societies.
by Simon Gottschalk (2010) into how users of 3-D
virtual reality internet sites interact with other users Ariel Levy (2006) has been very critical of
and construct and present their virtual selves (known Instagram’s role in the sexualisation of culture. She
as ‘avatars’) found that users had a wide range of claims that social media encourage young women
generic images to use to construct the look or image to ‘celebrate’ their bodies by presenting themselves
of their avatar, including buff male bodies, voluptuous in ways that seek male approval. However, Levy is
female forms and asexual humanoid alternatives such criticised by Lynne Segal (2006) because she cannot
as cyborgs. Gottschalk’s research found that users decide whether to treat females who use Instagram
did not feel limited by their real gender identities as victims or as women who are ‘essentially selfish,
when choosing an avatar identity. For example, some narcissistic and predatory’.
women reported that they had deliberately chosen to
adopt male bodies in order to experience a masculine Activity
identity, while other women preferred the cyborg
identity because it was asexual or non-binary and
therefore minimised the influence of patriarchy and
sexual politics.
Moreover, Kira Cochrane (2013) has identified a
millennial feminist movement powered by global
digital technology that encourages women to build
an empowering, popular and reactive feminist
movement online. She observes that women are
using digital forms of communication to protest
about pornography, violence against women, the
sexualisation of childhood and so on. She argues
that digital technology has resulted in contemporary
Laura Bates, author of'The Everyday Sexism
young women adopting an ‘intersectional’ form of Projectin which women and girls are encouraged
feminism in which they are aware of how multiple to upload their experiences of sexism to the
oppressions - class inequality, poverty, race, age, project’s website.
sexuality, gender, ability, violence and so on - interact
to bring about misogyny and patriarchal institutions. If you have access to the internet, research feminist
websites. Write 400 words describing two or three
Some feminists now argue that digital technology and
of these, identifying their target audience and their
particularly the internet is a feminine technology that
main goals. In your opinion, how might these sites
has the potential to destabilise patriarchy because its
‘empower’ females in patriarchal and misogynistic
use allows women to explore, subvert and create new
societies?
identities and to resist sexist representations wherever

482

However, despite these advances, women who use
digital forms of communication are often subjected
to online sexism, abuse and rape and death
threats by ‘critics’ of feminism. The internet may
help disseminate feminist ideas across the world
but it also does the same for its polar opposite -
woman-hating views.
Key terms
Fundamentalist A strict, literal interpretation of
scripture in a religion.
Virtual communities An online community that
only meets in cyberspace.
Mass self-communication A type of
communication in which a user selects the group
of people symbolised by a website or online
community that they want to communicate with
and directs their message appropriately.
Social media apps Digital applications that are
designed to allow people to share digital content
quickly, efficiently and in real time.
Outgoing In terms of personality, someone who is
sociable and easy to talk to.
Identity performance A type of impression
management in which a person presents a
particular version of themselves for public
consumption - for example, on a social media
site - in order to manage other people’s opinion
about them.
Social capital The collective value of all social
networks (the value of knowing influential people),
and the obligations that arise from these networks
to do things for each other (for example, to return
a favour).
Bonding social capital The sharing of information
or resources that may create opportunities for
jobs or mutual help.
Bridging social capital Social and political
alliances or networks that increase the potential
for social change.
Commodification Applying an economic value to a
range of human activities.
Narcissism Self-obsession.
Empathetic Demonstrating the ability to
understand and share the feelings of others.
Proto-communities An early form of community.
Often used to describe online communities that
have not been established or in place for very long.
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
Post-familial family A type of family that spends
its leisure time online or playing with digital
devices rather than actively spending it in each
other's company. Parents today, for example,
often Facebook their children to tell them to come
downstairs for their meals.
Networked global society The idea that people
sat at their computers are technologically linked
to a global network of hundreds of thousands of
others and consequently are potentially able to
bring about economic, social and political change.
Anti-globalisation movement (ACM) A disparate
collection of interest groups that feel that the
problems of the group they represent have been
brought about by global processes. The movement
often uses global social media to coordinate and
unify its protests against globalisation at events
where world leaders meet.
Digital underclass People who are so
disadvantaged that they cannot afford access to
digital technology such as smartphones, laptops
and broadband, ownership of which many people
take for granted.
Symbolic annihilation of women A term
invented by Tuchman that suggests that media
representations of women rarely report their
achievements or, if they do, tend to trivialise and
devalue them. Women are often reduced in the
media to being wives and girlfriends of men.
Summary
1. The emergence of global social media has
transformed the concepts of social interaction
and identity. Young people, in particular, use
global social media to engage in identity
performance and to project their identity to all
corners of the globe.
2. However, research suggests that the relationship
between global media and identity has had
some negative consequences in terms of
addiction, anxiety and trolling.
3. Young people today are more likely to have
developed a keen sense of political identity
because of the existence of a networked global
society, which means that the internet has given
them the potential to possess a political voice
that matters. Consequently, they are more likely
to be actively engaged with identity politics or
mass global political movements.
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4. Marxists argue that global social media do
not promote freedom of speech or democracy
because it’s ownership is concentrated in the
hands of a small capitalist elite who aim to
suppress criticism of capitalism.
5. Feminists have used global media to challenge
patriarchy and misogyny and to construct a
more empowered version of feminine identity.
Unit 8.2.2 Cultural convergence
versus cultural divergence
Some sociologists argue that globalisation has
led to people across the world sharing the same
cultural tastes. This argument is known as cultural
convergence (also known as homogenisation).
In contrast, other sociologists argue in favour of
cultural divergence - they claim that some cultures
react negatively to globalisation and resist it by
proclaiming their separateness from other societies
by becoming overtly nationalistic or turning back
to traditional forms of culture, especially religious
fundamentalism.
Theories of cultural convergence
and homogenisation
Martell argues that global processes are sweeping
away significant territorial boundaries and bringing
about the global homogenisation of cultural tastes. He
also argues that national economies are declining in
importance because of the free movement of capital,
the activities of transnational corporations (TNCs)
and the rise in influence of international organisations
such as the UN, the WTO, the IMF and the EU.
Moreover, the power and influence of nation-states is
fast being eroded and devalued by the speed of digital
technology, and especially the internet and social
media as well as global migration and tourism.
Convergence theory argues that globalisation has
resulted in a homogenised global culture in which
national differences have become less clear as
people consume culture from around the world
rather than just their own national cultural products.
There are three ways in which culture has become
globally homogenised:
1. The use of English as the universal language
of international business, finance, air travel
and shipping. In contrast, other languages are
484
in decline. For example, the number of spoken
languages in the world has declined from an
estimated 14 500 in 1500 to 6400 in 2016, and
it is predicted that least 50 per cent of languages
spoken in the world in 2018 will have disappeared
by the end of the 21 st century. However, there
are signs that the dominance of English is being
challenged by Spanish in the USA and that, as
China becomes more powerful, Cantonese and
Mandarin may eventually challenge English,
especially in Asia.
2. Leisure habits in many parts of the world are
increasingly shaped by a global popular culture
disseminated by global media that specialises
in distributing the same music, television, film,
computer/video games and video via social media
platforms to a global audience.
3. It is suggested that tastes in food, drink, fashion
and sport are also becoming homogenised as
global brands in fast food and sportswear, as well
as outlets for meeting friends, such as coffee
houses, spread as the companies that dominate
these markets expand across the world.
Activity
Conduct a survey among your year group to
examine whether aspects of their lives have become
homogenised. Ask them questions such as:
» whether they own sportswear such as
Manchester United, LA Laker or Barcelona tops
> whether they speak English when they are with
their friends or whether they incorporate English
phrases into conversation even when speaking in
the local language
» whether they eat global fast foods such as
burgers, pizza or chicken drumsticks, or drink
Coke and Pepsi
> whether they discuss stuff they have seen on
YouTube with their friends
* whether they buy products from Amazon or
similar global companies.
Theories of cultural divergence
However, the idea that the modern world is now
characterised by homogeneity or sameness has
been criticised by cultural divergence theory. David
Held and Anthony McGrew (2007), for example,
argue that if convergence was occurring it would

be experienced evenly by all social groups across
all societies. However, this is not the case for
four reasons:
> Trade, investment and money flows are mainly
concentrated in the ‘triad’ of Europe, Japan and
North America.
» The UN, EU or WTO rarely act independently
of or against the interests of the most powerful
nations. All of these organisations have been
accused by poorer nations of working in favour
of the economic triad of Europe, North America
and Japan.
i Globalisation has had some fairly unpleasant
side-effects that have affected poorer societies
more than wealthy ones, including the
environmental destruction of local eco-systems,
global warming - which according to some experts
is resulting in rising sea levels and flooding -
major crimes such as drug and people trafficking,
corruption, terror attacks carried out in the
name of religion, and even genocide and ethnic
cleansing.
i Convergence theory has been criticised for making
sweeping generalisations about ‘global’ processes.
Critics note that these processes do not affect all
areas of the world equally. There is considerable
evidence that some nation-states - for example,
the USA, Russia and China - continue to wield
great global power and influence. There is also
evidence that global inequality has widened.
For example, African countries have tended to
experience greater poverty as globalisation has
progressed.
On the basis of these criticisms, some sociologists
have concluded that so-called ‘global processes’
have resulted in cultural divergence rather than
convergence. This can be illustrated in five ways:
The resurgence of nationalism
According to supporters of globalisation, there
should be less nationalism as the influence of
nation-states recedes. However, there is a good case
for stating that the past 10 years has seen a steep
rise in nationalist movements - for example, in Italy,
Hungary and Poland. Britain has voted to leave
the EU. Masha Gessen (2017) claims that Russia’s
President Putin increasingly talks in increasingly
nationalistic tones about Russia’s ‘destiny’.
Sociologists have observed that nationalism is often
accompanied by a rise in racism and xenophobia
(fear of and hostility towards foreigners, especially
migrants).
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
Activity
Think of three other examples from around the
world that suggest a resurgence in nationalism.
A retreat to fundamentalism
The late 20th century and early 21 st century in
particular saw a rise in religious fundamentalism
among Zionists in Israel, Hindus in India, Muslims
in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan and
Christian groups in the USA. Steger argues that
the resurgence of fundamentalism that occurred in
the 1990s and post-2000 is evidence of cultural
divergence. He argues that globalisation resulted
in a loss of traditional meaning in some cultures
which were not quite ready for such modernity.
Globalisation, therefore, created an uneasy tension
and a less stable sense of identity, place and
knowledge among some groups, who became very
attracted by the certainties offered by fundamentalist
religions.
Giddens (1999) argues that the growth of
fundamentalism is a product of and a reaction
to globalisation, which is seen by some religious
scholars, especially in Islamic societies, as a threat to
traditional beliefs and practices.
Global values and moral codes are interpreted
by fundamentalist scholars as too liberal and as
undermining traditional social norms relating to
the family, gender roles and sexuality because they
encourage equal rights for women and gay people,
free speech and the promotion of democracy.
Globalisation’s promotion of these norms and values
are regarded as threatening traditional authoritarian
power bases, especially rule by elites based on divine
right and male dominance of these societies.
Furthermore, globalisation has exposed many
traditional societies to the influence of Western
consumerism and materialism, whose ‘decadence’ or
spiritual emptiness is seen by some fundamentalist
members of less industrialised societies as a
threat to their faith and identity, and especially the
adherence of the next generation to religious rules of
lifestyle. The focus on materialism, fashion and pop
culture in Western culture is seen to be corrupt in
that it distracts young people in traditional societies
away from religion.
Giddens argues that fundamentalism is attractive to
some because its rigid dogmatic beliefs promise
certainty in an uncertain world. It is a retreat from
the ‘cosmopolitan’ (and Western) modern world, with
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 8 GLOBALISATION
its demand for rational thinking and personal choice,
into faith-based answers and submission to a higher
spiritual authority. Giddens sees fundamentalism as
the enemy of cosmopolitan thought and modernity.
Activity
Research Hindu fundamentalism in India or
Christian fundamentalism in the USA. How similar
or different are the motives for these types of
fundamentalism to the type of fundamentalism
found in some Muslim countries?
Ethnic revitalisation
James Banks (2017) argues that globalisation and
the resurgence of nationalism have led to many
nations questioning how they should deal with global
migration. In the period following World War II, many
nations were happy to accommodate immigration.
For example, after 1945 thousands of European Jews
emigrated to the USA and Israel, and in the 1950s
and 1960s the shortage of male labour in Britain led
employers to recruit hundreds of thousands of
workers from Britain’s ex-colonies in the Caribbean
and on the Indian subcontinent. As both the German
and French economies became successful in the
1960s, they recruited workers from Turkey and North
Africa respectively.
Activity
The Empire Windrush packed with West Indian
immigrants on arrival in the UK in 1948.
What actions by the UK government in relation
to the original Windrush generation have proved
controversial in recent years?
Banks argues that it was assumed that migrant
groups and their cultures would assimilate into
the wider culture of the country in which they had
486
settled, that migrants’ values and norms would
eventually become indistinguishable from those of
the dominant group. However, Banks argues that in
the 1960s marginalised racial, ethnic, and language
groups argued that they should have the right
to retain important aspects of their cultures and
languages while participating fully in the national
civic culture and community. This movement which
became known as ‘ethnic revitalisation’ demanded
that state institutions needed to be more sensitive to
the cultural identities and experiences of minorities.
Governments were encouraged to promote tolerance
and to reduce prejudice and injustice by dismantling
segregatory regulations in their education systems.
The result of these pressures was that assimilation
was widely abandoned as a policy and the notion of
multiculturalism became the norm in most modern
societies. This is the view that all the different cultural
or ethnic groups that make up a society have the
right to retain and celebrate their own religious,
historical and cultural traditions without fear or
threat from the majority group. Multicultural societies
promote the cultural needs and sensibilities of all
social groups because these are regarded as equally
important in terms of their civil and human rights.
The notion of ‘ethnic revitalisation’ has been of great
influence. In Canada in the 1980s, it very nearly led
to French Quebec declaring itself independent from
mainly English-speaking Canada. It also brought
down the apartheid regimes in Rhodesia (now
Zimbabwe) in 1980 and South Africa in 1994.
However, there have also been doubts expressed
about the effectiveness of multiculturalism in modern
societies. These are explored in detail in Part 5 of
this chapter.
Cultural defence
Migration is a very stressful experience. Burhan
Wazir (2018) argues that new arrivals tend to look
in two directions; they gaze back at their homelands,
religions, families and those they have left behind;
and they also look anxiously at the customs,
language, religions and laws of the country they have
adopted. They have to cope with a range of negative
reactions to their presence such as ‘othering’ - the
frequent reference to ‘you people’. Afua Hirsch (2018)
describes othering very succinctly as a migrant from
Ghana to the UK when she says, 'I can’t be British,
can I, if British people keep asking me where I’m
from?’ Other negative reactions to the migrant’s
presence include micro-aggressions, subtle prejudice,
 8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY

institutional racism and open hostility, which may

show itself through racial violence and attacks.
The concept of cultural defence has mainly been
used by sociologists who are interested in how
migrant groups cope with such stress and anxiety
and to explain why they seem to be more religious
than indigenous groups. For example, Asians,
Africans and African-Caribbeans who have settled
in the USA and Europe generally tend to be more
religious in terms of both belief and practice than
most White people. Steve Bruce (2002) claims that
for many migrants religions act as a form of cultural
defence (see Unit 7.6.2). In particular, religion offers
migrants support and a sense of cultural identity
in an uncertain and possibly hostile environment.
It functions to defend and preserve culture and
language and helps newcomers to cope with threats
such as racism. James Beckford (2002) suggests that
the evangelical Christianity offered by the Baptist
and Pentecostal churches gave Black people a sense
of community, purpose, hope and independence
in countries such as Britain and the USA. Religion,
therefore, offers more than just spiritual fulfilment
to members of ethnic minorities. It has the power to
reaffirm or revitalise ethnic identity. Baptisms being performed at the Pentecostal Faith
Church of All Nations in New York, 1934.
Cultural defence can also promote ethnic
revitalisation. In the 1960s, the civil rights movement
led by a caucus of Black church organisations Pashtun tribe. When the USA toppled the Taliban, it
headed by the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr installed a new Afghan government mainly made up
was instrumental in persuading the US government of the Tajik tribe (the main rival of the Pashtuns). The
to outlaw segregation in schools and other Afghan civil war continues to this day.
state institutions.
Chua argues that even President Trump’s victory in
Amy Chua (2018) argues that sociologists should 2016 can be seen as a form of ethnic revitalisation.
focus on the concept of ‘tribes’ rather than She argues that the White working-class tribe who
nation-states. Chua is not using the term ‘tribe’ in were disaffected by economic recession and the
its conventional sense. She uses it to mean ‘political USA’s industrial decline mainly voted for Trump. Their
interest group’. She argues that tribes are more likely vote was a rejection of the elite tribe - the political
than nation-states to culturally defend their interests establishment - that dominated Washington. Chua
and engage in ethnic revitalisation. She argues that argues that Trump epitomises and supercharges
most people do not simply seek to be free or to be American tribalism. With him in power, all other
rich as individuals. They actually want to thrive within American tribes - Blacks, women, Mexicans, the
their tribe while hurting other tribes. She argues LGBT community and so on - feel more threatened
that most societies contain rival competing tribes than the straight White male tribe.
which can be economic, political, religious, ethnic or
There is evidence that some groups are using global
age-orientated in origin.
social media as forms of cultural defence and ethnic
For example, in 2001, the USA identified the revitalisation. For example, migrant populations
Taliban as an anti-democratic force that had to be use social media to facilitate connections with their
eradicated and invaded Afghanistan with that goal homeland. These connections help them to preserve
in mind. However, Chua argues that the USA failed and defend aspects of their culture, especially
to understand that the Taliban was also a resistance language, customs, traditions and religious rites
movement, mainly made up of people from the (see the Contemporary issues box in Unit 6.3.2).

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Activity
Consider Chua’s ideas about tribes. Think about
the society in which you live. Are there tribes of
the type that Chua describes? Do some of these
dominate your society?
Hybridisation: glocalisation
or ‘transformative change'
Held (2010) argues that globalisation has led to
what he calls ‘transformative change’, which means
that there are no longer any clear distinctions
between the local/domestic and international in
terms of economic, social and political processes.
For example, aspects of local culture such as media,
films, television, music, religion, food, fashion
and sport are often now infused with inputs from
global sources. This transformative process often
produced a global-local nexus of exchange known
as ‘glocalisation’ - a fusion or blending of global
products with local products and services in ways
that reflect the cultural priorities and eccentricities
of a particular society.
Similarly, Steger observes that those who denounce
the homogenising effects of Americanisation must
not forget that hardly any society in the world
today possesses an ‘authentic or self-contained
culture’. Rather, cultural hybridity is increasingly
the norm. Steger argues that those sociologists
who believe in cultural convergence or homogeneity
need ‘to listen to exciting Bollywood pop songs,
admire the intricacies of the several variations of
Hawaiian pidgin or enjoy the culinary delights of
Cuban-Chinese cuisine'.
Roland Robertson (1995) argues that the
hybridisation that stems from the cultural flow
between the global and local can reinvigorate local
cultures. The processes of hybridisation are clearly
visible in fashion, music, dance, films, food, sports,
language and social media.
Robertson argues that glocalisation often involves
local people selecting from the global only that
which pleases them, so that it becomes embedded
in and accommodating to their local conditions
and needs. They borrow, adapt and modify global
products to match and blend with their domestic
cultural requirements. The global is modified by its
contact with the local fusion/creativity. The process
of glocalisation should work both ways if global
businesses wish to be successful. For example,
488
McDonald’s may have proliferated around the world
but the ingredients of its products vary to fit in with
local customs (from shrimp burgers in Japan to
kosher burgers for Jewish customers in Israel and an
emphasis on chicken burgers in Muslim countries).
Global fast-food outlets, therefore, adapt to local
eating customs that may vary from ’fast’ to ‘leisurely’
in different contexts.
John Clammer (2014) identifies a form of glocalisation
which he terms ‘indigenisation’. He notes that
Japanese culture is concerned with constructing
distinctive styles of dress and other forms of
consumption. Japanese people feel the need to
express their identity by creating the right atmosphere
at home. Moreover, Clammer argues that Japanese
tradition has always fostered eclecticism - a delight in
selecting new avenues of expression.
Consequently, Clammer argues that Japanese modern
consumerism is a combination of ancient Japanese
tradition - especially that relating to the giving and
receiving of gifts (often in return for favours) - and
global influences. For example, he observes that
Japanese culture has had little difficulty incorporating
the Christian festival of Christmas or American
inventions such as Mother’s Day and Halloween, all of
which involve the exchange of gifts.
Similarly, the Indian film industry - Bollywood -
exports 900 films a year to the rest of the world.
These combine traditional Hindu and other
mythological material relating to duty and kinship
obligations with American themes such as those
found in Hollywood musicals and romance.
Another form of glocalisation is creolisation, which
generates altogether new and fused inventions.
It is a form of creative blending. For example, in
South Nigeria, the absorption of Christianity into
local culture has led to a fusion of African music
and language with traditional hymns and gospel
and the traditional Christian rituals associated with
worship. However, local worshippers have blended
Christian worship with local cultural beliefs in magic
and witchcraft (which originates in the pre-Christian
religion of animism). Consequently, Nigerian churches
and what goes on in them are very different to their
Western counterparts.
Another good example of creolisation is the way that
Trinidadians use Facebook (‘Fasbook’ or ‘Macobook’)
to reflect their cultural priorities (see Unit 2.3.2).
Glocalisation often results in the hybridisation of food
and drink. In the West, people often combine spices

and sauces from around the world, such as soy sauce,
chilli and curry spices, pesto or Italian sauces, and
add them to traditional stews, soups, barbecue grills
and pies.
Activity
With the permission of your parents, go through
the fridge and kitchen cupboards at home and list
those products - spices, foods and drink - that are
not produced by the country in which you live. How
hybridised is your family’s favourite food?
Cohen and Kennedy also point out that in societies
in which there is conflict between rich and poor
or between powerful groups and the powerless,
hybridisation can often be a deviant or transgressive
act that can empower an oppressed social group.
Adopting a hybridised identity can be a form of political
protest that challenges the authority of those in power.
In addition to glocalisation, Cohen and Kennedy
point out there also exist what they call reverse
cultural flows’- for example, to the West from the
East. Western culture has been enriched by cultural
inputs from the popular culture of other societies. For
example, many Western musicians have worked with
African and Arab musicians to fuse genres of music
into new forms. Some world music fuses and mixes
Western dance beats with traditional styles from
North Africa and Asia. Western cultural lifestyles and
tastes have also been modified by aspects of Japanese
culture in the form of alternative medicine and herbal
therapy, meditative techniques and martial arts such
as t’ai chi, judo, karate and kung fu. Hinduism was
very influential in the 1960s and 1970s in terms of
influencing many New Age religions. The influence of
Chinese culture is apparent, with acupuncture being a
staple of many Western healthcare systems.
The postmodernist perspective
on globalisation
Martell (2010) argues that postmodernists argue
that what we think about is more important than
globalisation itself. We interpret the world as
globalising, whether it is or not. This may even have
a self-fulfilling effect. Because we think the world is
globalising, we act as if it is. Globalisation, then, has an
ideational force on us. Furthermore, it starts to happen
when we behave in a globalised way because of what
we think as much as because of what is actually there.
We need to analyse globalisation as a discourse and
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
examine its signifiers (symbols of globalisation) and
people’s consciousness of the world.
From a postmodern point of view, one of the key
developments in the history of globalisation was the
popularisation of the idea of globalisation itself in the
1980s onwards, as much as any actual processes of
globalisation. Martell, however, is sceptical that
globalisation has actually occurred, because he
argues that there is no evidence of a shared global
consciousness - that is, that people around the world
think and interpret the social world in similar ways.
Some sociologists go as far as dismissing
globalisation as an ideological construction of
Western liberal intellectuals.
Activity
Research the principles that the popular TV
series Star Trek was organised around. The
USS Enterprise and its ethnically diverse crew
represented the United Federation of Planets.
Debate within your class the possibility of the
people of this planet adopting a one-world identity
or being united by subscribing to the same global
consciousness. What problems could be eradicated
if such unity could be achieved?
Key terms
Cultural convergence The process by which
different cultures become very similar or the same.
Homogenisation The process of being or
becoming the same.
Cultural divergence The process by which cultures
become different from one another or even come
into conflict with one another.
Fundamentalism A form of a religion, especially
Islam or Protestant Christianity, that believes in
and acts upon a literal interpretation of holy texts.
Xenophobia Fear or hatred of foreigners often
expressed through open or subtle forms of
hostility and aggression.
Assimilation The process in which an ethnic group
subculture is absorbed into a wider culture. It
involves ethnic groups either voluntarily or being
forced to give up traditional aspects of their
culture. The culture of the minority group comes to
resemble that of the majority group.
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 S GLOBALISATION
Multiculturalism The presence of, or support and
respect for, the presence of several distinct cultural
or ethnic groups within a society.
Othering Viewing another person as different or
inferior or alien compared with oneself. A form of
stereotyping based on ignorance.
Micro-aggression Indirect, subtle or unintentional
discrimination against members of a marginalised
group - for example, giving disapproving looks.
Cultural defence In a racist or hostile society,
ethnic minority groups may use aspects of their
religion as a way of defending their culture if it is
under threat.
Creolisation A hybrid mix of different cultures -
for example, see Miller’s work on how Trinidadian
people use Facebook as ‘Fasbook’.
Reverse cultural flow It is often assumed that the
cultural flow of ideas and cultural products is from
the West to other parts of the world. However,
Western culture has also been heavily influenced
by a cultural flow from the East in the form of
religion, diet, exercise regimes and so on.
Summary
1. Some critics of globalisation believe that
it has brought about cultural sameness or
homogenisation (also known as convergence)
that destroys and devalues the richness and
diversity of local cultures.
2. Other sociologists believe that globalisation
has brought about cultural divergence and
differences. The evidence suggests that there
are six possible social reactions to globalisation,
including a resurgence in nationalism, the rise
of fundamentalist and ethnic revitalisation
movements, cultural defence, and hybridisation
or glocalisation.
3. There are a number of different types of
hybridisation or glocalisation - that is, ways local
people combine or fuse the global with the local.
4. Postmodernists believe that thinking
about globalisation may be more important
than globalisation itself. They argue that true
globalisation can only occur when there exists
a unified global consciousness possessed by all
people in all societies. This consciousness does
not exist yet.
490
Unit 8.2.3 The role of Western
ideology in shaping
identity and the concept
of Westernisation
This unit aims to examine the role of Western
ideas in shaping identity around the world. Many
sociologists believe that a close examination of the
different dimensions of globalisation reveals that
Western ideology and practices have exercised a
disproportionate influence on these dimensions.
For example, Marxist sociologists argue that
economic globalisation is not a genuinely global
phenomenon because most of its characteristics
originate in Western capitalism, and particularly a
Western set of economic ideas or ideology known
as neoliberalism.
Westernisation
Some sociologists suggest that the term
‘internationalisation’ more accurately describes
economic globalisation and the world economy.
These writers do not deny that globalisation is
taking place. They are simply pointing out that
global processes are mainly driven by Western, and
especially American, influences and that therefore
what we are talking about is Westernisation.
Marxists have provided sociology with the most
compelling critique of capitalism. Most Marxists
reject the idea that globalisation is something new.
They tend to argue that the world economy is quite
simply characterised by an advanced version or
stage of capitalism in which capitalists search for new
and expanding markets for their goods. In 1848, in
The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels clearly
stated that capitalism would exist across 'the entire
surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle
everywhere, establish connections everywhere.’
According to Paul Hirst and Grahame Thompson
(2009), the modern world is dominated by a
form of international capitalism dominated by
Western governments, as well as multinationals
and international organisations such as the WTO
operating internationally rather than globally. The
function of these agents of capitalism is to scour
the world for raw materials, new markets and
sources of labour, and thus to make even greater

profits. Moreover, this international economic
activity is underpinned by an economic ideology -
neoliberalism - that originated in Western thought.
Neoliberal ideology states that individual freedom
is best guaranteed by the 'free market’ and that the
role of the state is to promote private enterprise by
removing any barriers such as tariffs, quotas and
regulations which prevent or impede open markets
and free trade. The influence of this ideology probably
reached its peak in the 1980s. Martell argues that it
carried in its wake another set of ideas which assumed
that less industrialised nations needed to adopt
Western forms of economic and political organisation
such as capitalism, industrialism, rationalisation,
urbanism, individualism and democracy if they wished
to be seen as modern or global societies.
Hirst and Thompson argued that a world economy
exists today made up of a collection of independent
capitalist economies in which the richest
nation-states (mainly located in North America,
Europe and Japan) exercise a great deal of economic
independent power and control. In contrast,
globalisation suggests one global economy within
which all countries, rich or poor, are interdependent
and in which even rich countries are unable to escape
the negative effects caused by this unified global
economy running into problems.
George Ritzer (1993) argues that one negative
consequence of the spread of capitalism across the
world has been the global adoption of a mode of
production and service that he calls ‘McDonaldization’,
which originated with the fast-food franchise of the
same name.
According to Ritzer, the four main dimensions of
‘McDonaldization’ are:
» Efficiency - quite simply, this refers to taking a
task and breaking it down into smaller tasks.
This process is repeated until all tasks have been
broken down to the smallest possible level. All
tasks are then rationalised to find the single
most efficient method for completing each task.
All workers perform this task in the same way.
Individuality is not allowed.
» Calculability - all outcomes are assessed on
quantifiable rather than subjective criteria.
Quantity is valued more than quality.
1 Predictability - the production process is
organised to guarantee uniformity of product and
standardised outcomes.
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
» Control - this is achieved by de-skilling the labour
force or by replacing it with automation.
Ritzer is critical of‘McDonaldization’ because it
produces uniformity or homogeneity in production,
labour and product, wherever it is situated in the world.
However, from a Marxist perspective,
‘McDonaldization’ is just another capitalist way
of doing business. As manufacturing industry,
especially in the West, went into decline in the
1980s, new opportunities for profit opened up in
the service sector. As profits mounted, fast food
was internationalised. Marxists suggest that the
production of fast food was very much a component
of the spread of Western tastes. This can clearly be
seen when the arrival of the McDonald’s ‘Big Mac’ in
the communist states of Eastern Europe was seen as
a powerful symbol of Western freedom and consumer
lifestyle - the real taste of the USA.
Some sociologists claim that this internationalisation,
because of its Western bias, is a form of cultural
imperialism, and is destroying or eroding the richness
and unique quality of local cultural production and
destabilising local communities and dividing societies
along socio-economic and generational lines. It was
argued by Barber (2007) that this cultural imperialism
is producing a type of consumerism that is increasingly
soulless and unethical in its pursuit of profit. Benjamin
Barber and Andrea Schulz (1995) coined the term
‘McWorld’ to symbolise a global world in which
Activity
X ■
WWJL i i/"n
The opening of the first McDonald's restaurant in
Moscow, 1990.
Research how people in the former communist
countries of Russia, East Germany, Poland, Hungary
and Czechoslovakia reacted when McDonald’s
opened up their fast-food outlets in those countries.
491
 8 GLOBALISATION
they feared all cultures and consumption would be
standardised and homogenised.
Those who argue that cultural imperialism is a
problem have expressed concern about:
* Media concentration - most of the world’s media
and culture industry is owned and controlled by a
few powerful media corporations (see Unit 6.2.1).
These media conglomerates, which are mainly
American (such as Disney, Microsoft, WarnerMedia,
Apple, Facebook and AOL) have achieved near
monopolistic control of newspapers, film archives,
news programmes, advertising, satellites, internet
search engines, social media platforms and the
production of music, films and television shows. It is
feared that this media concentration over cultural
products may threaten democracy and freedom of
expression.
> Marxist critical thinkers such as Robert McChesney
(2008) highlight the similarity of digital content
and social networking. American capitalism, as
represented by corporations such as Facebook,
Google and Twitter, for example, operates in
hundreds of countries across the world. He claims
that these companies are engaged in a form
of cultural imperialism aimed at spreading the
American way-of-life’ and are, therefore, engaged in
a ‘colonialism of the mind’ and resulting in millions
of people behaving and thinking in the same way.
McChesney argues that this ‘cult of homogeneity’
speaks to everyone in general and no one in
particular and crowds out local cultural products. It
has also reduced people’s opportunity to speak out
and challenge issues such as inequality.
» Fuchs (2013), too, argues that all forms of global
communication and social media platforms are
ideological in that they function on behalf of the
global capitalist ruling class to reproduce and
justify class inequality, especially that expressed
via wealth and income inequalities (see Unit 6.2.1).
Fuchs believes that the role of digital social media
and the cultural products produced by modern
capitalism is to bring about a state of 'false class
consciousness' so that ordinary citizens and workers
do not criticise or challenge the organisation of
capitalist society, which allegedly favours the few at
the expense of the many.
» The influence of American companies such as
Coca-Cola, Nike, Pepsi and Microsoft as symbols of
US power and materialism is illustrated by a story
retold by Cohen and Kennedy about Fidel Castro
and Che Guevara, the leaders of the Cuban
492
revolution. Both were very conscious of the iconic
power of American culture. Every day, Che would
present Fidel with a bottle or can of Coke until one
day Castro shook his head and said, ‘It’s no good,
unless we crack the formula of Coca-Cola, the
revolution is doomed.’
Activity
What are the implications of Castro’s conclusions
about Coca-Cola?
» Other societies can rarely compete with this
American domination of cultural production. This
can be illustrated in three ways:
1. Music production and sales are dominated by
American artists and studios. The only country
that has made any significant inroads into the
American dominance of the music industry
is Britain. Held observes that many domestic
record industries cannot compete with the
Americanisation of music. France, for example,
has maintained a relatively strong domestic
music industry and market for its own particular
brand of pop, although it is less popular outside
French-speaking countries (however, French
bands such as Daft Punk often use English lyrics
to sell to a wider global market). He observes
that ‘Sweden has generated the disco equivalent
of Volvo in the shape of Abba’ but on the whole,
world music (from the likes of Nigeria, Ghana,
Cuba and South Korea (K-Pop and Gangnam)
is expanding, but currently only takes up a tiny
share of international music markets.
Activity
‘Globalisation is more likely to result in global
convergence than global divergence’. Evaluate this
view.
Films are made and released internationally by
only 20 or so nations but the USA dominates the
number of films shown in cinemas around the world.
For example, over 80 per cent of domestic cinema
receipts are generated by US-made films. There are
few co-productions between US film-makers and
film-makers in other countries. Some countries,
notably France, have taken steps to protect their
domestic film industry by introducing quotas on the
number of English-speaking films shown in cinemas.

2. Tourism is often cited as evidence of the
globalisation of culture, but neither the origins
nor the final destinations of international tourists
support this thesis. Tourist expenditure, for
example, is not evenly distributed or divided
across the globe. The vast majority of outward
tourist movement is from the USA and Europe.
Jan Aarte Scholte (2005) takes issue with Hirst and
Thompson and argues that, since the late 1980s,
there are signs that ‘superterritorialism’ is becoming
the dominant feature of the 21 st-century world.
He argues in favour of a form of globalisation that
he claims goes far beyond the Marxist concept
of internationalisation, because it ‘involves more
people, more often’. It also involves a greater volume
of global transactions and is both more extensive
and intensive. He claims that the world is now
experiencing a more genuine form of globalisation
characterised by two types of global connectivity not
experienced before. This is something above, beyond
and separate from geographical connectedness:
a) Transworld simultaneity - people in a diversity
of distant and remote places are doing the same
things as each other, such as consuming the
same brand of coffee, watching the same global
sports tournaments and worrying about and
experiencing the same ecological problems or
economic problems caused by events outside of
the society in which they live.
b) Transworld instantaneity - people who are
located in different parts of the world and
time-zones, and who are culturally and linguistically
different from one another, can now use social
media such as Facebook and Twitter to interact with
and communicate with one another at the same
time. Moreover, they can instantaneously swap
!
social capital and distribute political ideas that
people in other societies can use to publicise or
challenge the inequalities and human rights abuses
that exist in their own society or worldwide.
However, Martell remains unconvinced. He argues
that if globalisation had truly taken place, then a
'global consciousness’ ought to be apparent and
that most of the world’s population would have an
awareness of ‘the globe as one place’. They would
view themselves as citizens of the world. However,
the evidence suggests that the nation-state mentality
still dominates - for example, international surveys
do not report that the majority of the world’s people
see themselves as part of a global community.
8.2 GLOBALISATION AND IDENTITY
3. Finally, Scholte argues that globality is evident in
social relations through global consciousness. In
other words, people often do think globally. For
example, some might regard the planet as a ‘global
village’ or globally minded people might regard the
planet as the main source of their food supplies as
well as their entertainments, threats and friends.
For example, Ghanaian traders and Filipino
domestics may see the whole planet, rather than
just the region they come from, as their potential
workplace. Scholte also argues that transworld
consciousness can also take the form of languages
(such as English, Esperanto and Spanish) and is
often symbolised by icons such as the Coca-Cola
or Nike logo, as well as World Heritage Sites.
Awareness of the planet as a single social place is,
furthermore, evident in events such as global sports
competitions - for example, the Olympic Games,
World Cups in football, rugby and cricket), global
exhibitions, global film festivals, global tours by
music superstars, global conferences and global
panics. In addition, global consciousness arises
when people conceive of their social affiliations
in transplanetary, supraterritorial terms - for
instance, with transworld solidarities based on
class, gender, generation, profession, race, religion,
sexuality and, indeed, humanity. However, Scholte
acknowledges that the world has not yet reached
this stage. However, he is confident that one day
it will. He illustrates this confidence by referring
to humankind’s obsession with aliens from outer
space. He observes that when we discuss the
possibility of aliens from other planets, the alien
other is not conceived as just another nationality
from another territory, but as another being from
another planet, ‘thereby defining humanity and the
Earth as one’.
Key terms
Westernisation The process whereby cultures
adopt American or European ways of thinking or
cultural practices.
McWorld A term used to indicate a particular
standardisation of production techniques inspired
by the McDonald’s fast-food chain and seen to
epitomise globalisation.
Americanisation The dominance of American
cultural products such as Hollywood films or rap
music.
493
8 GLOBALISATION
Transworld simultaneity Scholte defines this as
global connections that extend across the planet
at the same time. For instance, people in lots of
places doing the same thing, such as young people
drinking Coca-Cola as a lifestyle choice.
Transworld instantaneity Scholte defines this as
global connections that move anywhere across the
planet in no time. For instance, digital technology
can connect people at the same time wherever
they are located in the world using devices.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
1 0 1 1 1 Describe two examples of cultural convergence.
1 0 1 2 1 Explain one positive effect and one negative effect of the impact of globalisation on
personal identity.
1 0 | 5 1 Explain two reasons why some societies and cultures attempt to resist globalisation.
PART 3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
Contents
Unit 8.3.1 The spread of liberal democracy
and human rights 495
Unit 8.3.2 Global social movements and
attempts to oppose
globalisation 505
Unit 8.3.3 Debates about the role of the
nation-state in tackling global
social and environmental
problems 511
This part focuses on political globalisation,
specifically the global spread of a particular type
of political system known as liberal democracy or
democratic capitalism. This system has a number
of distinct social characteristics that differentiate
it from other political systems, past and present.
The main features of liberal democracy include the
nation-state and the promotion and protection of
human rights - basic rights and freedoms which, in
principle, belong to every person in the world, from
birth until death. Unit 8.3.1 explores the features
of liberal democracies and contrasts them with
494
Summary
1. Marxists reject the idea of globalisation
altogether. Rather, they believe that what
is mistaken for globalisation is merely an
expansion of capitalism into new markets. This
has produced a negative by-product because
capitalist values are often shaped by Western
values and consequently accused of cultural
imperialism.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
other political systems - for example, authoritarian
governments. The unit also considers which human
rights are regarded as fundamental to liberal
democracies and contrasts this with the human
rights records of authoritarian states.
Unit 8.3.2 focuses on global social movements
that have arisen since the 1980s to oppose
the globalisation encouraged by liberal elites
and democracies. However, some sociologists
argue that such movements have also helped
spread liberal democracy in their opposition to
repressive totalitarian regimes that routinely
ignore or abuse human rights. The effectiveness
of these anti-globalisation, pro-democracy and
human rights movements has been enhanced
by the globalisation of digital technology, which
has interconnected various protest groups based
around the world at the click of a button.
Finally, Unit 8.3.3 examines whether the
nation-state is capable of survival in the globalised
world and whether it has the will or resources to
tackle the social and environmental risks, threats
and problems associated with globalisation.

Unit 8.3.1 The spread of liberal
democracy and
human rights
This unit identifies and explores the social features
that characterise liberal democracies and
nation-states. It also contrasts liberal democracies
with other political systems. For example, in recent
years, there has been an increase in authoritarian
governments in which autocratic leaders have
taken power on a wave of populism motivated by
resentment of liberal elites and globalisation. The
unit concludes by examining the concept of human
rights and evaluating the different definitions of
which rights are regarded as fundamental to liberal
democracies. In contrast, the record of authoritarian
states with regard to human rights is considered,
especially the view that, in many of these societies,
human rights tend to be undervalued, ignored
altogether and even abused.
Defining liberal democracy
and authoritarianism
Countries are territories inhabited by a distinct
cultural or ethnic group. Throughout history, such
groups have claimed sovereignty over that territory,
which means that they have organised themselves
into a government that has established borders
between its territory and that of other groups, and
claimed the right and power to govern what goes
on within that territory. Until the 16th and 1 7th
centuries, most territories were ruled by autocratic
rulers such as kings, emperors and princes, and
subjects had very little say in how governance was
organised.
Anthony Pick (2011) argues that the first
nation-states emerged in the 17th century. In
nation-states, leaders are accountable to civil society.
This means that the legitimacy of such leaders is
derived from the people through the mechanism
of democratic elections. Consequently, most
nation-states today are based on liberal democracy
although authoritarian regimes continue to exist.
Liberal democracy
Held (2006) argues that a liberal or representative
democracy means that decisions affecting a
community such as a nation are taken by a group
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
of representatives who have been chosen via an
electoral process (voting) to govern within the
framework of the rule of law.
He argues that liberal democracies are composed
of a cluster of rules and institutions that distinguish
them from other political systems, and which are
necessary to their successful functioning. In 2006,
the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) produced
its first ‘democracy index’. This aims to categorise
countries into one of four regime types; full
democracies, partial or flawed democracies,
hybrid regimes and authoritarian states. Full liberal
democracies share the features in the following list;
flawed or partial democracies share most of these
features but may be weak in one or two respects;
hybrid regimes may have only some of these
characteristics.
1. A written or unwritten constitution; that is, a set
of laws which define the role, powers and structure
of the different institutions that make up the state.
It also makes clear in federal countries such as
the USA, Nigeria, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium
and Australia the relationship between the central
or federal government and state, provincial or
territorial governments.
2. An executive or government that makes, puts
into action and reinforces law and social policy. It
is usually headed by a president or prime minister
who leads a cabinet made up of ministers who have
been given responsibility and budgets to run large
government departments. The executive exercises
authority over most areas of the internal social life
of a society, especially the economic, education,
welfare and criminal justice systems as well as
making foreign policy and maintaining diplomatic
relationships with other states.
3. A parliament or legislature made up of elected
representatives (which includes those of the ruling
political party and those of opposition parties) who
critically examine and debate the laws and policies
introduced by the executive in order to make sure
! that it is not exceeding its powers and to make
certain that such laws and policies take account of
the rights of all social groups that make up society.
Some legislatures have the legal authority to
remove the executive if they feel it has exceeded its
power or if a president or prime minister is accused
of criminal offences such as treason or corruption,
or of bringing the office into disrepute. In the USA,
this legal process is known as ‘impeachment’.
495
 8 GLOBALISATION
4. A body of public officials or civil servants that
are appointed on the basis of merit to manage
the day-to-day affairs of the state, and who are
answerable to elected officials such as ministers.
5. An independent judiciary - in the USA and many
other societies, a Supreme Court exists which
aims to protect constitutional rights and prevent
governments from behaving illegally.
6. A guarantee to meet basic needs and to
safeguard individual human rights and freedoms.
Liberal democracies often take responsibility for
meeting the basic needs of its most vulnerable
citizens and social groups from the cradle to the
grave. For example, they may provide education
and free or subsidised healthcare. Many states
also guarantee and defend the rights and
freedoms of their citizens because such rights
confer dignity on individual citizens and promote
tolerance and social order. For example, liberal
democracies generally support freedom of speech
and expression. Criticism of the political system
and politicians is actively encouraged so long
as it is not slanderous or libellous. Moreover,
in liberal democracies, all citizens, regardless
of social background, have the right to run for
elected public office.
7. Elections that are frequent, free and fair. For
example, in the USA, elections for president occur
every four years, although there is a maximum
term of eight years imposed on successful
candidates. In France, a new president is elected
every five years after two rounds of voting.
496
8. Universal suffrage or the right to vote. Usually, all
adults or a majority of them have the right to vote
in elections unless they are legitimately banned
from doing so because they are suffering from
severe mental illness or are in prison.
9. A free and independent media. Every citizen
has the right to obtain information or news,
especially about government activity, from sources
independent of government or interests that
support the government.
Partial and hybrid democracies
Held points to a number of countries which he
describes as ‘partial democracies’. These societies
demonstrate some accountability to citizens via
elections but may exercise some restrictions on
their citizens. For example, they may deny women,
homosexuals and ethnic minorities (especially
migrant groups) human rights or curb the activities
of trade unions or human rights organisations. In
2018, the EIU downgraded the USA to a partial
democracy because it argued that free speech and
an independent media and judiciary were under
attack from the Trump administration. The American
government’s treatment of suspected Islamic
terrorists who have been kept without trial for years
at the Guantanamo Bay detention centre, and the
2018 separation of migrant children from their
parents at the Mexican border and their confinement
in cages, has also attracted global criticism of the
USA’s attitude towards human rights.
Hybrid regimes are nations in which irregularities
in elections prevent them from being free and fair.
Such countries may have regular elections but unfair
pressure may be exerted on political opponents, and
the media may be controlled by elites and therefore
be biased in favour of the state or its leadership.
Moreover, corruption and bribery of politicians and
other public servants may be common, and some
human rights may be violated. Russia is regarded by
the EIU as a typical hybrid nation.
Authoritarian political systems
In 1974, according to Held, a large number (68
per cent) of political systems worldwide were
authoritarian. Authoritarianism refers to the
principle of unquestioning submission to authority. In
terms of a political system, 'authoritarian government’
denotes any political system that concentrates power
in the hands of a single leader or political party, or a
small elite (or oligarchy) that is not constitutionally

responsible to the mass of the people that make
up a territory or nation. There are a number of
variations on authoritarian political regimes, which
we now explain.
Fascism
Some notorious authoritarian political regimes
have been organised around fascist principles - for
example, Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy
in the 1930s and 1940s. Fascism is a totalitarian
governmental system led by a ‘supreme’ leader
or dictator (who often comes to power on the
basis of force of personality or charisma and/or
because they have managed to obtain the support
of the military-industrial elite). Such leaders
exercise complete power and often command blind
loyalty and obedience from followers, allies and
subordinates. Fascists often use coercion in the
form of violence to forcibly suppress opposition and
criticism. Opponents who pose a serious threat to
the regime may be imprisoned without trial, and
even executed, on fabricated political charges. Fascist
regimes also emphasise an aggressive nationalism,
often underpinned by a contempt for ‘lesser’ nations
and ethnic groups and racism. Consequently, fascist
governments in the past have engaged in ethnic
cleansing of groups they believe to be inferior in
breeding. For example, the Nazis systematically
exterminated 6 million Jewish people (known as the
‘Holocaust’). Finally, fascist regimes often organise,
control and regiment all industry and commerce in
service of the fascist state.
Communism
A large number of authoritarian regimes which
exercised totalitarian power in the 20th century
were the direct and indirect result of the communist
revolution that took place in Russia in 1917, which
led to the setting up in 1922 of the communist state
of the USSR (the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics).
The USSR rejected liberal-democratic principles
such as free elections or pluralism - the idea that
a range of political parties should compete with
one another for the votes of an electorate. Instead,
this particular authoritarian state was based on five
fundamental principles:
1. It was a one-party state in that the communist
party was regarded as the only legitimate
organisation that could propel the goals of the
state forward. Individuals were expected by the
party to commit themselves wholeheartedly to
communist objectives. Consequently individual
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
rights, such as freedom of speech and assembly,
were rejected, while those who criticised the party,
the state and the supreme leader were often exiled
to work camps in Siberia or executed.
2. Power was concentrated in the hands of the
leaders of the party - for example, in the 1920s
Joseph Stalin managed, with the assistance of
coercive institutions such as the secret police
(KGB), to achieve absolute power, which he used to
exterminate or exile his opponents within the party
and crush any criticism and dissent. The death of
Stalin in 1953 saw the communist leadership shift
from the notion of autocracy (dictatorial rule by
one person) to oligarchy (rule by an elite; in this
case, the Politburo - the policy-making committee
of the Soviet Communist Party).
3. Propaganda - biased or misleading information -
was circulated widely and constantly repeated
to convince the population of the USSR that the
communist project was on track and working
effectively.
4. A centralised ‘command economy’ was put into
place. This is where the state rather than the free
market determines what goods should be produced
or to what extent or at what speed industry should
develop. For example, in the 1920s, Stalin instigated
a massive agricultural programme, which resulted
in the death of millions of peasants and, in the
1930s, an accelerated industrialisation programme,
which resulted in both the modernisation and rapid
urbanisation of Soviet society.
5. The export of communist ideas worldwide intended
to kick-start communist revolutions around the
world. This had some success - for example, North
Korea and China installed communist regimes
in 1948 and 1949 respectively, while other
societies such as Cuba (1959), Somalia (1969),
Yemen (1970), Congo (1970), Ethiopia (1974),
Mozambique, Vietnam, Laos, Angola (all 1975)
and Afghanistan (1978) declared themselves either
socialist or Marxist republics.
The success of the Soviet army during World War
II led to the Soviet occupation of much of Eastern
Europe and the imposition of communism and
puppet communist leaders, controlled by the USSR,
on occupied Eastern European countries such as
Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary,
Romania and Albania.
However, in 2018, only five authoritarian regimes based
on communist principles remain worldwide - China,
497
 8 6L0BALISATION
North Korea, Vietnam, Cuba and Laos. Between 1989
and 1992, most of the communist regimes of Eastern
Europe collapsed and their governments adopted
universal suffrage and free elections. The Soviet Union
fragmented into 15 independent nation-states, most of
which abandoned the one-party system and adopted
democracy.
Contemporary Marxist regimes
The communist regimes that continue to exist today
have shifted away from pure communist ideals.
For example, China has survived as a ‘communist’
nation-state to become the leading economic power
in the world because in the 1990s the Chinese
leadership abandoned the notion that the state
should exclusively command and shape the future
direction of the economy. Private enterprise was
encouraged and the Chinese leadership surrendered
some of their economic controls to the ‘natural’
processes of the free market. As a result, China
has been described as a ‘market-Leninist’ system.
However, political and social controls were not
surrendered. The Chinese Communist Party continues
to exert considerable social control over the Chinese
people in the form of censorship of the media, and
particularly over Chinese people’s access to and use
of non-Chinese websites and social media platforms.
China is still a one-party state and President Xi has
recently been appointed president for life.
Military dictatorships
Some authoritarian states originate in military
coups or takeovers. Huntington (1991) observed
that between 1950 and 1975 a significant number
of countries, especially in Latin America and Africa,
experienced military rule after coups d’etat, which
often used force to remove democratically elected
leaders. These military forms of political rule
produced autocratic or oligarchic rulers in countries
as diverse as Spain, Portugal, Greece, Argentina,
Chile, Brazil, Zaire, Iraq, Pakistan and Myanmar.
Apartheid
Some authoritarian states have been based on racial
segregation. The apartheid system - a system of
institutionalised racial segregation - shaped the
political system of South Africa between 1948 and
1994. In this system, the White minority imposed
strict controls over the majority Black population.
Theocracies
Some authoritarian states are theocracies - that
is, they are ruled by people and/or laws considered
498
to have divine authority. For example, Saudi
Arabia is an absolute monarchy underpinned by
Islamic theology. Since 1932, Saudi Arabia has
been ruled by the House of Saud. The power of
the king is inherited and regarded as legitimate
because it is accepted by the people that his power
is divinely ordained (that is, it comes directly from
God). Moreover, both the power of the king and
the constitution of Saudi Arabia are based on
the Qur’an and the support of Wahhabi religious
clerics and scholars - a strict form of Sunni Islam
which forbids the promotion of religions other
than Islam. Other theocracies include Afghanistan,
the Islamic Republic of Iran, Sudan, Yemen and
Mauritania.
Activity
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The Vatican City is an authoritarian state.
Consider the reasons why the Vatican City is
technically an authoritarian state.
Liberal democracies and authoritarian
states today
Held claims that the number of liberal democracies,
whether full, partial or hybrid, increased greatly
across the world in the 19th and 20th centuries. In
2018, the EIU estimated that of the 167 countries
in the world, 19 qualified as full democracies with a
further 57 (including the USA) qualifying as flawed or
partial democracies. Forty-six per cent of countries
worldwide can be called ‘liberal-democratic’.
In addition, the EIU identified 39 countries as
hybrid-democratic (23 per cent), while 52 countries
were deemed authoritarian (31 per cent). This means
that liberal-democratic principles can be found in
most societies around the world.
Held observes, then, that there has been a significant
decline in the number of authoritarian states but
that there is no guarantee that authoritarian states

will eventually convert to liberal democracy. Held
argues that liberal democracies are often resisted
by ruling elites and often only emerge after a
period in which the struggles of working-class,
ethnic groups and civil rights activists are violently
suppressed.
The nation-state
It is impossible to discuss the role of liberal
democracy without identifying and describing its
basic unit - the nation-state. Steger (2017) argues
that, over the past two centuries, humans have
organised their political differences as follows:
» They tend to identify with a particular
geographical location or territory in which they
and their ancestors have physically lived since
time immemorial. This territory may take on the
status of nation-state when other surrounding
territories recognise and respect the validity
and legitimacy of borders differentiating land
as belonging to other ethnic groups, tribes and
so on.
> Nation-states exercise sovereignty. This
means that other nation-states recognise that
they have the right to govern themselves, to
impose their authority, controls and laws on
people within a particular bordered territory
without direct interference from other
nation-states.
» Nation-states are bureaucratic - in order to be
effective at governing their citizens, they develop
a system of rational rules and regulations, a clear
hierarchy of authority and a specialised division of
labour. A non-elected well-educated bureaucratic
class of managers and professionals (civil servants)
administrates the day-to-day running of the
nation-state.
> Identification with such a nation-state may invoke
pride in a shared history and a powerful sense
of belonging in the form of patriotism - being
proud of your country for what it does - and
nationalism - being proud of your country no
matter what it does.
» Relationships with other nation-states are an
important feature of most nation-states. Most
have established diplomatic relations with other
nation-states worldwide in order to peacefully
resolve problems that might arise between them
and to safeguard their citizens when travelling
abroad.
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
Activity
Most of us belong to a nation-state which is
committed to protecting us when we travel to other
nation-states. What symbols of your nationhood
do you (or other citizens) carry with you to other
countries? How would you seek help from your
nation-state if you ran into trouble abroad?
> Nation-states usually monopolise any powers of
coercion. In other words, the state supervises
policing and the judicial system. It also maintains
an armed force in the shape of an army, navy or air
force in order to protect its interests and security
from either internal threats (such as terrorism or
uprisings) or external threats (for example, invasion).
» Nation-states often attempt to manage their
economies in order to maintain employment,
inflation, the price of basic necessities, and
therefore living standards, to preserve the value of
their currency, to control taxation, interest rates,
public spending and to reduce the national debt
and to maintain a certain level of trade with other
nation-states. Some nation-states will be very
hands-on in terms of managing their economies,
while others may prefer minimal intervention.
» People in nation-states organise themselves
politically in order to protect their right to occupy
that territory. Most territories have tended to adopt
liberal-democratic means of doing this. However, as
we have already seen, authoritarian systems and
autocratic leaders may be welcomed in some parts
of the world.
» Citizens in nation-states subscribe to a collective
identity based on an artificial division between the
‘domestic’ - the familiar ‘we’ who have lived on
this land for generations and have constructed a
nation-state to reflect that fact - and the unfamiliar
‘foreign’ ‘them’ - potential invaders and threats
such as migrants.
> Steger, therefore, observes that modern
nation-states are both psychological and physical
manifestations. People live within real borders but
I
what is just as important is the sense of existential
;
security - the feeling that the state will protect the
interests of both ourselves and future generations
and the sense of historical continuity that produces
strong feelings of social integration and solidarity.
In other words, the concept of nation-state is
successful when people feel psychologically
committed to it. This psychological commitment is
nurtured, says Steger, by social institutions such
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 S GLOBALISATION
as the media and sport, usually with state support,
which demonise ‘outsiders’ so that citizens are
encouraged to believe in the superiority of their
own nation and cultural way of life. Steger argues
that this demonisation of others often supplies the
mental energy required for mass warfare.
Human rights
There are a number of slightly differing definitions
of human rights. Generally, human rights are moral
principles or norms that describe certain standards
of human behaviour seen to be worth protecting by
both domestic and international laws. However, there
is little agreement on what constitutes such rights or
principles. The literature on human rights suggests
there exist three broad approaches: entitlement,
equality or a combination of the two.
'Entitlement' focuses on those positive economic
and welfare rights to which some sociologists believe
citizens should be entitled. For example. Frank Bealey
and Allan Johnson (1999) suggest that any list of
human rights should include the right to life or survival
and the right to property. J.A. Ferguson (1986) argues
that if nation-states have the resources, it is desirable
that they protect their citizens from hunger and that
they should guarantee them a minimum standard of
living, as well as free education (thus guaranteeing a
level of literacy and numeracy) and healthcare for all.
An 'equality* approach is organised around the
concept of equality before the law and is focused on
the notion that the state may deliberately deprive
some groups of the rights that the majority take
for granted because the state disapproves of their
political or religious beliefs. Some groups may be
deprived of the same rights or opportunities as
the majority because they have inherited ascribed
characteristics such as gender, race, ethnicity or
tribe. Moreover, some groups may be defined as
‘deviant’ by the state because of their sexuality.
Francis Fukuyama (2018) suggests that there are
three fundamental sets of rights brought together in
the ‘equality’ approach to human rights:
a) Civil rights - the rights that people have in a
society to equal treatment and equal opportunities,
whatever their race, sex, or religion.
b) Religious rights - being able to express one’s
religious beliefs and follow particular religious
practices free from persecution and state controls.
c) Political rights - to be able to express political
opinions which may be in opposition to or
500
critical of the government in power. Particular
freedoms are seen as essential to the health of
nation-states that practise liberal democracy.
These include freedom of speech, the freedom
to lawfully and peacefully assemble in public, in
order to criticise other political points of view or
to protest or demonstrate against those in power.
Other political freedoms include the right to form
opposition parties or to go on strike.
Many authoritarian states fail to guarantee these
rights for their citizens. The evidence collected
by organisations such as Amnesty International
suggests that some authoritarian states routinely
engage in persecution, discrimination, imprisonment
without trial, torture, assassination and summary
executions of political opponents and critics.
In addition to Fukuyama’s civil, religious and political
categories of human rights, we could add another
category - social rights - which might include the
following freedoms:
> not to be forced into slavery
» not to be forced into marriage
> not to be forced to become a child soldier
* not to be forcibly trafficked into the global
sex trade
> to be free from being victims of war crimes such as
mass rape and kidnappings.
Two examples of international non-governmental
organisations that aim to monitor, highlight
and prevent such future abuses are Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch. The website
of Amnesty International UK states that:
Human rights are the fundamental rights and
freedoms that belong to every single one of us,
anywhere in the world. Human rights apply no
matter where you are from, what you believe in, or
how you choose to live your life. Human rights can
never be taken away, but they can sometimes be
restricted - for example if a person breaks the law,
or in the interests of national security. These rights
and freedoms are based on values like dignity,
fairness, equality, respect and independence. But
human rights are not just abstract concepts - they
are defined and protected by law.
Some approaches to human rights combine the
‘entitlement’ and ‘equality’ approaches. The United
Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR) is a good example of this. It highlights 30
rights and freedoms, including the right to asylum,

the right to freedom from torture, the right to free
speech and the right to education.
Activity
Research and choose one or two human rights from
the UN’s declaration and design a colourful poster
that advertises why such rights are a ‘good’ thing.
The critique of universal definitions
of human rights
Jeffrey Haynes (2008) argues that few human rights
have universal application. He observes that, while
(nearly) everyone would agree that it is wrong to kill
people without justification or let them starve wilfully,
it is doubtful that all nation-states could guarantee
their citizens the right, for example, to a house, jobs,
paid holidays and clean water. He observes that
all these things are highly desirable but questions
whether they are ‘rights’ and points out that,
sometimes through no fault of their own, many less
industrialised societies lack the economic means to
provide such rights to all their citizens.
Haynes also points out that the successful provision
of human rights depends on too many factors which
are beyond the control of weak or poor nation-states.
Examples include: unfair terms of world trade, which
mean that such societies do not receive a fair price
for their raw materials and cash crops; the power of
Western transnationals to corrupt those in power in
less industrialised societies; and the presence of armed
conflicts such as civil wars (often encouraged by other
more powerful nation-states and transnationals in
order to gain control over scarce raw resources such as
blood diamonds, coltan and uranium). Consequently,
it has been suggested by Stanley Cohen (2007) that
definitions of human rights should be extended so
that they are truly global and cover the activities of the
richer Western nations and transnational companies.
Examples might include:
> the right to be treated as an equal partner in
world trade
> the right to receive a fair market price for any raw
materials and cash crops produced for sale on the
world market
» the right for workers in the less industrialised world
to be paid a fair wage for their labour
* the right of children to a childhood rather than
being exploited by transnational companies for
their labour in sweat shops and factories
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
Individualistic and collectivistic
conceptions of human rights
Haynes observes that a major problem inherent in
the definitions of human rights used by the UNDHR
or organisations such as Amnesty International is
that they are based on ‘individualistic’ conceptions of
human rights which originate in Western philosophy.
However, in contrast there also exist ‘collectivistic’
notions of human rights which may justify the ‘harsh’
treatment of some individuals and groups in the
name of the ‘collective good’. Michael Sodaro (2004)
notes that 'abuses’ in the name of the common
good might include violation of freedom of speech
and right to vote, the arrest and torture of political
dissidents, mass atrocities committed in times of civil
war or unrest, religious and ethnic persecution and
the abuse and repression of women.
Haynes argues that Asian value systems
stress collective rights and that individualistic
Western-orientated human rights are ‘culturally
alien’ to Asian elites because Asian countries have
cultures and histories that reflect the importance of
the community. These collective rights supposedly
reflect a range of‘desirable’ socio-political values
and rights. Various Asian nation-states, particularly
China, Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia and the
Philippines, have long claimed that the suppression
of individualistic human rights such as freedom of
speech and control over the media and the internet
was a necessary price to pay for strong and continuous
economic growth and rising living standards. However,
critics of this view, such as Ken Christie and Denny
Roy (2001) argued that this is an attempt to justify
and perpetuate authoritarian government. As Haynes
argues, ‘collective rights are a cloak for authoritarian
and erratic rule, reflecting the narrow political interest
of those in power, not the collective concerns of society.
Such governments are often illiberal democracies -
characterised by a mix of democracy, liberalism,
capitalism, oligarchy and corruption’. Haynes notes
that China has attempted to justify its violations of
human rights using this collectivist argument. For
example, every year, many Chinese citizens (reported
to number in the thousands) are executed under a
legal system which Haynes argues is both corrupt
and over-secretive. As the rest of the world moves
towards the abolition of the death penalty, China has
actually extended its use. Most of those executed
according to Amnesty International come from poor
and marginalised groups. The Chinese have particularly
targeted the Muslim Uighur ethnic group and those
belonging to the Falun Gong religion.
501
 8 GLOBALISATION
Haynes observes that the collectivist justification for
the suppression of individualistic human rights has
recently weakened because many Asian societies,
with the exception of China, have experienced an
economic downturn and decline in living standards.
Randall Peerenboom (2007) argues optimistically
that China will eventually adopt an individualistic
concept of political and human rights and a greater
degree of democratic accountability. Haynes agrees,
and concludes that the present tension between
Western individualistic and Asian collectivism
conceptions of human rights is the product of social
progress - it simply reflects the difference between
modernisation and tradition.
Evaluating definitions of human rights
The debate about what constitute human rights is
a heated one. Some sociologists, especially those
from non-Western societies, claim that definitions
and categories are notoriously subjective and
ethnocentric because such definitions are dominated
by Western cultural experience. Moreover,
Westerners often characterise non-Western cultures
as backward and inferior for not following Western
standards regarding human rights.
Haynes (2008) observes that there exists a vigorous
debate about the cultural relativity of human rights.
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im (2001) accepts that
human rights are rights that are due to all human
beings by virtue of their humanity, and that groups
should not be deprived of such rights because of their
race, national origin, culture, religion, language or
gender. However, he questions whether such rights
are truly universal - that is, relevant or applicable to
every culture.
Gustavo Esteva (1992) rejects the idea that there
exists universal agreement about what should
constitute a list of human rights. As a postmodernist
thinker, Esteva claims that we live in a ‘pluriverse’
rather than a universe. This means that there are
countless cultural ways in which people live in
relation to others, and as such the human rights
record of nation-states in the less industrialised
world cannot be judged by Western individualistic
standards. They can only be judged by the standards
of similar cultures and societies.
Esteva promotes the idea of cultural relativity.
This is the idea that, because different cultures
have differing reference points, it is not appropriate
to judge all societies according to one universal
standard. For example, the experience of being
502
brought up and living in a Western society prevents
Westerners from making objective judgements and
assessments about other cultures.
Esteva argues that the debate about human rights,
what the modern nation-state should look like and
how its leaders should behave is all too often shaped
by Western culture.
Wolfgang Sachs (2009) argues that Western
attempts to shape a universal definition of human
rights is hypocritical because Western societies
regularly engage in human rights abuses but imply
that these ‘abuses' are less important than those
practised by less industrialised nation-states in Asia
and Africa. For example, many states of the USA still
practise the death penalty and US prisons contain
a disproportionate number of Black inmates when
compared to the percentage of the US population
that is Black. Other critics argue that if the USA
wishes to shape universal standards on human
rights, it needs to seriously tackle its own human
rights issues such as: the disproportionate number
of unarmed Black people who are being shot
dead by the police, which inspired the ‘Black Lives
Matter' movement; and the sexual abuse of women
by powerful men, which inspired the ‘MeToo’ and
‘Time’sUp’ movements.
Activity
Make a list of the 'rights’ that you believe should be
included in an index of human rights that the state
must protect.
Critique of the cultural relativity
argument
Cultural relativists are probably correct to point
out that human rights are not perfect in the West,
and specific issues still need to be addressed and
rectified. The continuing incarceration without trial
of Islamist terrorist suspects by the USA and the
use of torture techniques such as waterboarding
are obvious examples of human rights abuse
carried out by and in the West. However, the
cultural relativity argument suffers from two major
weaknesses.
1. It ignores the fact that 193 nation-states have
voluntarily joined the United Nations (UN). Only
three nation-states - the Vatican City, Palestine
and Kosovo - are not members (the latter two
because their sovereign status is not recognised
by some UN members and they have been

consequently ‘blocked’ from membership). In
1948, the UN launched the UDHR. This cannot
be described as a Western product because it has
been extensively renegotiated and revised with
input from a range of Western and non-Western
societies. This renegotiation actually led to
some of the original rights, such as the right to
property, being dropped from the UDHR. It also
led to the adoption of the principle that it might
be necessary to set aside or suspend individual
rights in the national interest, especially when
countries are at war. Moreover, most UN
members have signed up to the International
Court of Justice (ICJ or World Court), which
settles legal disputes between UN members.
However, both China and the USA have refused to
accept the legal rulings of the ICJ in recent years.
As Haynes argues, the fact that the vast majority of
countries around the world have signed up to the
UN, UDHR and ICJ weakens the cultural relativist
argument. Nation-states that have agreed to abide
by the UDHR and the judgements of the ICJ cannot
claim the right to pick and choose human rights,
enforcing the ones they like and ignoring those they
do not.
Activity
r_
[ are free of influence from other branches of
m- :
jjh
*i*2 hi*i
The International Court of Justice, which is the
principal judicial organ of the United Nations (UN).
Research the type of issues that are dealt with by
the International Court of Justice.
2. The cultural relativity argument sees everything
as a Western construct, but this has not proved
to be very pragmatic in helping nation-states to
identify what counts as a human right or as abuse
of those rights.
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
Key terms
Liberal democracy A form of nation-state in which
people have the right to vote their leaders in and
out of power.
Representative democracy A type of democracy
founded on the principle of elected officials
representing a group of people.
Full democracy Nations where civil liberties and
basic political freedoms are not only respected,
but also reinforced by a political culture conducive
to the thriving of democratic principles.
Partial or flawed democracies Governments
which demonstrate some accountability to the
people but which may restrict the activities of
some minority groups.
Constitution A body of fundamental principles
or established precedents according to which a
state or other organisation is acknowledged to
be governed.
Executive/government The branch of a
government responsible for putting decisions or
laws into effect.
Legislature/parliament A governing body that
makes laws and can also amend or repeal them.
Independent judiciary Judges and courts which
government or private interests.
Supreme Court The highest judicial court in a
country or state.
Slanderous Making a false spoken statement
damaging to a person’s reputation.
Libellous Making a false written statement
damaging to a person’s reputation.
Universal suffrage The right of almost all adults
to vote in political elections.
Hybrid regimes States in which governments are
elected but in which no opposition parties are
allowed or the media are controlled by elites or in
which political corruption is rife.
Authoritarian states A form of government
characterised by strong central power and limited
political or individual freedoms.
Oligarchy Rule by a few.
Fascist An extreme right-wing movement which
is anti-democratic and believes in rule by a
totalitarian one-party state.
Pluralism A condition or system in which a
multiplicity of competing political parties coexist.
503
S GLOBALISATION
Autocracy Dictatorship or a system of government
by one person with absolute power.
Politburo The principal policy-making committee
of a communist party.
Propaganda Information, especially of a biased
or misleading nature, used to promote a political
cause or point of view.
Command economy A system where the
government, rather than the free market,
determines how the economy should be
planned and managed. It is a key feature of any
communist society.
Market-Leninist Slang for the Chinese way of
managing the economy - a mixture of a central
planned economy with the tolerance of some free
market capitalism.
Coup d’etat The sudden, often violent and
undemocratic overthrow of a government, often by
the military.
Apartheid An official system of racial segregation
administered by the White minority government of
South Africa between 1948 and 1994.
Theocracy A system of government in which
priests, ayatollahs or a divinely ordained ruler
govern in the name of God or a god.
Wahhabi A strictly orthodox Sunni Muslim sect
which is still the predominant religious force in
Saudi Arabia.
Sovereignty The authority of a state to govern
itself or another state.
Bureaucratic A system of government in which
most of the important decisions are taken by
state officials or civil servants rather than by
elected politicians.
Patriotism National loyalty or vigorous support
for one’s country.
Nationalism Extreme form of patriotism marked
by a feeling of superiority over other countries.
Existential security The feeling that survival is
secure enough that it can be taken for granted.
Social integration The process during which
newcomers or minorities are incorporated into the
social structure of the host society.
Demonisation Negative stereotyping of a
particular social group.
Entitlement With regard to human rights, the idea
that the state should provide its people with basic
rights - for example, the right to education.
504
Equality With regard to human rights, the idea
that all citizens, regardless of social background,
should have the right to be treated equally.
Civil rights The rights of citizens to political and
social freedom and equality.
Religious rights The freedom to exercise particular
religious beliefs and practices without persecution
or to change religious beliefs and practices.
Political rights The right to vote for any political
party without fear of discrimination.
Social rights Another term for socio-economic
rights such as the right to an education or an
adequate standard of living or justice.
Non-government organisations (NGOs) Any
organisation or agency that is not financed by
government or which works outside state control.
Cash crops A crop produced for its commercial
value, to be exported rather than for domestic use
by the grower - for example, tea, coffee, cocoa.
Transnational companies (TNCs) Multinational
companies which produce, market and sell
products across the world.
Pluriverse An idea associated with Esteva - he
claims that there is no such thing as universal
human experience. Instead, he argues that there
are countless cultural ways in which people live in
relation to others.
Cultural relativity The idea that, because different
cultures have differing reference points, it is not
appropriate to judge all societies according to one
universal standard.
Summary
1. The world has experienced political
globalisation. Most countries in the world
are nation-states that practise liberal or
i representative democracy.
2. However, not all nation-states are full
democracies. A substantial minority are partial
or hybrid democracies, because they lack some
of the features necessary to qualify as proper
democracies.
3. About a third of nation-states are authoritarian
or totalitarian regimes which deny their people
the right to vote in free elections. These regimes
are ruled by either communist, military or
theocratic autocrats or oligarchies.

4. Most citizens of the world belong to specific
independent nation-states which exercise
sovereignty over given physical territories.
However, such states are becoming increasingly
interconnected and interdependent because
of the processes of political, economic and
ecological globalisation.
5. Most nation-states are committed to protecting
the human rights of their citizens, although there
is no overall agreement on how rights should be
defined.
Unit 0.3.2 Global social
movements and
attempts to oppose
globalisation
Elizabeth Bennett (201 2) defines global social
movements (GSMs) as ‘networks that collaborate
across borders to advance thematically similar
agendas throughout the world’ She argues that GSMs
have consequently become powerful actors in global
governance. David Held et al. argue that such GSMs are
increasingly important in a globalised world because
liberal-democratic nation-states are struggling to cope
with the consequences of globalisation, particularly with
the ecological-environmental crisis, and the dislocation
and potential conflict associated with global migration.
Held et al. suggest that there have been three
sociological reactions to these crises and threats:
1. Liberal internationalists argue that nation-states
i
and non-government global organisations such
as the United Nations (UN) and the World Trade
Organization (WTO) need to be reformed, because
at the moment they favour global processes which
are creating problems for the poor and powerless
in both more and less industrialised societies.
2. Radical critics stress the need for the creation of
alternative mechanisms of global, social, economic
and political organisation. This radical approach
foresees a major role for GSMs based on the
idea of equality, common good and harmony
with the natural environment. It argues that such
movements can act as a ‘politics of resistance*
and have the potential to empower ordinary
citizens in both more and less industrialised
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
societies. Radicals argue that GSMs can encourage
a sense of belonging to a global community. The
hope is that membership of such movements will
result in people developing a global consciousness
that will motivate them to form ‘communities of
fate’. These will challenge individualism and other
negative aspects of globalisation so that ordinary
citizens can take back some control over their own
lives from these global forces.
3. The cosmopolitan approach takes a more positive
approach to globalisation. It argues that the
nation-state is a thing of the past and that people
need to realise that they are now citizens of the
world. This rather optimistic approach suggests
that most of us are capable of successfully
negotiating a path between the global and the
local or between the modern and the traditional, to
become hybridised global citizens taking the best
from the local and the global.
Defining social movements
In order to understand the nature of GSMs, Cohen
and Kennedy (2000) argue that it is important
to understand how social movements differ from
conventional political organisations such as political
parties, pressure groups and trade unions.
John Wilson (1973) defines a social movement as
a conscious, collective and organised attempt to
bring about or to resist large-scale change in the
social order by non-institutionalised means. He
observes that social movements often comprise both
‘heroes and clowns, fanatics and fools...animated by
the injustice and anxieties they see around them’.
Members of such movements often see themselves
as on a crusade against the evils of society.
Paul Byrne (1997) claimed that social movements
have unique features in that:
» They often act in unpredictable ways.
1 They are seen as irrational because members
are not acting in their own self-interest. They are
altruistic - working for the common good.
> They are often seen or interpreted as unreasonable
because members may not feel constrained by law.
They may feel justified in engaging in anti-social or
illegal action.
1 They look disorganised because they do not display
the classic features of organisations - hierarchies,
bureaucracies and formality. The activities of their
members may seem emotional rather than objective.
505
 8 GLOBALISATION
Cyrus Zirakzadeh (2007) observes that members of
social movements come from a very broad range of
social backgrounds. They are comfortable with using
disruptive tactics that bring them into confrontation with
the agents of social control such as the police, because
they are consciously committed to replacing traditional
ways of doing things with radical change.
Activity
What sort of ‘disruptive tactics’ might social
movements use, and in what ways might these be
successful?
Global social movements
Cohen and Kennedy argue that most global social
movements evolved between the 1960s and 1990s.
They argue that the social movements visible in the
1960s were internationalist in that they maintained
links with other social movements abroad., Most of
these social movements focused on ‘emancipatory
politics’ - issues that reach beyond the boundaries
of a particular nation-state such as women’s rights,
international capitalism, civil rights, anti-war, racism
and environmental issues.
Another source of social movements, particularly
in the 1960s, were the counter-cultures or student
protest movements which emerged in both the USA
and Europe in 1968. These movements were mainly
focused on protesting the USA’s military presence
in Vietnam. For example, in 1968, serious protests
mainly led by student demonstrators broke out against
the Vietnam War in Paris, London, Berlin and Tokyo
as well as across the USA. In the 1970s and 1980s,
student social movements also focused on rejecting
the authority and materialism they associated with
their parents’ generation and supporting nuclear
disarmament. They often questioned the moral
authority of the capitalist system.
Police fire tear gas to control student riots in Paris, 1968.
506
According to Cohen and Kennedy, social movements
became global in the late 1990s for five broad reasons:
1. The spread of higher education in many more
industrialised societies enabled people to
become more knowledgeable about science and
technology. They became more aware that they
were living in what Ulrich Beck calls 'risk societies’
- that industry, science and technology were
increasing risks and threats to the eco-systems in
which they lived and even the future of humanity
and the planet. Many responded to their fears
about the threats posed to the environment
by nuclear technology, chemical, nuclear and
biological weaponry and genetically modified
crops by getting involved in non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) such as Friends of the Earth
and Greenpeace.
2. The 1990s saw the emergence of new forms of
communication technology, particularly satellite
television, the internet and personal laptop
computers. Manjunath Pendakur and Roma Harris
(2002) argue that the development of the internet
and laptop computers enabled small, traditionally
powerless groups to become ‘self-creative’ social
movements. It particularly gave them the ability
to produce and circulate their own literature
which challenged the versions of reality issued by
the more powerful groups that were suppressing
or exploiting them. It also meant that atrocities
committed against powerless groups could be
communicated almost immediately.
The internet, in particular, was probably the
reason why global social movements became so
popular in the late 1990s. This was because, as a
public sphere that anybody could access at no or
little cost, it provided those interested in global
issues the opportunity to access a wide range of
information and alternative interpretations and
viewpoints, which were unlikely to be found in the
conventional mainstream media.
Michael Itzoe (1995) observes that in the
1990s the internet was 'a loose and anarchic
confederation of millions of users around the world
who communicated in perhaps the freest forum
of speech in history’. It was particularly useful in
establishing what the neo-Marxist Castells (1996)
calls the 'network society’ (see Unit 8.2.1 for a
more detailed discussion of this).
Castells argues that in late-modern capitalist society
the emergence of this network society transformed
the nature of communication. Information which
 8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS

had once been the exclusive resource of the the lack of progress they were making in terms of
powerful and which had previously flowed top-down, improving human rights and eradicating poverty
now flowed horizontally - many to many rather and debt. They realised that they lacked the power
than from a few to the many. The networked society to influence nation-states, who often ignored
placed power in the hands of the people and gave their demands for change. In the 1990s, several
voice to groups such as the poor, the politically NCOs, including Oxfam, Action Aid, Amnesty
repressed, women, ethnic minorities, the LGBT International, Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace,
community and oppressed groups in other countries aligned themselves with the anti-globalisation
who might otherwise have gone unheard. movement. These NGOs gave the movement both
political and moral legitimacy and the NGOs’
These technological developments meant that
research departments were able to provide the
global networks evolved - made up of loose
movement with facts that helped them to mobilise
alliances between anarchists, socialists, feminists,
resources, campaigns and protests more effectively.
environmentalists and anti-poverty campaigners -
who were able to compile and share online
information about the effects of globalisation on
the economies of developing nations, particularly in Activity
Africa, which could be quickly distributed to both the
global media, and used to challenge the status quo.
These global networks eventually united into what
became known as the anti-globalisation movement.
*>'
Mark Engler (2008) notes that the existence of
this movement is disputed by some sociologists
because it includes such a diverse range of
groups subscribing to a selection of sometimes
contradictory ideological views. For example,
it includes trade unionists, environmentalists,
anarchists, land rights and indigenous rights
activists, organisations promoting human rights
and sustainable development, opponents of
privatisation, and anti-sweat-shop campaigners.
However, Engler argues that these groups do
constitute a movement because they share the
view that the policies of corporate globalisation
have exacerbated global poverty and increased Greenpeace Arctic Sunrise ship protesting against
global inequality. Moreover, despite their Arctic oil production.
ideological differences, these groups annually
Research the range of issues, activities and
gather to coordinate policy and action. The
campaigns that the following groups are involved
World Social Forum serves as a site for activist
in: Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace, Amnesty
networking and for the coordination of campaigns
International, Oxfam and the World Social Forum.
which target transnational corporations. They have ,
Are these global or localised issues?
also mobilised anti-war rallies against military
intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan and protests
outside the meetings of global institutions such as
4. However, the digital revolution that occurred
the World Trade Organization, the International
post-2000 symbolised by the rapid spread of
Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the G7
social media has probably been the biggest
(previously G8, a gathering of leaders of the seven
influence on the growing influence of global social
most economically powerful nation-states).
movements, and especially the anti-globalisation
3. The impact of the anti-globalisation movement in sector. Most social movements maintain their
the 1990s was made more effective by the decision own websites, which allow them to campaign
of many NGOs to line up with and support the and influence public opinion on the specific issue
aims of the anti-globalisation movement. In the they have formed around, and to put pressure
1980s, many NGOs were becoming frustrated at on nation-states through, for example, online

507
 8 GLOBALISATION
petitions. Such websites also act as a recruiting
tool. Furthermore, hacker groups affiliated to
the anti-globalisation movement (known as
‘hacktivists’), such as Anonymous, have defaced
corporate and government websites and engaged
in virtual sabotage such as web-sit-ins (sending
so much information to a site so that it crashes),
email bombing, and information theft, especially
computer code theft.
Activity
‘Global social movements have encouraged ordinary
people to believe that they can have influence over
global issues’. Evaluate this point of view.
Contemporary issues: Twitter as a revolutionary tool of social change
THIS iS OUR COUNTRY
ffiffiMssasB
r people protesting in the streets). Murthy also notes
WE ARE THE
99%
OCCUPY TOGETHER
Occupy protesters outside the Reichstag in Berlin.
Murthy (2013) empirically investigated the impact
of Twitter on political change (see also Unit 6.3.2).
He claims that Twitter, which has 149 million
users worldwide, has proved extremely useful as
a coordinator of street protests and that it also
played a significant role in attracting support to
Occupy - an international socio-political movement
against social and economic inequality and the
lack of ‘real democracy’ around the world. In
2011, Occupy campaigners literally occupied
areas in 951 cities across 82 countries. For
example, the movement engaged in a high-profile
occupation of the financial centre of New York -
Wall Street.
Murthy also argues that Twitter played an
important role in the Arab Spring movements which
spread across the Middle East and North Africa
between 2011 and 2012. First, he argues that
Twitter was particularly effective in the Egyptian
508
Moreover, the development of social media
platforms and apps in the last 10 years means
that images of war crimes or atrocities can be
uploaded to media organisations and global
subscribers in real time, thus mobilising effective
support and putting pressure on the international
political community to criticise or to take action
in the form of sanctions against nation-states
guilty of abusing human rights. This has led to
some sociologists claiming that social media are
powerful tools of social change - for example,
that Twitter and Facebook played a major role in
the Arab Spring movement between 2010 and
201A and which led to the fall of authoritarian
regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya.
protests that ousted President Mubarak in 2012,
because it enabled a mass movement of people to
go out onto the streets (although Murthy notes that
high unemployment, persistent poverty and police
brutality were probably the main motivations for
that both the internet and Twitter were regarded
by the Egyptian authorities as so threatening in
their dissemination of activist information that they
were shut down for a week by the government in
January 2011. Second, Murthy argues that Twitter
helped to bring international attention to what was
going on by acting as a valuable news source for
international journalists.
He concludes that, ‘even if tweets did not bring
feet to Egyptian streets, they helped to facilitate
a diverse global network of individuals who
participated in a wide-ranging set of mobilisation
efforts from the retweeters in Starbucks to those
sending letters to their Congresspeople/Ministers
or participating in activist movements both online
and offline’.
Murthy argues that Twitter as a communications
medium has the potential to shape many aspects of
people’s social, political and economic lives. However,
not all media sociologists agree. Radio Free Europe’s
Golnaz Esfandiari (2010) has reviewed the role of
social media in the coordination of street protests
in Iran in 2009. Western journalists were allegedly
astounded at the sudden influx of information
coming out of Iran via Twitter, which was unusual in
the light of the media blackout ordered by the Iranian

government. This prompted Western journalists to
dub the protests the Twitter Revolution’. However.
Esfandiari claims that opposition activists rarely used
Twitter and that they preferred to use text messages,
email and blogs. He argues that most Twitter posts
were probably planted by foreign intelligence
agencies, particularly the American CIA. He supports
this argument by pointing out that most Twitter posts
were in English rather than Farsi. Esfandiari observes
that 'no one seemed to wonder why people trying to
coordinate protests in Iran would be writing in any
language other than Farsi’
5. Zsuzsa Hegedus (1989) suggests that the media
attention that the anti-globalisation movement
received in its early form resulted in a mental
shift among young people as they realised that
their localised concerns were inextricably linked
to wider global structures and problems. In other
words, what threatens or concerns one person
wherever they are in the world equally threatens
everyone else in the long term. Hegedus claims
that the anti-globalisation movement led to a
'planetization of understanding’ that ‘virtually
everything needed to be radically rethought’
(p. 299 of Cohen and Kennedy, 2000). He
observed that supporters of the anti-globalisation
movement were often very personally committed
Contemporary issues: Anti-globalisation movements
Make Poverty History march, Edinburgh, Scotland.
Cohen and Kennedy argue that social movements
such as the anti-globalisation movement may be
more effective in bringing about social and global
change than nation-states because:
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
Source: The Twitter Devolution’ 08/06/2010,
https://foreignpolicy.com/2010/06/08/the-twitter-
devolution/.
Questions
1. Analyse the role of Twitter in mobilising and
coordinating protest movements in Iran and
during the Arab Spring.
2. Using information from this source and the
section on social movements, assess the idea that
the internet, social media and the social network
society are good for liberal democracies.
to a collective future at a local, national and
planetary level. In other words, they believe that
solutions are only meaningful if they involve
joint struggles.
Moreover, as our cultural, media and economic
life has become globalised and interconnected, it
is now possible for individuals who are conscious
of global inequality because of their involvement
with the anti-globalisation movement to engage
with and influence the behaviour of transnational
companies - for example, via ethical or green
consumerism or by boycotting goods produced
made by companies which have acquired a poor
global reputation.
» They do not promote narrow territorial or
national interests. They are not constrained by
patriotism or nationalism.
* They are not slowed down by the formality of
diplomacy.
1 They are not responsible for the problems they
are attempting to resolve.
1 They generally attract lots of public support,
especially from the young and educated, as well
as the disadvantaged and the poor.
1 They are in touch with ordinary people.
1 They are not weighed down by bureaucracy and
regulations.
1 They have diverse memberships and can mobilise
support at many levels.
509
 8 GLOBALISATION
However, Cohen and Kennedy also identify several
factors that may inhibit the activities of social
movements. These include:
* They often have limited funds.
> They may have to engage in stunts in order to
attract media attention.
> People living in other parts of the world may
interpret their activities as patronising.
> Cultural and language barriers may impede their
effectiveness.
The critique of global social movements
Most of the criticism focused on global social
movements has focused on their use of digital
technology and especially the idea that such
technology would democratise society. Marxists, for
example, argue that this technology is concentrated
in the hands of a very small number of capitalist
transnational corporations and individuals who exert
greater power and influence than any individual
consumer or even network of anti-globalists.
Political elite power-holders, such as government
departments and agencies, and the security services,
have also seen the power of new media delivery
systems and have constructed sophisticated and
elaborate websites to make sure their view of the
world dominates the internet. The ex-CIA analyst
Edward Snowden claimed in 2015 that the British
security services have the technology to access
private information stored on people’s smartphones.
Moreover, authoritarian states such as China and
Iran have built firewalls to prevent their populations
accessing the internet and viewing subversive
material that criticises their leaders.
Keen (2008) is very critical of the
democratic potential of the internet, which he
claims is actually chaotic in practice. He claims
that it has no governing moral code and that it is a
place where truth is selective and frequently subject
to change. Four criticisms can be made of the idea
that social media are sources of political literacy
and that they have inspired the growth of social
movements that aim to bring about radical social and
political change:
» Keen believes that the internet has actually
replaced genuine knowledge with the ‘wisdom
of the crowd’, which dangerously blurs the lines
between fact and opinion and between informed
argument and blustering speculation/gossip.
510
Questions
1. Consider the list of advantages of social
movements over nation-states listed by Cohen
and Kennedy and, after class discussion, rank
them in terms of importance.
2. Why might people living in other societies and
cultures regard the activities of social movements
as patronising, especially with regard to
human rights?
> Nick Rochlin (2017) believes that the ubiquity of
social media means that many societies have now
entered into a post-truth era in which facts and
evidence have been replaced by personal belief and
emotion. He argues that the nature of news, and
what people accept as news, is also shifting toward
a belief-and emotion-based market. The truth of
the story no longer matters. What matters is that
the story falls in line with what a person wants
to hear. Facts are now often written off as ‘fake
news’; that is, news that is seen to attack a person’s
pre-existing beliefs.
> Social networking sites and blogs do not
contribute to the democratic process in any way
because they are merely a means for narcissistic
self-broadcasting. Keen claims they exist purely for
individuals to indulge in shameless self-promotion
and to promote conspiracy theories.
> User-generated sites such as Wikipedia are open to
abuse and bias, and are consequently unreliable as
sources of information.
Key terms
Politics of resistance A form of collective civil
disobedience aimed at opposing the effects of
economic, political and ecological globalisation.
Communities of fate Protest movements, such
as environmentalism, in which members attempt
to shape their own futures through active
participation and dialogue.
Cosmopolitan An ideology which states
that all human beings belong to a single
global community.
Altruistic Working selflessly for the good of the
community rather than for oneself.

Emancipatory politics Movements that are
concerned above all with liberating individuals and
groups from constraints that adversely affect their
life chances.
Network society The social, political,
economic and cultural changes caused by the
spread of networked, digital information and
communications technologies.
Anarchists People who rebel against any
authority, established order or any ruling power.
Indigenous rights The rights of people who
inhabited a particular territory pre-colonialism.
Sustainable development Economic development
that is conducted without depletion of
natural resources.
Post-truth Circumstances in which objective facts
are less influential in shaping public opinion than
appeals to emotion and personal belief.
Fake news False information or propaganda
published under the guise of being real, true
news.
Summary
1. Political, economic and ecological globalisation
have had negative effects that have motivated
citizens of the world to organise themselves
into social movements to resist such processes
in order to take back control over their lives.
2. These social movements have become
increasingly globalised because of the
development of digital technology, which has
led to the emergence of a networked society in
which information can be quickly disseminated
and which coordinates global protest campaigns
against the effects of globalisation and the
activities of its agents.
3. Some sociologists see a networked society
as good for global democracy, because it has
supposedly been at the forefront of anti-global
movements such as Occupy, Make Poverty
History and the World Social Forum. Some see
it as playing a central role in the Arab Spring
movement, too.
4. Global social movements are seen as
responsible for raising the planetary
consciousness of individuals and for encouraging
actions such as ethical consumerism and
consumer boycotts.
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
5. However, critics of the network society claim that
it has led to the emergence of fake news, the
promotion of the idea that truth and knowledge
are relative concepts and a blurring of the line
between fact and fiction.
Unit 8.3.3 Debates about the role
of the nation-state in
tackling global social
and environmental
problems
It has become very apparent over the past 30 years
that a number of global problems have appeared
which are a threat to the future of humanity or,
at the very least, to the law and order many of us
take for granted. Examples include global networks
of crime and terror, the global movement of
capital and labour (in the form of migration) and
global climate change. The appearance of these
global problems has raised the issue of whether
nation-states have the power and resources to
resolve these problems. This unit examines whether
the democratic nation-state is capable of dealing
with the social problems blamed by many people on
economic globalisation.
Threats to the liberal-democratic
nation state
Many commentators have expressed concern that
liberal democratic nation-states are either in a
state of crisis or in threat of being transformed into
' illiberal or flawed democracies. Some experts predict
j that these illiberal democracies may even abandon
all pretence of democracy in the near future and
become authoritarian regimes and reverse civil and
human rights laws.
John Gray (2018) argues that the liberal-democratic
nation-state is in particular danger from the rise of
populism in both the USA and Europe. He observes
that populist leaders and political parties such
as President Trump in the USA, Viktor Orban in
Hungary and the Five-Star Movement in Italy have
experienced great electoral success in recent years.
511
 8 GLOBALISATION
Populism has a number of distinctive features:
* Cas Mudde and Cristobal Kaltwasser (2017) define
populism as the idea that society is separated into
two groups at odds with one another - that is, the
people or workers versus a ‘crooked or corrupt
elitist establishment’. Ben Moffitt (2017) observes
that populist leaders claim to represent the unified
‘will of the people’ and, in so doing, they present
the enemy of the people as the liberal political elite
that has governed those societies for generations.
Populists often imply that if you are not with the
people, you must be against them.
» Populism tends to be on the ‘right’ of the political
spectrum because one of its central aims is
‘nativism’ and nationalism - that is, they claim
that they are protecting the economic, cultural and
religious traditions and interests of a native-born
population against immigrants.
> It involves the maintenance of a state of constant
crisis which can only be resolved by populist leaders
presenting themselves to the people as ‘strong
men’ who sometimes have to use authoritarian
methods with reluctance.
» Nadia Urbinati (2014) argues that populist content
is ‘made of negatives’ - whether it is anti-politics,
anti-intellectualism, anti-elite. For example, in
Europe, it is often presented as anti-EU.
y Populist leaders are extremely versatile. They
are quicker than established leaders to react to
ordinary people’s fears, but this often results
in ‘irresponsible bidding’. In order to attract
popular support, they make radical promises
to change things which are popular in the
short term but probably unfeasible or impractical
in the long term.
Michael Sandel (2018) suggests that one of
the ‘negatives’ that populist leaders highlight is
globalisation, which he argues has created the
conditions for populism. Sandel argues that the
liberal governing elite of capitalist nation-states
have failed to deal with five problems caused
by globalisation:
1. Ordinary people have experienced first-hand rising
inequalities in income and wealth. They can see
that economic globalisation seems to financially
benefit only those at the very top of society. For
example, there was resentment that banks were
not ‘punished’ for the 2008 global financial crisis
that resulted in many governments introducing
austerity measures which had a disproportionate
512
effect on the poorest sections of societies. Large
sections of society feel aggrieved because they feel
that the global economy and culture has left them
behind.
2. The free trade agreements and free movement
of labour associated with economic globalisation
may have also contributed to growing economic
inequality because local workers see these as
threatening local jobs and stagnating wages.
Workers who believe that their country cares more
for cheap goods and labour than the job prospects
of their own people often feel betrayed.
3. Sandel claims that the leaders of liberal-democratic
nation-states need to understand that global
markets are not neutral instruments for defining
the common good. Rather, they tend to benefit the
few at the expense of the many. Globalisation has
produced industrial decline both in the USA and
Europe, and high levels of unemployment, poverty
and, most importantly, loss of social esteem,
uncertainty and humiliation for many.
4. Economic globalisation has also exposed the empty
promises of Western capitalist society, especially
the view that such societies are meritocratic
and that, if people are willing to work hard,
they will experience upward social mobility and
material rewards. However, the evidence is clear -
Americans born to poor parents now tend to
remain poor as adults.
5. Those at the bottom of society may feel aggrieved,
because they sense that the global system is
rigged against them. They consequently see those
who have benefited from globalisation as having
cheated their way to the top.
Sandel argues that nation-states need to rethink
how globalisation is managed, because the growing
inequality in wealth and income that is resulting from
it is creating a volatile brew of anger and resentment.
The victims of globalisation are increasingly attracted
to populist politicians who feed off people’s sense of
injustice by promising to restore a country’s global
reputation (for example, President Putin promises
the Russian people that he will reverse the indignities
that Russia has supposedly experienced since the
1990s, while President Trump has promised to
make ‘America great again’). Sandel suggests that
these victims need to be compensated; otherwise,
the people of liberal democracies may be attracted
to populist politicians and show willingness to
exchange liberal democracy for more authoritarian

or illiberal-democratic forms of government.
Authoritarian forms of government also have the
side-effect of increasing nationalism and xenophobia
(hatred of foreigners and especially migrants), which
often results in an increase in hate crimes and human
rights abuses.
David Runciman (2018) observes that illiberal
democracies are not open societies’ because
authoritarian leaders exercise control over the flow
of information and the media. Another global social
problem that has been identified as a potential
threat to the liberal-democratic nation-state is
something that Michiko Kakutani (2018) calls ‘truth
decay’. She argues that democracy depends on two
related principles:
> the reality of experience (being able to distinguish
between fact and fiction), and
» standards of thought (being able to distinguish
between what is true or false).
Kakutani claims that we now live in a world in which
people today are more susceptible to political
manipulation. Political leaders, especially those who
display populist and autocratic tendencies, frequently
demonstrate contempt for facts and experts. They
promote emotion over reason. Kakutani claims
that the global world has entered a post-truth era
in which fake news, alternative facts and relativism
are regarded as more valid than reliably collected
Contemporary issues: Truth decay
WAR is PEACE-”
mm
Astuns * SLAVERY
l/
Big Brother is watching you, a still from the 1956
film of George Orwell's novel.
Kakutani points out that authoritarian regimes
throughout history have ‘co-opted everyday language
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
evidence. She notes that even history has been
undermined by truth decay. For example, she
observes that there are literally thousands of
social media posts and blogs that deny that the
Holocaust ever happened. There are concerns, too,
that media transnationals such as Facebook are
illegally gathering personal data from social media
sites and selling this data onto populist movements
so that they can target susceptible voters with
advertisements and social media campaigns that
seek to ‘persuade’ users to support their cause.
Kakutani argues that around the world waves of
populism and fundamentalism are actively using
untruths to elevate fear and anger over reasoned
debate. This has the effect of eroding democracy and
replacing expertise with the ‘wisdom’ of the crowd.
Tom Nichols (2017) argues that there now exists
a wilful hostility towards established knowledge,
with people aggressively arguing that ‘every opinion
on any is as good as every other’. Relativism and
ignorance, argues Nichols, are now fashionable.
Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway (2010) argue
that Western societies have seen the emergence
of ‘merchants of doubt’, which aim to give minority
views more credence than they deserve. Eva
Wiseman (2018) observes that relativity in the media
often means dragging a learned expert down to the
level of the opinions of the rest of us in order to give
the impression of reasoned debate.
in an effort to control how people communicate... to
deny the existence of external reality and safeguard
the infallibility of autocrats and oligarchies’. She
quotes Hannah Arendt (1951), who said that The
ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced
Nazi or the convinced communist, but people for
whom the distinction between fact and fiction and
between true and false no longer exist,’ Kakutani
concludes that ‘lies are told to assert power over
truth itself and without truth democracy is hobbled’.
She claims that this is a chilling description of the
political and cultural landscape that we inhabit today
- 'a world in which fake news and lies are pumped
out in industrial volume by Russian troll factories,
emitted in an endless stream from the mouth and
Twitter feed of the President of the USA and sent
flying across the world through social media accounts
at lightning speed’.
513
 S GLOBALISATION
Source: Adapted from The Death of Truth: How We
Gave Up on Facts and Ended Up with Trump’ by
Michiko Kakutani, Guardian, 14/07/2018.
Questions
1. Who is the ideal subject of totalitarian rule
according to Arendt?
Debates about the role of the nation­
state in tackling global environmental
problems
Globalisation, or at least the globalisation of industrial
production, has had a number of environmental effects.
These ecological effects of globalisation are now
scientifically recognised as potentially life-threatening
for life on the planet (although some continue to assert
that climate change is fake news). As Steger observes,
it has become virtually impossible to ignore the fact
that people everywhere on the planet are linked to each
other through the air that they breathe, the climate
they depend on, the food they eat and the water they
drink. Steger notes that ‘despite this obvious lesson of
interdependence, our planet’s ecosystems are subjected
to continuous human assault’.
The consequences of ecological
globalisation
Environmental disasters which occur in one place
(for example, the accidents at nuclear power plants:
Chernobyl in the Ukraine in 1986 and Fukushima,
Japan, in 2011) had a global impact because they
dispersed radioactive material across the world.
Most environmental global problems are not caused
by a single event but by a multiplicity of human
activities across the world which don’t respect
national borders and therefore impact on everyone.
Steger observes that in the last few decades the
scale, speed and depth of the earth’s environmental
decline has been unprecedented. Examples of this
global decline include:
» A worldwide reduction in biodiversity, particularly
in plant and animal species. Entire species of
mammals, insects, marine life and birds are
experiencing mass extinction. Some experts fear
that up to 50 per cent of all current plant and
animal species will have disappeared by 2100.
> A sharp loss is occurring in natural resources, such
as fertile land because of overuse (which is leading
514
2. Identify three reasons why Kakutani is pessimistic
about the future of democracy.
3. Why are people today more susceptible to
political manipulation? Give reasons for your
answer.
to desertification), the destruction of rainforests
(which safely process potentially dangerous gases
such as carbon dioxide as well as providing much
of our oxygen) and the decline of drinking water
because of drought and water’s overuse by industry.
There are fears that future wars and conflicts may
result from competition for such scarce resources.
> Global poisoning of the global biosphere (the
atmosphere, the climate, the oceans and the
seas) is occurring daily as manufacturing industry
worldwide pumps polluting gases such as carbon
dioxide into the skies, as hazardous waste such as
plastic, chemicals and human waste are dumped
untreated into rivers, landfill sites and the sea, and
as oil companies continue to take risks that result
in disastrous oil spills (for example, in 2010, a BP
oil platform - Deepwater Horizon - exploded in
the Gulf of Mexico and fouled more than 1300
miles of coastline, killing vast swathes of seabirds
and sea creatures). BP pleaded guilty in the US
federal court in 2012 on negligence, pollution
and manslaughter charges and agreed to pay
S4.5 billion in fines.
» Worldwide climate change, particularly global
warming (rising global temperatures) is having
catastrophic consequences in terms of extreme
weather events such as wildfires, hurricanes,
storms, floods, droughts and rising sea levels.
Activity
Design a poster which documents the range of
ecological problems that threatens the future
existence of the planet and humanity.
Explanations for ecological globalisation
1. Cultures shape how people view their natural
environment. Pre-industrial societies tend to
emphasise the interdependence of all living
things, and the view that there exists a delicate
balance between human wants and ecological
needs. Consequently, such cultures believe that
nature should be treated with respect. In contrast,

industrial cultures see the environment as a
'resource' to be used instrumentally to fulfil human
needs and wants. Nature is something to be tamed
and conquered for industrial purposes and profit.
2. The idea that nature is a resource to be exploited
is linked to the cultural values of consumerism and
materialism. These actively encourage workers and
citizens to see the chief value of life as the limitless
accumulation of material goods.
This relentless consumption of material goods
is particularly evident in Western countries. For
example, the USA only makes up 6 per cent of the
world’s population but consumes one-quarter of
the world’s energy resources. In contrast, India,
which has 16 per cent of the world’s population,
only consumes 3 per cent of the world’s energy.
Beck (1992) claimed that modern societies are
‘risk societies’ in that modern consumption
has turned consumers into potential victims of
ecological globalisation through what he calls the
‘boomerang effect’. For example, the lead in petrol
often turns up in the lungs of children or in the
breastmilk consumed by babies in distant cities.
Activity
Consider how our demand for the latest
technology - for example, smartphone - may be
increasing the risk to the world’s eco-systems.
Consider, for example, the following:
» The raw materials that comprise a smartphone -
coltan is a very important component. Where
does this come from? Where is it mined? Are
there human and environmental costs involved
in its extraction?
» How are the millions of smartphones, made
obsolete by new technology, disposed of?
» Do obsolete smartphones contain ‘threats’ to the
environment or to the health of those involved in
their disposal?
3. Consumption of the world's natural resources
increased as less industrialised nations have
industrialised. Demand for consumer goods soared
as the urban populations of countries such as India
and China dramatically increased, which meant
more strain on land and food resources and a
greater reliance on oil and petroleum.
It is unlikely that nation-states acting alone can
protect their citizens from being victims of climate
change, atmospheric pollution and so on. Most
8.3 GLOBALISATION, POWER AND POLITICS
nation-states are generally limited in their efforts to
protect the biosphere, because most environmental
problems are transnational or global in nature. They
originate beyond the borders of most nation-states.
Individual nation-states cannot control the natural
conditions (for example, winds and tides) that
transport gases, toxic poisons, plastics, radioactivity
and human wastes into their atmospheres, rivers,
coastlines and water supplies.
Moreover, no nation-state is going to attempt to tackle
these global problems alone, because such an attempt
is likely to prove costly and wasteful (especially if their
neighbours are failing to take similar action).
The impotence of nation-states has led to the
emergence of the global social movement of
environmentalism, which aims to raise global
consciousness of the threats and dangers of ignoring
how society and human behaviour are negatively
impacting on the future of the planet and humanity.
This social movement has generally been led by
non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as
Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth.
This movement seeks to transform the world by
fundamentally changing the way people think
about it. It aims to educate global citizens in
an attempt to change individual and group
behaviour, by challenging the idea that the earth
is an inexhaustible resource and that humanity
can only fulfil itself through the consumption of
material goods. Environmentalism, as a global
social movement and ideology, claims to represent
the interests of all humanity and is committed to
achieving positive change through direct collective
action. It tries to do so, for example, by directly
confronting transnationals or governments that are
damaging the environment to highlight the extent of
the problem, and also through the encouragement
of more individualised actions such as ethical
consumerism, the use of renewable forms of energy
such as wind and solar power, and recycling.
However, the impact of this social movement has
been undermined by the fact that the media often
present aspects of the green movement such
as veganism and animal rights activists as odd,
eccentric and even extremist, especially those which
have aligned themselves with the anti-globalisation
movement. Some of the goals of environmentalists
have been dismissed as too utopian, in that
they argue that cultures need to become more
self-sufficient and less dependent on manufacturing
industry or carbon-based energy.
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8 GLOBALISATION
Most attempts to combat the threat posed by the
globalisation of problems such as global warming
have been led by the United Nations Environment
Programme (UNEP) which has encouraged its
member states to take action and to set targets to
cut greenhouse gas emissions in order to manage
climate change and global warming. Summit
meetings in Montreal (1987) and Copenhagen
(1992) were successful in phasing out chemicals
called CFCs, which were destroying the ozone layer
in the earth’s atmosphere. The UN Framework
on Climate Change summit in Paris (2015) was
moderately successful, in that the nation-states that
took part:
* committed themselves to slowing the rise of
global temperatures
> pledged to limit the amount of greenhouses gases
emitted by human activity to the same levels that
trees, soils and oceans can naturally absorb, at
some point between 2050 and 2100
> to review each other’s contribution to cutting these
emissions every five years.
However, this multi-nation-state approach has run
into a number of problems:
a) The world’s two biggest economic powers and
sources of global pollution - China and the USA
- have proven unwilling to reduce their carbon
emissions, because they see such environmental
controls as threatening their economic growth and
the living standards of their citizens.
b) Even if all countries agreed to abide by the Paris
agreement, there exists no international law
to effectively reinforce the agreement and no
universally agreed sanctions that could be used by
the global community to punish those nation-states
that break it.
c) Poor countries regard the agreement as unfair (and
consequently are more likely to breach it) because
they rightly point out it is the over-consumption
of the world’s resources by the richer nations that
has caused the bulk of the environmental problems
that the world is currently experiencing. They also
argue that the only way they can pull their people
out of poverty is by developing manufacturing
industry or by clearing land for cash crops - both
strategies which damage or destroy eco-systems.
Consequently, the richer nation-states agreed
in Paris to financially assist the efforts of poorer
countries to switch to cleaner forms of renewable
energy.
516
d) Powerful social forces outside nation-states, made
up of transnational corporations who deal in
carbon-based energy sources such as the oil and
chemical industry, have strongly lobbied against
the Paris agreement. In 2017, President Trump
announced that he was withdrawing the USA from it.
e) Kakutani suggests that both nation-states who
support the need for climate change and the
environmentalist social movement have been
handicapped in these post-truth times by fake
science, which denies the existence of climate
change, and by relativists who insist that equivalent
attention should be given to scientists and
politicians who deny global warming despite the
weight of evidence supporting the former over the
latter. Kakutani calls these climate change deniers
the ‘merchants of doubt’ and observes that they are
composed of right-wing think-tanks who represent
the fossil-fuel industry. She argues that they have
been very successful in sowing confusion and doubt
about climate change and creating the conditions
in which governments can justify inaction.
In conclusion, political globalisation has been
ineffective in controlling and managing the threats
and dangers to the planet and humanity posed by
ecological globalisation. Runciman (2018) argues
that the threat of environmental disaster paralyses
the nation-state rather than galvanising it. He
observes that ‘entropy replaces explosive change’.
Peter Christoff and Robyn Eckersley (2013) claim that
problems such as global warming and climate change
are unlikely to be seriously tackled while global
capitalism continues to be dominated and shaped by
the ideology of neoliberalism, which views nature as a
market resource to be exploited for profit.
Finally, some critics of this view claim that current
environmental problems, which in many ways are
global in scale and impact, might not be linked
causally to the wider processes of globalisation.
For example, the rapid industrialisation, population
growth and urbanisation of countries such as China,
India and Russia, and the unrelenting development
of unregulated capitalism in general, are much more
the drivers of current ecological problems than
globalisation itself.
Key terms
Populism A range of political approaches or
movements critical of ruling elites and which
emphasises the will of the people.

Elite The richest, most powerful, best-educated or
best-trained group in a society.
Nativism The policy of protecting the interests
of native-born or established inhabitants against
those of immigrants.
Irresponsible bidding With regard to populism,
making promises to the people that are unlikely to
be kept.
Open society A society in which information freely
and truthfully flows without censorship.
Truth decay The blurring of lines between opinion
and fact that sees all experience and beliefs
as being as important as expertise based on
evidence. It often results in disagreement about
what constitutes ‘truth’.
Relativism The postmodern idea that knowledge,
truth and morality exist in relation to culture,
historical context, and even personal opinion and
experience, and consequently cannot be absolute
or unquestionable.
Ecological Relating to the environment.
Desertification The process by which fertile land
becomes desert, typically as a result of drought,
deforestation or inappropriate agriculture.
Risk society According to Beck, the technology
associated with late-capitalist society has
brought about many benefits in terms of
consumer goods but it has also brought about
negative effects - for example, in terms of a
wide range of risks to both the environment and
climate.
! consciousness of the dangers of ecological
Boomerang effect A type of manufactured
risk - for example, toxic materials used in the
manufacturing process may find their way into
the food chain and affect the health of future
generations.
END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
roTTI Describe two types of environmental problems that some sociologists claim are caused by
globalisation.
rom Explain one strength and one limitation of authoritarian states.
foTTI Explain two reasons why economic globalisation has contributed to the rise of populist
politicians and parties.
8.3 GLOBALISATION. POWER AND POLITICS
Summary
1. Representative democracy is under threat from
populist political movements.
2. Populism is fuelled by the side-effects of
economic globalisation, specifically the
inequalities in income and wealth, mass
unemployment, stagnation of wages and the
humiliation and lack of self-esteem experienced
by its victims, who see globalisation as
benefiting the few at the expense of the many.
3. Populist politicians manipulate their populations
via truth decay. They promote emotion over
reason, fiction over facts and fake news over
expertise and evidence.
4. Ecological globalisation has led to a range of
environmental problems that is threatening the
future of the planet and humanity.
5. Single nation-states do not have the power or
resources to single-handedly deal with the global
environmental crisis.
6. Most nation-states have signed up to United
Nations initiatives to tackle the most pressing
environmental problems, such as carbon
emissions and global warming, although China
and the USA have generally failed to cooperate
fully.
7. A global environmentalist movement has
emerged led by non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) such as Greenpeace to raise public
globalisation.
[4 marks]
[6 marks]
[8 marks]
517
 timamSm aMfe
SECTION B
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES
Contents
Part 4 Globalisation, poverty and inequality 519
Part 5 Globalisation and migration 534
Part 6 Globalisation and crime 559
Three of the key concepts are particularly relevant
in this section.
First, inequality and opportunity. Global inequality
is on the rise and takes many forms - for example,
inequalities can be seen across societies in access
to education, literacy, income, poverty and health.
Some countries are characterised by immense
wealth, whilst other countries regularly suffer utter
destitution. Migration is also very much linked to
inequality and opportunity in that the majority of
migrants are poor and aspire to settle in a country
which they hope will provide them and their
children with a better life in terms of educational
and employment opportunities. This key concept is
also important when considering global crime. The
ooor, wherever they live in the world, are most often
the victims of global crime. Global crime is also
stratified according to wealth and poverty in that
criminal commodities and services tend to originate
in the poorest areas of the world in order to meet
demand from the more economically developed
Western nations.
Second, power, control and resistance. Many
transnational organisations aim to improve
economic and social well-being and reduce
inequality. However, some critics suggest that
some of these transnational organisations
merely reinforce global inequality because they
primarily aim to protect the economies of the most
economically developed countries (MEDCs) from
harm. These criticisms have highlighted the need
for non-government transnational organisations
such as charities, pressure groups and global digital
networks to challenge global inequality. Migration
is also linked to the concepts of power, control
and resistance in that many migrants are fleeing
518
war, civil conflict, repression and their persecution
by more powerful groups. This key concept is also
central to the analysis of global crime and the
difficulties of establishing international laws and
policing such laws.
Third, structure and human agency. While most
migration is voluntary, some is forced. If the
alternative to migration is death from starvation
and disease, famine and natural disaster, or
torture and death because a person is deemed a
‘threat’ by the state, then the decision to leave is
actually structured by events or powers beyond the
individual’s control. Feminist perspectives on crime
also focus on the concept of structure and human
agency. Many feminists claim that patriarchal
assumptions are embedded in the organisation
of societies and may be responsible for gender
inequalities in criminal behaviour. However, some ,
feminists suggest that the taken-for-granted binary
distinction between male offenders and female
victims may be over-simplistic. Recent research
suggests that global crime needs to be investigated
from the perspective of female victims in order
to ascertain how much of their experience is the
product of social factors beyond their control and
how much choice or agency they actually exert over
their experience of global crime.
Part 4 considers global poverty and inequalities,
focusing on how globalisation impacts on life
changes in developing countries, particularly in
relation to education, income and health, and
how transnational organisations attempt to tackle
global inequalities. It concludes by considering two
sociological explanations for global inequalities.
Part 5 examines global migration, in particular
reasons for global migration and its consequences.
It also explores sociological theories about who
benefits from global migration.
Part 6 looks at global crime. It identifies types
of global crimes and considers sociological
explanations. It also looks at the difficulties of
policing and prosecuting global crime.

PART 4 GLOBALISATION, POVERTY AND
INEQUALITY
Contents
Unit 8.4.1 The impact of globalisation on
life chances in less industrialised
countries, in relation to education,
income and health 519
Unit 8.4.2 The role of transnational
organisations in tackling
global inequalities 522
Unit 8.4.3 Sociological explanations for
global inequalities 528
This part focuses on global inequality. This takes
many forms but the main focus will be on education,
income, poverty and health. Global inequality is
on the rise but at vastly different rates across
the world. The nation-states of the world exist in
a hierarchy of affluence that ranges from utter
destitution in the least economically developed
countries (LEDCs) to immense wealth in the most
economically developed countries (MEDCs).
For example, in 2014, the richest 85 people in
the world - who mainly reside in MEDCs -
shared a combined wealth equal to the poorest
3.5 billion people on the planet - who mainly live
in LEDCs. Sociologists working in the field of global
development have focused on measuring inequality
and progress towards ‘development’ (although there
Unit 8.4.1 The impact of
globalisation on life chances in
less industrialised countries, in
relation to education, income
and health
Most of the world’s income and wealth is concentrated
in the more economically developed countries
(MEDCs), which, with the exception of Japan, Australia
and New Zealand, are overwhelmingly situated in the
West. Most of the extreme poverty found in the world
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
is a great deal of disagreement among experts how
this should be defined and measured). Most agree
that global inequality will be eradicated when all
countries worldwide experience similar levels of
economic and social well-being.
The second unit focuses on transnational
organisations that aim to bring such economic
and social well-being about. Some of these
organisations are alliances of nation-states, such
as the United Nations, in which the MEDCs have
committed themselves to assisting the LEDCs
onto the path towards development. However,
critics suggest that some of these transnational
organisations merely reinforce global inequality
because they primarily aim to protect the
economies of MEDCs from harm.
The third unit focuses on sociological explanations
for global inequality. There are two broad
schools of thought. Modernisation theory,
closely related to functionalist theory, argues
that global inequality is largely self-inflicted and
is caused by fundamental weaknesses in the
organisation and value systems of LEDCs. In
contrast, Marxists such as Andre Gunder Frank
(1979) argue that the global capitalist system,
dominated by MEDCs, has intentionally exploited
LEDCs and deliberately kept them in a state of
under-development.
is concentrated in the least economically developed
societies (LEDCs). Absolute poverty is the daily norm in
such societies, as are high rates of child malnutrition,
high child mortality rates and low life expectancy
for adults. There are an estimated 60 countries that
have experienced little, if any, economic growth in the
past 20 years. These countries are mainly located in
sub-Saharan Africa (for example, Niger and Ethiopia),
Central Asia (for example, Afghanistan) and South Asia
(for example, Bangladesh) and are home to 1 billion
people. This lack of growth has had a very negative
impact on these countries’ ability to provide basic
education and healthcare. Consequently, high illiteracy
rates and infant mortality rates are the norm in
these societies.
519
 3 GLOBALISATION
Global education inequalities
The evidence regarding global education is not
positive. A United Nations Educational Scientific and
Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) report on literacy
published in 2017 stated that that 750 million
adults in 2016 - two-thirds of whom are women -
were illiterate. 102 million of this illiterate population
were aged between 15 and 24 years old.
UNESCO observes that Southern Asia is home to
almost one-half of the global illiterate population
(49 per cent). In addition, 27 per cent of all illiterate
adults live in sub-Saharan Africa, 10 per cent in
Eastern and South-Eastern Asia, 9 per cent in
Northern Africa and Western Asia, and about 4 per
cent in Latin America and the Caribbean. Less than
2 per cent of the global illiterate population live
in the remaining regions combined (Central Asia,
Europe and Northern America, and Oceania).
With regard to the gender gap, UNESCO notes
that in Europe and Northern America, Eastern and
South-Eastern Asia, and Latin America and the
Caribbean, there is no or little difference between
male and female adult literacy rates. On the other
hand, there are relatively large gender gaps to the
disadvantage of females in Northern Africa, Southern
Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa. However, among young
people, gender gaps in literacy skills are generally
smaller and improving more quickly over time.
Activity
1. List three possible reasons why female children
are more likely to be illiterate or less likely to be
educated compared with male children.
2. Think of two reasons why the gender gap has
got smaller in the present generation of young
people.
African countries have the highest adult illiteracy
rates in the world - for example, 73 per cent of the
population of South Sudan is illiterate. The only
country that lies outside the African continent with
comparable illiteracy is Afghanistan, which has an
illiteracy rate of 71.9 per cent.
Official statistics suggest that China’s literacy rate has
rapidly improved since 1990. For example, in 2010,
95 per cent of China’s population could read and write,
although this still means that an estimated
54 million people aged 15 and older were unable
to read or write a simple sentence. China has also
520
dramatically reduced the gap between male and female
literacy. In 1990, this was 87 per cent for men and only
68 per cent for women. However, by 2010 women’s
literacy had improved to 98 per cent for adult men
compared with 93 per cent for women. Among young
people, the gender gap has narrowed considerably:
99.7 per cent for males and 99.6 per cent for females.
According to UNESCO, several other developing
countries in Asia have mirrored China’s improvement,
including Thailand (with a 96 per cent literacy rate), the
Philippines (95 per cent) and Indonesia (93 per cent).
UNESCO argues that literacy statistics often obscure
differences in wealth and poverty. The Brookings
Institute (2015) estimates that if education is
measured by average levels of attainment - how much
children have learned and how long they have spent in
school - then African countries are about 100 years
behind countries in North America and Europe.
Furthermore, it found that the education levels of the
adult workforce in the USA and Europe measured by
average numbers of years of school is double that of
workers in many African countries.
However, there are a number of other trends which
suggest that some Western societies actually lag
behind Asian countries with regard to certain
aspects of education. For example, the 2016 Trends
in International Maths and Science Study (TIMSS)
report concluded that Singapore, Hong Kong, South
Korea and Japan dominate international rankings
for maths and science and are well ahead of Western
countries such as the UK and USA.
Activity
*■ iJ
■PV? I
>3
Students in many Asian countries excel in maths
and science.
Can you think of any explanations for why Asian
children are better at maths and science than
Western children?

Global income inequalities
According to the 2018 World Inequality Report
compiled by Facundo Alvaredo, Thomas Piketty et
al., income inequality has increased rapidly in North
America and Asia, grown moderately in Europe, and
stabilised at an extremely high level in the Middle
East, sub-Saharan Africa and Brazil since 1980. The
poorest half of the global population has seen some
income growth but this has been matched by the
income growth experienced by the top 0.1 per cent
of the world’s population.
In 2015, the World Bank announced that, for the
first time, the proportion of the world’s population
living in extreme poverty had fallen to below
10 per cent. This decline has occurred because
of increased employment opportunities brought
about by globalisation, especially the creation of
millions of new, more productive jobs, mostly in Asia.
More people in the less industrialised world have
jobs now than ever before, and those jobs, despite
being low-paid (compared with wages in the more
industrialised world), provide a better standard of
living than subsistence agricultural work. Flowever,
despite this good news, the World Bank estimated
that 768 million people worldwide were living in
extreme poverty in 2017.
Activity
rev
L in health can be observed by looking at infant
.... ■
*:
Fovelo (slum) de Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
The world’s most populous favela.
Identify three reasons why the global number of
those living in extreme poverty has recently fallen
to below 10 per cent.
However, jobs in the less industrialised world are
vulnerable to the negative side of globalisation,
especially global economic downturns. Economic
I
crises starting in a single country often become
global and can have a devastating effect on
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
labour markets in both the industrialised and
less industrialised worlds. For example, the 2008
global banking crisis, which originated in the USA,
initiated a crisis that resulted in massive global
unemployment. For example, China lost between
20 million and 36 million jobs, particularly among
migrants working in factories manufacturing products
that were to be exported to the USA and Europe.
Global health inequalities
In the wealthy industrialised countries, the main causes
of death are the so-called ‘diseases of affluence’ -
cancer, strokes and heart disease - mainly caused by
‘excessive’ lifestyles: too much fatty food, obesity, alcohol
and smoking, for example. In contrast, people in the less
industrialised world are more likely to die of ‘diseases of
poverty - preventable and treatable diseases - caused
by lack of access to amenities that Western populations
take for granted, such as nutritional diets, clean water,
vaccination and maternal care.
A number of major inequalities in health between the
MEDCs and LEDCs can be observed:
* In 2010, in some parts of sub-Saharan Africa,
premature adult death rates were nearly four times
higher than those experienced in Western European
countries. There are 21 African countries in which
average life expectancy is below 60 years. The
lowest life expectancy of all is found in Sierra Leone,
where it is only 50 years. Asian life expectancy too
has soared in recent years. For example, Japan
tops the world’s life expectancy league table list,
with its citizens living to 83.7 years (males 80.5
and females 86.8). Another major global inequality
mortality rates. The World Health Organization
(WHO) estimates that 5.6 million children under
the age of 5 years died in 2016, mainly in Africa.
About 45 per cent of these deaths were linked
to malnutrition. WHO statistics suggest that 52
million children worldwide suffer from malnutrition.
Malnutrition severely weakens children’s resistance
to infections such as measles, diphtheria and
tuberculosis. According to WHO, 250000 children
died of tuberculosis in 2016, mostly in LEDCs.
According to UNICEF, approximately 1300 young
children die every day from diarrhoea in poorer
countries (480000 children a year), despite the
availability of simple effective treatment.
* Malaria is a major cause of death, particularly in
Africa. For example. 100000 people it
lost their lives to this disease in 2017.
 8 GLOBALISATION
under the age of 2 and pregnant women are
particularly at risk. Catherine West (2018) observes
that malaria traps people in poverty, prevents
children from attending school and costs countries
in Africa about $ 10.3 billion a year in terms of lost
working hour’s and cost of treatment.
Activity
Research the reasons why in recent years there
have been improvements in global life expectancy.
Pay special attention to malaria and HIV/AIDS.
Key terms
MEDCs The most economically developed or
richest countries in the world.
LEDCs The least economically developed or
poorest countries in the world.
Literacy The ability to read and write.
Subsistence Supporting oneself at a minimal
level, in order to survive.
Diseases of affluence Life-threatening conditions
caused by wealthy or rich lifestyles.
Diseases of poverty Life-threatening diseases
caused by malnutrition and lack of access to clean
water and sanitation.
Infant mortality rates Death rates experienced
by children aged 5 years and under.
Malnutrition Not having enough to eat or not
eating enough of the ‘right’ things.
Summary
1. Significant global inequalities exist in income,
access to school, literacy levels, infant mortality
rates and life expectancy between MEDCs and
LEDCs, especially those situated in Africa.
2. Females are more likely to experience these
inequalities compared with males in LEDCs.
Unit 8.4.2 The role of transnational
organisations in tackling
global inequalities
This unit will focus on three sets of international
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), known
as transnational organisations, which aim to tackle
522
global inequality. The first set is composed of
alliances of nation-states such as the United Nations
(UN), the European Union and the G7. Second, many
countries are also members of transnational trade
organisations that aim to set out the rules for world
trade such as the World Trade Organization (WTO)
or the World Bank and International Monetary Fund
(IMF), which aim to promote economic growth and to
reduce global inequalities such as poverty.
Finally, in addition to these global alliances and
networks of nation-states, there are non-government
transnational organisations working with and within
LEDCs to tackle and alleviate poverty and to improve
educational and health facilities. These include
formal confederations and international charities
such as Oxfam, which work with partners and
local communities in over 90 countries to mobilise
the power of people in LEDCs against poverty. In
addition to charities, there also exists a globalised
network of activists held together by a digital
communication grid, known as the anti-globalisation
movement (AGM).
Alliances of nation-states
Alliances of nation-states include the United Nations
(UN), the European Union and the G7.
The United Nations
The United Nations (UN) was set up in 1945. It is a
coalition of 193 sovereign nation-states, including
both MEDCs and LEDCs, all of which have equal
representation in the UN General Assembly. The
UN Charter states that membership is open to all
peace-loving states which accept and are willing to
carry out the obligations contained in the Charter,
particularly those aimed at tackling global inequalities.
The UN has a number of agencies working within
LEDCs, including WHO, UNESCO and the UN
International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF).
The UN is committed to reducing global inequalities.
For example, in 2000, the UN published a number
of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which
aim to reduce certain global inequalities by 2030.
These included achieving universal primary education,
promoting gender equality and empowering women,
reducing child mortality, improving maternal health,
and combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases.
The richer members of the UN countries agree to
support poorer UN members to achieve these MDGs
through the provision of aid, the reduction of debt and
the formation of fairer trade relationships.

However, critics of the MDGs argue that they do not
go far enough in demanding greater accountability
from those who govern less industrialised nations.
They argue that goals need to be added that
Activity
Achieve universal
Eradicate extreme primary education
poverty & hunger
United Nations
Reduce child
mortality
Millennium
Development Goals
Y '•jk.
Combat disease Global
partnership for
development
The UN's Millennium Development Goals.
Describe two of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals.
In 2015, the UN claimed that a billion people living
in extreme poverty, defined as living on S1 or less a
day, had been lifted out of poverty (a fall of 50 per
cent) since 1990 in Asia, Latin America and Africa.
The UN also reaffirmed its commitment to eradicate
extreme poverty by 2030.
The European Union (EU)
The European Union (EU) is a political and economic
union of 28 European states (this will reduce to 27
when the UK exits in 2019). The EU is also committed
to tackling global inequalities. For example, in 2013
the EU spent 56.5 billion euros on giving assistance
to LEDCs outside of the EU. This aid is regularly
audited and assessed to prevent corruption by local
elites. According to the EU, developing countries
have a strong say in how EU aid is spent, as do
non-governmental organisations (NGOs), such as
international charities, trade unions, human rights
groups and environmental organisations.
The G7
The Group of Seven (G7) refers to a group of highly
industrialised nations - France, Germany, Italy, the
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
protect basic human rights, religious tolerance and
political freedom, and especially the right to vote in
democratic and free elections.
Promote gender
equality
Improve maternal
health
Ensure environmental
sustainability
UK, Japan, the US and Canada. These MEDCs are
the seven largest advanced economies in the world
and represent more than 62 per cent of global
net wealth. The leaders of the G7 hold an annual
summit in order to discuss and tackle global issues
such as global economic inequality, trade, aid and
debt, global security, climate change and terrorism.
Recent summits have been marred by protests
organised by the anti-globalisation movement
(AGM), which sees the G7 as partly responsible
for global inequalities. The AGM argue that the
G7 is primarily motivated by its need to protect its
dominance of world trade and therefore the MEDCs’
disproportionate share of the world’s wealth. The
AGM points out that the G7 is not democratic or
accountable for the decisions it makes, which often
ignore the interests of the LEDCs.
Transnational organisations
In addition to the UN, the EU and G7, there also
exist transnational organisations, which aim to
manage and regulate global trade as well as global
financial and monetary systems. These include the
I WTO, the World Bank and the IMF.
523
8 GLOBALISATION
The World Trade Organization (WTO)
In 1947, the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) was signed by the Western powers to
govern global trade and to reduce trade barriers and
competition between nations. In 1994, the World
Trade Organization (WTO) was set up to replace
GATT. It currently has 161 member states. The WTO
has taken over and extended the GATT agreements
on global trade in goods, as well as negotiating
a new GATT - which covers global services such
as telecommunications, banking and investment,
transport, education, health and the environment.
However, Ha-Joon Chang (2008) has criticised the
free-trade agenda of the WTO because he claims
Contemporary issues: The World Trade Organization - Amrita Narlikar. Martin
Daunton and Robert Stern (2014)
Protesters demonstrate against the WTO in Hong
Kong in 2005.
Narlikar et al. (2014) observe that, for such a
small organisation, the WTO arouses a surprising
degree of popular interest, emotions and drama.
NGOs have frequently staged massive anti-WTO
demonstrations. It is now rare that high-level
meetings of the WTO do not attract angry mobs.
The WTO might be loved by neoliberal thinkers but
it is detested by many.
The WTO is committed to the concept of free trade.
It believes that unlimited competition in the free
market is the best way to organise an economy
because it allegedly forces both sellers and buyers
to perform with maximum efficiency. Government
intervention is viewed as harmful because it
reduces competition. The WTO is consequently
committed to removing obstacles to free trade
wherever they may exist.
524
that the global trade rules they have set down are
unfair and biased against the LEDCs and are the
main cause of the global inequalities that exist today.
This is because the WTO pressures poorer countries
to open up their economies to Western banks and
transnational companies (TNCs), and to abandon
tariffs (taxes) on imports from the West. However,
under GATT, MEDCs are allowed to impose quotas
restricting the import of manufactured goods from
the less industrialised world. Richard Peet (2009)
argues that the WTO has rigged trade rules in favour
of the West and consequently the WTO is a rich
man’s club dominated by the neoliberal free market
philosophy of the MEDCs.
However, Chang and others argue that WTO
policy is biased in favour of Western governments
and TNCs. Chang argues that Western
governments are using the WTO to say to the
rest of the world ‘Do as we say, not as we do.’
He suggests that MEDCs developed and became
wealthy as a result of the sorts of interventionist
policies rejected by the WTO. Narlikar et al. also
argue that the MEDCs have historically been
reluctant to reduce trade barriers and quick to
raise them.
Some sociologists claim that the WTO has hidden
goals that are more to do with assisting the
economic success of the MEDCs and TNCs. Critics
claim that WTO decision-making is dominated by
MEDCs. Critics also claim that the WTO sees trade
as more important than values such as human
rights, the environment, workers’ rights, gender
and the eradication of poverty.
Questions
1. Visit the website of the WTO (www. wto.org/) and
note down the aims and objectives - ‘what we
do’ - of the organisation.
2. Explain why the WTO is ‘loved by neoliberal
thinkers’.
3. In your opinion, why is the WTO blamed for
global inequalities?

The World Bank and International
Monetary Fund (IMF)
The World Bank is an international financial
institution that provides loans to countries of the
world for capital projects. It also aims to achieve
two related goals - reducing the numbers in extreme
poverty to less than 3 per cent of the world’s
population, and sharing prosperity by encouraging
economic growth in LEDC countries - which it is
hoping to achieve by 2030.
Another similar transnational organisation is the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), to which most
nation-states (with the exception of North Korea and
Cuba) belong. The IMF has two main goals. First,
it aims to ensure the stability of the international
monetary and financial system. Second, it helps to
resolve economic crises, and works with its member
countries to promote economic growth and to
alleviate poverty. Increasingly the IMF specialises
in short-term loans to less industrialised countries
whose economies are weak or in trouble because
of debt or because of a decline in the value of their
commodity exports to the West.
However, critics claim that both the World Bank
and IMF are dominated by neoliberal policy makers
who favour richer Western countries at the expense
of poorer countries. Both agencies have been
criticised by Joseph Stiglitz (201 7), as agents of the
neoliberal WTO. Peet actually refers to the WTO, IMF
and World Bank as the ‘unholy trinity’ and suggests
that they exist to strong-arm poorer countries into
accepting neoliberal political policies in return
for economic assistance. Chang argues that the
World Bank and IMF present themselves as ‘good
Samaritans’ whose only motive is to assist LEDCs.
However, he argues that they are actually 'bad
Samaritans’ because their motives are essentially
selfish. Chang argues that the real point of the WTO,
IMF and World Bank is to create an environment
in the poorer nation-states that is friendly to TNC
! functions of NGOs.
goods, investment and the exploitation of their
labour force. He argues that conditions for granting
loans to LEDCs are often politically biased in the
sense that the IMF will only lend the money if the
LEDC agrees to cut public spending on health,
education and pensions and to freeze wages (thus
increasing global inequalities) and to open up its
domestic markets to TNCs. Ankie Hoogvelt (2001)
observes that those LEDCs that comply with these
neoliberal demands are rewarded with IMF and
World Bank support, while those that do not are
refused help. Stiglitz concludes that the IMF and
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
World Bank undermine democracy because they are
unelected bureaucrats. He concludes that IMF/World
Bank policies simply do not work. Despite decades
of IMF and World Bank ‘help’, Africa, for example,
is probably worse off in terms of income and wealth
than it was 40 years ago.
The role of local and transnational NGOs
Julie Fisher (1998) notes that the globalisation of
capitalism has led to a decline in the power of the
state especially in the developing world and this
has produced a growing number of groups known
collectively as ‘non-governmental organisations’
(NGOs). These have taken on an enormously diverse
range of activities, including promoting human rights
and social justice, protesting against environmental
degradation and so on. In the view of some observers,
the rise in influence of these NGOs constitutes a ‘quiet
revolution’ in that they reflect and constitute a ‘civil
society’ that has the potential to wield power and
influence comparable to the nation-state.
Charities
Many NGOs are global charities, such as Oxfam,
Save the Children, the Red Cross, Catholic Agency
For Overseas Development (CAFOD) and so on,
which respond to a range of needs in the developing
world. These NGOs are funded in two main ways:
through public donation (made possible through
campaigning, lobbying and advertising), and official
aid funds from government, the EU and the UN.
This official funding is based on the fact that NGOs
are often the experts on the ground and in the
field. They are more in tune with the needs of local
people in the less industrialised world because they
often work closely with local community associations
to reduce global inequalities by identifying and
responding to local needs and to bring about
beneficial change in infrastructure, education and
health. Michael Edwards (2014) identifies four key
(a) To improve local situations - when NGOs such
as Christian Aid first got involved in the less
industrialised world, their focus was very much on
providing ‘basic needs’ - that is, lifting the poor,
especially children, out of poverty and helping
to improve diet, access to clean water, shelter,
vaccination and so on. However, most NGOs today
aim to help local people attain ‘social well-being’
too; for example, the right to be healthy and to
live into old age, the right for both sexes to be
educated and so on.
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S GLOBALISATION
(b) To respond to emergencies and disasters - the
larger NGOs often have the infrastructure,
contacts and so on to be able to respond quickly
when disasters such as tsunamis, earthquakes or
volcanic eruptions hit the less industrialised world.
They are usually on the front-line when responding
to man-made disasters - for example, in refugee
camps for those fleeing war or persecution.
(c) To hold powerful TNCs such as the WTO to
account - Edwards argues that NGOs should
monitor the activities of the WTO, the World
Bank, the G7 and the IMF, as well as Western
governments and TNCs, to make them
accountable for their decisions and actions in
the less industrialised world, especially if these
undermine local social well-being, human rights or
the environment.
(d) To mobilise public opinion and, if necessary,
protest - Edwards argues it is important for NGOs
to mobilise support from all sections of society,
both in LEDCs and MEDCs. He argues that NGOs
should focus on educating the Western public
about the causes of global inequality so there is
more public engagement with the issues.
Evaluating NGOs
In sociological terms, there seem to be mixed feelings
about the effectiveness of NGO activity.
» Some sociologists view them as positive agencies
for change because they are unencumbered
and untainted by politics or greed. In this sense,
NGOs are idealised as organisations populated
by those who simply want to help others. Philip
McMichael (2016) notes that NGOs are seen as
having greater ‘diversity, credibility and creativity’
than official organisations such as the World Bank.
They are seen as implementing ‘just development’
based on ‘equity, democracy and social justice’.
The fact that many NGOs are not burdened with
large bureaucracies means that they are relatively
flexible, innovative in their thinking and practice
and fairly efficient at identifying local needs.
) It is often assumed that NGOs are self-funding and
that their ability to operate in the less industrialised
world is financed by public donations. Edwards and
David Hulme (1996) point out that many NGOs
are actually financed by Western governments
and international agencies such as the EU and
UN. In other words, many NGOs are contractors
who are working on behalf of their clients or
funders. However, this can arouse suspicion of
526
NGO activities. Edwards and Hulme observed that
in India this led to NGOs with foreign connections
sometimes being regarded as anti-nationalist
agents of capitalism and the promoters of Western
political and cultural values.
» Edwards and Hulme claim that mainstream NGOs
have increasingly distanced themselves from groups
such as the AGM, which challenge the existing
neoliberal power structure. They argue that NGOs
have failed to bring about changes in the neoliberal
systems and structures that perpetuate global
inequality.
> The 21st century has also seen an examination
of the motives of those who lead NGOs. Edwards
argues that NGOs should be ‘working themselves
out of a job’. In other words, if they were successful,
they would no longer be needed. However, the
reality is that NGOs have grown fat on development
and consequently funds have increasingly been
channelled into administrative costs as NGOs have
become overly bureaucratic. NGOs are often not
democratic and are rarely accountable for their
actions. This has led to the accusation by critics
such as Graham Hancock (1994) that NGO leaders
are ‘lords of poverty’ and have a vested interest in
the poverty of LEDCs. It is this poverty that ensures
their high salaries and job security.
The anti-globalisation movement
In addition to NGOs, there is a loose affiliation of
organisations that constitutes a social movement
known as the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ (AGM).
This shares common concerns about the way the world
economy favours Western interests and the way that
trade and neoliberal economic interests are favoured
over the human rights of people in LEDCs. This protest
movement is not actually against globalisation but
rather its negative consequences, which the AGM
believes cause global inequalities, and which generally
benefits MEDC economies at the expense of LEDCs.
This grassroots movement is presently centred around
five well-organised and active international campaigns:
» opposing the WTO
» reforming the World Bank and IMF
t calling for the cancellation of debt owed by LEDCs
» insisting that TNCs act responsibly and ethically -
for example, by paying their fair share of taxes
» opposing environmental degradation.
According to Arturo Escobar (2008), the AGM has
enthused ordinary people, especially young people,

who have ethical concerns with the way global
capitalism operates (and particularly the ways in which
it encourages and sustains global inequalities, debt,
subsistence wages and child labour in the developing
world) and wish to voice these concerns. Many young
people who actively protested on the streets at
WTO or G7 conferences did so because they were
convinced that Western governments are colluding
with global corporations. Naomi Klein (2001) argues
that what unites all these people is their desire for a
citizen-centred alternative to the power that neoliberal
capitalism exerts over their everyday lives.
The AGM therefore empowers ordinary people by
providing a global network in which they can engage
in levels of protest that suit their situation. This may
include attending Live Aid concerts, boycotting goods
that are produced by environmentally unfriendly
methods or by regimes with poor human rights
records, or signing petitions for the Making Poverty
History movement. Alternatively, it may include
committing oneself to full-blown street protests
and criminal anti-corporate behaviour such as
vandalising the stores of those seen to be global
corporate ‘villains’. Escobar concludes that the main
achievement of AGMs has been the raising of public
awareness of the consequences of unfettered global
capitalism and of the fact that alternative ways of
seeing and practising development do exist.
Activity
✓
POVERTYHISTORY JL
Nelson Mandela speaks at a Make Poverty
History event in central London in February 2005.
'Non-government organisations have been very
effective in reducing global inequalities’. Evaluate
this view.
Conclusions
It is difficult to come to any firm conclusions about
NGOs because, as Edwards notes, there is such
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
variation and diversity within the NGO sector that
it is very difficult for sociologists to work out their
impact at the local, national and global level. They
differ from one another considerably in terms of
their functions, goals, organisational structures and
memberships. This makes it difficult to generalise
about their success or failure.
However, Edwards and Hulme argue that NGOs
have to engage more with the AGM. This may be
uncomfortable for them considering the source of
their funding, but it will function to give those without
a voice in the less industrialised world membership
of a civil society that can powerfully highlight the
negative consequences of the globalisation process
- for example, inequalities in wealth and income,
education and health for poorer countries. They also
argue that the AGM and NGO lobbying now means
that commitment to human rights is regarded by the
general public as a basic principle of development.
The AGM, too, has kept the spotlight on the need for
reform of transnational agencies such as the World
Bank and WTO, as well as issues such as inequalities in
terms of trade. However, on a negative note, Edwards
points out that, despite 70 years of NGO activity in the
less industrialised world, the main causes of inequality
in this part of the world remain unchallenged.
Key terms
Millennium Development Goals A set of
international goals relating to economic and social
well-being established by the United Nations. They
I
are thought to be achievable by 2030.
Accountability Taking responsibility for decisions
that have been made.
Tariffs A tax or duty to be paid on particular
imports or exports.
Quotas An official limit set on the number of
products that can be imported into a country.
Neoliberal A set of economic ideas that
stresses that trade should be free of government
intervention and totally reliant on market forces
and unlimited and unregulated competition so
i that buyers and sellers perform with maximum
efficiency.
Capital project A project that requires
substantial investment to improve or replace
an aspect of a country’s infrastructure - for
example, an airport.
Civil society Refers to the notion that citizens
of a society may act together in a common
527
 8 GLOBALISATION
cause - for instance, in order to right a wrong.
Civil society may oppose governments, for
example, on austerity cuts.
Social well-being A feeling of belonging or social
inclusion based on feeling happy, safe, comfortable
and psychologically healthy.
Social movement A type of group action that
empowers ordinary and oppressed people and
aims to challenge or resist the decisions and
actions of more powerful groups.
Grassroots The ordinary people who are
regarded as the main body of an organisation’s
membership.
Summary
1. There are three main types of transnational
organisations which wield political power. The
most formidable are those which are made
up of nation-states such as the UN, EU and
G7, which aim to preserve global security and
peace. They are also committed to reducing
global inequalities.
2. Other types of transnational organisations are
those formed by a collection of nation-states
to regulate trade between countries, such as
WTO, the World Bank and IMF. However, these
organisations have been accused of worsening
global inequalities.
3. In addition, non-governmental organisations
such as charities aim to reduce global
inequalities in the least economically developed
parts of the world.
4. Social movements such as the anti-globalisation
movement are also transnational in character
and have been instrumental in raising global
consciousness about the extent and causes of
global inequalities.
Unit 8.4.3 Sociological
explanations for
global inequalities
This unit will examine the two sociological explanations
for global inequalities. First, modernisation theory
argues that LEDC poverty is largely self-inflicted.
528
Sociologists from this school of thought, who are
mainly American, claim that both the structure and
cultures of societies that experience inequality are
inherently flawed and that if global inequalities are
to be reduced, such countries need to adopt Western
norms and values. In contrast, Marxism or 'dependency
theory' rejects the view that the problems of LEDCs
are essentially internal. Rather, Marxists argue that
global capitalism is responsible for global inequality in
much the same way that capitalism in specific societies
is responsible for class inequalities. Dependency
theory argues that MEDCs, especially European and
US capitalism, have exploited the LEDCs in much the
same way that the bourgeoisie has exploited the labour
power of the working classes in their own societies. This
exploitation has both an historical and contemporary
character, as this unit will outline.
Modernisation theory
Modernisation theory sets out to identify what internal
economic and cultural conditions were supposedly
preventing poorer countries from modernising. Walt
Rostow (1971) claimed that LEDCs were held back by
‘traditional beliefs and values' and these needed to be
replaced with Western cultural values and practices.
Other modernisation theory sociologists such as
Talcott Parsons (1966) argued that global inequalities
can be eradicated if cultural barriers in poorer societies
are overcome. Parsons, in particular, was very critical of
traditional societies because he believed they were too
attached to old-fashioned customs, rituals, practices
and institutions and therefore unwilling to entertain
social change. Parsons saw modernisation impeded by
the following traditional values:
(a) Religious values that stress patriarchy - these
particularly prevent intelligent and skilled women
from competing equally with men.
(b) Particularism - people are judged and allocated
tasks on the basis of family relationships rather
than ability. This undermines the motivation and
innovation required to try new roles and ways of
doing things.
(c) Fatalism - people in poverty often subscribe to the
view that things will never change. This may mean
that people may passively accept their lot rather
than actively seek to change society for the better.
(d) Collectivism - people may not be motivated to
change their material circumstances because they
defer to group pressure and put their membership
of a social group before self-interest.

Parsons argued that these traditional ways of thinking
and practices are the enemy of progress. He believed
that people in undeveloped societies need to develop
an 'entrepreneurial spirit’ if economic growth is to be
achieved and this could only happen if people in these
societies became more receptive to Western values
such as meritocracy, universalism and individualism.
Parsons claimed that traditional institutions stifled the
individual initiative, free enterprise and the risk-taking
necessary for societies to develop and modernise.
Some modernisation theorists claim that global
inequalities are entirely caused by the alleged
substandard quality of the culture of less advanced
societies. For example, David Landes (1998) suggests
that Europeans are more rational, ordered, diligent,
productive, literate and inventive than non-Europeans.
Furthermore, he argues that Europeans subscribe to an
‘advanced’ value system organised around democracy,
freedom of speech, property rights, the rule of law and
a work ethic that encourages hard work and the thrifty
use of both time and money. Niall Ferguson (2011)
agrees with this analysis when he argues that Europe
and the USA developed six ‘killer apps’ - the ability
to compete, a scientific approach to problem-solving,
a respect for property rights, medicine, consumerism
and a work ethic - that produced their economic and
material success. The implication of such analysis is
that less industrialised societies need to do the same.
Activity
Design a 'Modernisation theory’ poster which
identifies the specific institutions and values which
are supposedly holding up the progress of LEDCs
and bringing about global inequalities.
Evaluating modernisation theory
(1) Jeffrey Sachs (2005) is critical of this modernisation
argument because it fails to acknowledge the
true cause of inequality - lack of resources. Sachs
argues that people in poorer countries often
lack human capital (good health, nutrition and
skills), infrastructure (facilities such as roads or
digital technology), capital (money) and public
institutional capital (services) through no fault of
their own.
(2) Critics claim that modernisation theory is clearly
ethnocentric and condescendingly biased because
it argues that Western forms of civilisation are
technically and morally superior and that the
cultures of less industrialised societies are deficient
in important respects. It often dismisses such
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
cultures as ‘backward’ if they insist on retaining
some elements of traditional culture and belief and/
or if they apply fundamentalist religious principles
to the organisation of their society.
However, Chris Edwards (1992) suggests that the
traditional and modern can actually be successfully
combined. He argues that the economic success of
Asian economies such as South Korea, Singapore
and China is due to a successful combination of
traditional religious values and practices with
Western rational thinking and practices. Religions
in these societies have encouraged the emergence
of a moral and authoritarian political leadership
that demands sacrifice, obedience and hard
work from its population in return for prosperity.
This has paved the way for an acceptance of
Western economic and cultural practices, such
as widespread respect for meritocratic education
for both males and females, commitment to hard
work at school and in the workplace, discipline,
innovation and ambition.
(3) Modernisation theory generally ignores the
‘crisis of modernism’, which is apparent in the
Western industrialised world. For example, despite
affluence, inequalities in the distribution of income
and wealth in the West may be fuelling social
problems such as poverty, homelessness, and high
rates of crime, drug abuse and suicide.
While modernisation theory has been very unpopular,
one aspect that appears to be true is that, in order
to reduce global inequality, sociologists need to
understand culture. While modernisation theorists
are critical of traditional culture (seeing it as an
i
obstacle to development), postmodernists celebrate
culture and argue that it is more important than
economics in encouraging social change.
Activity
Describe two internal reasons why some societies
experience inequality, according to modernisation
theory.
Marxist dependency theory
The Marxist sociologist Frank (1979) rejected
the modernisation theory argument that global
inequalities are caused by the ‘deficient’ cultures
of poorer nation-states. In contrast, Frank argued
that global inequalities are caused by external
social forces over which poorer nation-states have
little or no control. In particular, he argued that
global capitalism has deliberately and systematically
529
 8 GLOBALISATION

under-developed the economies of poorer countries Historical forms of exploitation - slavery

in order to benefit the economies of the richer
nations. This capitalist exploitation has resulted in
poorer nations being left in a state of dependency on
Western nation-states. Therefore, Frank’s theory is
known as dependency theory.
Activity
and colonialism
Frank argued that global inequalities were first
established through the use of both slavery and
colonialism. Over a 200-year period (1650 to 1850),
the triangular slave trade shipped approximately 9
million Africans aged between 15 and 35 across the
Atlantic to work as an exceptionally cheap form of
labour on cotton, sugar and tobacco plantations in
America and the West Indies that were owned mainly
by British settlers. This generated tremendous profits
for both the British slave-traders and the plantation
owners that were largely invested in industrial
production (factories) in the West.

Activity

1
-T ,

What does this image symbolise about the

relationship between the industrialised and less
industrialised world?
3

The world capitalist system

2
Frank argued that, since the 16th century, there '•-•X----- >
has existed a world capitalist system organised in
a similar fashion to the unequal and exploitative
economic or class relationships that make up the
internal organisation of capitalist societies. This world The Triangular Trade’: the slave route.
capitalist system is organised as an interlocking chain.
Explain what happened on each side of the triangle.
At one end of the chain is the powerful and wealthy
'metropolis’ made up of the MEDCs. At the other end
Furthermore, imperialism and colonialism locked
of the chain are the undeveloped ‘satellite’, or LEDCs.
much of Africa, Asia and Central and South America
The relationship between the core and the periphery
even further into an exploitative relationship with the
is based on exploitation. The metropolis exploits the
capitalist West. During the period 1650 to 1900,
cheap labour, materials and cash crops of the satellite
using their superior naval and military technology,
countries, with the cooperation of their ruling elites,
European powers, with Britain at the fore, were able
because it has greater military power and wealth
to conquer and colonise many parts of the world.
and because it controls the terms of world trade.
The principal result of this European rule was the
This exploitation has resulted in an accumulation of
creation of a global economy in which the colonies
wealth in the West, and in stagnation, destitution
were primarily exploited for their cheap food, raw
and inequalities in income, education and health in
materials and labour. Local industries were either
the less industrialised world. Frank argued that the
destroyed or undermined by cheap imported
West has a vested interest in making sure that global
manufactured goods from the West.
inequalities continue relatively undisturbed and that
less industrialised societies remain economically weak
and reliant on the West.

530

Neo-colonialism
Many former colonies may have achieved political
independence today as nation-states, but
dependency theory argues that their exploitation
continues via neo-colonialism. Frank argued that
these new forms of colonialism are more subtle but
are equally as destructive as slavery and colonialism.
Frank identified three main types of neo-colonialism:
Terms of world trade The terms of world trade
are dominated by Western markets and needs.
This means that many poor countries do not get
a fair price for their raw materials, cash crops or
manufactured goods.
TNCs Western TNCs are frequently criticised for
exploiting LEDCs. Klein (2008) claims that TNCs
often exercise power without responsibility, while
Joel Bakan (2005) describes TNCs as ‘institutional
psychopaths’. Fie claims that they are programmed
to exploit and dehumanise people for profit. For
example, the sweat-shop conditions of transnational
factories in developing countries have been criticised
by Klein for their use of child labour, hazardous
working conditions and exploitative rates of pay.
Shell in Nigeria and RTZ in Angola have exploited
natural resources with ruthlessness and indifference.
Indigenous people have had their land forcibly
seized and, despite international protests, have been
removed at gunpoint from their homelands by local
elites working on behalf of these TNCs.
Aid Aid is another means by which Western
countries can exploit the less industrialised world
because it inevitably leads to such countries being
in debt to Western governments and banks. Aid is
also only handed out to poorer countries with strings
attached. For example, the recipient country may
only be allowed to spend that aid on products from
the donor country. Kenan Malik (2018) observes
that the richer nations often use aid as a weapon to
promote their own products and political interests.
Half of all international aid from rich nations to poor
nations is ‘tied aid’, which means that recipient
countries must use it to buy goods and services from
the donor nation. For example, close to 80 per cent
of the money distributed to LEDCs by the US Agency
for International Development (USAID) goes directly
to American transnationals. In other words, USAID
puts 'America first’.
A 2014 report by the US Congressional Research
Service concluded that 'aid can act as both carrot
and stick and is a means of influencing events,
solving specific problems and projecting US values’.
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
Since 9/11, aid has become a vital instrument in
the war on terror. Moreover, EU aid to LEDCs in
Africa has become increasingly dependent on those
countries curbing illegal migration to Europe. In other
words, as Malik notes, ‘aid is, at best, a kind of bribe,
at worst a form of blackmail’.
Malik also points out that a high proportion of aid
from MEDCs to LEDCs is in the form of loans, which
cripple the latter through the accumulation of debt.
Many MEDCs receive more in interest payments from
recipient countries than they give in aid. Critics of aid
therefore argue than an aid programme that works
for the economies of MEDCs is incompatible with aid
that helps the poorest.
Activity
i '!
II
.
_ y I
A textile factory producing jeans for export to a
Western discounter.
Explain, and illustrate with examples, two types of
neo-colonialism.
Assessing dependency theory
Strengths
Floogvelt (2001) argues that dependency theory
was a major influence on the political ideologies of
many less industrialised countries in the 1960s and
1970s. She notes that political leaders, particularly
in Africa, used the principles of dependency theory to
argue for ‘development as liberation’ from Western
exploitation. Political and social movements in Africa
in this period consequently stressed nationalism,
self-reliance and breaking away from MEDCs as
a means of countering neo-colonialism. These
strategies were practised in Venezuela under Flugo
Chavez from 1999 until his death in 2013 and in
present-day Ecuador.
The experience of Cuba, which experienced a Marxist
revolution in 1959, suggests that a socialist model
531
3 GLOBALISATION
of development can resist dependency and produce
positive benefits. Despite decades of enforced
isolationism (until 2015. the USA imposed a trade
embargo on Cuba that made it extremely difficult
for Cuba to export its goods), Cuba ranks among the
top 5 per cent of 1 25 developing countries in terms
of adult literacy rates, infant and maternal mortality
rates and life expectancy.
Activity
Another important Marxist explanation of global
inequality is provided by the world systems theory
of Wallerstein, who appears in Unit 8.1.3. Make
notes on Wallerstein’s theory, including strengths
and weaknesses.
Criticisms
However, dependency theory has been criticised for
several reasons:
1. ‘Dependency’ is an extremely difficult concept to
operationalise and, therefore, test or measure
empirically.
2. Frank painted the relationship between rich
nation-states and LEDCs as always exploitative,
but some commentators have suggested that
this is over-simplistic. For example, Canada,
China and the UK are also very dependent upon
US trade. However, it is doubtful whether these
relationships are exploitative because the health of
the US economy depends on maintaining positive
trade relationships with all these countries. In
other words, the interconnectedness of the global
economy means that capitalist economies are
often interdependent. In other words, the USA
needs Canada, China and the UK as much as they
need the USA.
3. John Goldthorpe (1975) argues that it is incorrect
to assume that colonialism, TNCs and aid are
simply exploitative and that they have brought
no benefits to the less industrialised world. He
argues that the British brought much-needed
infrastructure to their colonies in the form of
railways, roads, telecommunications, port facilities
and urbanisation. Moreover, they provided people
with wage labour and organised land use to
make it more efficient. Moreover, he argues that
countries such as Afghanistan and Ethiopia, which
remained free from long-term colonisation, face
severe problems of poverty and inequality today
because they lack the infrastructure provided by
the colonial powers.
532
4. Economic historians such as Robert C Allen
(2011) argue that a fundamental weakness of
dependency theory is that it offers no realistic
alternative to capitalism or solutions to global
inequality. It is also a fact that capitalism as an
economic system has brought tangible benefits
to all parts of the world, for example it has raised
the standard of living of the bulk of the poor. The
credibility of neo-Marxist dependency theory was
further undermined by the collapse of the East
European communist bloc in the 1990s and the
apparent conversion of China to entrepreneurial
capitalism in the last decade. Conditions in North
Korea - the country that adheres most strictly to
communist principles - do not make alternatives
to capitalism appealing.
Activity
‘Global inequalities are caused by the failure of
poor countries to modernise’. Evaluate this view.
The post-development perspective
Post-development thinkers argue that sociologists
need to view global inequality from the perspective
of those who live in LEDCs. For example, Marshall
Sahlins (1997) and Majid Rahnema (1997)
argue that it is often assumed that people who
lack material possessions are in poverty and
consequently unhappy. However, they argue that,
although people in the less industrialised world
may have few material possessions, this does
not mean that they see themselves as poor. They
may actually be happy, because they belong to a
supportive community, live a simple spiritual life, are
attuned to their environment and have the love of
their family. They argue that the view that poverty
inevitably leads to unhappiness is a Western social
construction.
Raff Carmen (1996) argues that Western approaches
to development often imply that inequality is the
fault of the victim. He argues that this is demeaning
and dehumanising because the poor of the LEDCs
often end up internalising the myth that they are
incapable, incompetent and the problem. Thomas
Sankara (1988) argued that consequently their
minds end up being colonised with the idea that
they should be dependent and that they should look
to the West for direction. Eduardo Galeano (1992)
succinctly summarised this self-fulfilling prophecy
consequence as ‘they train you to be paralysed, then
they sell you crutches’.

Key terms
Particularism Treating a person as a unique
individual because they are loved as a member of
a particular family.
Fatalism The belief that events are fixed in
advance and problems are simply inevitable
so that human beings are powerless to change
them.
Collectivism The idea that the individual is
subordinate to the larger group to which they
belong.
Entrepreneurial spirit The ambition and drive to
run a successful business.
Meritocratic Giving people status or rewards
because of what they achieve, rather than because
of their wealth or social position.
Universalism An idea underpinned by equality of
opportunity that people should be judged by the
same standards - for example, through the taking
of exams.
Free enterprise An economic system in which
private business operates in competition and is
largely free of state control.
Human capital The skills, knowledge and
experience possessed by an individual or
population, viewed in terms of their value or cost
to an organisation or country.
Infrastructure The basic physical and
organisational structures and facilities (for
example, buildings, roads, power supplies) needed
for the operation of a society or enterprise.
Public institutional capital Public services
provided by the state - for example, education,
healthcare, pensions, social care.
Crisis of modernism The unique social
problems associated with modern societies -
for example, high suicide and crime rates, poor
mental health.
Affluence The state of having a very good
standard of living or wealth.
Triangular slave trade A historical term for the
slave trade that was organised between three
regions - Africa, the Americas and Europe.
Imperialism Rule by an empire - for example, the
British Empire.
Colonialism Practice by which a powerful country
or an empire directly controls less powerful
8.4 GLOBALISATION. POVERTY AND INEQUALITY
countries through force and uses their resources
to increase its own power and wealth.
Neo-colonialism A modern version of capitalist
exploitation in which rich countries benefit from
the terms of world trade, transnational investment
in the economies of poor countries and aid that is
tied to economic or political interests.
Aid Financial help, usually provided by rich
countries to poorer countries. It can come in the
form of grants (which do not need to be paid
back), tied aid or loans with interest.
Tied aid Foreign aid that must be spent in the
country providing the aid (the donor country).
Urbanisation An increase in population in cities
and towns versus rural areas.
Summary
1. There are two contrasting sociological
explanations for global inequalities.
2. Modernisation theory claims that global
inequalities are the result of faulty value systems
and particularly the failure of some societies to
abandon traditional ways of thinking and cultural
practices and to adopt modern or Western
values and norms. According to this theory,
the failure of LEDCs to progress reflects the
backwardness of both their leaders and people.
3. The Marxist-influenced dependency theory
argues that global inequalities have been
nurtured for hundreds of years by a global
capitalist system that encouraged both the slave
trade - which took valuable human resources,
especially from African nations - and imperial
powers like Britain to engage in colonialism.
The profits from both slavery and colonialism
benefited Western economies at the expense of
those LEDCs that were colonised.
4. Dependency theory argues that global capitalism
continues to exploit poorer countries today.
Terms of world trade favour Western economies,
and poorer societies consequently do not get a
fair price for their raw materials or cash crops.
Western transnational corporations also benefit
from the cheap labour available in the LEDCs.
Finally, aid that is supposed to alleviate and lift
countries out of poverty often benefits the donor
at the expense of the recipient.
533
 8 GLOBALISATION
.... .

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
! 0 1 1 1 Describe two types of global health inequality [4 marks]
1 0 I 2 1 Describe two forms of historical exploitation that led to some societies, especially in Africa,
experiencing severe global inequalities. [6 marks]
i 0 1 5 1 Explain two reasons why transnational trade organisations such as the World Trade Organization and
the World Bank have been accused of increasing global inequalities. [8 marks]

PARI 5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION

Contents and why it happens. The second unit specifically
focuses on the consequences of global migration.
Unit 8.5.1 The causes of global migration 554 For example, it examines how migration affects the
Unit 8.5.2 The consequences of global culture of the host country. Does it, for example,
migration 541 undermine, dilute or threaten the culture of
the host culture, therefore creating tension and
Unit 8.5.3 Debates about who benefits
hostility as some populist politicians and media
from migration 551
outlets argue, or does it actually enrich these
countries? Some sociologists have expressed
As many sociologists have observed, people concern that global migration may be having a
throughout history have moved from place to destabilising effect on both Western economies and
place, within particular regions as well as across political systems and that some nation-states may
the world, either individually or as a part of a mass undergo social change and evolve or develop into
movement of other migrants. authoritarian illiberal democracies as a result. The
The first unit of this part focuses on the causes of third unit will explore sociological theories about
global migration - in particular, the forms it takes who benefits from global migration.

Unit 8.5.1 The causes of global in which they are born. It also explores the 'puli’
factors associated with some Western countries.

migration What is it that is so attractive in these countries that

thousands of people believe that it is worth spending
their life savings and putting themselves and their
This unit aims to examine the origins of global
families at such great risk and danger travelling great
migration. Global migration is not a modern
distances across war zones, inhospitable terrain and
phenomenon. As Bernadette Hanlon and Thomas
treacherous seas?
Vicino (2014) point out, ‘throughout history, human
populations have moved from place to place. As
hunters, gatherers and nomads, we have moved in Demography and migration
search of food and shelter. Fleeing famine, natural
Sociologists are interested in demography - the
disasters and potential aggression from other humans,
study of population change - and how this is affected
we sought out new territories’. However, there are
by birth, death, life expectancy and migration. The
signs that global migration has intensified in recent
indigenous populations of MEDCs such as the UK
years because of economic globalisation.
and Japan are shrinking because birth rates are not
This unit also examines the reasons why global exceeding or keeping pace with death rates. They are
migration occurs by analysing why some individuals also ageing, because fertility rates have also fallen.
and social groups may be pushed out of the societies Women are having fewer children and consequently

534

elderly people are starting to outnumber younger
people. Both these trends - shrinkage and ageing -
will severely impact on the economies of society as
they experience a shortage of young, fit and healthy
workers. Migration is, therefore, important to make
up for this potential shortage.
Stephen Castles (2007) defines global or
international migration as ‘a social phenomenon that
crosses national borders and affects two or more
nation-states’. The UN defines a migrant as a person
who resides outside of their country of origin for a
period of at least one year.
Immigration refers to the influx of non-indigenous
people into a host country or nation-state in which they
do not possess citizenship. After a period of residence,
immigration may involve becoming a naturalised citizen
of the host country. For example, a Mexican who has
lived in the USA for 10 years may apply for American
citizenship. This involves taking tests in reading,
writing and speaking English as well as a civics test
which covers important US history and government
topics. Applicants also have to undergo an interview.
If successful, the applicant has to swear a public Oath
of Allegiance to the United States and will be issued
with a Permanent Resident Card and Certificate of
Naturalization. Once a person becomes a US citizen,
they have the following rights and responsibilities: they
have the right to live in the USA, they have the right to
vote in federal elections, they are expected to be loyal
to and support the US Constitution, and they have the
opportunity to bring family members to the USA.
Activity
I{
,
.
•
* authorities. There is always going to be a ‘hidden
w iceberg’ of unrecorded migrants.
'-/A
A-
Making the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalisation
ceremony in Miami Beach, Florida.
Why do you think immigrants must swear a public
Oath of Allegiance to the United States in order to
gain American citizenship?
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
Net migration refers to the difference between the
number of immigrants (people coming into a country)
and the number of emigrants (people leaving a
country) throughout the year. When more people
enter a country as immigrants, the result is a positive
net migration rate, meaning that more people are
entering than leaving a country. A negative net
migration rate means that more people are leaving
than entering the area. For example, in 2016, there
were 500000 more immigrants to Germany than
emigrants (1.865 million arrived, while 1.365 million
left). In 2015, net migration in Germany was a great
deal higher (1.15 million migrants entered Germany
while only 135000 people left).
The UN estimates that, in 2010, 214 million people
or 3.1 per cent of the world’s population were living
outside the country in which they were born. The
majority - 1 28 million, or 60 per cent of global
migrants - lived in North America, Australia, Japan,
New Zealand and Europe. The remaining 86 million
lived in LEDCs - especially those found in Africa,
Asia (excluding Japan), Latin America and the
Caribbean. Flanlon and Vicino observe that most
global migration tends to be from LEDCs to MEDCs -
in other words, those from poor societies aim to
emigrate to the more affluent Western societies.
The reliability of migration statistics
Flanlon and Vicino suggest that the official statistics
on global migration may be unreliable because
different societies define migrants in different ways.
For example, the US government collects data on
its ‘foreign-born’ population but includes in this
group those who have achieved US-citizen status. In
contrast, statistics collected by the EU excludes all
those who have become naturalised. It is also very
difficult to estimate the numbers of undocumented
or illegal migrants that are in a country at any given
time, because these largely avoid contact with the
Voluntary migration
Voluntary migrants move to other countries out of
choice, usually because the economic conditions and
living standards that they experience in their country
of origin are not as desirable as those found in other
countries. For example, there may be high rates of
unemployment in their mother country. They may
be frequently under-employed or wages may rarely
rise above subsistence levels. Consequently, much
migration, whether it is permanent or temporary,
535
 S GLOBALISATION
legally documented or not, is labour migration. It
involves people looking for work or better economic
conditions or being actively sought by employers in
the destination countries. These economic or labour
migrants may fall into several categories:
High-skilled migrants This group includes engineers,
doctors, IT experts, teachers, scientists, researchers,
academics, technocrats from governments and
NGOs. graduates and skilled entrepreneurs. The
majority of these types of workers migrate from less
industrialised countries to work in the USA, Europe
and the Middle East because their countries of birth
lack the public or private infrastructure that might
employ them, and because more affluent countries
can offer them both high wages and benefits, such
as health insurance and pensions, as well as greater
career opportunities.
Many MEDC countries have adapted their
immigration policies and laws in order to attract and
accommodate these skilled migrants (who normally
have little trouble obtaining visas and work permits)
and to encourage them to take up citizenship. This
type of migration is not equally weighted between
MEDCs and LEDCs. Only a minority of skilled
professionals migrate from MEDCs to LEDCs,
mainly to work in the development sector or on
NGO projects.
Undocumented low-skilled and unskilled
migrants These migrants tend to face official
obstacles with regard to migration. Consequently,
those migrants who enter a country without
the required legal documentation, or who are
in possession of forged documents, or who
over-stay their visas or work permits, tend to
be low-skilled or unskilled labour migrants. In
2014, it was estimated that there were 11 million
undocumented or unauthorised immigrants in the
USA. In 2018, the BBC stated that it is not entirely
clear how many illegal immigrants there are in the
UK, although estimates range from 300000 to over
1 million.
Temporary labour migrants Not all migration
is permanent. Immigration may involve working
temporarily as a foreign worker on a short-term
contract and then returning to one’s country
of origin. Some migrants engage in ‘circular
migration* - a process by which people migrate to
another country to work on a specific project, return
to their country of origin and then migrate again to
do a similar job in another country altogether. For
example, a Sri Lankan construction worker may travel
536
to Qatar to work on the football stadiums required
for the 2022 FIFA World Cup and then move on to
to work on building projects in Dubai. The ease of
global transit and the demand for particular skills
by some countries means that circular migration
is more possible today compared with the past,
especially for those with professional qualifications.
The number of temporary labour migrants is about
three times greater than the number of permanent
labour migrants. However, most temporary labour
migrants return to their country of origin within
five years.
Activity
1
m
— ' .... . • • * • - *
Construction workers from Sri Lanka in front of
the hotel The Torch and the Khalifa International
Stadium in Doha, Qatar.
Write brief notes to summarise the different types
of labour migration.
Educational migrants A person may move to
another country temporarily to go to school,
college or university. For example, according to
the UK Council for International Student Affairs
(UKCISA), there were 442000 non-UK students
studying in the UK in 2016-17. One-third of
these were from China (95000), while 18000
students came from USA, 16000 from Malaysia,
nearly 17 000 from Hong Kong and over 12 000
from Nigeria.
Expatriates Some people may emigrate to another
country in order to retire, to take advantage of the
climate for health reasons or because they want
the rich experience of living elsewhere. British
expatriates living in Europe tend to be older than
the average labour migrant. For example, it is
estimated that 240 000 British expats live in
Dubai, 310000 live in Spain and 190000 live in
France. The term ‘expatriate’ is extremely loaded

because it is mainly used to describe educated,
rich professionals working abroad, while those in
less privileged positions — for example, a maid in
the Gulf States or a construction worker in Asia —
are deemed foreign workers or migrant workers.
The classification matters, because such language
can in some cases be used as a political tool to
dehumanise migrants and promote fears about
immigration.
Activity
Why are words like ‘expatriates’, ‘immigrants’ and
‘illegal’ loaded with bias? How does such bias
influence the debate about migration?
Involuntary migration
Some groups of migrants are forced by the actions of
others or by some event over which they exercise no
control to leave their country of birth. This group can
be divided into:
Refugees The UN defines a refugee as someone
who has a realistic fear of being persecuted by the
government of the country from which they originate
for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership
of a particular social group or political opinion. This
fear has led them to flight migration to another
country. They are unable or unwilling to return to
their home country because they fear for their life or
their freedom.
Asylum seekers An asylum seeker is someone
who claims to be a refugee but whose claim has
not yet been evaluated and processed. This person
has applied for asylum, sanctuary or protection in a
nation-state other than the one in which they were
born or raised on the grounds that returning to his
or her country would lead to persecution, death or
imprisonment on account of race, religion, nationality
or proscribed political beliefs. Not every asylum
seeker will be recognised as a refugee, but every
refugee is initially an asylum seeker.
Environmental migrants These are people
who leave the country of their birth because of
environmental problems associated with climate
change. This group tends to live in rural areas but
may be forced to involuntarily migrate because
of disastrous long-term ecological events such as
drought, desertification, famine, or sudden natural
disasters such as landslides, volcanic eruptions,
tsunami and earthquakes.
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
L«L>,
A prototype of the US-Mexico border wall near
the Otay Mesa Port of Entry, San Diego, California.
President Trump has announced plans to build
a wall between the USA and Mexico to keep out
illegal migrants. Make a list of the arguments for
and against the success of this idea.
Victims of human trafficking Clandestine migration
into Mexico from other Central American countries
such as Guatemala and El Salvador, and across the
border from Mexico into the USA, is very common
but not easy. Migrants need to avoid detection by
the authorities, but once in Mexico they also need
to navigate a long, difficult and dangerous walk
through the Sonoran Desert and the crossing of the
Rio Grande. A total of 2413 migrants died between
1990 and 2013 attempting the journey through
the Sonoran Desert. Migrants, therefore, voluntarily
pay guides known as ‘coyotes’ between $5,000 and
SI0,000 each to guide them across the desert to
the border.
There is also evidence that organised criminal gangs
in the Balkans are coercing and enslaving vulnerable
groups such as women and children. Traffickers
often take advantage of poverty, lack of prospects
and hope for a better future by tricking and luring
their victims into other countries. Evidence collected
by Europol (2018) suggests that this is a highly
profitable criminal trade. It is also very sophisticated,
because it often involves the skilled forgery of
official documents such as visas and passports as
well as the bribery and corruption of state officials
working in customs, immigration and police. Victims
of the traffickers may be transported (often in
lorries and shipping containers) and smuggled
across international borders against their will, to be
exploited in other countries as forced prostitutes,
537
 8 GLOBALISATION
labourers, domestic servants and beggars. Some
may be forced into marriage or criminality. Upon
arrival in other countries, trafficking victims are often
coerced into dependence through debt bondage,
violence or drugs. They are often kept in a state of
semi-imprisonment (for example, they may have
their passports confiscated and be kept in locked or
barred accommodation).
Kevin Bales and Zoe Trodd (2009) estimate that
there are 27 million slaves worldwide, mainly women
and children who have been forced into manual
labour and prostitution by human-trafficking gangs.
A Human Rights Watch 2004 report on the
treatment of foreign workers in Saudi Arabia found
that, although slavery had been abolished in the
kingdom in 1962, migrant workers in Saudi Arabia
suffer extreme forms of labour exploitation that often
resemble slavery-like conditions. The overwhelming
majority of these migrants are low-paid workers
from Asia, particularly India, Bangladesh and the
Philippines and Africa.
Summary
In summary, then, global migration refers to the
mostly voluntary, but sometimes involuntary,
movement of individuals or groups of people
(who share particular social characteristics -
socio-economic status, race, ethnicity, religion and
nationality) from a country (in which they were
probably born and in which they and their extended
kin have lived for generations) to another country,
in which they settle down either temporarily (before
returning home eventually) or permanently as
naturalised citizens of their adopted country.
Reasons for migration
Factors influencing migration can be divided into
push factors (that ‘push’ people away from their
country) and pull factors (that ‘puli’ people towards
another country).
Push factors influencing migration
Particular social factors or influences beyond
the individual’s control may push people out of
particular societies and coerce them to leave their
place of origin to become migrants. These push
factors include:
» Subsistence poverty.
» Low wages and living standards.
538
» Existential insecurity - this concept essentially
means that people in these parts of the world do
not know whether they and their children will be
alive tomorrow, next week or next year. Life is
full of risk because of factors such as diseases of
poverty, lack of infrastructure such as a basic health
service and child vaccination, frequent natural
disasters such as earthquakes and flooding and war.
> Lack of job opportunities.
» Political or religious persecution - for example,
there is evidence that, since 2014, the government
of Myanmar has been engaged in the ethnic
cleansing of a minority Muslim tribe, the Rohingya.
A total of 700000 members of this tribe have
migrated across the border into Bangladesh to
escape the violence perpetrated on them by the
Myanmar army.
» War - migration into Europe since 2010 has mainly
been made up of Syrians fleeing the civil war and
people from Iraq and Afghanistan fleeing religious
conflict.
Pull factors influencing migration
Pull factors are mainly economic, and include:
» Western demand for skills, labour and services -
This factor was particularly important post-World
War II, when European societies experienced a
shortage of labour because of casualties incurred
during wartime and required migrant labour to
revitalise their economies and for reconstruction.
In receiving countries, there is an ever-growing
demand for low-status, low-skilled and low-paid
jobs, especially in the service and domestic sectors.
) Better employment opportunities and pay -
Graduates, academics and particularly health
professionals such as doctors and nurses from
LEDCs may migrate to MEDCs because they
are attracted by educational, research and job
opportunities. The wages paid by American, Middle
Eastern and European employers are likely to be
higher than those in their countries of origin.
» Political freedom - migrants who might face
arrest as dissidents in their home country may
be attracted by the liberalism of Western liberal
democracies that protect freedom of speech,
movement and protest.
* Education - migrants may be attracted by the
quality and reputation of universities in the USA and
Europe, as well as the educational qualifications on
offer. In 2007, more than a quarter of immigrants

came to the UK for this reason. Many leave after
completing their education.
i Liberal immigration policies and open borders -
migrants may be attracted by countries which
have open-border immigration policies. For example,
the EU’s Schengen Agreement is a 1985 treaty
which led to the creation of Europe’s Schengen Area,
in which internal border checks have largely been
abolished. These relatively relaxed border controls
have been blamed by some anti-EU politicians
for the migrant crisis beginning in 2015 that saw
hundreds of thousands of migrants from Africa and
the Middle East attempting to enter Europe.
» Family reunion - many people migrate to join
partners, family members or friends. Martell (2010)
refers to this as chain migration. The United
States, for example, has a much more liberal
family-oriented migration policy than other Western
countries. Martell observes that about 70 per cent
of documented migration into the USA is family
chain migration. In contrast, only 14 per cent of
documented migration is labour migration, while
only 1 2 per cent of migrants officially enter the
USA for humanitarian reasons (that is, people being
granted asylum).
i Social support networks - migration may be made
easier, and less costly and risky, if social networks
facilitated by digital communication exist between
groups who have already settled in another country
and their friends, extended kin and others situated
in their country of origin. These networks may act
as a pull factor because they facilitate transnational
movement by providing economic, social, political,
religious and moral supports for migrants. They can
help with the integration of migrants by assisting
their search for jobs and housing as well as
providing emotional, social, community, financial,
political and legal support when needed. This social
network can, therefore, help reduce the risks and
costs associated with global migration.
Global labour patterns
The UN’s International Migration Report (2017)
observes the following patterns with regard to global
migration and labour:
1. Over 60 per cent of all international migrants
live in Asia (80 million) or Europe (78 million).
Northern America hosted the third largest number
of international migrants (58 million), followed
by Africa (25 million), Latin America and the
Caribbean (10 million) and Oceania (8 million).
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
2. In 2017, two-thirds (67 per cent) of all
international migrants were living in just 20
countries. The largest number of international
migrants (50 million) resided in the United States
of America. Saudi Arabia, Germany and the
Russian Federation hosted the second, third and
fourth largest numbers of migrants worldwide
(around 1 2 million each), followed by UK, with
nearly 9 million.
3. Some MEDCs, especially Canada and Australia,
have perfected a system of selective immigration
linked to their economic, manpower and
immigration departments and are intent on finding
particular types of skilled or professional workers -
for example, dentists, doctors or radiographers.
These countries want skills, youth, good health,
education and lack of dependants. Equally
welcomed are business migrants who bring wealth
and possibly jobs with them.
4. Most international migrants move from lower-
to higher-wage labour markets, which explains
why the MEDCs, with 1 6 per cent of the world’s
workers, have over 60 per cent of the world’s
migrants. For example, the average monthly
salary for a Mexican worker employed in the
United States at the end of 2016 was S1870,
which is six times higher than the average wage
in Mexico of S291 a month.
5. Most migrants move from the rural regions of
LEDCs to urban centres, particularly big cities in
the MEDCs.
6. The majority of migrants are in low-status,
low-skilled and low-paid factory jobs. This means
that migrants tend to earn lower wages than local
workers, although they tend to do the work that
local workers are unwilling to do. In the USA,
Hispanic migrants make up 27 per cent of the
American construction workforce and 23 per cent
of the agricultural workforce. A great deal of the
latter work is seasonal. In Europe, there is some
evidence that refugees are often over-qualified
for the type of zero-hour contract and minimum
wage jobs available to them. Migrants to the EU
often do not get recognition for qualifications
gained in their home countries. For example, in
2016 an EU research paper concluded that 71
per cent of refugees in Germany are over-qualified
for the work they do. Similar research in
the Republic of Ireland found that migrant
workers were more educated than their Irish
counterparts.
539
 S GLOBALISATION
7. Migration often involves counter-migration. There
is both inflow and outflow, especially in MEDCs.
Some Western professionals may choose to work
for NGOs in less developed countries or to become
expatriates because they have previously enjoyed
high wage levels and have accumulated savings. It
is, therefore, important to consider net migration
when looking at labour patterns.
8. Globally, about half of the world’s migrants have
been women for the past four decades. The
migration of women is mostly unrelated to career
advancement and skill acquisition. Evidence
suggests that a significant number of migrant
women possess skills and qualifications often not
recognised or unneeded in the types of work that
they perform. Migration for women workers often
involves de-skilling. For example, many Filipino
women with college degrees work in domestic
service or the entertainment industry.
Filipino domestic helpers socialising on their Sunday
day off in Hong Kong, 2007.
Tourism
The UN World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO)
claims that growth in global migration and tourism
are two of the most significant expressions of
globalisation. Migration makes important social and
economic contributions to destination countries,
culturally enriching their societies, enhancing
tourism products and providing labour for the
travel, tourism, hospitality and catering sectors.
Migration in itself is also a clear generator of
tourism demand, with the increasingly two-way flow
of expatriates visiting their countries of origin and,
in turn, their relatives and friends visiting relations
based in new host countries. Nuno Carlos and
Muhammad Shahbaz (2012) see tourism as a type
540
of temporary international migration. They argue
that immigration promotes tourism because tourism
is a facilitator of immigration. For example, David
Simpson’s (2010) study of the relationship between
migration and tourism found that a large percentage
of international tourist arrivals into Australia
were people visiting friends and relatives who had
migrated and settled down as permanent residents.
Moreover, a large number of outgoing tourists were
returning to their countries of origin to visit friends
and relatives. The rapid expansion of Australia as
an exporter of education services, with over half a
million international students, was also a driver of
tourism.
Key terms
Nomad A person or group that wanders from
place to place.
Demography The sociological study of statistics
relating to births, fertility, death and migration in
order to study population change.
Birth rate The number of live births per 1000 of
the population per year.
Fertility rate The number of live births per
1000 women between the ages of 15 and
44 years.
Migrant A person who moves from one place
to another, usually to find work or better
living conditions.
Non-indigenous (also non-native or foreign-born)
Originating outside of a particular nation-state.
Net migration The difference between the number
of immigrants (people coming into an area) and
the number of emigrants (people leaving an area).
Immigrant An incomer into a society from
another country.
Emigrant A person who leaves their own country
in order to settle permanently or temporarily
in another.
Affluent Economically well-off or rich.
Naturalised To confer the rights of a citizen or
national on a foreigner or migrant.
Hidden iceberg A metaphor which refers to the
small perceptible part of a much larger situation
or problem that remains hidden.
Labour migration Moving abroad to work.
Circular migration A repetitive movement of a
migrant worker between home and a range of host
areas, typically for the purpose of employment.

Flight migration Fleeing a country because
of persecution.
Asylum seeker A person who has left their home
country as a political refugee and is seeking
sanctuary and protection in another.
Proscribed To forbid, usually by law.
Coyotes Mexican guides who lead illegal migrants
across Mexico into the USA for a fee.
Debt bondage When a person is forced to work to
pay off a debt which may originate in the fee paid
to people smugglers for being trafficked.
Indigenous Native to a particular country.
Push factors Social factors, often beyond the
control of the individual, that may force a person
and their family to leave their country of origin.
Subsistence poverty Having, earning or growing
just enough to survive.
Existential insecurity Anxiety associated with
mortality. The feeling that you are at risk from
various factors over which you have little or
no control.
Pull factors Social factors that might encourage
you to move to another society - for example,
better job opportunities, higher pay.
Dissident A person who opposes a government,
especially an authoritarian one.
Schengen Agreement A European treaty that
encourages the maintenance of open borders and
the free movement of workers.
Chain migration A type of migration in which
migrants who have settled in another country
eventually bring over their extended kin.
Counter-migration Migration in the opposite
direction.
Expatriates People who live outside their
native country.
De-skilling A reduction in the skill a worker
requires to do a particular job, especially
compared with past working conditions. It is often
caused by automation.
j
Summary
1. Global migration is important because many
societies have ageing populations. Natural birth
rates are not keeping pace with death rates.
Migrant workers are necessary for economic
reasons to replace retiring and dying workers.
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
2. Twenty-first-century global migration is
mainly motivated by push factors (escaping
from situations such as poverty, war and
persecution - conditions which are largely
beyond the individual's control) or pull
factors (other countries look attractive in terms
of job opportunities, pay and standard of living).
3. Most global migration takes the form of people
moving from poorer countries in Africa and Asia
to richer countries in the West.
4. Some Western countries are keen to attract
highly skilled and educated migrants from
LEDCs and offer naturalisation as a motivation.
5. However, most global migration is made up
of unskilled migrants who enter either the
USA or Europe illegally and without official
documentation.
6. Only 3 per cent of the world’s population are
migrants living outside their country.
7. There is a close relationship between tourism
and global migration.
Unit 8.5.2 The consequences
of global migration
This unit considers both the positive and negative
consequences of global migration. We begin by
looking at the economic consequences of migration
both for the receiving and sending societies
and for individual migrants. We also explore the
political consequences of mass global migration for
liberal-democratic nation-states.
Finally, we examine how the economic, political and
cultural consequences of global migration impact on
the daily lives of migrants and their experience of
living in new societies.
The economic consequences of global
migration
Held and McGrew (2007) argue that in the absence
of large-scale migration several European economies
would have run into very significant labour market and
economic problems for three reasons:
1. Post-World War II, many European societies
experienced a significant shortage of labour power,
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especially in some sections of the manufacturing
and service sectors which demanded semi-skilled
and unskilled labour. European governments
actively sought out such labour from the less
industrialised world, especially in those countries
which were ex-colonies. The period of the 1950s
to 1970s saw a significant mass migration of
such workers and their families from countries in
Asia and Africa into European cities to take up
essential low-skilled jobs. Often workers in the
receiving countries did not want to do this work -
for example, shift work in heavy industry such as
iron and steel, repetitive work in textile mills and
cleaning jobs in city office blocks.
2. The birth and fertility rates of many European
societies fell dramatically during the course of the
20th century to the extent that the number of
children being born was not keeping pace with the
number of workers lost to death and retirement.
3. Many European nations as well as the USA and
Japan are experiencing an ageing population as
life expectancy increases. First, this is potentially a
problem in its own right, because it can be costly
in two respects. Those who have retired are paid a
state pension out of taxation but the burden of this
is falling disproportionately on a shrinking number
of younger workers. Global migration is important
because it can add to the number of workers
who are being taxed, therefore relieving this
disproportionate burden on native-born taxpayers.
Second, an ageing population is likely to incur
great future costs to the state, which has to provide
health and social care for its elderly population.
Global migration is beneficial because migrants pay
tax, which helps finance these sectors. Moreover,
global migrants can take up those jobs in health
and social care sectors that home-grown workers
may be reluctant to take on.
However, an alternative argument from some
economists is that employing migrant labour was
convenient rather than necessary; migrant workers
were cheaper to employ than the alternative,
which would have been more capital investment in
automation and improved productivity.
Held and McGrew, therefore, argue that global migration
can economically compensate for these demographic
problems because migrants earn income that is taxed
and they are also more willing than home-grown
workers (who tend to occupy the higher-paid skilled
jobs) to carry out low-status work essential to the
smooth running of both society and the economy.
542
Activity
Design a promotional poster or advertisement
aimed at convincing both a sending country and a
receiving country of the merits of migration.
The economic consequences of global
migration for the receiving country
Critics of global migration have argued that global
migration has the negative effect of depressing
local wages and raising unemployment among
home-grown workers because more workers are
chasing the same number of jobs. However, the
findings of the many studies of the effects of
migration on wages and employment levels do not
support this view for three reasons:
(a) Timothy Hatton and Jeffrey Williamson (2005)
observe that labour-migrants tend to go where
there are vacancies rather than compete with
indigenous workers for jobs.
(b) Most highly skilled labour-migrants take on jobs in
the receiving countries where there is a shortage
of skilled home-grown workers (especially in the
health or IT sectors). For example, migrants make
up 22 per cent of nurses in the UK.
(c) George Borjas (2004) points out that migration
might have a harmful effect on the employment
opportunities and pay levels of home-grown
workers if migrants were competing for the same
low-skilled, low-status jobs. However, migrants
usually take up those low-paid casual jobs
shunned by indigenous workers, such as seasonal
physically demanding agricultural work, shift
work in so-called dirty or hazardous industries
and insecure temporary work such as cleaning,
catering, the social care of the elderly, fast-food
production and delivery driving found in the
gig economy.
If wage levels do fall in some industries in which
migrants can be found, this is often the doing of
employers rather than migrants, because some
employers cynically use migration as a means of
deterring home-grown workers from demanding
higher rates of pay or better working conditions.
Employers may threaten to make home-grown
workers redundant if they do not passively accept the
wage levels offered. Employers may feel confident in
adopting such tactics to socially control their present
workforce because they know that they will find
migrant workers willing to accept the lower wage.

Migrant wages can actually boost the economy of a
receiving country because:
(a) their income is taxed and contributes towards
public services
(b) they spend their wages on goods and services
within the country in which they have settled.
In the USA, the Congress Commission on Immigration
Reform (1997) concluded that, overall, immigration
into the USA had a positive effect on the US economy
for three reasons. First, migrants made a significant
tax contribution to the US economy. Second,
migrants mainly spent their spare cash on US goods.
Third, immigrants were generally paid less than the
value of the goods and services they produced. A
British Home Office study (2001) also concluded that
migration was good for the UK because immigrants
often created new businesses and jobs, paid taxes,
spent their wages on British goods and services and
were willing to do the jobs that British workers were
reluctant to do.
The economic consequences of global
migration for the migrants’ country of
origin
With regard to the economic benefits for the migrants’
country of origin, there is some evidence that
migration results in a reduction of unemployment and
therefore less spending on welfare in those countries.
However, Hanlon and Vicino observe that a negative
economic consequence of migration is that some
receiving nations do not recognise the educational or
professional qualifications issued by sending societies.
This can produce wasteful under-employment in
which talented and well-qualified migrants are forced
to take semi-skilled and unskilled work in receiving
societies - for example, working as cleaners, security
guards and taxi drivers to support their families. It
is argued that the internationalisation of education
and qualifications may eventually solve this problem,
although this argument fails to take account that
such international education may only be available to
I
children from the most affluent or elite families in the
sending societies.
An important economic aspect of global migration
is the value of remittances. Remittances are
cross-border transfers of money from workers in
one country back to their country of origin - often
through payments to family members. Many migrant
workers are seasonal workers, but large numbers
work for extended periods of time, and even those
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
who have settled in a host country and gained the
right to citizenship continue to transfer money back
to extended families in their country of origin.
It was estimated by the World Bank in 2014 that
around 80 per cent of all global remittances went to
less industrialised countries - that is, S436 billion
out of a total of S583 billion, which is around double
the amount of global development aid. India, China,
the Philippines, Mexico and Nigeria, in particular,
economically benefit from remittances sent home by
migrants.
Hanlon and Vicino argue that remittances have
four distinct economic advantages for less
industrialised nations:
» They contribute to the alleviation of poverty. For
example, Khalid Koser (2007) observes that in
Lesotho 80 per cent of rural household incomes
come from remittances.
» In households receiving remittances from abroad,
children are less likely to drop out of school.
» The health of children tends to be better in
households receiving remittances. Average birth
weight in these households tends to be higher, too.
» When remittances are sent home in the form of
cash, they supply the economy of less industrialised
nations with much-needed foreign currency. This is
useful because some natural resources, particularly
oil, can only be bought on the international market
using US dollars.
However, Hanlon and Vicino also observe that
remittances from relatives abroad can contribute to
inequalities within a developing society, as well. For
example, Donald Terry and Stephen Wilson (2005)
found that 80 per cent of Mexican households
receiving money from abroad could afford to buy
their own home compared with only 30 per cent
of households who did not receive remittances.
Hanlon and Vicino also argue that family pressure
to send money home can be so intense that this
can lead some migrants into illegal activity such as
prostitution and criminality.
The brain drain
Some economists and sociologists note that global
migration often has the economic side-effect that
sending societies lose their most talented and
educated citizens and thereby lose the potential
return on their investment in the education and
training of this group of workers. The evidence
suggests that receiving countries, particularly those
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in Europe, the Middle East and the USA economically
benefit from this brain drain. For example, Peter
Stalker (2008) estimates that 1.5 million skilled
migrants work and live in Western Europe, the USA,
Japan and Australia, while sending countries such
as Haiti, Sierra Leone, Ghana and the UK are those
most likely to lose accomplished and skilled workers
to other societies.
There are signs that the developmental progress
of poorer countries may be impeded by this brain
drain, especially with regard to education and
healthcare. For example. Koser found that only 50
out of the 600 doctors trained in Zambia since 2010
are actually practising medicine in Zambia. Moreover,
there are more Malawian doctors practising medicine
in the city of Manchester in England than there are
in Malawi. There is evidence that global migration
worsens global inequalities. The WHO recommends
that countries should have 20 doctors per 100000
people. However, 37 out of 47 sub-Saharan nations
are unable to achieve this target because of the
global migration of their health professionals.
Similarly, Kevin O’Neill (2003) observes that Taiwan
and India are losing thousands of skilled IT experts
to Silicon Valley companies in the USA (although
these workers do eventually return to their country
of origin).
However, in conclusion, Julian Simon (1989)
argued that if we consider both the sending and the
receiving countries as part of the same world, the
overall effect of migration on the average standard
of living of the world’s people is positive. The main
reason for this is that migrants go from situations
where they are unproductive to ones in which they
become more productive.
Activity
How might you evaluate Simon’s view that
migrants go from situations in which they are
unproductive to ones in which they become more
productive? Do you think this is equally true of
men and women?
The political consequences of global
migration
Martell (2010) argues that sociologists need to
examine the political consequences of global
migration because political debate about
migration, especially in the USA and Europe, is
544
being increasingly interpreted by political leaders,
parties and voters as more about immigration than
emigration. It is often socially constructed as a
social problem that can only be resolved by bringing
in stricter social controls. There is some concern
that these controls may eventually involve the
infringement of the human rights by nation-states of
both migrants and their own citizens.
Held, too, argues that global migration has
implications for the autonomy and sovereignty of
nation-states. He argues that the flow of illegal and
undocumented migrants into both the USA and
Europe demonstrates the limited ability of many
nation-states to secure their own borders. He notes
that even those states which have extended border
surveillance by building fences and checkpoints have
been unable to stem the flow of illegal migrants.
The ‘clash of civilisations’
Hanlon and Vicino argue that, in the contemporary
world, the group of migrants most likely to be
typically represented and perceived as a potential
aggressor and threat to the national security of
receiving countries by the leaders of European
countries and their populist opponents are Muslims.
Some commentators have even gone as far as
suggesting that there exists a fundamental clash of
cultures or civilisations between Christian Europe and
the Islamic world.
Douglas Murray (2018) is typical of this approach.
He criticises liberal-democratic nation-states for
denying or diminishing the problems that come
with sudden large increases in immigration when
the migrants come from Islamic cultures. The most
important fact about the European migrant crisis,
Murray claims, is that it involves an encounter
between Islam with a ‘faithless’ or secular Europe. He
; argues that the unwanted outcome of this encounter
or clash of civilisations will be the Islamisation of the
continent (because the birth rate of Muslim migrants
is significantly higher than that of Europeans), and
the end of European civilisation. However, Murray’s
thesis (which is shared by many European far-right
nationalist groups and some populist politicians,
notably the Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orban)
is criticised by Gray (2018), who argues that Murray
is selective in his use of facts because it is not only
Europe that shuts out Muslims. Gray points out that
many Muslim countries do so, too. For example,
Saudi Arabia has built a 600-mile-long fence along
its border with Iraq and there are similar barriers

between Turkey and Syria, and Iran and Pakistan.
Gray believes that an Islamised Europe is a fantasy,
because Islam itself is too divided - it contains so
many different strands - to unite against Christian
Europe.
Huntington (2004) has applied this clash of
civilisations thesis to the USA. He claims that
the USA is likely to experience a ‘loss of national
identity’ if it fails to slow down migration from
Mexico. He argues that Hispanic culture is a threat
to Anglo-American identity and culture and that,
if current trends continue (especially with regard
to Mexicans’ higher birth rate), Americans of
Hispanic descent who speak Spanish as their first
language will eventually outnumber English-speaking
Americans in many parts of the USA.
Gray points out that global migration is mainly
the product of war, environmental collapse and
globalisation rather than a concerted effort by
particular cultures to dominate other cultures.
In particular, Gray argues that the rapid global
movement of capital and production has destroyed
livelihoods, resulted in uneven global development
and global inequality. This has given migrants the
incentive to seek opportunities in richer countries.
However, they may not be welcomed, especially by
poorer people in such receiving societies who may be
facing the same global pressures and inequalities.
Immigration control as securitisation
Although in 2016 only 2 per cent of the world’s
population lived outside its country of origin,
immigration control has become the central issue
in the most advanced nations. Many governments
seek to restrict population flows, especially
those originating in the poorer countries of the
global South.
Many European countries have reacted to migration
from outside the EU by introducing tighter
immigration and security controls. Some European
countries are now beginning to oppose EU rules on
open borders. For example, the so-called Visegrad
Group of Eastern European countries - Hungary,
Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia - have made
it very clear that the optimum number of migrants
from non-EU states that they intend to welcome in
2018 is zero, while Austria and Italy are taking steps
to deport migrants from non-EU states who have
already arrived. In Germany, the interior minister
threatened to close the country’s borders in 2018.
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
Many countries worldwide have attempted to
securitise their borders against these perceived
external threats by enhancing and increasing
the powers of their police and immigration
services. Some have upped or tightened their visa
requirements and made due process of the law more
difficult for asylum seekers. For example, President
Trump has threatened to build a wall between the
USA and Mexico and given substantial funding to
the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)
to remove illegal migrants from the USA. In the
UK, there is evidence that the UK government in
2016 set out to create a ‘hostile environment’ for
migrants in which both skilled and unskilled migrants
were threatened with deportation. There is also
evidence of greater civil rights abuses of migrants
- for example, the separation of children from their
parents on the Mexican border by the ICE in the USA
attracted a great deal of global condemnation.
Migrant children eating a meal at the homestead
temporary shelter for unaccompanied minors in
Florida.
Global migration and the rise of
populism and authoritarianism
Gray (2016) suggests that the EU faces a ‘trilemma’
that it cannot resolve which is made up of open
borders, liberal democracy and highly developed
welfare states. He claims that these three things
are not sustainable at the same time. He points out
that it was relatively easy for pre-1914 Europe to
be borderless because democracy was limited and
welfare systems had not been established. However,
he argues that once people are given the democratic
vote, they resist open borders because they fear the
effects of immigration on the costs of their welfare
and healthcare systems and wage levels. In reaction
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8 GLOBALISATION
to these anxieties, they demand more say in the
overall direction of their society and, in particular,
they demand limits on immigration. If their protests
are ignored by mainstream politicians, they may
tend to turn to authoritarian leaders and illiberal
democracy as a form of protest.
Consequently, Gray argues that the European model
of social democracy is in danger of becoming extinct.
Tony Judt (201 2) argued that democracy works best
in small homogeneous countries where issues of
trust and mutual suspicion rarely arise. A willingness
to pay for other people’s services and benefits
rests on the understanding that they in turn will do
likewise for you and your children because they are
Contemporary issues: Migration as a consequence of the Syrian civil war
The ruins of Homs.
A recent challenging problem is the increasing
trans-border migration flows into Europe that
have come about as a result of the Syrian civil
war which erupted in 2011 and has resulted in
250000 deaths in the past five years. By 2016,
6 million Syrians out of a total population of 23
million had been internally displaced, while 5
million had fled the country in search of personal
safety and economic opportunity. Most ended
up in neighbouring countries such as Turkey and
Lebanon. However, hundreds of thousands of
Syrians have undertaken the dangerous crossing of
the Mediterranean from Turkey to Greece hoping
to find refuge in the EU. Many have died in the
attempt. Once in Greece, they have embarked on
a long arduous journey on foot and by train across
Eastern Europe to Western Europe, especially to
Germany, France and Sweden. The EU appealed
to its member countries to take in quotas of
Syrians. Germany, in particular, set an example
by accepting over 1 million refugees from Syria,
Iraq and Afghanistan. However, some EU countries
have refused to abide by this EU request to take in
546
like you and see the world as you do. In contrast,
where immigration and visible minorities have
altered the demography of a country, we typically
find suspicion of others and a loss of enthusiasm for
the institutions of the welfare state. Voters flock to
far-right fringe parties who often flirt with nationalist
ideas. As has been demonstrated in Hungary, Poland
and Turkey, and even the USA, populist politicians
and leaders aim to make their power secure by
promising to restore national pride by changing
the constitution, limiting the independence of the
judiciary and controlling or threatening the media.
Gray argues that the number of illiberal democracies
may increase in Europe as a result of these trends.
refugees. For example, Austria closed its borders,
while Hungary erected border fences. Italy, too,
has refused to allow NGO boats that have rescued
refugees from sinking vessels in the Mediterranean
to dock in Italian ports. However, there is some
evidence of cultural strain and inter-ethnic tensions
in host countries, as indigenous populations see
these migrants as outsiders who are draining their
country’s economic resources.
The Syrian refugee crisis has revealed the
inadequacy of the EU’s current immigration
arrangements based on national preferences.
The Schengen Agreement that provided for
open borders among EU core countries lacks the
robustness and comprehensiveness required for
coping with hundreds of thousands of refugees. As
policy differences between member states became
more pronounced, some member states withdrew
from the agreement and reinstated systematic
border controls. Others placed arbitrary limits on
the number of refugees they were willing to process
and refused to consider a more coordinated
approach. The EU faced a predicament that
suggested deep divisions exist over migration
policy among member states.
Questions
1. What percentage of the Syrian population has
left Syria because of the civil war?
2. What is the Schengen Agreement and how ideally
should it have benefited migration?
3. How has the 'migrant crisis’ threatened the unity
of the EU?

The politics of global migration has become toxic
because migration has been linked by some populist
politicians with the terror attacks carried out in Paris,
Nice and Brussels in 2015 and 2016. The political
debate about global migration is now focused on the
inadequacy of national borders and security routines
to protect the populations of host or receiving
countries from this threat.
The social consequences of global
migration
Global migration has had significant economic
and political effects for nation-states, but what
are its social consequences on the everyday social
life of people attempting to make a new life for
themselves in countries which may ‘fear’ their
presence?
On a positive note, many migrants from poorer
parts of the world have escaped from poverty,
under-employment and persecution. They have
made new lives for both themselves and their
children, and the evidence suggests that if they have
become naturalised citizens in the country in which
they have settled, they have access to the same
rights, opportunities and existential security taken
for granted by the host population.
However, it is also important to understand that
the decision to migrate has both economic and
psychological costs for the individual. For example,
leaving family and friends behind is not easy, and
becoming a 'stranger in a strange land’ can be
extremely stressful. Douglas Massey (2003) argues
that this stress of migration can be alleviated if
a social network of migrants, former migrants
and non-migrants exists in both the origin and
destination societies and connects old and new
migrants to one another. This network can facilitate
the process of settlement and the formation of
migrant communities by offering social capital in the
form of social, cultural and religious support and
ties. Moreover, migrants can draw on such networks
for business and employment opportunities.
Such networks are also an important aspect of
chain migration because, as John and Leatrice
MacDonald (1974) argue, through such networks
prospective migrants learn of opportunities and
often have initial accommodation and employment
arranged by previous migrants already settled in the
host country.
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
Global migration, demonisation, fear
and moral panic
There is some evidence that the news media of
receiving countries have negatively represented
immigrants as a social problem and consequently a
common news representation is the idea that global
migration is posing a threat to the safety and security
of those who live in a host society. Moral panics have,
therefore, been constructed around:
Migrants Journalists often present global migration
as a ‘threat’ especially by exaggerating and
overestimating the extent and scale of migration.
News stories rarely mention the fact that 97.5 per
cent of the world’s population live in the country of
their birth. Representations of migrants are often
both xenophobic and racist in popular newspapers.
They are perceived as a threat in terms of their
‘numbers’. Sensationalist headlines claim they are
‘flooding’ in or that a tsunami of immigrants is about
to be unleashed on Europe. Editorials often compare
migrants to vermin such as rats and cockroaches. A
study of UK newspapers by Heaven Crawley, Simon
McMahon and Katharine Jones (2016) found that
migrants were often presented as a threat because
of the supposed impact they have on the supply of
scarce resources such as jobs, housing and welfare
and health services. Moreover, their study found that
migrants were rarely given a voice in such stories.
For example, migrant voices were only referenced in
15 per cent of articles on migration and even then
migration was framed as a ‘threat’ and migrants as
actual or potential ‘villains’. The authors conclude
:
that ‘the absence of migrant voices as sources in
the media can deprive the audience of a complex
i or nuanced understanding of migration issues. It
! can also have negative consequences for migrant
, integration and for the personal well-being and
security of migrants and their sense of belonging.
This, in turn, can undermine the extent to which
migrants feel that they belong in British society, even
when they have been living in the UK for a long time.’
Refugees and asylum seekers These are often
portrayed by the media as coming to Europe to take
advantage of Europe’s supposedly generous health and
welfare systems. However, research by Corrado Giulietti
(2014) found that decisions to migrate are not made
on the basis of the relative generosity of the receiving
nation’s social benefits. Research by the Information
Centre about Asylums and Refugees (2004) observed
that newspapers across Europe have constructed
an image of migrants as a problem or threat to the
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 8 GLOBALISATION
identity and cohesion of European societies. This
sensationalist approach results in the demonisation of
migrants and refugees by whipping up a moral panic -
a public frenzy of fear and animosity towards all
migrants which turns them into ‘folk devils’ and in turn
fuels racism, hostility and hate crimes.
Muslims Muslims in particular are often portrayed
by the media as the ‘enemy within'. Elizabeth Poole
(2002) argues that, even before 9/11, Islam was
often demonised and distorted by the Western media
and presented as a threat to Western values. Media
representations of Islam have, therefore, long been
predominantly negative. Consequently Muslims
have been homogenised (despite intra-lslamic
differences in interpretation of theology, values
and lifestyles) by Western journalists as ‘backward,
irrational, unchanging fundamentalist, misogynist
(who would be) manipulative in the use of their faith
for political and personal gain’. Moreover, it is often
implied that most Muslims are potential terrorists.
These negative media representations of Muslims
fuel Islamophobia - a generalised hatred or dislike
of Muslim migrants. Michele Tribalet (2011) studied
Muslim Arabs in France, who have been particularly
criticised for rejecting Western values by the French
media and nationalist politicians in the aftermath of
the terrorist attacks in Paris, Nice and on the office
of the French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo.
However, Tribalet found that this migrant community
was in fact well assimilated into French society. She
found that the majority of Muslims in France were not
fundamentalists, nor were they supporters of radical
jihadism. Many Arab households spoke French in the
home. There had also been a decline in traditional
arranged marriages in favour of intermarriage.
There is evidence that such distorted media
representations may be partially responsible for the
increase in racist hate crimes across Europe, especially
violent attacks on migrants and Muslim communities.
These representations may also assist in the promotion
of extreme forms of nationalism and electoral support
for populist anti-immigration and anti-Muslim
movements such as Britain First and the English
Defence League in the UK, the Northern League and
Five Star in Italy, Fidesz and Jobbik in Hungary, Pegida
in Germany and the National Rally in France.
Anthony Smith (1990) argued that it is not
immigration that is the problem, but the
reception of immigrants by the host population,
media and politicians that has stirred up racial
hatred, intolerance and violence. This reception
548
has encouraged negative interpretations and
misinformation (about migrants abusing welfare
systems or committing crime). Furthermore, the
positive effects of migration are deliberately
neglected or ignored by the mainstream media,
as are the facts that most migrants in Europe and
the USA are in work, are not claiming benefits and
are making significant positive contributions to the
economies of receiving societies. There is no evidence
that immigration has increased the crime rate of any
receiving country, contrary to media misinformation.
Activity
‘Global migration has produced major social
anxieties and problems in Western societies’
Evaluate this view.
The cultural consequences of global
migration
Martell points out that migrants do more than work.
He argues that societies are plural cultural entities that
are always in a state of change and that migration is an
important aspect of this change. Migration contributes
positively to the cultures of receiving societies because
the culture of migrants is often dynamic and rich in
diversity. The culture of receiving countries, especially
its cuisine, music, fashion, values, film and media is
often enhanced by migration, which produces cultural
pluralism and hybridity and therefore new forms of
consumption and lifestyle.
In the course of hybridisation, cultures often generate
new forms and make new connections with one
another. For example, hybridisation may involve the
blending of, say, language. In some US states in which
the numbers of Hispanic people are growing, people
may speak ‘Spanglish’ - a combination of Spanish
and English. In many West African countries, people
mix French with local languages to create a hybrid
unique to that part of the world,
.
Music is another part of a country’s culture that
can be mixed with other cultures. For example,
Korean musicians have combined local music with
European-style pop music to create K-pop, while US
musicians from Hispanic social backgrounds such as
Jennifer Lopez (J-Lo), Shakira, Gloria Estefan, The
Mavericks and Ricky Martin have mixed Cuban and
flamenco rhythms with US country, rhythm and blues
j and soul to create unique hybrid new genres. Artists
i such as Shakira and J-Lo also incorporate Spanish
 8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION

into their American songs to bring a little bit of

Stars such as Shakira may genuinely want to
diversity to the USA.
encourage diversity and hybridisation, but do
!
you think that the music transnationals that
manufacture their products are motivated by the
same goals? What economic factors are more likely
to influence the music industry?

Douglas Bourn (2008) argues that young people

living in societies in which migration and cultural
hybridity are the norm are the social group most
likely to be open to the idea of adopting a global
identity, because their economic position is more
vulnerable to the risks associated with economic
globalisation. They are also more likely to be involved
in digital global networks such as social media
platforms and to identify with the anti-globalisation
movement’s rejection of global inequality. They
are, therefore, more likely to use global media to
develop a global identity through which they can
express themselves. This global identity may at
some stage go beyond and replace local or national
identity as they come to recognise that all cultures
have equal value. Those who subscribe to a global
identity are likely to believe that consequently their
loyalty should lie with oil human beings, that people
whatever their country of origin have common
goals and that a diversity of cultures and ethnicities
actually complement one another rather than being
inherently divisive.

Contemporary issues: Matgorzata Martynuska - Cultural Hybridity in the

USA exemplified by Tex-Mex cuisine
When new immigrants arrive in the USA, the
processes of acculturation, hybridisation and
transculturation begin. Global migration has a
large impact not only on the lives of migrants
who travel to another culture but also on the host
culture itself.

For example, Mexican food is itself a fusion that

combined the elements of indigenous Aztec and
Spanish culinary traditions. As Mexicans migrated
into the USA, it influenced American regional
cuisine, creating the hybrid food cultures known
as Tex-Mex, produced in the Mexican-Texas
Tex-Mex cuisine.
borderlands, and now marketed by American
corporations and carried around the globe.

549
8 GLOBALISATION
Tex-Mex dishes such as beef tacos, enchiladas,
burritos and tostadas are a particularly popular
feature of US cuisine. Tex-Mex recipes have been
more Americanised to include more animal protein,
especially more meat. The fast-food ‘taco’ was
inspired by Mexican American street vendors and
appropriated by an American food corporation
called Taco Bell, which came up with the idea of the
‘taco shell’ - a pre-fried tortilla that could be easily
filled with stuffing and served fast so the customers
did not need to wait long. This way of preparation
distanced that particular type of Mexican food
from its ethnic roots.
Activity
‘Global migration has positive consequences
for both sending and host societies.’ Evaluate
this view.
Key terms
Gig economy A labour market characterised by
insecure temporary jobs and low pay as opposed
to permanent jobs.
Under-employment Not having enough paid work
or not doing work that makes full use of a worker’s
skills and abilities.
Remittances A sum of money sent from migrants
back to kin in their home country.
Brain drain The emigration of highly trained or
qualified people from a particular country.
Islamisation The process of bringing someone or
something under the influence of Islam or under
Islamic rule.
Hostile environment A set of administrative
and legislative practices employed by the British
government, aimed at making life for migrants
who wished to stay in the UK as difficult as
possible.
Trilemma A difficult choice between three
options.
Welfare state A system whereby the state
undertakes to protect the health and well-being of
its citizens, especially those in financial or social
need, by means of grants, pensions and other
benefits.
550
Questions
1. Identify three cultural influences that are
hybridised within Tex-Mex food.
2. In what ways has Tex-Mex food become part of
the American way of life?
3. In what ways has Tex-Mex food
become globalised?
Source: Mafgorzata Martynuska (2017), Cultural
Hybridity in the USA exemplified by Tex-Mex
cuisine (International Review of Social Research
2017; 7(2): 90-98)
Homogeneous Of the same kind or very alike.
Representation The way that the media portray
particular social groups such as women, ethnic
minorities or young people.
Scarce resources The limited availability of
particular social things such as jobs, goods,
housing and so on which people may be
competing for.
Moral panic An instance of public anxiety or alarm
in response to a problem regarded as threatening
the moral standards of society, usually created by
newspapers and other forms of media.
Folk devils A person, social group or thing
perceived to be a threat to society or a
social problem.
Hate crimes A crime motivated by racial,
sexual or other prejudice, typically one
involving violence.
Intra-lslamic Differences of interpretation of holy
texts that exist within Islam. For example, Islam
is made up of dozens of sects that reflect these
differences.
Misogynist A person who dislikes, despises or is
strongly prejudiced against women.
Islamophobia Dislike of or prejudice against Islam
or Muslims, especially as a political force.
Jihadism Someone who sees violent struggle as
necessary to eradicate obstacles to restoring God’s
rule on earth.

Summary
1. Despite fears that global labour-migration
might have negative consequences for
receiving countries, most experts agree that
global migration is necessary and actually
has a positive impact on the economies of
receiving societies.
2. However, global migration may have an
unfortunate consequence for the economies of
sending societies in that they often experience a
brain drain of talented individuals. This may be
one reason why they have not developed to the
same degree as European societies.
3. Nevertheless, there is evidence that remittances
sent home by migrants to their extended kin
make a significant contribution to the economies
of sending societies, and to lifting families out of
poverty.
4. There are signs that global migration, especially
undocumented migration, from the Middle
East and Africa, has been negatively greeted
by European populations, who are reacting to
their concerns and fears by voting for populist
politicians and nationalist far-right political
parties that are promising to tighten up
immigration controls.
5. There is evidence that media representations of
migrants, refugees and Muslims in both Europe
and the USA may be responsible for an upsurge
in racism, Islamophobia and hate crime directed
against migrant populations.
6. Some sociologists argue that global migration
can contribute to the richness and diversity
of culture by producing hybridised versions of
cuisine, music and other cultural products.
7. Global migration may also be contributing to
the emergence of a global identity among the
young that promotes equality and tolerance of
difference.
Unit 8.5.3 Debates about who
benefits from migration
There are a number of sociological perspectives that
focus on migration. Functionalist theory has had a
significant influence on assimilation theory, which
suggests that both migrants and the societies in
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
which they settle can benefit from global migration
if they are willing to fully immerse themselves into
the culture of the host society. However, critics argue
that a multicultural approach would allow all sections
of society to benefit from cultural pluralism and
diversity.
Neoliberalists argue that global migration has
potentially positive economic, political and cultural
benefits for both receiving and sending societies
alike. They argue that the free market in labour,
capital and products is the most efficient way to
bring about economic growth and to facilitate
movement in labour as well as trade in goods and
services.
Marxist sociologists argue that global migration only
benefits the capitalist class and the core countries at
the centre of the global capitalist system.
Interactionists argue that sociologists need
to examine how migration is experienced and
interpreted by migrants themselves. Finally,
postmodernists focus on how global migration may
be producing new forms of hybrid or global culture.
Assimilation theory
Assimilation theory is highly influenced by
functionalism (see Unit 2.2.1), which depicts
host societies such as Britain and USA as stable,
homogeneous and orderly societies with a high
degree of consensus over values and norms.
This consensus is potentially disturbed by global
migration, which results in the arrival of migrant
‘strangers’ who subscribe to different cultural values
and who have the potential to clash with the host
population over the distribution of scarce resources
such as jobs and housing.
Hanlon and Vicino (2014) claim that assimilation
has been particularly successful in the USA, which
is a relatively new country that has been mainly
populated by migrants. They describe assimilation
as a process of fusion in which migrant persons and
groups acquire the memory, sense and attitudes
of the host population and are incorporated into
a common cultural life. Over time, these migrants
become part of mainstream life and culture. They
achieve cultural solidarity, which is sufficient to
maintain a common national existence. This may
be achieved in a variety of ways - for example, by
learning the language and adopting the norms of
the host population, in the USA, by celebrating
Thanksgiving and Independence Day.
551
 S GLOBALISATION
An ethnically diverse business team in the USA.
What makes assimilation successful in the USA?
What might be obstacles to this process?
Milton Gordon (1981) sees assimilation as occurring
in three stages:
1. Acculturation - adopting the language and
customs of the host society.
2. Structural assimilation - migrants become
integrated into education and the economy.
They experience economic success and
upward mobility.
3. Intermarriage.
Herbert Gans (1997) observed that assimilation
unfolds over generations and that the pace
might vary, especially if the dominant culture
constructs social obstacles - for example,
segregation and the Jim Crow laws in the
southern states of the USA.
The critique of assimilation theory
Some critics argue that assimilation is both
ethnocentric and racist. It heavily implies
that the host culture is somehow richer and
more dynamic than migrant culture and
controversially suggests that migrants should
forget or abandon altogether their previous
way of life. Cultural pluralists point out that
migrant culture can have a very positive effect
in enriching the host culture, because the
process of acculturation cuts both ways (see
the Contemporary issues box about Tex-Mex
cuisine in Unit 8.5.2) and can result in a
culturally rich hybrid mix.
552
Notting Hill Carnival in London, UK.
The multiculturalist approach
The assumption that progress towards racial
harmony requires assimilation ignores other
possible forms of coexistence. Consequently,
some sociologists have promoted an alternative
approach - multiculturalism. This is the belief that
the best way to promote social integration in an
ethnically diverse society is for the state to provide
some level of public recognition and support for
ethnic minorities to maintain and express their
distinct identities and practices, rather than expect
them to abandon these and assimilate into the
culture of the ethnic majority.
Mehlman Petrzela (2013) observes that
multiculturalism recognises the equal worth of
various groups rather than insisting that all defer to
the dominant culture. It also signals a commitment
by the state to equally ensure the civil rights of all
; migrant groups. It acknowledges and accepts their
unique ethnic identities and accepts and tolerates
any differences that exist between migrants and the
host population.
However, in recent years there are signs that states
are retreating from multiculturalism, because
it is believed that some migrant groups are not
committed to social solidarity or cohesion. Critics
believe it has led to nativism or divisive tribalism,
the celebration of difference and as such is a threat
to national identity and solidarity. Some countries,
notably France, have resorted instead to secular
assimilation by banning the wearing of religious

symbols in public places and banning the wearing of
the hijab in schools.
Activity
Research the reasons why France has banned the
wearing of religious symbols.
Structuralist approaches to global
migration
Structuralist critics have pointed out that
institutional racism may be the cause of cultural
conflict between migrants and host populations.
There is a good deal of evidence that suggests that
racist prejudices and practices are embedded in
the structural organisation of society and its social
institutions. It is these structural inequalities and
deficiencies which are the main causes of any conflict
between migrants and their hosts. Anthony Heath
and Sin Yi Cheung (2007) found that non-European
migrants to the USA and Europe experienced an
‘ethnic penalty’ in that that second-generation Whites
experienced better employment opportunities
and higher pay rates than second-generation
non-Europeans. Similarly, Marxists are critical of
multiculturalism because it fails to address these
structural inequalities. As Will Kymlicka (201 2)
observes, ‘even if all Britons enjoy Jamaican steel
drum music or Indian samosas, this would do nothing
to address the real problems facing Caribbean and
South Asian communities in Britain - problems
of unemployment, poor educational outcomes,
residential segregation, poor English language skills
and political marginalization’.
However, critics of institutional racism claim that
those who argue in favour of institutional racism
fail to explain ethnic variations in educational
achievement, employment and unemployment,
social mobility and arrest rates. For example,
some non-European migrants into Europe, notably
Chinese and Indians, actually achieve better sets
of educational qualifications than their indigenous
peers. Moreover, this argument fails to explain why
Black males are more likely to be arrested than Black
females.
Michael Collins (2015) claims that multiculturalism
has led to the emergence of a 'race relations industry’
which is self-perpetuating. He argues that racism in
its truest form has actually diminished but racism has
been reinvented by the multiculturalism industry as
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
institutional racism in order to justify a billion-dollar
industry that employs thousands of academics, civil
servants, consultants and human rights lawyers.
The neoliberal approach to global
migration
Neoliberals argue in favour of open migration
because the free movement of labour supposedly
enhances the effectiveness of free market capitalism.
The EU’s open border policy is very influenced by
neoliberalism, which encourages the withdrawal of
state control and restrictions over certain forms of
external and internal migration. However, such free
movement of labour has attracted criticism from
both the right and left of the political spectrum.
For example, Yascha Mounk (2018) claims that
neoliberalism’s promotion of global migration
has had three negative global effects. First, it has
resulted in the stagnation of average living standards
for the majority of Western workers. Second, those
born and raised in receiving countries feel that their
whole way of life is under threat from migrants, as it
has slowly transformed mono-ethnic countries into
multicultural societies. Third, the rise of social media
allows populist politicians to manipulate and widely
communicate the fears of those disaffected by global
migration.
The New Right - clash of civilisation
theory
Conservative sociologists such as Huntington have
criticised neoliberals because they believe that open
borders and global migration have resulted in a clash
of civilisations, especially in Europe between the
religious ideologies of Christianity and Islam.
However, Huntington has been accused of
; stereotyping all Muslims and for failing to see that
j fundamentalists are only a tiny minority of a complex
Islamic world in which there are more differences
than similarities. Yuval Noah Harari (2018) believes
that Huntington overstates the differences between
the Western and Islamic worlds. He argues that
there are more similarities between the West and
Islam, and claims that ‘when it comes to the practical
stuff - how to build a state, an economy, a hospital
or a bomb - almost all of us belong to the same
civilisation’. He observes that humanity will continue
to have huge arguments and bitter conflicts but
these are unlikely to isolate us from one another,
553
 8 GLOBALISATION
and, although humanity is far from constituting a
harmonious community, we are all members of a
single rowdy global civilisation.
Feminism
Feminists argue that studies of migration are often
malestream in that they assume that males make
up the bulk of migrants, that the male takes the
lead in migration and that female members of the
family follow later. However, Hanlon and Vicino
observe that the number of females migrating for
economic reasons is on the rise, and that in some
regions, especially North America and Europe,
female migration is more likely than male migration.
For example, in 2005, 65 per cent of those who
emigrated out of the Philippines, and about 79 per
cent of Indonesian migrants, were female. Many of
these migrated to the Gulf states in order to meet
demands for domestic labour.
Women are now more likely to migrate independently
of men. They are also more likely to be professional
labour-migrants or international students rather than
family dependants of male migrants.
Feminists observe that female migrants are
particularly vulnerable to exploitation and irregular
employment. They have highlighted the fact that
much of the demand for female migration is coming
from the global service economy and, in particular,
the sex industry.
Females are also more likely than males to be
refugees. They may be fleeing their country of origin
because of gender-based forms of persecution such
as rape (which is often perpetrated by soldiers),
554
In your opinion, why might forms of persecution
specifically aimed at women require special UNHCR
attention compared with the persecution of males?
Think about concepts such as stigmatisation,
shame and low self-esteem when considering your
answer.
domestic violence, forced marriage, honour killings
and so on. The UN High Commission of Refugees
(UNHCR) now recognises the unique difficulties faced
by refugee women and has set up specific ‘Women at
Risk’ programmes.
Feminists argue that female migrants are often
handicapped by the immigration policies of receiving
countries, which classify them as dependants of men.
Their family role is emphasised at the expense of
their role in the labour market. This often results
in their failure to obtain work permits and their
entry into the low-skilled and low-paid informal gig
economy.
Finally, Nicola Mai and Russell King (2009) found
that some female migration may be motivated by the
fact that some countries - for example, Uganda and
Tanzania - persecute and imprison people with an
LGBT identity.
Marxist approaches to global migration
Wallerstein (2011) argues that global migration is
closely linked to the history and development of the
modern capitalist world economy in which Western
core countries are engaged in a neo-colonial form
of exploitation of the resources and labour power
of periphery countries, which are often ex-colonies
(see Unit 8.2.2). Wallerstein argues that the
countries at the centre of this capitalist global
economy have deliberately under-developed the
periphery countries, therefore creating the conditions
of poverty and global inequality, which are the main
drivers or push factors of global migration. For
example, Massey (2003) argues that the introduction
of capitalist intensive farming techniques or
agribusiness resulted in people being forced off land
they and their families had occupied for generations,
thus creating unemployment and the impetus for
migration.
Moreover, global migration, especially to the USA,
has strengthened the position of this nation-state as
the centre of the world capitalist economy. However,
this came at a tremendous human cost, as the
native-born population was subjected to genocide

because they were interpreted by migrants from
Europe as an ‘obstacle to progress’
Stephen Castles and Codula Kosack (1985) argue
that global migrants that settle in capitalist societies
are part and parcel of the proletariat, but argue that
they are deliberately treated in a discriminatory way
by the capitalist class for three reasons:
1. Legitimisation - Castles and Kosack argue
that the capitalist class deliberately encourages
racism in order to justify the low pay and
precarious working conditions of migrant
workers. Consequently, such workers are seen
as second-class citizens undeserving of the same
rights as White workers because they are often
undocumented and presented by the media as
a threat to indigenous workers. This ideology
is beneficial to capitalism because employers
profit from the exploitation of cheap migrant
labour.
2. Divide and rule - They also argue that
anti-migrant feeling benefits employers because
it divides the proletariat. There is some evidence
that indigenous workforces fear losing their jobs to
the cheaper labour of migrant workers. Employers
often play on these fears during pay negotiations to
prevent indigenous workers from demanding higher
wages or going on strike.
3. Scapegoating - When a society is troubled
by severe social and economic problems, then
widespread frustration, aggression and demands
for radical change can result. However, instead
of directing this anger at the capitalist class
or economic system, indigenous workers are
encouraged by racist ideology and agents such
as the mass media to blame relatively vulnerable
groups such as migrants for unemployment,
declining living standards and growing inequality.
Migrants become the scapegoats for the social
and economic mismanagement of capitalism. This
process benefits the wealthy and powerful capitalist
class because it protects them from direct criticism
and reduces pressure for radical change.
However, Castles and Kosack have been criticised
for their economic reductionism - that is, for seeing
social class as more important than other forms
of status inequality. For example, the apartheid
system that dominated South Africa between
1948 and 1994 was not the product of capitalism.
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
Furthermore, not all ethnic minorities end up in
manual labour as the neo-Marxist Robert Miles
(2003) acknowledges. He observes that some highly
skilled migrants are economically successful and are
part of the middle classes. These migrants, many
of whom have set up businesses, may see their
interests lying with capitalism. For example, in 2015,
it was estimated by the Global Entrepreneurship
Monitor (GEM) that migrants to the UK were three
times more likely to be entrepreneurial than people
born in Britain. The GEM found that 15.4 per cent
of migrants to the UK had launched a business,
compared with only 5.3 per cent of lifelong UK
residents launching companies. It is also estimated
that there are currently over 5000 Muslim
millionaires in Britain. In 2016, Forbes magazine
announced that, of the 400 richest Americans, a
record 42 were migrants from 21 countries.
However, Miles observes that, because of
institutional racism, the ethnicity of migrants may
make it difficult for the most successful migrants to
be fully accepted by the indigenous capitalist class.
Miles, therefore, argues that they probably exist
as a racialised class fraction within the middle
class. They objectively occupy the same economic
position as the home-grown wealthy, but they may
subjectively be regarded by the indigenous capitalist
class as having less social status because of their
ethnicity or migrant status.
Weberian explanations
i The work of Max Weber (1864-1920) has had a
| significant influence on explanations for inequality for
racial discrimination and inequality. Like Marx, he saw
modern societies as characterised by a class struggle
for income and wealth. However, he also noted
that modern societies are characterised by status
inequality. Status and power are usually in the hands
of powerful status groups, thereby making it difficult
for those with less status such as migrants to compete
equally for scarce resources such as jobs and housing.
Migrants, therefore, suffer from status inequality as
well as class inequality. This status inequality can
clearly be seen in the dual-labour market theory of
R.D. Barron and G.M. Norris (1976).
The dual-labour market theory
Barron and Norris claim that two labour markets
exist in capitalist societies:
555
 S GLOBALISATION
* the primary labour sector - this is characterised
by secure, well-paid jobs, with long-term promotion
prospects and is mainly dominated by home-grown
workers
> the secondary labour sector - this is characterised
by low-paid, unskilled and insecure jobs.
Migrants are more likely to be found in this
secondary sector. Michael Piore (1979) observes
that private industries actively recruit foreign
workers especially for the low-skilled and low-paid
jobs in this sector that indigenous workers are
unwilling to do.
However, Gans observes that many labour-migrants
in the USA have experienced economic assimilation
and over time have moved from the secondary
labour sector into the primary sector. Research by
Ken Wilson and Alejandro Portes (1980) suggests
that the dual-labour market theory may be too
static in its divide between primary and secondary
jobs. They found that many recent Cuban migrants
to Miami in the USA were economically better off
than previous generations of Cuban migrants who
were generally employed in secondary labour market
jobs. The new migrants were entrepreneurial in the
sense that they set up businesses providing services
designed specifically for the Cuban community.
Hanlon and Vicino observe that the labour market
is at its most segregated in global cities such as
London and New York. Consequently, migrants to
these cities are likely to work in low-skilled service
jobs which exist largely to support the lifestyle of
.indigenous professionals working in the knowledge
and financial sectors of the economy, which tend to
be concentrated in the centre of these cities - for
example, Wall Street. These secondary jobs include
domestic servants, nannies, taxi drivers, janitors,
cleaners, hairdressers, waitresses, security guards
and gardeners and so on.
; focused on the increased possibilities for migrants
Little Havana Gamboa Barber Shop in Miami, Florida.
556
Interactionist approaches to migration
Interactionist approaches to migration focus on
agency, particularly the push and pull factors that
might motivate a person to embark upon a highly
dangerous and potentially life-threatening journey
across the world. Massey (2003) has examined
migration networks, which he describes as sets of
interpersonal ties that connect potential migrants
with actual migrants who are already settled
elsewhere. Anita Bocker (1994) found evidence
that migrants who have successfully settled in other
societies function as 'bridgeheads', reducing the
risks as well as material and psychological costs of
subsequent migration. Such networks provide social
capital - contacts that can advise on successful
routes, guides, transportation, arranging residence
papers, finding jobs and a place to live, and even
finding a potential marriage partner.
Massey argues that the decision to migrate involves
the potential migrant weighing up the potential costs
(for example, the risk of death and leaving family,
children and friends behind) against the potential
benefits (for example, lifting oneself or one’s family
via remittances out of poverty). However, Massey
notes that this cost-benefit model assumes that
potential migrants have access to all available
information needed to make rational choices. This
is unlikely to be the case. Migrants often only have
limited and often contradictory information. This may
explain why global migration is such a hazardous
business and why, despite the fact that most poor
people in the least economically developed countries
want to escape poverty, the poorest generally do not
migrate.
Postmodernist approaches
Postmodernists tend to focus on ‘culture and identity’
issues rather than issues such as inequality.
Hein de Haas (2008) argues that postmodernist
perspectives on global migration are increasingly
and their families to live transnational^ and to adopt
transnational identities. This is because of the
advances in digital technology that make it possible
for migrants to develop links with their societies of
origin via the internet and especially social media
sites, mobile phones and satellite television, and to
remit money through globalised banking systems or
informal channels. This increasingly enables migrants
and their families to foster double loyalties, to travel

back and forth, to relate to people, and to work and
do business simultaneously in distant places. In other
words, there is increasing scope for migrants and
their families to pursue transnational livelihoods.
De Haas observes that sociologists have long
assumed that migrants’ integration into host
societies would coincide with a gradual loosening
of ties with their societies of origin. However, it has
become increasingly clear that many migrant groups
maintain strong transnational ties over sustained
periods. Migrants’ engagement with their origin
country is not conditional on their return, but can
be sustained through digital networks, tourism and
circular migration. De Haas argues that transnational
ties can eventually become transgenerational as the
children of migrants come to qualitatively value and
maintain ties to their parents’ country of origin.
Yasmin Abdel-Magied (201 3) claims that the children
of migrants are more likely to subscribe to a global
or transnational identity and to see themselves as
global citizens. She argues that the extent of global
migration that exists today means there is a level
of cross-cultural pollination that has not been seen
before in history. Migrants and their children have
greater choice and freedom now to create and mould
a globalised form of identity. She observes that
global identity is likely to weaken national, ethnic and
religious forms of identity. She also speculates that
such global identities are almost certainly likely to be
hybridised identities.
Conclusions
Global migration has a long history. Moreover, it is
a complex process that has profoundly affected the
social, economic, political and cultural aspects of
both sending and receiving societies. Migrants have
come from all corners of the world and brought with
them particular ways of thinking and new ways of life
which have fundamentally transformed societies and
contributed to a smaller, more connected global world.
Activity
'Global migration benefits both sending and
receiving societies.’ Evaluate this view.
Key terms
Consensus Common agreement.
Acculturation The process of adopting the cultural
traits or social patterns of another group.
8.5 GLOBALISATION AND MIGRATION
Structural assimilation The incorporation into
society of a migrant group so that it has equal
access to education, jobs and all social institutions.
Segregation The action or state of setting
someone or something apart from others, often on
the grounds of race or ethnicity.
Jim Crow laws State and local laws that
enforced racial segregation in the Southern
United States.
Ethnocentric Judging or evaluating other cultures
according to the standards of one’s own culture.
Cultural pluralists Those who believe that smaller
groups within a larger society should be encouraged
to maintain their unique cultural identities.
Secular Not having any connection with religion.
Institutional racism Racial prejudice or
discrimination that has become established as
normal behaviour within a society or organisation.
Mono-ethnic The dominance of a single ethnic
group in terms of numbers.
Conservative A person, social group or political
party that is averse to change and holds
traditional values.
Malestream Research based on a masculine
perspective, which often in consequence renders
invisible the feminine or feminist perspective.
Stigmatisation A form of negative judgemental
labelling that sets a person or group apart as a
problem or threat to others.
Periphery On the edge or margins of a group or
particular activity.
Agribusiness Agriculture conducted on intensive
industrial principles using technology and
intensive labour.
Genocide The deliberate killing of a large group of
people, especially those of a particular nation or
ethnic group.
Legitimisation To justify something by making it
legal or socially acceptable.
Divide and rule The policy of maintaining
control over one’s subordinates or opponents
by encouraging dissent between them, thereby
preventing them from uniting in opposition.
Scapegoating The process of attaching blame
(usually to a visible but powerless group).
Racialised class fraction An ethnic or migrant
group that is objectively part of a particular social
class but subjectively is not accepted by the
majority of that class because of racial prejudice.
557
8 GLOBALISATION

Agency Free will or choice to behave in a 6. New Right sociologists believe that global
particular way. migration has brought about a cultural collision
Bridgeheads A foothold or position established in between Western and Islamic civilisations.
another society. 7. Feminists argue that global migration often
Transnational identity An identity associated with involves the forced migration or trafficking of
international migrants that is shaped by globalisation females for sexual purposes.
or by membership of two or more societies.
8. Marxists argue that global migration only
benefits the global capitalist economy and the
elite few who profit from it.
Summary
9. Marxists also observe that migrant workers are
1. Assimilation theory argues that both migrants
and the societies in which they settle can deliberately treated in a discriminatory fashion
benefit from migration so long as migrants fully in order to divide and rule the proletariat.
integrate into the receiving society. 10. The dual-labour market theory argues that
global migration mainly benefits those in
2. Multicultural theory' claims assimilation theory'
is ethnocentric. Multiculturalists argue that high-status jobs in the primary labour sector
who are serviced by the migrant labour of the
migrant groups should retain their culture and
secondary labour market.
recognise that they can make a rich cultural
contribution to receiving societies. 11. Interactionists focus on agency - the reasons
why people choose to migrate and how they
3. However multiculturalism has been criticised
assess the costs and benefits of migration.
as a threat to both the social solidarity' and
They highlight the role of social networks and
national identity of European societies.
social capital in the decision to migrate.
4. Structuralists argue that both assimilation
12. Postmodernists argue that a global or
and multiaifturaiism were weakened by
transnational identity may emerge from global
the presence of racism, which they claim is
migration.
structurally embedded into the organisation of
many receiving societies.
5. Neoliberals argue that the free movement of
labour is good for capitalism. However, there is
evidence that it has caused great resentment
among workers in the EU who feel it is
threatening both their livelihoods and whole
way of life.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
_0_1_ Describe two pull factors that might encourage global migration. [4 marks)

0 2 Explain one strength 3nd one limitation of migration for sending societies. [6 marks]

0 5 Explain two reasons why some sociologists are critical of global migration. [8 marks]

558

PARI « GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
Contents
Unit 8.6.1 Reasons for the emergence of
global crime 559
Unit 8.6.2 Sociological explanations for
global crime and who benefits 569
Unit 8.6.3 Policing and prosecuting global
crime 576
As the world economy has globalised, so has its
illegal and criminal counterpart. Global criminals
have adopted new technologies, adapted horizontal
networks of communication and transportation
that are difficult to trace and stop, and diversified
their activities. The result has been an unparalleled
level of international crime coordinated by
powerful individuals who plan and manage the
illicit activities of the criminal cartels and gangs
responsible for the illegal distribution of illicit
products and services across the world. However,
this criminal world economy is a complex world
that often overlaps with the legitimate world of
commerce and politics. Consequently, sociologists
who study crime - criminologists - argue that it
is also important when examining global crime
to study carefully the activities of so-called
legitimate individuals and organisations, especially
Unit 8.6.1 Reasons for the
emergence of global
crime
This unit focuses on identifying types of global crimes
and the reasons for their emergence.
The rise of globalised crime
The United Nations Office on Drugs and
Crime (UNODC) observed in 2010 that global
governance had failed to keep pace with economic
globalisation. Consequently, as unprecedented
openness in trade, finance, travel and communication
created economic growth and well-being, it also
gave rise to massive opportunities for criminals
to make their business prosper. As a result,
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
transnational corporations and the nation-state,
because their actions may also stray into the
unlawful. Bakan (2005), for example, argues that
corporate culture forces decent people who work
for corporations to do indecent illegal things.
The quest for profit means that everything and
anything is legitimate in pursuit of that goal - for
example, using child labour, setting up sweat
shops, bribing government officials, despoiling the
environment and evading tax.
However, any examination of global crime
must also involve scrutiny of the activities of
nation-states, and their political and military
elites, because many of these have also committed
global crime - for example, politicians may be
guilty of corruption - taking massive bribes from
transnationals in return for arms contracts or in
return for handing out licences to drill for oil or to
mine for precious raw materials.
The first unit focuses on identifying types of global
crimes and the reasons for their emergence. The
second unit explores sociological explanations for
global crime by asking who benefits. The third unit
examines why it is difficult to establish international
laws and why it is seemingly even tougher to police
such laws and punish global criminals so that they
are sufficiently deterred from offending again.
organised crime has diversified, gone global, and
consequently ‘illicit goods are sourced from one
continent, trafficked across another, and marketed
in a third. Mafias are today truly a transnational
problem: a threat to security, especially in poor
and conflict-ridden countries. Crime is fuelling
corruption, infiltrating business and politics, and
hindering development’.
Global crime, sometimes known as transnational
crime or ‘crimes without frontiers’, can be
understood as crime that takes place across the
borders of two or more countries. Tom Obokata
and Brian Payne (2018) observe that transnational
crime has been a part of international relations and
international trade for quite some time, but that,
as societies and individuals have become more
connected to one another, globalisation has enabled
criminal networks to establish themselves in many
different countries.
559
8 GLOBALISATION

The scale of global crime has increased significantly drug mules recruited by the Yardie gangs allied to
in recent years. Until the 1970s, most crime the Colombian and Mexican cartels.
was fairly localised - it mainly took place within
national borders and local criminals rarely had
international contact with criminals outside of their
borders. However, today, organised criminal gangs
are increasingly part of a wider global network of
criminality. This is partly because global migration is
blurring the usual distinction between the local and
the international. The British National Crime Agency
reported in 2018 that a large number of foreign
nationals were heavily involved in the illegal drugs
trade in the UK, some of whom were utilising cultural
and family ties to the countries that drugs come from
or which they travel through. Such ties made it easier
for them to take major roles in the trade.
Cohen and Kennedy (2000) observe that, while
tourism is the largest legitimate sector of the global El Chopo headed Mexico’s most powerful criminal
economy, global crime is much more profitable. organisation - the Sinaloa Cartel - until his
In 2010, both the United Nations and Castells capture in 2016.
estimated that global organised crime was worth
In which ways does the global criminal economy
SI.3 trillion per year. Misha Glenny (2009) refers
mirror the global capitalist economy?
to the flow of capital and profit generated by global
crime as the ‘shadow economy’ and estimates that
this accounts for 15 per cent of the value of wealth
generated by countries across the world. > It has zones of consumption, such as the European
Union, Japan and the USA. Many global criminal
The global criminal economy has a number of features networks have developed to feed a demand from
mirroring the global capitalist economy. Glenny the affluent West for drugs and prostitution.
observes that organised crime in a globalising world
operates in the same way as any other business: Castells argues that globalisation resulted in the
development of physical, digital and financial
* It has zones of production, such as Afghanistan networks that cut across national borders and
and Pakistan in which opium poppies are cultivated, which led to knowledge as well as goods and people
and Peru and Bolivia in which coca-leaves are moving quickly, easily and cheaply across the world.
harvested. These crops are processed in Colombia The sum of these changes is the development of
and Mexico into cocaine, and in Turkey into heroin. a global criminal or ‘shadow’ economy in which
> It has zones of distribution - for example, there exist complex interconnections between a
organised cartels in Colombia (particularly gangs range of criminal networks in a variety of countries,
in Medellin and Cali) control the distribution of including the US, Italian and Russian mafias,
cocaine via containerisation into Europe (usually Colombian, Mexican and Turkish drug cartels,
after making alliances with Russian, Balkan and the Italian Camorra, and Chinese triads. These
other organised European gangs). In Mexico, criminal networks operate transnational^ because
conflict between drug-trafficking syndicates led globalisation reduces risk and increases profit.
by the likes of Joaquin 'El Chapo’ Guzman, and Although global in scope, they are also often
aiming to take control of the extremely lucrative organised along national, regional or ethnic lines. For
cross-border routes into the USA, has resulted in example, there are close links between triads based
the death or disappearance of over 200000 people in China and the Chinese diaspora. The Russian
since 2006. Jamaica is an important staging post mafia similarly maintains strong links with the
for smuggling cocaine into the UK and Europe via Russian diaspora in the USA and Europe.

560

Contemporary issues: Globalised crime in Russia
According to Glenny, the globalisation of crime
was particularly facilitated by the development of
Russian criminal networks, which emerged after the
collapse of communism post-1990. As state assets
were privatised, some Russian politicians, civil
servants and generals collaborated with organised
criminal networks from other countries to buy up
roubles (Russian currency) before dumping them
on world currency markets in order to slash the
value of the currency. This enabled them to buy
up the former assets of the USSR (such as gas
and oilfields, hotels and land) at bargain prices.
Types of globalised crime
The UNODC has identified a massive growth in a
number of forms of global crimes.
Trafficking and dealing in drugs,
particularly cocaine and heroin
Cohen and Kennedy observe that this is the most
lucrative of all global crimes but profits depend on
the fact that there is a massive demand for illegal
substances in Europe and the USA, and a ‘pitiful’
need to continue to grow drugs by farmers in the
supplier countries because they would otherwise
descend into abject poverty. Clare Hargreaves (1992)
argues that the USA consumes more cocaine than
any other industrialised country. In the 1990s, she
found that Americans spent $ 110 million a year on
drugs ($28 million was spent on cocaine). This was
double the profits of the top 500 companies in the
USA put together.
Drug cartels are the criminal equivalent of
transnational companies. The success of this
extremely profitable criminal enterprise depends
on the efficacy of their subsidiary operations, which
look after stages of the global process: the actual
growing of the crops (opium poppies and coca-leaf);
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
Substantial parts of the gold reserves of the Soviet
state were stolen and taken abroad and used
by Russian gangsters and oligarchs to fund the
purchase of privatised assets. Corrupt politicians
were bribed to ease this process. Glenny argues
that, as a result, politics and business have merged
in Russia with both home-based and international
Russian gangsters. This has occurred to the extent
that recent CIA files leaked by WikiLeaks indicate
that the US government refers to Russia as a
‘mafia state’ and suggests that President Putin has
become extremely wealthy - possibly the richest
man in the world - as a result of him turning a
blind eye to his gangster friends.
Questions
1. How did the political, military and business
worlds in Russia overlap post-communism with
the criminal world?
2. Why do you think CIA files refer to Russia as a
‘mafia state’?
the transportation of the crop to processing centres
in other parts of the world (where it is turned into
the ‘product’ using sophisticated and hazardous
scientific techniques); the smuggling of the product
across international borders; the dilution of the pure
product into high-value merchandise for consumption
by individuals; the making of alliances with domestic
gangs in order to distribute the product; the
marketing and sale to customers; and the laundering
of the ‘dirty’ money earned on the streets into
‘clean’ money that can be invested in legitimate
projects such as the construction industry and real
estate. This is a complex business that involves huge
investment and sophisticated logistics but generates
huge profits if successful. For example, in 1989,
the Colombian narco-kingpin, Pablo Escobar, was
estimated by Forbes magazine to be worth $3 billion
when his Medellin cartel controlled about 80 per
I cent of the global cocaine market.
However, a disturbing by-product of this global drug
trade are the thousands of deaths every year - these
deaths include addicts but also the thousands of
people killed in drug turf wars. (In Juarez, a city on
the border between Mexico and the USA, nearly
15000 people were murdered by drug cartels
| in 2011.)
561
 8 GLOBALISATION

which claim that they can obtain legitimate well-paid

Activity jobs and work permits for young educated women as
nannies and au pairs in Western European countries
in return for the women paying the agency a cash fee.
However, evidence from UNODC suggests that, when
such women turned up for meetings with the agencies,
gang members would drug and rape them, take their
passports and put them to work as forced prostitutes
in brothels across Europe, particularly in Germany, the
Netherlands, Belgium and Scandinavia. The UN has
also highlighted the role of Chinese and Vietnamese
gangs in the kidnap of girls in order to cater for
Westerners who travel to countries such as Thailand
and the Philippines for the purpose of ‘sex tourism’.

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Russia, the distinction between crime, politics and
banking is so fine that ‘players can barely tell the
difference’.
Human trafficking
The trafficking of children and women is big business.
Gangs based in Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania and
Albania are thought to be mainly responsible for
illegally smuggling approximately half a million
females a year into Western Europe. The modus
operandi of these gangs is to set up job agencies
Modern slavery.
Cohen and Kennedy observe that, in both Thailand
and the Philippines, sex tourism is one of the biggest
earners of foreign exchange. The forced prostitutes
(many of whom have been sold by their parents to
‘flesh merchants') to work out of brothels advertised
as part of sex tourism packages. The gangs and
middlemen who control the supply of women and
manage the brothels pocket most of the girls’
earnings.

562

Cohen and Kennedy also observe that ‘sex tourism
shades into the mail order bride business’ Potential
husbands arrive on package tours to examine 'the
goods’ Young girls and women who are desperate to
get out of poverty and to financially help their family
often ‘agree’ to marry Western men considerably
older than themselves.
Smuggling of migrants
Since 2010, people-trafficking gangs operating out of
North Africa and Turkey have been heavily involved
in the illegal smuggling of undocumented migrants
(many of whom were escaping extreme poverty,
civil war in Syria and persecution) into Europe via
Greece, Italy and Spain, in return for large fees. The
crossing across the Mediterranean can be extremely
dangerous and many hundreds of refugees - men,
women and children - have drowned as boats have
capsized (see also Unit 8.5.1).
Arms trafficking to illegal regimes,
guerrilla groups and terrorists
According to a 2018 report by Europol, weapons
trafficking is almost exclusively a supplementary
rather than a primary source of income for the
small number of organised criminal groups
involved. Most groups enter the weapons-trafficking
business through other criminal activity, which may
offer contacts, knowledge of existing routes and
infrastructure related to the smuggling of weapons,
explosives, chemical, biological, radiological and
nuclear materials (particularly from the former Soviet
republics). However, a potential major global concern
is the increasing likelihood that these criminal
networks may supply terrorist groups with firearms,
ammunition and explosives.
Research by Judith Aldridge (2017) found that the
dark web/dark net is a major facilitator of the illegal
sales of firearms, weapons and explosives and a
source of digital guides on how to construct bombs
and weapons.
Transparency International, an international
non-governmental organisation which aims to combat
global corruption, estimates that the global cost of
corruption in the legal defence sector or arms trade
amounts to at least $20 billion (£12.6 billion) a year
- the total sum pledged by the (then) G8 countries in
2009 to fight world hunger. Andrew Feinstein (2012)
estimates that corruption in the form of bribes paid
to politicians, civil servants, senior army, navy and
air force officers and middlemen while engaged in
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
the legal trading of arms between arms-exporting
nations such as the UK and USA, and arms-importing
countries such as Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and
South Africa, accounts for around 40 per cent of all
corruption in world trade.
Counterfeiting and smuggling
In 2016, a joint report by the OECD and EUIPO
concluded that imports of counterfeit and pirated
goods, especially of designer goods and labels, are
worth nearly half a trillion dollars a year, or around
2.5 per cent of global imports, with US, Italian and
French luxury brands the hardest hit. A range of
products is faked or counterfeited from handbags
and perfumes to machine parts and chemicals. Most
fake goods originate in middle income or LEDCs,
with China the top producer. The smuggling of
counterfeits could not be successful without port
officials, customs officials and local police officers
being open to bribery.
Activity
'
Luxury brands such as Gucci and Rolex are often
copied by counterfeiting and sold on the streets in
Europe’s capital cities.
I
Why do you think that counterfeiting is a crime
(consider impacts on both companies and
consumers)?
Another aspect of smuggling is the global trade in
luxury cars, particularly models by Audi, BMW, Lexus
and Mercedes-Benz, which are mainly stolen by triad
gangs in the West and containerised and sold to
buyers in China, the Philippines and Russia.
Maritime piracy
Piracy is a violent, acquisitive crime. It is
transnational because a ship is considered the
sovereign territory of the nation whose flag it flies.
Piracy is organised because commandeering a ship
563
 8 GLOBALISATION
at sea requires considerable planning and some
specialised expertise. Most piracy at sea takes
place off the coast of Somalia, especially in the Gulf
of Aden. In 2009, more than half of global piracy
attacks were ascribed to Somali pirates. Most attacks
involve the hijacking of a vessel such as an oil tanker
and threatening the captain and crew until a ransom
is paid. In 2008, the average ransom was estimated
at between $500,000 and $2 million.
Corporate crime and money laundering
Money laundering is the process of creating the
appearance that large amounts of money obtained
from criminal activity, such as drug trafficking or
terrorist activity, originated from a legitimate source.
The money from the illicit activity is considered
dirty, and the process ‘launders’ the money to make
it seem as though it was ‘cleanly’ earned through
legitimate activities.
There is no doubt that global crime could not exist
on the scale that it does without the cooperation of
financial corporations such as international banks and
the powerful financiers who run them. For example,
a number of mainstream banks have recently been
heavily fined by the US authorities for allowing Mexican
drug cartels to set up accounts in which they have
deposited profits from their global drug deals. In 2017,
it was reported that Azerbaijan’s ruling elite operated
a secret S2.9 billion (£2.2 billion) scheme to launder
money through a network of British corporations.
Oliver Bullough (2018) refers to the shadow financial
sector that is responsible for money laundering
and other illegal financial services such as tax
evasion as ‘Moneyland’. He observes that the global
rich, including global gangsters and cartel chiefs,
move their money, their children, their assets and
themselves wherever they wish, picking and choosing
which countries’ laws they wish to live by. Bullough
argues that Britain is at the centre of Moneyland.
He agrees with the conclusion of Roberto Saviano,
expert on the mafia, who calls Britain ‘the most
corrupt country in the World’. Bullough cites a
report by Deutsche Bank in 2015 that claimed
that S125 billion of 'flight capital’ (money moved
abroad by ‘anxious’ owners who have often acquired
the money via corruption and crime) had entered
the British economy ‘without anyone noticing’. For
example, it was alleged by the US Senate Committee
that Omar Bongo (president of Gabon from 1967 to
2009) has channelled $ 130 million through Citibank.
Bullough claims that London overflows with lawyers,
564
bankers, accountants, estate agents, public relations
advisers, luxury-goods sellers, restaurateurs and art
dealers who make their living servicing criminals.
Bullough argues that globalisation means that
Moneyland keeps shifting its shape. The latest
fashion, especially for Russian and Chinese elites,
some of whom have made their money from global
crime, is to buy passports or residency from
countries such as Cyprus, Israel and Malta. The latter
has reportedly raised over $3 billion from passport
sales (Bullough, 2018).
Corruption
In general, corruption is a form of dishonesty or
criminal activity undertaken by a person or global
corporation entrusted with a position of authority,
often to acquire financial benefit. The World Bank
considers corruption to be the major challenge to
its twin goals of ending extreme poverty by 2030
and boosting shared prosperity for the poorest
40 per cent of people in developing countries. It
estimates that global businesses and individuals pay
an estimated S1.5 trillion in bribes every year. This
is equivalent to about 2 per cent of global wealth
and 10 times the value of overseas development
assistance. The World Bank concludes that the poor
pay the highest percentage of their income in bribes.
For example, in Paraguay, the poor spend 1 2.6 per
cent of their income on bribes, while high-income
households only pay 6.4 per cent. Most importantly,
corruption undermines the relationship between the
state and its citizens.
Activity
What sort of ways might corruption undermine the
relationship between a state and its citizens?
Cybercrime
‘Cybercrime’ has been used to describe a wide range
of offences, including offences against computer data
and systems (such as ‘hacking’), computer-related
forgery and fraud (such as ‘phishing’), content
offences (such as disseminating child pornography)
and copyright offences (such as the dissemination of
pirated content). It has evolved from the mischievous
one-upmanship of cyber-vandals or hacktivists
to a range of sophisticated profit-making criminal
enterprises in a remarkably short period of time.
The internet has facilitated a number of traditional
organised crime activities but our collective

dependence on it has also created a number of new
criminal opportunities such as identity theft. Some
analysts have estimated losses to cybercrime to be
as much as $ 1 trillion in 2008, although this figure is
hotly contested.
Clenny has expressed concern about the role of
the dark net in the spread of global crime. This
is an encrypted network of untraceable online
activity and approximately 30000 hidden and
anonymous websites hosted by a software known
as ‘Tor’. Nikita Malik (2018) claims that the dark
net is being used by extremists and terrorists to
plot future attacks, raise funds and recruit new
followers. Terrorist organisations and individuals are
evading security services and intelligence agencies
by 'hiding in the shadows’ of the dark net, using
encrypted messaging services, to communicate and
anonymous cryptocurrencies such as bitcoin to
generate funds.
Terrorism
Tamara Makarenko (2004) argues that terrorism
is increasingly a global crime for several reasons.
First, terror organisations that share a particular
creed and ideology (for example, Islamist jihadists),
but which are based on different continents - for
example, in Europe and Syria (IS), Somalia (El
Shabaab), Afghanistan (al-Qaeda) and Nigeria
(Boko Haram) - share information, personnel and
resources and sometimes coordinate global attacks.
There is also evidence that terrorist groups from
Ireland, Spain, Japan and Palestine cooperated
with each other in the 1970s. Second, terrorist
attacks can occur anywhere in the world. Third, the
victims of terrorist attacks, especially if they occur
in global cosmopolitan cities such as London, Paris
and New York, are often global tourists. Fourth,
many terrorist groups rely on other global criminal
networks, particularly drugs, for funding. Finally,
although fundamentalist groups such as al-Qaeda
and ISIS are committed to a return to traditional or
fundamentalist religious values, they rely on modern
global media, especially the internet, to make their
case and to radicalise and recruit young Muslims to
their cause.
Crimes against the environment - green
crimes
Green crime is a form of global crime because
the planet is a single eco-system in which human
beings, other species and the environment are
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
interconnected and inter-dependent. Green
harms are global in character because they do not
respect national borders. Pollution and waste -
for example, plastic produced by China, the USA
and Europe - is carried via the atmosphere or the
ocean currents across the world. Harm done to
other species or aspects of the environment, such
as the air, drinking water supplies, the ocean and
the rainforest, impact negatively on the quality and
future of human life wherever it is in the world. For
example, radioactive fallout from the Chernobyl
nuclear reactor disaster of 1986 spread thousands of
miles across Europe.
Nigel South (2014) classifies green crime into
primary crimes and secondary crimes. Primary
crimes are the direct result of the destruction and
degradation of the planet’s resources and include:
> crimes of air pollution, such as industrial carbon
and greenhouse gas emissions
» crimes of deforestation, such as illegal logging
> crimes of species decline and animal rights
> crimes of freshwater and marine pollution, such as
oil spillages.
The UNODC has highlighted two important
aspects of green crime which seem to be on
the increase. First, the natural resources of
the LEDCs such as oil, diamonds, gold or
other valuable metals and ores are being
misappropriated and illegally trafficked by
individuals, governments and TNCs. However,
the UNODC also points out that the biological
resources of some countries, especially threatened
animal species, timber and fish, are also being
stolen and illegally trafficked. In particular, exotic
animal products such as rhino horns and tiger skins
command high prices due to strong global demand,
especially from Asia. The UNODC points out that
many wild species are harvested in South-East Asia
for traditional medicine, food and decor products, as
well as being captured for the pet trade.
South identifies secondary green crimes as those
which involve flouting existing laws and regulations -
for example:
* dumping toxic waste, particularly in the developing
world
> breaches of health and safety rules, causing
disasters such as Chernobyl (1986) and the Union
Carbide chemical factory disaster in Bhopal, India
(1984)
565
$ GLOBALISATION
> offloading products such as pharmaceuticals and
pesticides onto LEDC markets after they have been
banned on health and safety grounds in the West.
Activity
‘Global crime takes several forms.’ Evaluate this
view.
Corporate crime
Corporate crimes are committed by the owners,
executives, directors and managers of large companies,
not necessarily for personal gain (although they may
financially benefit in the long run). These offences aim
to maximise profit or to artificially inflate a company’s
share price on the stock exchange. Corporate crimes
tend to be global especially if the company is a TNC
that operates in several countries across the world;
for example, its manufacturing plants may be based
in multiple global locations and it may advertise
and sell its products worldwide. Alleged corporate
wrongdoing involving multinational companies can be
very difficult to prosecute. Examples of controversial
disasters involving multinational companies include
the following:
» Companies putting their workforces and local
populations at risk because they have failed to
abide by local health and safety laws relating to
environmental pollution or taken shortcuts in
safety measures which have resulted in death or
exposure to toxic substances that may shorten
life expectancy. For example in 1984 a gas leak at
the American company Union Carbide’s chemical
plant at Bhopal, India, resulted in the deaths of
hundreds of local people living near the plant. In
2001, Nike were accused by Global Exchange,
a pressure group that monitors the activities
of TNCs, of exploiting child labour in Central
American sweat shops that had been contracted
to produce their sportswear and trainers.
Another example was the collapse in 2013 of
Rana Plaza, a structurally unsound building
in Dhaka, Bangladesh. The building housed
factories producing goods for many multinational
corporations, including Walmart, Monsoon,
Accessorize and Primark. In the tragedy, 1129
people died and over 2000 were injured. Several
owners of the sweat shops producing goods
for TNCs have been charged with murder. The
disaster has forced TNCs to promise that contracts
will only be placed with employers who can
guarantee safe working conditions.
566
Bangladeshi people gather as rescuers look for
survivors and victims at the site of the Rana Plaza
building which collapsed in Dhaka.
» The evidence suggests that global corporations
involved in the manufacture and distribution
of products such as cigarettes and pesticides
concealed their carcinogenic properties from global
consumers for many years.
» TNCs may create environmental hazards. For
example, in 2006, the chemical TNC Trafigura
were accused of hiring a local company in the
West African country Ivory Coast (Cote d’Ivoire) to
illegally dump their toxic waste. This scandal only
became public after dozens of children fell ill after
playing at the dump site. Flowever, it proved difficult
to prosecute Trafigura for this environmental
harm because the company refused to disclose
the contents of the toxic waste, which hampered
both the clean-up and the medical response. In
2007, Trafigura agreed to pay the Cote d’Ivoire
government a settlement of $200 million that
granted the company immunity from prosecution.
In 2008, the Dutch courts found Trafigura guilty of
illegally exporting waste from the Netherlands and
fined it 1 million euros but, according to a 2016
report by Amnesty International, Dutch prosecutors
! decided not to prosecute Trafigura for the illegal
dumping because they found it too difficult to
coordinate with the Cote d’Ivoire government.
Many of those affected are still waiting for an
adequate remedy and justice.
* Vincenzo Ruggiero and South (2013) have
documented environmental disasters they believe
to be caused by global corporations attempting
to minimise costs and to maximise profits. In
particular, they highlight the oil spills associated
with BP in Canada’s Prudhoe Bay in 2006 and
the Deepwater Florizon rig explosion in the Gulf of
Mexico in 2010.

Dark clouds fill the sky as clean-up crews conduct
controlled burns of oil gathered from the surface
of the Gulf of Mexico following the BP Deepwater
Horizon oil spill disaster.
> There is evidence that global arms corporations
have corrupted politicians and government
officials all around the world by paying them
huge bribes in order to win contracts. In 2008,
the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development expressed its disappointment and
serious concern at the UK’s continued failure
to address deficiencies in its laws on bribery of
foreign public officials and on corporate liability for
foreign bribery.
» Some global companies have actually been involved
in the illegal overthrow of democratically elected
governments in Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954) and
Chile (1974).
» Many global banking corporations have been
suspected of being involved in money laundering
of the proceeds of criminal activities such as
drugs, corruption and prostitution. For example,
in 2018, the Danske Bank was revealed to have
thousands of suspicious customers responsible for
about $234 billion of transactions over a nine-year
period. The scandal was truly global in that it
involved 32 currencies, companies from Cyprus, the
British Virgin Islands and the Seychelles. Customers
were traced to Russia, the Ukraine and Azerbaijan.
The US Department of Justice investigation is
ongoing.
1 Global corporations are often accused of tax
evasion. The Panama Papers (2016) and the
Paradise Papers (2017) were leaked documents
that showed widespread illegal tax evasion by
global corporations and wealthy individuals.
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
Activity
Global corporations such as Amazon, Starbucks
and Vodafone have been accused of using off-shore
tax havens to avoid paying their fair share of taxes
on sales in countries around the world in which they
make tremendous profits. Some neoliberal critics
point out that tax evasion is the illegal evasion
of taxes by individuals, corporations and trusts,
whereas tax avoidance is the legal use of tax laws
to reduce one’s tax burden. However, some radical
criminologists believe tax avoidance should be seen
as a crime because it involves the abuse of power,
denied to most citizens, by hiding true earnings or
profits from the tax authorities.
List reasons for and against tax avoidance, and
debate whether it ought to be criminalised.
Reasons for the emergence of global
crime
There are several reasons why crime has become a
global phenomenon.
Cheaper air travel, container transport
and tourism
The development of cheap travel has made it more
profitable and easier to smuggle illegal products such
as drugs across borders. In particular, the invention
and introduction of container shipping made a
great contribution to the globalisation of trade.
According to Martin Parker (2012), the container
has particularly facilitated the activities of global
criminals such as pirates, drug and people traffickers
and criminal syndicates engaged in counterfeiting
and smuggling luxury goods and cars. New
information and digital communication technologies
such as the internet, email and the cheap availability
of mobile burner phones have made it easier for
international criminals and terrorists to communicate
with one another.
The deregulation of global markets
This process, which mainly occurred from the 1980s
onwards, was encouraged by neoliberals and global
organisations such as the World Bank. It means
that it is relatively easy to set up anonymous shell
companies (whose owners are almost impossible
to trace through official channels) in off-shore tax
567
 8 GLOBALISATION
havens to move profits and launder cash around the
world.
Many small countries, particularly the British
Virgin Islands, the Bahamas, the Cayman Islands,
Panama and Costa Rica, have set themselves up as
tax havens in order to generate foreign earnings.
These countries offer foreign individuals and
businesses little or no tax liability in a politically
and economically stable environment. They pride
themselves on asking no questions about the source
of the cash that is deposited in their country and
often refuse to reveal any information about their
clients to foreign governments, police forces or tax
authorities. For example, drug money, in particular,
is often used to set up ‘ghost’ or shell companies in
these tax havens. These companies do not produce
anything but ‘magically’ make profits that can be
transferred to legitimate mainstream banks.
The digitalisation of the global financial
market
The world banking system now operates 24 hours
a day, 7 days a week. This means that money can
be transferred instantaneously and anonymously to
the bank accounts of shell companies in off-shore
tax havens. This has particularly facilitated the
laundering of money earned from criminal activity.
Migration, war and conflict
War in particular parts of the world, and the misery
and poverty that it leaves in its wake, has fuelled
a demand for migration to more prosperous parts
of the world. This has resulted in the emergence of
people-trafficking gangs which offer transport to a
seemingly more affluent West at a cost of several
thousand dollars.
Poverty
Economic deprivation is probably the major reason
why global crime has developed.
Evidence suggests that poverty also shapes the
supply and demand of global drugs. For example, in
the developing world, war and poverty have led to
some farmers having to abandon conventional crops.
In Afghanistan and north-west Pakistan, farmers were
‘encouraged’ by war-lords to plant opium poppies.
In South America, similar economic pressures have
‘forced’ farmers to grow coca plants. For example,
the decision by multinational companies in the
1970s such as Heinz, Coca-Cola and Pepsi to switch
568
from using tin cans to aluminium cans decimated
the tin industry of Bolivia and created massive
unemployment in that country. Unemployed tin
miners in Bolivia were forced back to the land to
survive. Many turned to farming coca-leaves, because
the cartels were willing to pay a greater price for
this crop than farmers could get at local markets for
growing maize.
With regard to the demand for drugs, particularly
heroin, the de-industrialisation of Western societies
led to the decline of manufacturing industry,
long-term unemployment and severe economic
deprivation in inner-city areas in both the USA and
UK. Studies of long-term drug addicts, especially
users of heroin and crack, suggest that the low
self-esteem, boredom and humiliation experienced
by those with little opportunity to work may be a
significant factor influencing their decision to use
hard drugs, usually as an alternative way to fill up
their time or to help them forget about the hardship
they are experiencing. For example, evidence from
a study conducted by Amy Bohnert (2009) suggests
that heroin and cannabis are being consumed mainly
by young adults living in lower socio-economic urban
neighbourhoods in the USA.
Public and official indifference
It can be argued that a grey area exists in some
societies between the legal and the illegal, and this
has probably contributed to public indifference and
some official reluctance to take immediate action
against global crime. For example, the taking of
bribes in some societies, especially poorer ones,
is a fairly routine and normal practice. In Western
societies, deliberate tax evasion (which is an illegal
offence) may actually be admired.
Activity
Evaluate the relationship between global crime and
poverty.
i
Key terms
Shadow economy Illegal or criminal economic
activity which exists alongside a country’s official
economy - for example, the black market.
Zones of production Areas of the less
industrialised world in which crops are grown that
are later processed into cannabis resin, heroin
or cocaine.

Zones of distribution Areas of the world which
are the launch-point or staging posts for the
distribution of illegal goods into the West.
Cartel An organisation of criminals who associate
in order to grow or manufacture, process and
distribute illegal goods, especially drugs such as
heroin and cocaine.
Drug mules People who are paid to smuggle
drugs across borders, usually inside their bodies.
Yardie A member of a Jamaican gang of criminals.
Zones of consumption The mainly Western
market for illicit goods and services.
Camorra A type of mafia that operates mainly in
Naples, Italy.
Triads Chinese-organised criminal gangs.
Diaspora People from a particular nation or
ethnic community that are scattered across the
world - for example, people of Jewish ancestry
can be found in most countries around the world.
Modus operandi A particular way or method of
doing something.
Forced prostitution Sexual slavery that takes
place as a result of coercion by a third party.
Sex tourism The organisation of holidays with
the purpose of taking advantage of the lack
of restrictions imposed on sexual activity and
prostitution by some foreign countries.
Foreign exchange The exchange of currencies -
the US dollar is especially valued by poor
countries, because oil can only be bought on the
oil market using this currency.
Mail order bride A woman who lists herself
in a catalogue and is selected by a man
for marriage.
Dark net/dark web A computer network with
encrypted and restricted access that is used
chiefly for illegal peer-to-peer file sharing.
Money laundering The concealment of the
origins of illegally obtained money, typically by
means of transfers involving foreign banks or
legitimate businesses.
Residency The official right granted by a
government to live in its country although the
person who is given residence may not necessarily
have citizenship.
Hacktivist A person who gains unauthorised
access to computer files or networks in order to
further social or political ends.
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
Identity theft The fraudulent practice of stealing
another person’s name and personal information
from information stored on the Web.
Cryptocurrency A digital currency such as
bitcoin in which encryption techniques are used
to regulate the generation of units of currency
and verify the transfer of funds, operating
independently of a central bank.
Summary
1. Global crime is a huge problem, as illustrated
by the fact that its total value is equivalent to
15 per cent of the world’s wealth.
2. Most of the goods and services produced by the
criminal economy originate in the poorer, less
industrialised world but are consumed in the
developed Western world.
3. The most lucrative of all global crimes is the
production and trafficking of heroin and cocaine.
4. There is considerable overlap between global
criminality and the activities of TNCs and
nation-states.
5. The activities of TNCs often stray into the illicit
sector in their pursuit of profit.
6. Most of the technology associated with
globalisation, especially digitalisation
and containerisation, has benefited global
crime gangs.
7. There is a strong relationship between poverty
and global crime.
Unit 8.6.2 Sociological
explanations for
global crime and who
benefits
This unit will examine sociological explanations for
global crime, particularly in regard to who benefits
from it. The focus will be on Marxist and feminist
perspectives.
Marxist perspectives
Marxists believe that global crime is inevitable because
global capitalism is criminogenic - which means that
569
 S GLOBALISATION
crime is a natural outcome of the values and norms
that people are socialised into by capitalism and their
everyday experiences of that economic system.
Marxists argue that global capitalism strongly
encourages people to believe in a free market
ideology, known as neoliberalism, that suggests that
status and success can only be truly measured or
achieved via the acquisition of wealth and consumer
goods. This neoliberal ideology may encourage both
individuals and businesses to adopt immoral, selfish
and illegal practices to compete with one another
in order to make money and to achieve material
success. Consequently, self-interest and the pursuit
of profit and wealth may put pressure on all social
classes, wherever they are situated in the global
capitalist economy, to commit criminal acts without
conscience or regardless of the costs to others.
Marxists also point out that the criminogenic effects
of capitalism are often made worse by the structural
inequalities embedded in the organisation of
global capitalism.
The overall outcomes of global capitalism are
two cultures:
> a ‘culture of greed’ dominated by the successful
‘few’ who control the majority of the world’s
wealth and who move in the same circles as those
who have made their money directly from crime
and who may, from time to time, knowingly or
unknowingly, enter into business arrangements with
these criminals
» a ‘culture of failure’ made up of the mass of
workers or citizens whose main life experiences are
shaped by the structural inequalities embedded
in the organisation of capitalism such as low pay,
unemployment, existential insecurity and poverty,
which may lead to feelings such as alienation,
humiliation, powerlessness, disaffection and envy.
Some of these workers may view committing crime
i
or becoming addicted to drugs as a form of rational
compensation for the daily misery of inequality.
The Marxist criminologist Ian Taylor (1998) argued
that the development of capitalism is the main driver
for the globalisation of crime. The privatisation
of state assets (see the Contemporary issues box
Russia in Unit 8.6.1), the influence of neoliberal
organisations such as the World Bank that led
to the deregulation of the rules, regulations and
laws governing the import-export of goods across
the world and the promotion of the free market
are features of the capitalist world economy (see
570
discussion of Wallerstein in Unit 8.1.3). These
features have created the conditions conducive to the
growth and benefit of both transnational and local
crime by elites and working-class offenders alike.
The capitalist world economy
This can be illustrated in a number of ways:
Neo-colonialism Wallerstein (1983) argues
that the global capitalist class, who are mainly
situated in the core countries of the global
capitalist economy, contribute to global crime by
practising neo-colonialism. There are three types
of neo-colonialist practice which benefit Western
economies and the profits of TNCs but which damage
the economy of poor countries:
» The core countries ensure that the terms of world
trade favour their manufactured products at
the expense of the cash crops (for example, tea,
coffee, maize, cotton, fruit and vegetables) and
raw materials (for example, tin, copper) that are
often the main sources of income for LEDCs. The
value of manufactured goods is generally stable,
but the value of raw materials and cash crops
often fluctuates because of speculation on stock
markets and changes in public taste. Consequently,
if Western demand for Bolivian tin or coal falls, then
Bolivian mines shut down and miners are forced
to turn to growing crops. However, the choice of
crop may be determined by local markets. It may
be less profitable to grow legitimate crops such as
maize if global drug cartels are offering farmers
higher returns for growing marijuana and coca.
It is thought that farmers in countries currently
dependent on revenue from their sugar crop,
such as Jamaica and Barbados, may be tempted
to switch to illicit crops if Western demand for
sugar continues to fall because of Western health
concerns about sugar intake.
» Global capitalism and cheap international transport
and communication systems have allowed TNCs to
shift production to developing countries especially
in South Asia (for example, Bangladesh and
Malaysia), where production costs are low (both in
terms of taxes and the cost of labour) and where
there is greater potential for maximising profit. This
has led to some TNCs breaking laws in low-income
countries, especially those relating to the health
and safety of their workers. Often such companies
also commit environmental or green offences such
as exposing local populations to toxic pollutants,
destroying local eco-systems by engaging in

deforestation and open-cast mining, recruiting and
paying local warlords to use violence to force native
people off land required by the TNC, or by polluting
local water tables and wells with chemicals and
carcinogenic waste.
> International aid in theory is supposed to assist
an LEDC to develop by financing much-needed
infrastructure such as transport and communication
systems, education and healthcare, such as
vaccination programmes. However, aid often
‘disappears’ and is misappropriated by a local
kleptocracy. Additionally, aid often drags LEDCs
into debt. Funds generated by the export of cash
crops and raw materials often have to be diverted
into debt repayments. LEDC governments may,
therefore, be tempted to turn a blind eye to drug
production because they know this brings in
much-needed foreign exchange. The USA has
actually attempted to convince South American
countries such as Bolivia, Peru and Colombia to
destroy drug crops (with the assistance of US
armed forces) in return for economic aid.
Deregulation of the world’s financial sector
Marxists point out that economic globalisation
means that global criminals and the legitimate
super-rich now have the ability to move large
amounts of money around the world because of
the deregulation of the world’s financial sector.
The lack of global control on the digital transfer
of money enables a whole range of financial
crimes, from tax evasion and insider trading to
defrauding transnational organisations such as the
European Union out of grant and subsidy money.
Estimates put losses from the EU at around $7
billion per year. In addition, lack of regulations,
according to Bullough (2018), has given the
super-rich the freedom to loot their own countries
and transfer billions of illegally acquired cash to
off-shore banks.
Marxists highlight the fact that deregulation and the
existence of secretive tax havens have increased
the opportunities for organised crime to launder
the profits from illegal activities (such as drugs
production and distribution) and to place this
‘cleaned-up money’ in shell companies, supposedly
engaged in legal activities (such as gambling
machines, hotel construction and import-export).
The reluctance of conventional mainstream banks
to ask questions about the origin of such funds also
enables drug cartels to launder their profits safely.
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
Activity
Mtajiny
ilPANAMAlAPERSUfA
^TeakT A XH A YENS corruption -
iraMoFRAUDgl
“BHOFfSHORE EHTITIESDOCUMEHTSmK
The Panama Papers exposed the existence of a
corrupt off-shore world of tax havens engaged in
illegal tax evasion and money laundering.
Research what the Panama Papers revealed.
Economic depression in the USA and Europe
Global economic recession in the 1970s and the
decision by some TNCs to shift their manufacturing
to the less industrialised world had the effect of
bringing about severe economic depression in both
the USA and Europe. Unemployment and urban
poverty dramatically increased. There is evidence
that Western crime rates also steeply increased in
the West in the period 1975-95 as sections of, for
example, the American urban poor in the former
industrial heartlands of Chicago, Detroit, Baltimore
and Philadelphia became addicted to crack cocaine.
In Europe, particularly the UK, the evidence similarly
showed a close relationship between long-term
unemployed youth and heroin addiction.
Crime: the local and the global
Although globalisation often led to the
development of international and transnational
criminal organisations, localised forms of criminal
organisation continued to be important. Marxist
sociologists Dick Hobbs and Colin Dunningham
(1998) studied criminal networks in the north-east
of England and found that most crime in this
region involved networks of interconnected local
criminals who worked together from time to time
rather than well-integrated and permanent gangs.
They concluded that criminal activity, especially in
the field of drugs, is best summed up by the term
‘glocalisation’; that is, some successful criminals
have established international contacts with global
gangs originating in Colombia, Jamaica, Turkey,
Pakistan and Holland. Sometimes this contact is
facilitated by family contacts, especially in urban
571
 8 GLOBALISATION
areas with high concentrations of migrants and
minority ethnic groups.
These domestic gangs were, therefore, to some
extent involved in international drug smuggling
(although most responsibility for this lay with
the global networks), but most of their domestic
criminal activity was focused on the distribution
and sale of drugs on the streets. For example, one
criminal entrepreneur in the study ‘Dave Peters’
made so much money that he ended up living on
the Costa del Sol, from where he ran a shipping
business and a chain of clubs throughout Europe.
However, he maintained strong contacts with his
home town in England and owned a warehouse which
he distributed stolen goods from. His operations
were glocal in the sense that he was dependent on
global networks to transport his drugs overland from
Turkey to Britain, but he also depended on localised
British networks to distribute his drugs across the
British mainland.
Hobbs and Dunningham conclude that the most
successful local criminals who dealt in drugs were
immersed in a glocalised system. They maintained
international contacts in order to ensure supply,
but their main body of business was concerned with
local distribution and the defence, using force if
necessary, of their control of the local drug market
against any competing gangs that might attempt to
muscle in.
It is also important to understand that the extent
of local crime within a particular society depends
on the effectiveness of global crime networks
and trade routes. For example, a great deal of
domestic crime in Western societies is committed
by heroin addicts, who need to consistently ‘earn’
a particular ‘income’ on a daily basis in order to
maintain their supply and feed their drug habit.
Heroin addicts, therefore, have to commit crime
on a daily basis in order to maintain their supply.
Some police forces in Britain estimate that up to
80 per cent of property crime (for example, theft,
street robbery, burglary and shoplifting) in particular
cities is committed by a hard core of 100 or so
heroin addicts. If the global flow of heroin across a
particular route is disrupted by a successful police
operation or by conflict between global gangs,
the domestic demand for heroin may outstrip the
supply, therefore forcing the price of heroin to rise.
Such price rises are likely to result in an increase
in domestic crime as heroin addicts step up their
criminal activities in order to meet the new price.
572
Activity
‘A great deal of global crime originates in the least
economically industrialised countries of the world
because such countries are deliberately kept in a
state of poverty by Western capitalist interests.’
Evaluate this view.
Feminist perspectives
Michele Burman and Loraine Gelsthorpe (2017)
observe that one of the most significant and
influential contributions of feminism to criminology
has been the generation of extensive research
into violence against women, particularly in the
context of globalisation. Feminist research has
been instrumental in revealing the global nature of
violence against women. Examples include research
conducted by Aisha Gill et al. (2014) on honour
killing in India and by Bulent Diken and Carsten
Bagge Laustsen (2005) on the use of rape as a
weapon in war. Burman and Gelsthorpe conclude
that ‘this significant body of scholarship has exposed
some of the most prevalent and devastating forms
of harmful behaviour committed against women
and girls, whilst also broadening and deepening
understandings and definitions of what counts as
“crime'”.
Cohen and Kennedy (2000) argue that females
living in the least economically developed societies
are more likely to be exploited, and to be victims of
global crimes such as forced prostitution and slavery,
than Western women because:
» They are more likely to live in poverty. Diane Pearce
(1978) coined the phrase ‘the feminisation of
poverty’ to illustrate that women wherever they are
in the world have always experienced more poverty
than men.
> They are less likely to be well-educated.
> They do not enjoy the freedom of movement
experienced by males, because they are likely to be
restricted to the domestic sphere of the home and
family.
» Patriarchal social relations (which often originate
in religious, cultural and family traditions) reduce
their freedom to make their own choices and
consequently result in vulnerability and dependency
on men.
» They are likely to lack political power and influence.
 8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME

Feminists who have examined the experience of documentation. However, when Hales and Gelsthorpe
women in the less economically developed world interviewed these migrant women, they argued
have suggested that feminist priorities in this world that the authorities blurred the distinction between
are justifiably very different to those of feminists ‘criminal’ and ‘victim’. Many of the women had
in the West, who see patriarchy as the cause of actually been held captive in slavery-like conditions,
all their problems. However, for women in LEDCs, forced to work as prostitutes or in drug factories -
patriarchy is just one aspect of inequality that has sometimes for years. Furthermore, some had been
to be confronted alongside other injustices that they systematically raped and beaten and their passports
experience on a daily basis. withheld by criminal gangs. Similar research by Maria
De Angelis (2016) found that if women cooperated
Activity with the traffickers in order to avoid violence, this
!
WLjm
.St-
was often seen by official agencies such as the police
as criminal collaboration and consequently they were
no longer looked upon as victims.
Thanh-Darn Truong (2015) argues that there are
IM competing feminist interpretations of human
trafficking. Global feminism views human trafficking
as a form of male violence against women which
is reflective of a universal patriarchal oppression.
F 2D In contrast, international feminism emphasises
r*
V.-

k v*. the political differences between nation-states

T?
and suggests that patriarchy takes a particular
l'.*. a? I
form depending on the specific cultural context of
Women demonstrating for women's and Dalit each nation-state. In other words, the patriarchy
(untouchable) rights in Bangalore, India. experienced by women in Myanmar may differ from
that experienced in Vietnam because the cultures of
What other ‘injustices’, in addition to those
these two countries differ. Intersectional feminism
related to patriarchy, do you think females might
argues that patriarchy is only one social factor that
experience in the less industrialised world? Think
exists alongside other important sources of inequality
about issues such as ethnicity, caste and age.
and oppression, such as age, family, nationality,
regional and tribal identity, and socio-economic
Burman and Gelsthorpe argue that feminist analysis
factors such as wealth and poverty. Feminists today
is increasingly focusing on the relationship between
are, therefore, likely to see patriarchal culture as only
inequalities, powerlessness, victimisation and justice
one of many negative influences on the experience
in a global context. For example, they observe that
of women that might lead to them being trafficked
past studies of human trafficking have tended to
across borders into prostitution. Moreover, research
take a malestream approach and consequently have
by Laura Augustin (2007) suggests that not all
downplayed the role of women as human traffickers.
young migrant women who are trafficked for sex
However, the United Nations Office on Drugs and
purposes should be seen as victims, because her
Crime (UNODC) estimates, that nearly 30 per cent
research found this categorisation was not shared
of traffickers are female and that half of all detected
by all the women who took part in her research. In
trafficking victims are female, and that the number of
other words, feminists such as Augustin argue that
victims who are young girls is on the increase. :
criminologists must examine the motives of the
Feminist research has drawn attention to the so-called migrant ‘victims’ themselves, who may view
difficulty in distinguishing between female offenders ‘trafficking’ as a ‘necessary evil’ in order to support
and victims of global crime. For example, Liz Hales the families or children they have left behind.
and Gelsthorpe (201 2) found that the number of
foreign women in British prisons doubled between Activity
1999 and 2009. Their research found female
On the basis of these studies, what is the problem
prisoners who were migrants from countries
with assuming that most global criminality is
such as Nigeria and Vietnam. Most have been
committed by males?
imprisoned for crimes relating to theft, drugs or false

573
8 GLOBALISATION
Other feminists have asked other important questions
to illustrate the simplicity of categorising women as
either ‘offender’ or Victims’, such as:
> Are the women who become perpetrators of
human trafficking one-time victims?
> Are women subjected to duress or blackmail when
participating in trafficking?
Contemporary issues: Karl Thompson: Globalisation and modern slavery
Thompson (2017) observes that a good deal of
contemporary feminism focuses on how the global
sex industry now constitutes a modern form of
slavery.
One of the main contributing factors to the
increase in human trafficking is the widespread
oppression of women in their countries of origin.
Often females who belong to minority groups or
who are members of lower socio-economic groups
or castes are more vulnerable to trafficking,
because these females are subjected to male
controls. For example, in Thailand, UNODC has
documented the sale by fathers of female children
to gangs involved in organising sex tourism.
Females are powerless to resist because traditional
culture, particularly religious value systems, ascribe
subordinate characteristics to them and place
males in positions of authority. Moreover, the
breakdown of society and the rule of law in regions
characterised by armed conflict often results in
displaced females becoming vulnerable to promises
made by human traffickers of a better life in
the West.
Feminist research has found that many women
in poor societies are often lured into slavery
by organised global gangs that promise them
legitimate employment as maids, nannies or
secretaries in Western Europe or the USA. Upon
arrival, these women are often subjected to
violence or the threat of it and told they have to
work out a ‘debt’, supposedly based on the cost
of their illegal transportation. The gangs often
take away their official documentation such as
passports, keep the women under lock and key,
and force them into prostitution. If they do manage
574
Saskia Sassen (2003) argues that feminism needs to
examine the ‘trafficking-migration’ relationship. She
has suggested that women’s experience of human
trafficking is best understood in the context of a
'feminisation of survival’ She argues that households
and sometimes whole communities are often
dependent on the labour and remittances of migrant
women who have been trafficked for sex or domestic
labour.
to escape captivity, they are unlikely to inform the
authorities, because they either fear deportation
back to their country of origin or because they fear
for the safety of their families back home.
Radical feminists such as Sassen point out that
physical violence against women and their female
children condoned by traditional cultures poses
a significant threat to the health and safety of
migrant women and their female children, even
after they have settled in a receiving society. In
2013, the WHO sponsored the first widespread
study of global data on violence against women,
and found that it constitutes a global health
problem of epidemic proportions and that
intimate partner violence is the most common
form of global violence against women. There
is also evidence that global migration has been
accompanied by the importation of attitudes and
practices that continue to subject migrant women
and their female children to cruel, inhumane and
degrading treatment such as domestic violence,
female genital mutilation, honour killings and
infanticide.
Source: adapted from https://revisesociology.
com/2017/04/10/radical-feminism-globalization-
gender-development/.
Questions
1. Why can human trafficking be described as a
modern form of slavery?
2. What sorts of degrading treatment might
female migrants and their female children be
subjected to even after they have settled in
another country?

Beck and risk society
One of the most influential theoretical approaches
to understanding green crime is provided by the
sociologist Beck and his idea of Risk Society (1992).
Beck suggested that economic growth in more
affluent countries has meant that the risks which
result from a lack of resources (such as the risk of
poverty) have declined, and science and technology
have allowed humans to overcome many risks from
the natural environment. For example, physical
defences can provide against floods. However, human
activity has created new risks such as the risks of
nuclear contamination, toxins in the environment
and environmental damage caused by pollution
of various types. Many of these risks result from
economic growth - for example, the way that growth
has led to the increased use of motor cars. In the
past, lower social classes tend to be most at risk
from misfortunes, but many of the risks created by
humans affect all social groups equally. For example,
all classes are affected by a nuclear disaster. In World
at Risk (2009), Beck suggested that there is more
global awareness of the risks with increased publicity.
Beck saw the harm done to the environment
as integral to the development of late-modern
society, in which humans attempt to control the
world through the use of science and technology.
The problem is that, in solving one set of problems,
humans often create other problems. For example,
nuclear energy could be used to counteract climate
change, but it creates the risk of nuclear disaster
(such as that at Chernobyl) as well as the problem of
the disposal of nuclear waste.
Beck has been criticised for suggesting that all
classes are equally vulnerable to human-made risks.
For example, Philip Sutton (2015) points out that
richer people can afford to live in parts of the world
which are least affected by environmental damage.
However, Sutton praises Beck for highlighting some
of the environmental harm which comes from the
legal use of technology.
Key terms
Criminogenic Something, usually an environment
or value system, that causes crime or encourages
criminal behaviour. Marxists believe that
capitalism does this.
Alienation Feeling unconnected or separated from
the people around you or the work that you do.
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
Deforestation The action of clearing a wide area
of trees.
Water table The level below ground that is
saturated with water and often the origin of the
supply of fresh drinking water.
Carcinogenic Cancer-causing.
Kleptocracy Corrupt leaders that use their power
to exploit the people and natural resources
of their own territory in order to extend their
personal wealth and political powers.
Deregulation The removal of regulations or
legal restrictions.
Shell company A company or corporation
that exists only on paper and has no office or
employees. It may have a bank account in which
laundered money may be deposited.
Infanticide The killing of babies, usually at birth.
Late-modern society A term used by Giddens
to describe global societies which he sees as
exhibiting features that indicate a continuation of
modernity rather than constituting a new type of
postmodern society.
Summary
1. Marxists believe that global criminality is caused
by the criminogenic conditions and values of
capitalism.
2. Poverty in the LEDCs is partly caused by
neo-colonialism.
3. Poverty, in particular, is a major reason why
people in LEDCs are motivated to grow and
distribute illegal crops.
4. The Western market for the drugs produced
by global drug gangs is dominated by
those who have been most affected
by Western multinationals’ decision to
transfer their manufacturing operations
to the developing world - the urban
poor, the long-term unemployed and the
never-employed unemployed.
5. Feminists argue that global criminality, particularly
human trafficking into the global sex industry,
often involves the exploitation of females.
6. However, some feminists claim that it is too
simple to view women who have been trafficked
as victims.
575
 S GLOBALISATION
Unit 8.6.3 Policing and
prosecuting
global crime
Many of the challenges facing the nation-state
today are no longer local or regional in nature
because globalisation has produced transnational
problems such as undocumented mass migration,
environmental degradation, terrorism and armed
conflict, which have produced in their wake a range
of global crimes. Some of these crimes are the
product of organised criminal gangs or cartels,
whose members, in terms of drug and sex trafficking,
the smuggling of counterfeit goods and money
laundering, simply behave as if territorial laws
and borders do not exist. Other crimes, especially
environmental crimes, are committed by TNCs whose
economic power and therefore influence is often
greater than the countries in which they operate.
In addition to green crime, such corporations may
openly flaunt localised laws relating to working
conditions in their factories, health and safety and
financial and tax regulations.
All of these global crimes have produced a new
challenge for both sociologists and the nation-state.
Sociologists are interested in how nation-states
seek to adapt their local forms of social control and
punishment to address globally produced problems.
Policing global crime
Katja Franko (2017) observes that, throughout much
of their history, ‘criminal justice and criminal law
have been inherently territorial and tied to individual
nation-states’. Consequently, policing and justice have
traditionally focused on disputes between domestic
citizens. However, the emergence of global crime has
challenged the ability of the nation-state to protect its
citizens and to ensure that justice is served if citizens
fell victim to global criminality. Moreover, it can no
longer be assumed that criminals who are caught and
put on trial are the citizens of the prosecuting state.
For example, the number of foreign prisoners in most
Western European countries is well above 20 per
cent. In Switzerland, it is 73.8 per cent and it is 60.4
per cent in Greece. As Franko argues, ‘contemporary
penal regimes process not only nationally marginalized
populations, but increasingly also populations of what
might be termed global outcasts’.
576
However, Franko argues that it should not be
assumed that nation-states are impotent when it
comes to dealing with global criminals. She points
out that, although it may look like mafias and
organised crime groups operate seamlessly across
national borders and have a trans-border reach, they
are still heavily embedded in local contexts and are
therefore subject to local policing and justice.
With regard to the fact that these organised criminal
gangs operate transnational^, 192 nation-states
have formed Interpol. This is an international
criminal police organisation which has been set up
to facilitate cooperation between national police
forces. It is mainly tasked with assisting the law
enforcement agencies of individual nation-states
in combating all forms of transnational crime and
terrorism and providing those nation-states with
the information and evidence necessary to secure
successful prosecution of global criminals within their
own borders. Interpol does not actually employ its
own police officers with powers of arrest. Rather, it
coordinates with the police in particular nation-states
and all investigations and arrests are carried out by
the police officers of the nation-state in which the
criminal resides in accordance with their national
laws. Additionally, although Interpol does not issue
arrest warrants, a member country may request
Interpol to issue a Red Notice (an international alert
for a wanted person) on the basis of a valid national
arrest warrant, but the arrest itself is carried out by
the regular police of the nation-state.
However, Interpol has been criticised for allowing
itself to be used for political purposes, because
some authoritarian regimes have used it to issue
Red Notices to track down political opponents and
dissidents that have fled abroad in fear of their lives.
For example, in 2013, the Russian secret service -
the FSB - demanded that Interpol issue a Red
Notice to help locate Bill Browder - an American
businessman very critical of President Putin - so
that he could be arrested and extradited. Chandima
Withanaarachchi, a Sri Lankan blogger who exposes
government corruption and human rights abuses, is
also the subject of an Interpol Red Notice.
Interpol’s ability to assist with the arrest of criminals
is sometimes obstructed by nation-states that refuse
to cooperate. For example, Julian Assange, the
founder of WikiLeaks, an international non-profit
organisation that has published secret CIA files, was
accused in 2010 of rape by the Swedish authorities.
In 2012, Assange took refuge in the Ecuadorian

Embassy in London, where he remains at the time of
writing, because he suspects that the rape allegation
is a contrived excuse to extradite him to the USA on
espionage charges. Similarly, the CIA whistle-blower
Edward Snowden sought asylum in Russia after the
FBI issued a Red Notice for his arrest on charges of
treason after he revealed that the CIA was collecting
personal information on millions of innocent American
citizens without any probable cause or search warrant.
Activity
J
.v
T into them and their powers increased in order to slow
ngemiii
Julian Assange on the balcony of the Ecuadorian
Embassy in London, where he claims asylum.
Research whether your national police force has
recently worked with Interpol or other national
police forces.
In addition to Interpol, in 1998 the EU founded
Europol, which is tasked with promoting cooperation
between the police forces of member states.
Europol mainly acts as an intelligence agency in
the fight against international crime, particularly
drug trafficking, sex trafficking, modern slavery,
cyber-crime, counterfeiting and terrorism. However,
it is also capable of gathering information on crime
beyond Europe, because it has entered into several
international agreements with police forces across
the world, such as the FBI in the USA. Like Interpol,
Europol and its officials do not have executive
powers. This means that they do not have powers of
arrest and cannot carry out investigations without
the approval of national police forces. In contrast
to Interpol, Europol is politically accountable and
dependent for its budget on the EU’s Justice and
Home Affairs Council (JHA).
In addition to being involved in networks such as
Interpol and Europol, national police forces may
enter into voluntary pacts with other national
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
police forces to target specific global problems. For
example, in 2015, police officers in Oslo, Norway,
cooperated with their Romanian counterparts in
efforts to control the migration associated with sex
trafficking.
Global crime and state sovereignty
Many critics of globalisation are concerned that it
erodes state power and consequently that the setting
up of transnational organisations to fight global
crime contributes to the decline of the nation-state.
However, Peter Andreas (2015) argues that global
crime, especially the smuggling of cocaine across
the Mexican-American border by the narco-cartels,
has actually empowered the American state and
policing agencies such as the CIA, FBI, the Drugs
Enforcement Agency (DEA), Immigration, Customs
Enforcement (ICE) and the Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms
and Explosives bureau (ATF). These agents of the
American state have had millions of dollars pumped
down the flow of illegal immigrants and narcotics
over the border from Mexico into the USA.
Corporate crime
It is a fact that criminal justice systems, wherever
they are located in the world, spend most of their
time and energy prosecuting criminals who come
from marginalised social backgrounds and who have
committed conventional crimes such as murder,
robbery and theft. It is a universal trend that rich
and powerful individuals and corporations are
rarely prosecuted and criminalised for those crimes
committed by TNCs as part of their quest for profits.
There are a number of reasons for this:
i Many TNCs are economically more powerful than
I some nation-states and can ‘threaten’ to withdraw
their much-needed investment if the authorities
threaten them with prosecution.
i Many TNCs and wealthy individuals can ‘buy’ their
way out of trouble by corrupting local officials such
as civil servants, police officers and judges with
bribes.
i Marxists argue that the law in many nation-states
is socially constructed in an ambiguous way when
it comes to the activities of TNCs, so that if they
behave in ways that cause harm, their offences
are categorised as ‘civil’ rather than ‘criminal’.
Consequently, state agencies with limited powers
577
S GLOBALISATION
are responsible for dealing with such offences
rather than the criminal justice system. Such
agencies may have the power to fine corporations
but they do not have the power to send corporate
executives to prison. It is rare in most countries
(although the USA has made progress in this area
in recent years) for corporate executives to be
prosecuted and imprisoned for, say, corporate
manslaughter or environmental destruction.
> Even if corporations are pursued by the criminal
justice system, local police forces are often
handicapped by lack of funding, manpower and
expertise. Corporate crime by its very nature can
involve intricate and often impenetrable practices
which ordinary people (who sit on juries) are
unlikely to understand. Furthermore, the police
themselves often lack the type of experts required
to understand the intricacies of corporate crime -
for example, specialists in forensic accounting or
computer hacking who can track the trail of money
that may be involved in illegal tax evasion, money
laundering or the financing of terrorism.
> There is some evidence that official investigations
into corporate crime can also face political
interference. In 2007, British Aerospace Systems
(BAE) paid bribes totalling £1 billion to a Saudi
prince to ensure an arms contract with Saudi
Arabia. However, this corruption went unprosecuted
because the British government decided that ‘the
wider public interest’ outweighed the need to
maintain the rule of law. According to a Guordion
newspaper investigation, prosecutors in the UK
were told to abandon the proposed prosecution of
both British and Saudi businessmen because this
would cause serious damage to UK/Saudi security,
intelligence and diplomatic cooperation. In 2010,
BAE accepted guilt and agreed to pay civil penalties
of S400 million in the USA and £30 million in
the UK to settle corruption allegations against it
relating to Tanzania and Saudi Arabia. However,
the Campaign Against Arms Trade expressed
disappointment that nobody was prosecuted in the
criminal courts for these offences.
Activity
‘Global crime is weakening the nation-state.’
Evaluate this view.
Western governments claim to be keen to be
cracking down on corporate crime and especially
tax-dodging. In 2014, they agreed on the Common
Reporting Standard (CRS). This means that many
578
rich countries now automatically swap information
about assets belonging to each other’s residents in
their banks. It has had some success. For example, it
has decimated some ancient European tax havens,
such as Switzerland and Jersey. However, Bullough
(2018) argues that there are gaping holes in the
CRS because it does nothing for most poor countries
because rich countries do not share information
with them. Furthermore, the USA regularly demands
information on Americans who bank abroad yet I
refuses to divulge the equivalent information on
foreigners who bank in the US. Bullough argues
that the USA has bullied the rest of the world into
scrapping financial secrecy but has not applied the
same standards to itself.
Environmental crimes
Paddy Hillyard and Steve Tombs (201 7) argue that
many criminologists have long recognised and
struggled with the inherent limitations of state-based
definitions of crime, which are often criticised as
‘artificial’ Rob White (2014), for example, argues
that, if a particular action ‘harms’ the physical
environment and the human and other living
creatures within it, it should be defined as ‘criminal’
even if no law has been broken. White’s approach is
sometimes referred to as ‘transgressive criminology’
because it oversteps or transgresses the boundaries
of traditional criminology.
However, one of the biggest problems with regard to
the policing and enforcement of ‘offences’ associated
with environmental destruction or degradation is that
there are no international laws or global agencies
with the power to pursue so-called green criminals,
whether these are individuals, TNCs or nation-states.
Most laws relating to environmental harms are
local. These can be ignored by powerful economic
organisations such as transnationals. Local officials
and politicians can be bribed by powerful interests
so that they turn a ‘blind eye’ to the violation of such
local laws.
Another problem is that international agreements
made at international conferences about the state
of the global environment, and which set targets on
carbon emissions, climate change and so on - such
as Kyoto (1997), Paris (2016) and Chatham House
(2018) - are voluntary and not legally binding.
Countries can ignore such agreements or withdraw
from them. The USA, for example, has made it very
clear that it does not intend to abide by the Paris
protocols.

White believes that local laws and, therefore, definitions
of crime are both insufficient and ineffective for dealing
with environmental harms for two reasons:
> Threats to the environment are increasingly
global rather than local in nature. For example,
environmental disasters such as Chernobyl do not
respect international borders - a problem created
in one locality can have significant global effects.
» These global harms are often the result of global
interests such as TNCs rather than local institutions
who only have their own economic interests
at heart.
White is very critical of nation-states such as China and
the USA as well as transnational capitalist corporations
which take an ‘anthropocentric view of environmental
harms. This means that they see such harms as
a necessary part of human progress, profitability,
economic growth and the highly materialist lifestyles
that their citizens demand. Consequently, these
nation-states and TNCs use their considerable power
to make sure that environmental harms are not taken
seriously or defined as unacceptable. They block all
attempts to introduce international laws aimed at
minimising environmental harm or at punishing those
responsible for such harms.
White argues that an anthropocentric view of the
environment should be abandoned in favour of
an ‘eco-centric’ view of environmental harms that
highlights the interdependent relationship that
exists between humans and their environment or
eco-system. From this perspective, environmental
harm will eventually lead to major harm to
humankind. In the long term, these environmental
harms have the potential to lead to the extinction
of the human race if they are not addressed by
punishing those responsible.
Hillyard and Tombs observe the emergence of a new
sociological discipline known as zemiology (wlnich
originates from the Greek word for ‘harm’, zemia).
Zemiology focuses on social harms which may not be
technically illegal according to local or international
laws but which nevertheless are harmful in the long
term to the survival of humanity and the planet.
Zemiologists believe that all actions, and especially
those relating to the environment, should be judged
entirely in terms of harm rather than in terms of law.
The emergence of this zemiological approach is
extremely important because nation-states cannot
agree on what should constitute green crime.
International law is inadequate - most agreements
8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME
on carbon emissions and climate change are
voluntary. There is no agreement on what sanctions
can be enforced if a country refuses or fails to abide
by these agreements. There is no global agency that
has the power to police green crime. Governments,
especially in the developing world, are generally
reluctant to rein in the harms done by global
corporations because they are too dependent on the
income generated from them in the form of taxation.
Reece Walters (2010) argues that it is useful to use
the term ‘eco-crime’ (rather than ‘environmental
crime’ or ‘green crime’) to identify actions or
omissions which threaten long-term sustainability
of life on earth or even the extinction of human and
nonhuman life. They are essentially crimes against
nature rather than just crimes against individual
humans or other species. Flowever, Walters also
includes actions in the category of eco-crime which
harm the well-being of humans or other species
without threatening long-term sustainability. These
types of offence may cause illness, pain, suffering,
poverty or shorter life expectancy to humans, or
damage other species (including plants as well
as animals).
Activity
TT)
} -l
m —1
m pm
Oil spill cleon-up.
‘Green crime should be defined as any deliberate
harm to the natural environment and the creatures
that live within it.’ Evaluate this view.
Conclusions
Global crime faces a number of problems in terms
of policing and prosecution. The first problem is
detection. Global crime differs from crime committed
in local vicinities. Victims of local crimes tend to
know that they have been assaulted, burgled or
stolen from. As Hazell Croall (2011) notes, domestic
579
 $ GLOBALISATION
crime usually involves ‘blood on the streets’. Victims
feel victimised and can consequently report that
experience to their local police force, who can usually
quite easily identify which law has been broken.
In contrast, the victims of global crime are not so
visible for a number of reasons. For example, other
law-abiding citizens may not agree that heroin
addicts or members of gangs killed in territorial
disputes over drug dealing are victims. Moreover,
many victims of global crimes such as counterfeiting
or computer identity theft are unlikely to realise that
they are victims. Similarly, financial or environmental
crimes committed by TNCs or corrupt politicians and
state officials have indirect victims rather than direct
victims. For example, a worker may have to pay a
greater proportion of their wages in tax because
wealthy individuals and companies are engaged in
legal or illegal tax avoidance/evasion. People are
generally unaware that the air they breathe or that
the water they drink may be polluted in some way.
However, ordinary workers and citizens are unlikely to
know this, because both TNCs and governments have
the power and ability to conceal their crimes and so
evade police attention and prosecution. For example,
oil companies may fund research that argues
convincingly against the idea that climate change
is occurring. In summary, there is a hidden iceberg
of global crime - it is difficult to estimate precisely
how much of it exists. This, of course, also means
that there is no accurate way of estimating the true
value of such crime. Sociologists working in this field
are over-reliant on secondary official sources such
as Interpol and Europol, which may exaggerate the
problem in order to justify extra funding.
The second problem is that, even if such crimes are
detected, domestic police forces lack the resources -
funding and specialised expertise - to investigate
global crime. Moreover, governments often put
pressure on local police forces to drop investigations
into powerful interests such as other governments or
wealthy corporations. Third, the power of those who
commit global crimes and their primary commitment
to profit means that they feel that they can neglect
or even ignore compliance with local laws, unlike
the bulk of ordinary citizens. Fourth, the lack of any
comprehensive system of international law governing
the wide range of global crimes and potential
environmental harms that exist serves to weaken the
attempts by local law agencies to deal with crimes
that often go well beyond their borders. Finally,
both the UN and the EU have failed to support local
law enforcement in that both Europol and Interpol
580
.......
are fairly toothless bodies. Moreover, there is also
a need for an International Criminal Court (ICC)
organised along the lines of the current ICC (which
only deals with war crimes) that has the power to
extradite and prosecute those who run international
criminal cartels, global corporations and the corrupt
politicians and bureaucrats involved in the complex
business of global crime.
Key terms
Whistle-blower A person who informs on a
person or organisation regarded as engaging in an
unlawful or immoral activity.
Forensic accounting The use of accounting
skills to investigate fraud or embezzlement
and to analyse financial information for use in
legal proceedings.
Transgressive criminology Criminologists who
are interested in a broader definition of crime -
activities that cause harm - rather than strictly
activities that are against the law.
Anthropocentric Regarding humankind as the
central or most important element of existence,
especially as opposed to God or animals.
Eco-centric The view or belief that the rights and
needs of humans are not more important than
those of other living things.
Zemiology The study of social harms.
Summary
1. Global crimes are mainly prosecuted by national
police forces because, although global criminal
networks operate across national borders, a
great deal of their criminal activity is carried out
within localised contexts.
2. The pursuit of global criminals by state
;
police forces is supported by transnational
non-government policing organisations such as
Interpol and Europol.
3. Corporate crime is probably under-reported
and less likely to be prosecuted compared with
crime committed by ordinary individuals. This
is because corporations wield great economic
power that often enables them to avoid
prosecution.
4. Corporate crimes are frequently categorised
as civil rather than criminal offences and are
immensely complex to understand.
 8.6 GLOBALISATION AND CRIME

5. Many harms done to the environment are not argue that, if something is harmful to humanity
technically crimes or covered by international or the eco-system in which humans and other
law. Criminologists who specialise in green crime forms of life live, it should be defined as criminal.

END-OF-PART QUESTIONS
[ Q | f] Describe two types of global crime carried out by transnational corporations. [4 marks]
[ 0 | 2~1 Explain one strength and one limitation of using international laws to police environmental
crime. [6 marks]
| 0 | 3] Explain two reasons why Marxists claim that global crime is criminogenic. [8 marks]

EXAM-STYLE PRACTICE QUESTIONS

roTTI ‘Globalisation has led to cultural convergence.’ Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

foTTI ‘Dependency theory exaggerates the influence of industrialised countries in the development
process’ Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

581

i
9 PREPARING FOR
EXAMINATIONS
In this chapter, you will explore a range of sample
responses to the exam-style practice questions
included at the end of Chapters 2 to 8 of this book.
These responses and the activities around them are
designed to help you to reflect upon and improve
your own writing.
Exam-style questions and sample answers have
been written by the authors. References to
assessment and/or assessment preparation are
the publisher’s interpretation of the syllabus
requirements and may not fully reflect the approach
of Cambridge Assessment International Education.
Cambridge International recommends that teachers
consider using a range of teaching and learning
resources in preparing learners for assessment,
based on their own professional judgement of their
students’ needs.
 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY

Socialisation and identity

To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 2. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 -4 below. As you read the shorter
responses and the supporting comments, decide what mark your own response(s) deserve. Identify anything you
could do to improve your responses. As you read the longer responses and the supporting comments, decide
whether your own response is closer to the level of the ‘competent’ answer or the 'strong' answer. Identify any ways
in which your own response could be improved, using the commentaries on the sample responses as guidance.

foil] Describe two factors that might influence a person's social identity. [4 marks]

Response

Social class may influence a persons social identity. This can be the social class that a person is bom into, their attitudes
and their wealth or income. These affect the way that a person sees themselves as well as the way others see them. It
has an important influence on their life chances and the consumer goods they can afford to purchase as a way of
expressing their identity.

Gender can influence a persons social identity. Socially constructed ideas about what it means to be a man or a woman
varyfrom culture to culture but patriarchal ideology is universal, which means that men generally have more power in
society compared to women. Gender can influence which roles people play and the choices available to them.

Comments
Two relevant factors (social class and gender) are identified for 2 marks; the way that each factor may influence
a person’s social identity is described accurately for a further 2 marks.
Mark 4/4

[ 0 |2a| Explain two reasons why people usually conform to social expectations. [8 marks]

Response

1. People usually conform to social expectations due to positive sanctions that are used by agencies ofcontrol to
reward and reinforce the conformity of individuals who accept that complying with the rules brings about a social
exchange that benefits themselves and their community. For example, conformity and working hard usually
results in a pay rise and the opportunity thereby to have a better lifestyle in material terms.

2. Another reason people conform to social expectations is that social control agencies can also use negative sanctions
or punishments. For example, ifyou do not conform to laws, you may be sent to prison.

Comments
Two reasons why people usually conform to social expectations are identified (2 marks). The first reason is
explained and uses appropriate sociological material to support the answer and to show with the example
of a pay rise why rewards might encourage a person to conform to social expectations. The second reason is
less well developed and lacks reference to sociological material that explains why a punishment such as going
to prison might encourage a person to conform to social expectations. For example, the answer might have
referred to the loss of status and the stigma of going to prison as a relevant sociological explanation for why
the threat of this particular punishment might encourage conformity.
Mark 6/8

583
 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

I 0 |2bl Explain one strength and one limitation of the view that individual behaviour is shaped by
the social structure. [6 marks]

Response

The view that individual behaviour is shaped by the social structure helps us to understand social conformity. Both
functionalist and Marxist theory supports this view. Functionalists claim that institutions such as thefamily and
education work together to ensure that young people are taught the norms and values on which the social structure
is based. Marxist sociologists also see social structure dominating individual behaviour; though they argue that it is
the requirements ofthe economic system specifically that exercise this controlling influence over peoples thoughts and
actions. The idea that individual behaviour is determined by the social structure is a strength because it helps us to
understand why there are often similarities in the way individuals behave and why social interaction mostly takes place
in an orderly way rather than being chaotic.

One limitation ofthis view is that it tries to explain conformity and non-conformity entirely in terms of the influence
ofsocial structure. The fact that people mostly accept social norms and values is seen as evidence that the institutions
underpinning the social structure have been effective in shaping individual behaviour. Likewise, people who act contrary
to social expectations are seen as lacking adequate exposure to these institutional influences (not attending school, for
example). This is a limitation in the argument that individual behaviour is shaped by the social structure, as people
may actively choose to reject social norms and values; their non-conformist behaviour is not necessarily the result of
inadequate exposure to institutional influences. Nor should we assume that people who conform to social norms and
values do so because they have been taught this is the right thing to do (it may have more to do with self-interest or
apathy and/or a sense of being powerless to challenge the status quo, for example).

Comments
One acceptable strength is identified (the ability to explain similarities in individual behaviour) for 1 mark;
how structures may influence behaviour is explained through reference to the role of the family and education
in the socialisation process for the second mark. The final sentence provides a clear reason why the focus on
the influence of structure in shaping individual behaviour is a strength and so the third mark is also merited.
One acceptable limitation is identified (the response tries to explain conformity and non-conformity entirely in
terms of the influence of social structure) for 1 mark; the way that functionalist theory relies on exposure to
institutional influences (socialisation effectively) to explain conformity and non-conformity is demonstrated in the
second and third sentence for the second mark. The final sentence provides a clear reason why relying on the
concept of social structure to explain individual behaviour is a limitation and so the third mark is also merited.
Mark 6/6

1 0 |3a| The role of socialisation in shaping human behaviour has been exaggerated.'
Explain this view. [10 marks]
Competent answer

Structural theories such as Marxists and Functionalists have been Although interactionists would
add that society provides a
criticisedfor assuming that the peoplejust accept socialforces as a result of
menu of meanings from which
socialisation. Interactionists argue that human behaviour is a product of the individual draws in making
individual interactions and meanings/For example, interactionists claim that sense of the social world. Action
crimes are only criminal because we label it that way. Becker argues that is guided by social meanings
rather than the individual having
actually, people commit deviant acts as part ofa bigger process based on
free choice in how they behave.
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 SOCIALISATION AND IDENTITY

decisions that a person makes. For example, people do not become criminals
overnight, becoming a criminal is a process, and people have individual
agency in that process. Once a person commits a crime, they can decide if
they are going to commit another crime, or not. If they do commit a crime
they may allow the label of criminal to become their master status, which
means that is how they see themselves essentially -as a criminal. This is a
form ofself-fulfilling prophecy, or accepting and living up to the label.

The role ofsocialisation may also have been exaggerated as people

behave the way they do due to innate or inborn biological factors.
This is known as the nature vs nurture debate. Sociologists argue that
people behave the way they do due to social factors, whereas others such Good to show awareness of
as biologists claim that in fact, things like gender roles are connected non-sociological explanations
to our biologyrFunctionalists claim for example that gender roles for human behaviour in
answering the question.
in the family are based around women giving birth and men being
breadwinners because they do not give birth.

Comments
The answer rightly uses the interactionist perspective as a way of illustrating how the role of socialisation
in shaping human behaviour may have been exaggerated in other (structural) sociological perspectives.
However, the interactionist critique of structural theories of socialisation could have been more clearly
expressed and is inaccurate in some respects. There is a useful, but brief reference to the nature versus
nurture debate.
Mark 6/10

Strong answer

All sociological theories assume that society is overwhelmingly the main

influence on human behaviour. For structural theories (functionalism,
Marxism), the socialisation process more or less ensures that people
conform to social norms and values. Interactionists allow more scopefor
free will and personal choice in understanding human behaviour, though in
this perspective it is still the process of interacting with each other in society
(socialisation) that provides the main contextfor understanding how people
act and think.

However, the importance of nature as an influence on human behaviour

may have been underestimated in these sociological accounts.
Sociobiologists such as Morris (1968) argue that it is not socialisation
that shapes behaviour, rather it is biology that shapes human behaviour,
due to thefact that sharing culture is based on the innate or genetic
need to continue the life of the social group over time. They claim that

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human biology and behaviour are permanently linked. One example

of this argument comes from the sociobiologists Lionel Tiger and Robin
Fox. who argued that gender roles were biologically determined and as
a result, any attempt to interfere with what they saw as the 'fixed' nature
of masculine and feminine behaviour, was bound to end in failure. For
example, they would argue this is why girls choose female' subjects at
school such as Health and Social Care, which are an extension of the
caregiving maternal role, while boys opt for typically 'male' subjects
such as science and maths. Furthermore, some neuroscientists and
psychologists such as Baron-Cohen argue that the female brain is
genetically hard-wired for empathy while the male brain is hard-wired for
understanding and building systems. This all suggests that sociological
A useful conclusion that is well
arguments that socialisation shapes human behaviour are problematic
supported by the preceding
and exaggerated*------------------------------------------------------------------ analysis.

Comments
This answer provides a sustained account of arguments from sociobiologists and psychologists questioning the
importance of socialisation in explaining human behaviour. Different contributors to the debate are mentioned
and their ideas are accurately and succinctly described.
Mark 10/10

1 0 |5b| The role of socialisation in shaping human behaviour has been exaggerated.’
Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]
Response
Thefunctionalist Durkheim argues that socialisation is essential in
shaping human behaviour: He carried out research into suicide rates
using a comparative experiment. He argues that suicide rates differ in
different societies because social forces control peoples behaviour, not
biological, innatefactors. In fact he claims that the more integrated
Good use of an example of
people are by things like religion (an agency ofsocialisation), the less
socialisation to support the
likely they are to commit suicide/Durkheim claimed that his research
argument that is presented.
proves that socialforces are essential in shaping peoples behaviour,
rather than individual psychological or biological reasons for
committing suicide.

Comments
This answer makes good use of Durkheim’s own attempt to prove that socialisation is a key factor in
shaping human behaviour. The relevance of Durkheim’s study of suicide in this respect is made very clear
in the answer.
Mark 6/6

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[ 0 | 41 Evaluate the view that social control serves the interests of the ruling class. [26 marks]
Competent answer

Marxists take the view that social control is negative and increases the gap
between the rich and the poor in society. The working class are socially
controlled by feeling the system is fair rather than really understanding how
much they are being exploited. The ruling class are led to believe that they are
in control and they use their views to rule over the working class. The ruling
class create the rules, laws and control peoples behaviour. Althusser argues
that social control takes two forms in capitalist society, repressive state
apparatus which involves the police and the use offorce, and then ideological
state apparatus which is the way the working class are encouraged to 'love
the system' rather than challenge it. Marxists argue that because of this
social control, people will not speak to each other and realise how oppressed
they are and this prevents a revolution happening. Marxists believe that the
only way for society to be run morefairly is through communist society.

Functionalists argue that social control is a positive thing. They claim that
social control makes sure that people are properly integrated into society’s
norms and values. Durkheim argues that ifsocial control is not occurring This paragraph lacks a clear
then anomie will appear, which is a state of confusion where people do not explanation of how the
functionalist view differs from
know what the difference between right and wrong is*
the Marxist view; the differences
Feminists argue that social control serves the interests of men not are left somewhat implicit.
capitalism. Feminists such as Oakley show how in thefamily, men
continue to expect women to take on a 'dual burden’ which means that
even though they work, they also have to keep doing the housework and
that they do this because they are socially controlled.
This statement exaggerates the
Interactionists argue that actually social control is not happening and that extent to which interactionists
people chose to behave the way they do through individual choicetThey believe believe that people are free to
that people attach meanings to behaviour and decidefor themselves how to choose how they behave.
behave rather than being socially controlled through social structures.

In conclusion, social control does operate to maintain the interests of

capitalism, as there are massive inequalities in society, with the rich getting
richer and the poor growing poorer. Howeverfeminists are right to say that
actually women arefar more socially controlled than men.

Comments
The response includes some useful contrasts between the Marxist theory of social control and other
sociological perspectives on the subject, including the functionalists, feminists and interactionists. However,
the assessment relies on general views about the nature of social control rather than focusing specifically on
the issue of whether social control serves the interests of the ruling class.
Mark 15/26

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..........

Strong answer

According to Salisbury (2018) there are structural and agency-based

explanations ofsocial control. Structural theorists claim that there are social
forces which act on people and encourage them to behave in particular
ways. Marxists claim that social control is linked to the perpetuation of
the capitalist system; functionalists claim that social control plays a much
more positive role in maintaining society. Interpretivists on the other hand,
disagree and argue that people have individual agency and that social
control is not so important. This essay will explore a range of ways that
social control works according to different perspectives.

As suggested above, the macro, conflict, structural theory ofMarxism

emerged in response to emergence of capitalism which is a society where
there are two socioeconomic classes known as the bourgeoisie who own the
means ofproduction (factories etc.) and the working class who are exploited
by the bourgeoisiefor their wage labour in order to make profit. So social
control is about keeping the rich, rich and the poor, poor. This results in
a conflict between the two social classes. Marxists such as Althusser claim
that the ruling class need to use Repressive state apparatus such as the
police as well as Ideological state apparatus such as the ideas in the family
of'love and 'support' to prevent the working classfrom questioning thefull
extent of their exploitation. The working class are blind to their oppression
and social control, which is known as false class consciousness. Marxists
such as Gramsci say that the bourgeoisie also socially control the working
class through imposing ruling class ideas onto the proletariat - known as
hegemony. In fact, not all working class peoplefeel oppressed or socially
controlled and there are opportunitiesfor social mobility in some cases.
However, as the top wealthiest 5% own 80% ofall wealth in the UK, it
A balanced, considered
would seem that social class really does continue to support capitalism, with assessment of the Marxist
its ideology ofpursuit ofproperty, greed and profit/ theory at the end of the
paragraph.
In some ways similar to Marxists, feminists also offer a conflict structural
view ofsocial control, but they are critical ofMarxists who they see as There was an opportunity here
ignoring the way women are exploited within a society characterised by to consider whether men can
be seen as a ruling class, with
patriarchal ideology/Radicalfeminists such as Millet argue that in order
women as the exploited and
for patterns ofsocial control to be changed, massive changes need to oppressed grouping.
occur in society. Liberalfeminists such as Somerville claim that progress is
being made, both with changes in the law and changes in attitudes. The
recent Equal Pay Audit highlights the fact that women continue to be paid
significantly less than men which proves that social control ofwomen, by
men, or patriarchy, continues to be a real issue in society, even though girls
outperform boys in education. Interpretivists such as Weber disagree with
the view that social control supports capitalism, as they believe individuals

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 RESEARCH METHODS

have agency and are not passive. They claim that in fad, individuals to
some extent shape their own position in society and that otherfactors apart
from social class may lead them to act in particular ways.

In conclusion, social control does appear to support capitalism as there is

evidence that huge economic inequalities continue to exist in societies all over
the world today. Moreover, the legal system in western societies is largely
focused on the protection ofprivate property, which in turn serves the
interests of capitalism and the property owning ruling class. Governments A well-reasoned conclusion,
rarely take actions that oppose the interests of the rich and powerful; with a number of points offered
to support the main argument
indeed, it can be argued that a lot ofgovernment sanctions and controls are
that social control appears to
designed to support capitalism and the free market economy« support ruling-class interests.

Comments
The account of the Marxist theory of social control is well constructed with reference to relevant thinkers and
concepts. Some attempt is made to assess whether or not social control serves the interests of the ruling class.
Different perspectives on the role of social control are also noted, including the feminist view, which is very well
summarised.
Mark 23/26

1 0 1 5 1 Evaluate the view that people are free to choose their social identities today. [26 marks]

You might want to answer this question yourself and then use the checklist that follows to review your answer.
Compare your work to a partner’s. Identify strengths in the answers and also consider how they could be
improved.
The following is a list of qualities that would be found in a ’strong’ answer:
» Shows understanding of the key terms in the question.
» Identifies the main issues raised by the question.
» Explains the view expressed in the question using relevant sociological concepts, theories and arguments.
> Uses evidence and references to sociological studies to support key points, where appropriate.
» Considers the view expressed in the question from different angles, analysing arguments and evidence for
and against.
* Presents the sociological material used (concepts, theories, arguments) in a clear and logical way that is
easy to understand.
» Draws conclusions about which arguments and/or evidence in response to the question is most convincing;
reasons why those conclusions have been reached should also be given.
1 Includes a concluding paragraph that summarises the main arguments and ideas expressed in the answer
and, ideally, also contributes a final point that secures the case made in responding to the question.

Research methods
To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 3. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 -4 below. As you read the shorter
responses and the supporting comments, decide what mark your own response(s) deserve. Identify anything you
could do to improve your responses. As you read the longer responses and the supporting comments, decide

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whether your own response is closer to the level of the 'competent’ answer or the 'strong' answer. Identify
any ways in which your own response could be improved, using the commentaries on the sample responses
as guidance.

loll! Describe two types of sampling method. [4 marks]

Response

Snowball sampling: the researcher finds one appropriate person for their study and then gains their trust until
that participant recommends other suitable participants. This is often used when there is no sampling frame
available e.g. a study on gang members, as there is no publicly-available list ofgang members.

Random sampling: this is basically 'picking names out of a hat'. The researcher uses a sampling frame, and each
person on that list has an equal chance of being chosen.

Comments
Two types of sampling method are identified for 2 marks; each sampling method is described accurately for a
further 2 marks.
Mark 4/4

I 0 [2a| Explain two reasons why laboratory experiments are rarefy used in sociological research. [8 marks]

Response

1. Laboratory experiments are not popular with sociologists (especially interpretivists) as they do not create valid
data. This means the data are not true and accurate reflections of how people behave in real life. This is because an
artificial environment is created when conducting laboratory experiments, and according to interpretivists, people
act in response to their perception of their current situation. Therefore this means that participants will not be
acting naturally as they're not in a natural environment when participating in a laboratory experiment.

2. Laboratory experiments are often not used in sociological research as sociologists are wary of the experimental
effect. Laboratory experiments are usually carried out in an overt way, gaining informed consent to ensure it
fits ethical guidelines. This means the participants know their behaviour is being recorded and analysed by the
experimenter, so they change their behaviour: the Hawthorne Effect. This also reduces the validity of the results.

Comments
Two reasons why laboratory experiments are rarely used in sociological research are identified (2 marks). Each
reason is explained (2 marks) and appropriate sociological material is used to support each reason (2 marks).
The appropriate sociological material supporting the first reason includes the reference to the interpretivist
view that ‘people act in response to their perception of their current situation’ The second reason is supported
with appropriate sociological material through the reference to the need to gain informed consent and follow
ethical guidelines; also, the reference to the Hawthorne Effect. The first reason is fully developed, with the final
sentence showing how the sociological material used supports the point about laboratory experiments failing
to generate valid data. The second reason fails to explain why ‘knowing their behaviour is being recorded’
might lead the study group to change their behaviour, and for this reason only 3 marks are awarded for the
second part of the answer. The first part of the answer is fully developed and gains 4 marks.
Mark 7/8

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 RESEARCH METHODS

Po'j2b| Explain one strength and one limitation of questionnaires. [6 marks]

Response

Strength: it is relatively easy to reach a large sample spread across a large geographical area with questionnaires.
This is because the method is not face-to-face, like interviews or observation. The researcher simply posts the
written questions to as many participants as they wish, anywhere in the world. This means it is cheaper than
paying the researcher’s travel expenses necessary with other methods, and is often possible to reach a bigger and
wider-ranging sample.

Limitation: questionnaires often have a low response rate as the researcher is not there in person to encourage people
to complete it. They are often seen as 'junk mail' and thrown away. This means the results may not be representative
as many of the original sample did not participate: often only people with lots of time on their hands bother to reply
(e.g. elderly, retired people), as opposed to busy working people.

Comments
One acceptable strength is identified (ability to research a large sample) for 1 mark; the reason why
questionnaires are effective in researching a large sample is explained (ease of posting to a large number of
participants) for the second mark. However, the answer fails to explain why the ease of researching a large
sample might be viewed as a strength. The third mark could have been given had the answer mentioned,
for example, the ability to identify social trends reliably, which is more likely to be achieved by using a large
and/or wide-ranging sample.
One acceptable limitation is identified (low response rate) for 1 mark; the reason why a questionnaire
might have a low response rate is explained (because they may be seen as junk mail) for the second mark.
The reason why a low response rate might prove to be a limitation is explained (it might undermine the
representativeness of the original sample if only certain types of people reply) for the third mark.
Mark 5/6

[ 0 15a 1 ‘Qualitative research data lack validity.’

Explain this view. [10 marks]
Competent answer
This sentence tells us nothing
Qualitative data are information in word-form, whereas quantitative data about the subject of the
question, which is qualitative
are information in number-form. Quantitative data comefrom methods
data and the concept of validity;
like questionnaires and structured interviews, and some sociologists sag the sentence lacks relevance to
this is more reliable than qualitative/Qualitative data are gathered from the question, therefore.
methods such as observation and unstructured interviews. So qualitative
data tend to be more detailed, and are often said to be more validl In this part of the answer, it
would have been better to
However qualitative research data are not always valid as people explain what validity means and
sometimes lie in interviews. This may be because they re embarrassed. For why qualitative research methods
example, when Barker studied the Unification Church (the Moonies) by are effective in producing
detailed (in-depth) data.
carrying out observation, interviews and questionnaires, the sect members
might have been embarrassed to admit their real reasons forjoining.

Also, people may act differently ifthey know they re being researched. This is
called the Hawthorne Effect. This may be because they want to impress the
observer, or play up like children in secondary schools often do ifthey know

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an adult is watching them. Or they may show offin group interviews, or be

shy and not show their real personality. When teachers are observed as part
ofan inspection they often change their behaviour. Or they may behave
differently depending on what the researcher looks like or acts like.

Comments
Compared to the ‘strong- answer, this answer is less focused. The description of quantitative data in the
second sentence lacks relevance to the question and was unnecessary. Qualitative data are correctly linked
to methods such as observation and unstructured interviews. However, the point that follows about people
sometimes lying in interviews is not specific to unstructured interviews; it could apply to all interviews,
including those which are designed to collect quantitative data. The concept of the Hawthorne Effect is
explained quite well in the second paragraph, but reference to a relevant study would have helped support
this part of the answer.
Mark 6/10

Strong answer

Research is said to be high in validity ifit presents a true and accurate picture
ofwhat is being studied. Interpretivists claim that qualitative data are high
in validity as they give an in-depth understanding of those being studied.
However, there are some reasons why qualitative research methods can
result in data lacking in validity.

Firstly, there is the issue of how the researcher might affect the participants,
leading them to change their behaviour and not showing a true/accurate
representation oftheir normal lives. This is a common disadvantage of
carrying out overt observations, and is known as the Hawthorne Effect.
For example, when Whyte observed an Italian-American gang in Boston,
he was open with Doc (the gang leader and gatekeeper) about his true
intentions, and Doc later admitted that he started to think before acting as
he was concerned about how Whyte would question it. Therefore Doc was
Good use of an example from a
acting differently, and Whyte was notfinding out about how Doc behaved
sociological study to show why
normally, so the data were notfully valid* the validity of data collected
using qualitative research might
There is another issue with qualitative methods like unstructured interviews.
be questioned.
In these interviews, the interviewer often spends a long time with the
interviewee and builds up a trusting rapport with them. Whilst this might
help the participants tofeel more comfortable and give more detailed/truthful Good use of a relevant
answers, the researcher may be less objective as they start tofeel like afriend sociological term ('socially
to the participant and view them in a very positive light. For example, Oakley desirable answers’) to
demonstrate knowledge of
spent about 30 hours with each woman in her 'From Here to Maternity’ a potential limitation with
study, and admitted she was not impartial. Also, interviewees may say what unstructured interviews that
they think the interviewer wants to hear (known as socially desirable answers)- might affect the validity of the
as they care about what their new 'friend' thinks ofthem. data collected.

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 RESEARCH METHODS

Comments
The answer opens with an accurate definition of the term ‘validity’. Several reasons why qualitative research
data may lack validity are then explored. Good use is made of relevant concepts (Hawthorne Effect, objective,
socially desirable answers) in developing the answer. References to studies (Whyte, Oakley) help to support key
points. While this answer could be further developed (for example, there was scope to add a few comments
about the positivist critique of qualitative research data), it does cover enough relevant points in sufficient
detail (concepts, studies, links to methods) to merit a high mark.
Mark 9/10

[ 0 |3b] ‘Qualitative research data lack validity.’

Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]

Strong answer

Interpretivists may argue that qualitative data do NOT lack validity because qualitative research methods allow
the sociologist to build a good rapport with the participants. For example, participant observation allows the
researcher to spend an extended period of time with the group they’re studying, and this helps them to gain their
trust e.g. James Patrick spent 4 months studying a Glasgow Gang. When a good rapport is built, it usually means
that people 'open-up' more, and tell or show the sociologist more about their life. This means that the sociologist
is able to build a true and accurate picture of those they’re studying, which means the data are high in validity.
While there is a danger that the researcher may lose objectivity by becoming too close to the study group, trained
sociologists know to guard against this happening and they usually adopt special techniques to help ensure they
remain objective throughout the research study.

Comments
The answer explains clearly the connection between gaining the trust of participants in qualitative research
and the ability to collect data that are high in validity. The potential objection that researchers in participant
observation studies may lose objectivity is addressed directly and answered.
Mark 6/6

I 0 I 4 | Evaluate the use of structured interviews in sociological research. [26 marks]

Competent answer

Structured interviews are when an interviewer asks a set ofquestions to An attempt to define the term
someone, in the same way each time/For example, they are often used by ‘structured interviews’, but the
comment ‘in the same way
market researchers who stop the public on the High Street. This is a good each time’ is a rather vague
method because it is easy but not all sociologists agree, like those who would description that reveals little
prefer valid data. about the distinctive features
of the structured approach in
Structured interviews are good because they are cheap and quick as interviewing.
the researcher only has to read out a list of questions and write down
the answers. You do not need to have much skill to be able to do that. A useful comparison with
This means you can have lots of participants. However they are not another research method, which
helps to demonstrate analysis
as cheap or quick as questionnaires/Once a questionnaire is written and evaluation skills.

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it can be emailed out to as many people as you want at the touch of

a button. Interviews are better than questionnaires though as you
actually get to meet the participants. It is necessary to convince people
to be interviewed in thefirst place, but most people would probably
be more willing to be asked questions than observed and put into an
experiment.

Structured interviews can take time to prepare as the questions have to

be written in advance, so the preparation is not as easy as unstructured
interviews. Howe\'er, the questions can be simple, closed questions like 'Are This is a rather simplistic view of
research based on observation;
you married?'. Observation doesn't need any preparation at all, once you've
all research methods take some
found a group to study, you just observe them/Questionnaires need some preparation and require a
preparation as you have to design the questionnaire. However laboratory range of skills on the part of the
experiments take a lot ofplanning and setting up. researcher.

You tend to get lots of data from structured interviews becauseyou

can interview a lot of people as each one doesn’t take long. This is
called a large sample, and the sociologist can try to get people from
all backgrounds involved to create results that are representative of
society. Interviews are also good becauseyou can try to befriendly
to get the participants to trust you: this is called a good rapport. This
is one reason why interpretivists like interviews, although they don't
really use structured interviews as the questions are too inflexible and
interpretivists like to find out lots of detail. This might be why Venkatesh
chose to use participant observation instead when he was a ‘Gang
While this is a relevant
Leaderfor a Day'.
evaluative point, it needs to be
Overall, structured interviews are useful but do have quite a lot of supported with an explanation
of what verstehen means and
disadvantages so not all sociologists would use them, and you can't achieve
why structured interviews fail to
verstehenfrom themt achieve verstehen.

Comments
Understanding of the term ‘structured interviews’ is demonstrated in the first paragraph, but the definition
lacks detail and could be more precise. The language used is inexact in places. For example, the final
sentence of the first paragraph refers to structured interviews being ‘a good method because it is easy’;
the response needed to explain in what way the method is easy and why this might make it a good method.
Some relevant contrasts are drawn with other research methods, such as questionnaires in paragraph two
and observation in paragraph three. However, the analysis lacks depth and some sweeping statements are
made, such as ‘observation doesn’t need any preparation at all’ and ‘interpretivists like to find out lots of
detail’ (the point here is that positivists may also favour research data that are detailed, albeit ‘detailed’ in
terms of the quantitative data produced). There are some links to relevant concepts, theory and studies in
the answer, but not to the same extent as the ‘strong’ answer.
Mark 16/26

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 RESEARCH METHODS

Strong answer

Structured interviews are when the researcher asks a list of prepared A clear and accurate definition of
questions (known as an 'interview schedule') to the participants, usually the term 'structured interviews’,
demonstrating good knowledge
in a face-to-face setting. They're often quite formal and don't allow for
and understanding of the topic.
much flexibility/lt is a common method but has both pros and cons.
Good use of a relevant
Firstly, there is the issue of interviewer bias!"when the participants answers
sociological term, which
are influenced by the researcher's ethnicity, gender, social class, age, demonstrates interpretation and
etc. So participants may give socially desirable answers: saying what application skills.
they think the researcher wants to hear. For example, when Young and
Willmott carried out their telephone interviews with working class families
in London in the 1950s and 1970s, the wives they spoke to may not have
felt able to be honest about how much housework their husbands did.
This is because both sociologists were male, so the wives might not have
felt comfortable criticising their husbands to another man. However, This point demonstrates analysis
and evaluation skills in relation
unstructured interviews are more affected by interviewer biasfThisis
to the question.
because in a structured interview, the interviewer simply reads out the
questions and records the answers. So it is far less 'chatty' and less friendly
than an unstructured interview where the participants may want to please
It is often helpful to consider
the researcher as they have built up a good relationship with them. ethical issues, alongside
Ethically speaking/structured interviews are a good choice. This is because practical and theoretical issues,
when considering the strengths
the researcher is there to fully explain the research to the participants, and and limitations of a particular
gain their informed consent. The researcher can also judge body language research method or approach.
to know when the questions are too sensitive and stop the interview if it
seems to be upsetting them, and give the participants the 'right to withdraw'.
Therefore it is better than methods such as covert observation. However,
as the questions arefixed, it is not possible to change them to suit the
participant. This is why many sociologists choose unstructured interviews
instead to research sensitive topics. For example Dobash and Dobash
researched 'Violence Against Wives’ and would have needed to approach the
questioning sensitively to avoid causing further upset to the domestic violence
victims who they interviewed. Unstructured interviews are better in this sense
as the researcher often spends longer with each participant, building a good
rapport, and tailoring the questions to suit each individual participant.

Positivists would be more likely to use structured interviews than

A good link to a relevant
interpretivists, as they should create more reliable data than unstructured
theoretical perspective, again
interviews^For example, in an interview about religion, the interviewer will
demonstrating interpretation
ask standardised questions to every participant e.g. 'doyou regularly go and application skills.
to a place of worship?'. The researcher can then come up with quantitative
results such as '63% of the sample regularly go to a place of worship1.
As the yes/no answers are clear-cut and not open to interpretation,

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this means the results would be the same if another researcher carried
out the same study, so this makes the results reliable. This is not true
of unstructured interviews which tend to use more open questions, and
where each interview is different. However, interpretivists would criticise
structured interviews for not creating very valid data. This is because
the interview schedule restricts both the interviewer and interviewee: the
interviewer has to stick to the prepared questions, and the interviewee is
usually only asked simple, closed questions, leaving little opportunity to
explain themselves. Therefore the answers are superficial and cannot be
said to be a full, true explanation of the meanings and motives behind A helpful point in evaluating
the participants' thoughts and actions, meaning verstehen (true, deep the use of structured interviews
understanding) is not achieved< in sociological research, with
a good link to the concept of
To conclude, structured interviews are useful in studying relatively verstehen.
large samples, and if the sociologist wishes to create quantitative data.
However, there are better methods for sociologists who want to gain a
deep understanding. As with all research methods, time and funding
permitting, using structured interviews alongside one or more other
methods (methodological pluralism) will lead to more thorough and
valid conclusions.

Comments
‘Strong’ answers are well-focused on the question and this response is no exception. A clear and accurate
definition of the term ‘structured interviews’ is provided in the opening paragraph. Several strengths and
limitations of structured interviews are identified and each is explained in appropriate detail, using references
to relevant concepts and studies to emphasise the key points. Appropriately for a ‘strong’ answer, the analysis
is measured and thoughtful: note, for example, how the strengths and limitations of structured interviews
are shown to be relative to other research methods, such as unstructured interviews or covert participant
observation. The analysis is also sustained; a range of considerations is covered, including the practical,
ethical, and theoretical dimensions that are relevant when making judgements about research methods. Good
links are made to the theoretical perspectives: positivism and interpretivism. There is also a well-formulated
conclusion that demonstrates a balanced understanding of the circumstances under which the use of
structured interviews in sociological research may or may not be useful.
Mark 24/26

| 0 1 5 | Evaluate the view that sociological research should be value free. [26 marks]

You might want to answer this question yourself and then use the checklist that follows to review your answer.
Compare your work to a partner’s. Identify strengths in the answers and also consider how they could be
improved.
The following is a list of qualities that would be found in a ‘strong’ answer:
> Shows understanding of the key terms in the question.
* Identifies the main issues raised by the question.
> Explains the view expressed in the question using relevant sociological concepts, theories and arguments.

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 THE FAMILY

» Uses evidence and references to sociological studies to support key points, where appropriate.
> Considers the view expressed in the question from different angles, analysing arguments and evidence for
and against.
i Presents the sociological material used (concepts, theories, arguments) in a clear and logical way that is
easy to understand.
> Draws conclusions about which arguments and/or evidence in response to the question is most convincing;
reasons why those conclusions have been reached should also be given.
i Includes a concluding paragraph that summarises the main arguments and ideas expressed in the answer
and, ideally, also contributes a final point that secures the case made in responding to the question.

The family
To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 4. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 -4 below. As you read the shorter
responses and the supporting comments, decide what mark your own response(s) deserve. Identify anything you
could do to improve your responses. As you read the longer responses and the supporting comments, decide
whether your own response is closer to the level of the ‘competent’ answer or the ‘strong’ answer. Identify
any ways in which your own response could be improved, using the commentaries on the sample responses
as guidance.

! 0 | 1 | Describe two types of family structure. [4 marks]

Response

> Nuclearfamily: this consists of a married, heterosexual couple and their biological or adopted child/ren.

» Single parent family: this consists ofjust one parent/adult, usually the mother, and her child/ren.

Comments
Two types of family structure are identified (nuclear family and single parent family) for 2 marks, and both the
main features of each family type are described accurately for a further 2 marks.

Mark 4/4

| 0 |2al Explain two ways in which government policies may influence family life. 18 marks]
Response
Government policies may influencefamily life by encouraging family
diversity e.g. the UK Divorce Reform Act, 1969. After the introduction of this
the divorce rate increased four-fold, and this was because it became easier A very clear and full explanation
— of how the change in the divorce
to get divorced as the law changed divorce so you could get divorced due to
law influenced family life.
'irretrievable breakdown'. Therefore this meant you could get divorced just
because the relationship had broken down, not due to something shameful
like having an affair. This meant thatfamily life was influenced asfar more
couples got divorced, and lots more children therefore lived in single parent The point in this sentence is
families or with remarriage, reconstituted families^ However the New Right irrelevant to the question,
as it tells us nothing about
disapprove ofthis as they believe the single parentfamilies lead to more how government policies may
delinquent boys as they have not had a father at home to discipline therrn influence family life.

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 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS
.........

Government policies may influencefamily life by encouraging marriage.

For example, in the UK the Married Couples'Allowance, 2075. This
allowed married couples to give part of their tax allowance to their
husband/wife. However, you have to be married and one partner has to
have no earnings or very low earnings, so this benefits married couples
who have a 'stay-at-home mum' or one who only works a few part-time
hours. Feminists would disapprove of this as it therefore encourages
people to live in traditional nuclearfamilies, with the woman being
financially dependent and playing the expressive role, and the husband
having much more power and playing the instrumental (breadwinner)
role. This means that this government policy has influenced family life
by encouraging traditionalfamily structures and discouraging women
working or couples not marrying.

Comments
Two ways in which government policies may influence family life are identified. The precise way in which the
government policy in each case influences family life is explained clearly and fully.
Mark 8/8

I 0 |2b| Explain one strength and one limitation of the Marxist view that the family
is an agency of social control. [6 marks]
Response
> A strength ofthe Marxist view that thefamily is an agency ofsocial control is that other sociological theories agree
that this is the case. For example, radicalfeminists agree thatfamily is an agency ofsocial control as it controls
women, wives particularly. Marxists like Engels have a similar view, and Engels goes as far to say that thefamily
puts women in the position of'domestic slaves'. Also, Functionalists agree with Marxists that thefamily is thefirst
and most important agency ofsocialisation, and by teaching us our norms and values, it controls our behaviour:
this is social control.
» A limitation ofthe Marxist view that thefamily is an agency ofsocial control is that it may be outdated, as we
are now living in a time ofgreaterfamily diversity. It is no longer the case that almost all people are living in
traditional nuclearfamilies and passing on capitalist values, manyfamilies in fact teach their children to oppose the
government and the rich. For example, a significant number ofchildren are growing up in single parentfamilies
where the parent does not work So these children might not be socialised into the norm ofworking for a living in
low-paidjobs which is what helps to keep the bourgeoisie rich and powerful according to Marxists.

Comments
The answer identifies one strength and one limitation of the Marxist view that the family is an agency
of social control. The strength and the limitation are both well explained, with good development of
each point.
Mark 6/6

598
[~0~|5a1 'Family diversity is the norm in most societies today.’
Explain this view. [10 marks]

Competent answer

Rapoport and Rapoport say there arefive types of family diversity: cultural,
life-stage, organisational, generational and social class. For example there is
cultural diversity in thefamily types in Britain as African-Caribbean people
are more likely to be matrifocalfamilies. And there's also generational
diversity as the older generation think people should live in nuclearfamilies,
and younger people live in cohabiting couples more often. Also life stage
diversity as most people are born into nuclearfamilies but at some point will
not live in a nuclearfamily, like when they are old and may live in a single
person household as they've been widowed. In fact, only about a fifth of
households in Britain contain nuclearfamilies. Rather than providing an example
of family diversity that would
Demographic trends have changed in society. The birth rate is much lower help answer the question, the
than it was 7 00years ago and so is the death rate, which means families point in this sentence suggests
that most families are beanpole
are more likely to be beanpole nowadays/This means a family with lots of
today and so it contradicts the
generations, but not many people in each generation. On average, British idea of family diversity being the
families have 7-2 children nowadays, whereas in the past they would have norm. Be careful to avoid making
many more. This is partly due to more women working. There are also contradictory points in an answer.
more widows as life expectancy has increased to approximately 80years old
and many of these people live on their own. Therefore people live in lots of
differentfamily and household types.

Comments
The answer includes some well-chosen examples of family diversity. It would have been helpful to support this
material with a clear definition of what sociologists mean by ‘family diversity’. Some information is provided
about diversity in non-family household types (the reference to widows, for example), which is not directly
relevant to the question. To strengthen your answer, more examples of family diversity might have been
offered and/or more reasons given as to why there may be a move from the nuclear family norm to family
diversity today.
Mark 5/10

Strong answer

Postmodernists believe thatfamily diversity is the norm in most societies

today, as people now have more choice. Beck and Gemsheim call this
'individualisation' which means that people no longerfollow traditional
norms, but make their own decisions. Postmodernists believe that many
of the traditional structures in society have fragmented, or broken down,
such as religion. This means that there are no longer such strong structures
controlling us. One example of this is living with a boyfriend or girlfriend when
not married to them.- cohabitation. It used to be seen as a sin ('living in sin')

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9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS
.......... __

whereas nowadays it is very common and socially acceptableto cohabit Be wary of over-generalising
either before getting married or instead ofgetting married. This means in answers. While cohabitation
may be socially acceptable in
there are now more cohabiting couples and less nuclearfamilies than in some cultures, there are many
the past. However these relationships are more likely to break down than cultures where living together
nuclearfamilies/which leads to morefamily diversity. This is one reason outside of marriage is still seen
why family diversity is the norm in society today. as unacceptable.

Liberalfeminists also believe thatfamily diversity is the norm in most societies Here it would have been helpful
today, and say this is because there has been a 'march ofprogress' due to to include some figures, or a
reference to studies, to support
legal changes making society more equal. One example of this is divorce,
— the claim that relationships
which use to be more expensive and difficult, so less people were willing to get based on cohabitation are
divorced. Whereas now the divorce rate is much higher and, in the UK, this is more likely to break down than
partly because ofthe Divorce Reform Act, 1971, which made it much cheaper relationships based on marriage
in the nuclear family.
and easier to get divorced. Therefore more divorces means there are less
nuclearfamilies and more single parentfamilies, singletons and reconstituted
families, which means there is more family diversity. Uberalfeminists are very
pleased thatfamily diversity is the norm today as they believe this means that
more women are escaping patriarchal nuclearfamilies.

Comments
This answer makes some helpful links between different sociological perspectives (postmodernists and liberal
feminists) and the concept of family diversity. Several examples of family diversity are mentioned and some
attempt is made to explain why family diversity may be increasing. The idea that the nuclear family was once
viewed as the norm in modern industrial societies is hinted at, but the answer could have been developed by
being clearer on this point.
Mark 8/10

I 0 |3b| 'Family diversity is the norm in most societies today.'

Using sociological material, give one argument against this view. [6 marks]

Strong answer
It is not true thatfamily diversity is the norm in all societies, or all ethnic groups in all societies. For example, divorce rates
are still low in many Asian ethnic groups. Additionally, in many Muslim countries, such as Libya, divorce is still seen as
shameful and a sin, and is uncommon. It is expected that most people will get married and stay married, and therefore
most people live in nuclear or extendedfamilies, and other family types like single parentfamilies and reconstituted
families are rare. This is partly because secularisation has not happened to the same extent in these cultures as it seems
to have done in, for example, white British society, so religion is still strong and therefore marriage is the norm and
divorce is a sin. It would also befrowned upon to cohabit, or live in a same-sex relationship. This means most people live
in nuclear or extendedfamilies, so there isn’t much family diversity in much ofthe Asian and Muslim parts ofthe world.

Comments
The answer demonstrates that there are many societies today where family diversity is not the norm.
Well-chosen examples are used to support the argument.
Mark 6/6

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 THE FAMILY

[~qT4~I Evaluate the view that the family is a patriarchal institution. [26 marks]

Competent answer

A patriarchal institution is one where men control women. Feminists think all
sorts of things in society are patriarchal, such as the media, schools and the The link to feminist theory
government. Sociologists are divided over whether the family is patriarchal. is particularly relevant in
answering the question, as
Feminists believe thefamily is patriarchal as men benefit morel Women the concept of patriarchy in
do a lot more housework and childcare. Wives tend to do the cleaning, sociology has its basis in the
writings of feminist theorists.
cooking and looking after children and sometimes they havejobs too.
Men havejobs and do less at home although they often do the gardening
and put the rubbish out. Women also look after thefamily's emotions,
so feminists say wives do the 'triple shift'. Functionalists call this the
instrumental and expressive roles and say it is equal and fair, butfeminists
This is a well-made evaluative
say it is not equal orfair. However this is not true of allfamilies as some point, demonstrating the ability
men are 'househusbands' and somefamilies payfor a cleaner) In a lot of to think critically about the
families both parents work and the children go to nursery or sometimes issues raised by the question.
grandparents look after them. Also there are now things like washing
machines, dishwashers and microwaves. The answer makes relevant
contrasts between feminist and
Functionalists say the family is not patriarchal as it is fair because both the functionalist views of the family.
husband and wife havejobs to do for thefamilylMen earn money and Contrasting different theories is
women do the housework and look after children. Also postmodernists a good way of constructing an
evaluative answer.
say we can now choose whether to live in a family (or we could live alone
or in a couple or with friends), and if we do choose to live in a family we
can choose how it works. So some parents share the childcare by both
working part-time. Other couples both workjiill time but payfor a nanny
and a cleaner so don't do the domestic work themselves. There are now
fewer nuclearfamilies and more single-parentfamilies, step-families and
even same-sexfamilies, so not allfamilies are nuclear. This is partly because
divorce rates have gone up a lot and also because a lot ofpeople choose to
live with their boyfriend or girlfriend instead ofgetting married to them.
For example 40% of marriages in the UK end in divorce. Families also
differ between cultures, for example there are lots ofextended families in
Asian cultures, and in thesefamilies theyounger women do most ofthe
housework, whereas the grandmothers tend to be cared for by their sons'
wives and don’t help as much.

Another reason why men might have more power in the family is that they
generally earn more. This means they are kind oflike the boss ofthefamily,
and can tell everyone how to spend the money. Therefore they have more
power over decisions like whether to go on holiday, and where to. Wives
are usually left to make the boring, everyday decisions like what to havefor

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dinner however, In manyfamilies, the mum chooses what the children wear,
what goes in their packed lunch, chooses birthday cards etc, whereas dad
often doesn’t make any ofthese everyday decisions.
Owall it seems like not allfamilies are patriarchal, so that is an
overgeneralisation. It depends on whetheryou believe theJunctionalist,
postmodernist orfeminist argument.

Comments
There is an attempt to define the term ‘patriarchal institution', but the definition lacks depth and precision.
Good use is made of some feminist ideas about patriarchy and a useful contrast is made with the functionalist
view of the family. Some reasons why men may have more power than women within the family are explored,
but the analysis lacks references to studies and research evidence. This answer could have been improved by
setting out more clearly what is meant by a patriarchal institution and showing more precisely how the family
may operate in a patriarchal way.
Mark 16/26

Strong answer

Feminists would argue that thefamily is a patriarchal institution,

meaning men have power over women. However, postmodernists believe
thatfamilies are now less patriarchal, and functionalists believe that
families arefair as men and women both have their own roles, although
those roles are different to each other.

Radicalfeminists believe that the traditional nuclearfamily is used as a High-quality answers often
form ofsocial control by men: suppressing women, and socialising the include references to the ideas
next generation ofgirls to accept patriarchy. For example Bernard (1982) and/or research findings of
particular sociologists, so the
argues all marriages contain two marriages: his and hersf By this she
reference here to Bernard's
means that marriage benefits men far more e.g. married men have better work (and to Oakley later in the
life expectancy and health, yet married women experience worse mental paragraph) is well made.
health compared to married men or single women. One reason for this
may be that married women suffer the ‘dual burden' according to Oakley,
responsiblefor twojobs; paid work and housework. Statistics support this
globally, with women often doing considerably more hours ofhousework
a week than men. Girls grow up seeing this as the norm: that women serve
men. However, this is assuming that allfamilies are traditional nuclear ones,
which is less true in many Western societies nowadays. Postmodernists Beck
and Beck-Gemsheim argue that were less constrained by traditional norms
now.- individualization. One effect ofthis is that there are more families
ofchoice’: including people asfamily who aren’t related or closefriends of
parents may act as 'aunts' and 'uncles’. Therefore it can be argued that
families are not patriarchal as it is possiblefor each individual to choose who
is in their family, meaning the power lies with each individual.
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 THE FAMILY
......

However, radicalfeminists use evidence ofhow common domestic violence is Good use of statistical evidence
to argue thatfamilies are patriarchal. Dobash and Dobash studiedfound here. Statistics from research
studies are a good way to
Vi women will experience domestic violence/ Radicalfeminists believe this is
support key arguments and
because men hold more power in marriage than wives, and therefore women analytical points in an answer.
are safer outside of marriage. Dunne supports this by arguing that there are
ingrained gender scripts in nuclearfamilies: norms about what wives and
husbands do. These gender scripts are absent in same-sex couples where
there is no patriarchy and a more equal balance ofpower. However, liberal
feminists believe that patriarchy in families has reduced as there has been
a march ofprogress in society. This means that things have improved for
women, as they now have more choice in whether to marry or stay married,
and therefore escape the patriarchal nuclearfamily. This is partly as divorce
has become easier due to legal changes, and is also more socially acceptable.
Though it must be remembered that in some cultures girls and women are The danger of over-generalising
forced to marry and stay married: patriarchalfamilies at their most extreme. is avoided here by noting that
E.g. Niger has the highest rate offorced child marriage in the world, with the situation may differ between
3/4 ofgirls aged under 18-years in forced marriages. Therefore it could be cultures. Try to avoid creating
the impression that all societies/
argued that thefamily is still highly patriarchal within some culturesl
cultures are the same; usually,
As well as women suffering the dual burden and domestic violence due to there will be important contrasts
between societies that are worth
family life, Edgell argues that in families decision-making is not splitfairly.
noting in your answers.
This is because men tend to hold more power when it comes to the most
important decisions, such as buying a house. This may be because men
generally earn more than women, so believe they have the 'right' to decide
how it is spent. Women are more likely to work part-time or not at all, as
they stay at home to care for children. This therefore suggests thatfamilies
are patriarchal os men hold more power in decision-making. However,
not allfamilies include a man so it is not possiblefor all families to be
patriarchal. For example, there were 12 million single-parentfamilies in the
USA in 2017, and over 80% ofsingle-parentfamilies worldwide are headed
by women. It is also common in African-Caribbean culturefor women to
shun men, forming matrifocalfamilies, os men are seen as unreliable and a
burden. Therefore single parent families are not patriarchal.

In conclusion, it seems the weight of the evidence suggests that nuclear

families are patriarchal as men often hold more power, usually by being
the higher earner and the key decision-maker. However, it is crucial to
note that family diversity has increased globally, and some of the newer
family types are not patriarchal. For example, the increase in dual-career
families in which a womans earnings as just as important to a couples
living standards as the earnings of her husband. Such as in China, 7%
of married people live in DINK families - dual income, no kids.

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 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

Comments
The main strength of this answer is the impressive way in which it evaluates a range of arguments and
evidence around the claim that the family is a patriarchal institution. A good combination of theory, research
findings and the ideas of individual thinkers is used to develop the analysis. Different societies/cultures are
taken into account when drawing wider conclusions about the relationship between the family and patriarchy.
Mark 26/26

1 0 i 5 1 Evaluate the view that family life is harmful for many people. [26 marks]

You might want to answer this question yourself and then use the checklist that follows to review your
answer. Compare your work to a partner’s. Identify strengths in the answers and also consider how they
could be improved.
The following is a list of qualities that would be found in a ‘strong’ answer:
» Shows understanding of the key terms in the question.
* Identifies the main issues raised by the question.
» Explains the view expressed in the question using relevant sociological concepts, theories and arguments.
» Uses evidence and references to sociological studies to support key points, where appropriate.
» Considers the view expressed in the question from different angles, analysing arguments and evidence for
and against.
» Presents the sociological material used (concepts, theories, arguments) in a clear and logical way that is
easy to understand.
» Draws conclusions about which arguments and/or evidence in response to the question is most convincing;
reasons why those conclusions have been reached should also be given.
» Includes a concluding paragraph that summarises the main arguments and ideas expressed in the answer
and, ideally, also contributes a final point that secures the case made in responding to the question.

Education
To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 5. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 -4 below. As you read the shorter
responses and the supporting comments, decide what mark your own response(s) deserve. Identify anything
you could do to improve your responses. As you read the longer responses and the supporting comments,
decide whether your own response is closer to the level of the ‘competent’ answer or the ‘strong’ answer.
Identify any ways in which your own response could be improved, using the commentaries on the sample
responses as guidance.

I 0 I 1 [ Describe two examples of student subcultures. [4 marks]

Response

Anti-school subcultures: These are groups ofstudents who tend to be badlg behaved at school and do notfocus on
working hard to get good grades, but would rather be the 'class clown' and mess around to impress their peers.
For example, the working class ‘Lads’studied by Willis.
Ethnic group subcultures: Such as African-Caribbean boys in the British education system. Sewell says they are
labelled by teachers 'troublemakers', and this may cause the boys to group together in response to the teacher
racism, and behave badly (a self-fulfilling prophecy).

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 EDUCATION

Comments
Two examples of student subcultures are identified for 2 marks. Each example is described accurately for a
further 2 marks.
Mark 4/4

| 0 | 21 Explain two ways in which education may contribute to social solidarity. [8 marks]
Response

1. By teaching all children the same norms and values, Durkheim argued that education can promote social
solidarity by being a key institution of secondary socialisation. For example, all British schools now have to teach
five 'British values' identified by the government, including 'democracy', 'rule of law' and 'respect and tolerance'.
This means that the students realise that they are part of a collective, British society, something much larger
than themselves from which they and the rest of the community benefit. Similarly, American students make the
'pledge of allegiance’ at the start of the school day, promising their allegiance to the American flag.

2. By being a 'society in miniature', school is able to promote social solidarity. This is different to thefamily, where
children are treated as individuals e.g. they do not have to stick to strict timetables or wear a uniform. Parsons
believes families have 'particularistic values’ whereas school is the same as society as it has 'universalistic
standards’ where everyone is treated the same. This means education prepares children for adulthood by being
a bridge between the family and society, partly by showing students that they have to follow rules. This leads
to adults following laws just like they followed school rules, which therefore contributes to social solidarity.

Comments
Two ways in which education may contribute to social solidarity are identified and both are explained in
adequate detail. Relevant sociological material is used and it is clear in each case how that material supports
the explanation.
Mark 8/8

l 0 I 3 l ‘Educational systems in modern industrial societies are meritocratic.’

Using sociological material, give two arguments against this view. [12 marks]

Competent answer

Marxists believe that schools are deliberately not meritocratic so that the A stronger response might
middle class can continue to be powerful. They do this by making sure include an explanation of how
working class studentsfail/such as the lads' studied by Willis. Whereas the education system ensures
middle class students arefavoured by the education system so get good that working-class students fail.
results, leading to good jobs, and more power in society. For example most
teachers are middle class and use middle class words when they speak. This
is also true ofexams and textbooks. This is deliberate because the middle
class want the working class to do factory jobs. Marxists think that our
This sentence adds nothing to
economy is capitalist and this must be changed to a communist one to
the answer and could have been
make societyfair* ~ omitted.

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 ? PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

The government has had to make social policies called compensatory The idea of compensatory
educatioiThecause the education system is not meritocratic. So in Britain education and what it aims
to achieve could be better
they brought in things like Sure Start as poor children need extra help explained here.
before they start school. Also Education Action Zones so that schools in
poor areas get extra funding. This shows that not all schools are equally
good, so education is not a 'fair playingfield'. If education was meritocratic
these would not be needed. Also, governments keep changing the education
system which they wouldn't do if it was perfect.

Comments
Two arguments against the idea that education systems are meritocratic are identified, but the explanations
offered lack some coherence and detail. For example, a fuller account might have been offered of the
mechanisms through which the education system favours middle-class students. The reference to teachers
using middle-class words when they speak is rather vague and doesn’t really explain why this might
disadvantage working-class students. The points about compensatory education lack clarity; for example,
there needed to be more explanation of why the existence of Education Action Zones shows that not all
schools are equally good.
Mark 7/12

Strong answer

Ifeducation was meritocratic, there wouldn't be significant attainment There was an opportunity here
gaps between different ethnic groups. E.g. in Britain Chinese and Indian to use relevant statistical data to
show the extent to which Chinese
students have the highest attainment and thosefrom Pakistani and and Indian students have higher
Black Caribbean backgrounds have the lowest/This may be because attainment levels than students
not all ethnic groups have equal opportunities (which is a key feature of from Pakistani and Black
meritocratic systems) to gain high grades, partly due to teacher labelling Caribbean backgrounds.
when dividing students into sets and streams. Gillborn and Youdell*
A well-chosen reference to a
argue that schools 'sacrifice' Black Caribbean students in order to ensure relevant study, demonstrating
that the school achieves good results and therefore a good position on good interpretation and
league tables. This is because Black Caribbean students were assumed application skills.
to be less intelligent and put in lower sets where they did not receive the
more experienced teachers and as much teacher support/effort as those
in the higher sets did: they were systematically neglected'. Therefore
education systems in modern industrial societies are not meritocratic as
not all students are treated equally and given the same attention and
expectations from teachers to do well.

A meritocratic system is one in which those who succeed do so due

to their individual merit. Therefore if education systems in modern
industrial societies (e.g. China, Germany, USA) were meritocratic,
educational success would not be caused by a student’s social class,

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 EDUCATION

but by their individual talents/effort. However, middle class students

tend to do significantly better. This might be because they are more There was an opportunity here
likely to be able to afford to go to a private school, or live in an area with to explain how the education
better-performing schools (where house prices are higher). Bourdieu calls system contributes to the ‘myth
of meritocracy’; for example,
this economic capital, whereas the working class suffers from material comprehensive schools in the
deprivation, so can't afford things like private tutors to enable them to UK contribute to the idea that
do better at school. Marxists like Bowles and Gintis would agree that all students are treated equally
educational attainment is related to social class rather than to talent, so by being non-selective in their
student intake and by offering
education is not meritocratic. They believe the education system disguises the same curriculum to all
this with its myth of meritocracy/and that the working classes are in students. In practice, however,
a false consciousness as they cannot see that education is designed to comprehensive schools have
been found to treat students
benefit the middle class and socialise the working class into being docile,
unequally due to streaming and
obedient workers. teacher labelling of students.

Comments
Two arguments against the idea that education systems are meritocratic are described clearly and accurately.
Each argument is supported with references to relevant sociologists and good use is made of appropriate
concepts such as labelling, teacher expectations, material deprivation and false consciousness. Some use
of statistical evidence to confirm the extent to which there are differences in attainment levels between
the social groups mentioned (ethnic groups, social class groups) would have added to the high quality of
the response.
Mark 10/12

I 0 I 4 l Evaluate the view that intelligence is the most important factor determining
how well a child performs at school. [26 marks]

Competent answer

Not all students or schools get equally good results, and the general public
seems to think this is because some people are more intelligent than others.
But sociologists think there are lots of reasons.

Some people have a higher intelligence than others, this is tested by using
IQ tests. For example, the test to get into grammar schools is an IQ test. You
have to do things like predict which shape would come next in a sequence.
Richer children do better on this so therefore this would suggest they have a This paragraph provides quite
higher IQ. This could be why they do better at school. Not everyone believes a good summary of the case for
that IQ tests work well though/ intelligence being a key factor
in educational achievement.
Some sociologists believe that wealth determines how well you do at school However, the point in the final
(Marxists think this is something the ruling class have done deliberately). sentence is underdeveloped
and no explanation is
This is because rich children can afford revision guides and tutors, so have
provided for the supposed
the best chance ofdoing well in their exams. They can also afford to live in limitations of IQ tests.

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 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

nice, big houses in good areas, and also have a good diet. Whereas poor Relevant use of an appropriate
children can’t and this is called material deprivation!So they often don't concept, demonstrating
sound interpretation and
have a good diet and live in cramped houses in areas with bad schools. So it application skills.
doesn’t matter how clever theg are iftheir school is bad.

Poor children also have cultural deprivation. This means theg don’t have the
A reference to a relevant source;
right norms and values to do well at school. For example Sugarman sags there was scope to include
theg have the subcultural values likefatalism and collectivism! Fatalism is more references to thinkers and
when gou believe thatfate controls gour life. Collectivism is when gou put studies in the response.
gourfriends andfamilg beforegourself. Theg often don't like school, and
are naughtg. This is also the samefor some ethnicities that don't do well at
school, and also bogs (girls normallg work harder). Whereas middle class
children have stricter parents who push them more.

However, schools and the government offer lots of things to help poorer
students, like not making them pag for school trips or school dinners.
Private schools even let some poor children go therefree of charge. And
some working class parents are verg pushg as theg don't want their
children to fail at school like theg did. Some poor students do reallg well
and some rich students do reallg badlg so that must be because theg're An interesting point that
more/less intelligent/ demonstrates skill in analysis.

Overall it is clear that intelligence does determine how well a child does at
school, but so does how rich gou are.

Comments
The possibility that intelligence influences educational achievement is considered and supported with some
sound analytical points. Some social factors that might influence educational performance are also mentioned
and there are appropriate references to relevant concepts such as material deprivation and cultural deprivation.
The discussion overall lacks depth and there is a shortage of references to relevant thinkers and studies. There is
no mention of the difficulties of defining intelligence and measuring its impact on educational performance. Nor
does the response consider that hard work and good behaviour at school may be more important determinants
of educational success than intelligence on its own.
Mark 17/26

Strong answer

Most sociologists believe socialfactors (e.g. social class), rather than

intelligence, determine how well a child performs a school. However, there is The opening sentence provides
a neat summary of the debate
some evidence to suggest that intelligence plays a key role tool
that is to follow.
Some say that lower IQ levels in the working class are to blamefor these
students doing worse at school. For example, Jensen, who believes that
60-80% ofintelligence comesfrom genetics, and the restfrom the environment

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 EDUCATION
.-•*...

in which we live/this suggests that the working class is passing down lower This would be a good
levels ofintelligence to their children, resulting in them persistently doing worse opportunity to mention some
of the difficulties in defining
at school. However, cultural deprivation theorists do not agree. They argue that
intelligence and measuring
the working class is not less intelligent, but has a different culture to the middle how much influence it has on
class one used in schools. Bernstein says that teachers, textbooks and exam educational attainment.
papers all use an elaborated speech code that middle classfamilies are socialised
intofrom birth by theirfamilies. So middle class students are not more
intelligent, they are simply morefamiliar with the language used in schools, so
school is easier. For example, they understand what an exam question is asking.
Whereas a working class student may have the same level ofknowledge about
the topic that the exam question is asking about, but as they use a restricted
speech code, they do not realise that this knowledge would win them marks.

Furthermore, it may not be actual intelligence that determines how well

a child does at school, but how intelligent the teachers perceive students This point is neatly summarised,
to be/Many sociological studies have suggested that teachers quickly demonstrating a good
understanding of the topic.
label students based on their social class, ethnicity and gender. Liu and
Xiestudied the '4+1'(4 boys and 1 girl) who were performing badly in
a Chinese school. They were poor and labelled as deviant and low ability
by teachers, and the label became a self-fulfilling prophecy. This was
supported by a field experiment carried out by Rosenthal and Jacobson,
where they gave teachers false IQ results for their classes. At the end of the
year, the students that had been randomly labelled with high IQ had made
more progress than their peers. This shows how teacher expectations can
Good use of studies to support
affect how well a child does more than their actual intelligence+ the main point of the paragraph.
Finally, a child’s chance of educational success may be more affected by the
level ofinterest their parents show in their education than their intelligence.
Douglas found that working class parents are less likely to attend Parents’ There was an opportunity to
Evenings, show ambition for their children and encourage their children challenge this view of working-
to work hard at school/They also don't have the cultural capital to get class parents by noting that
these parents may be just as
their children into better schools, such as the knowledge and confidence to
ambitious for their children
appeal if their child does nof get into theirfirst choice. Therefore middle class as middle-class parents; they
children are 'pushed' more by their parents to succeed, and also have the simply lack the knowledge and
economic capital to payfor things such as private tuition/schools which can skills to support their children in
the learning process effectively.
improve the results ofeven lower intelligence children.

Overall most ofthe evidence points towards intelligence having some effect
on how well a child does, but it is not the biggest influence. Social class and The conclusion demonstrates
wealth (and other characteristics such as ethnicity) seems to have a bigger good analysis and evaluation
impact, as even ifa child is very intelligent, if they go to an underperforming skills, providing a persuasive
summary of why intelligence
school with a big anti-school subculture, the teachers are unlikely to be able
. may not be the biggest influence
to teach lessons in enough depth for students to gain top gradesf~ on educational achievement.
■S&JSSS

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 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS
".............

Comments
Some support is offered for the argument that intelligence is the main factor influencing educational
achievement. The weaknesses in the arguments of thinkers such as Jensen who see intelligence as the
key factor might have been explored more directly. Instead, the case for the importance of intelligence
is contrasted with the opposing view that social factors are a more significant influence on educational
achievement. Several well-chosen examples are used to illustrate how various social factors (teacher
expectations, parental contribution, income and wealth) may influence how well children perform at school.
There is a plausible conclusion that demonstrates good analysis and evaluation skills.

Mark 22/26

The media
To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 6. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 below. As you read the responses
and the supporting comments, decide whether your own response is closer to the level of the 'competent'
answer or the ‘strong’ answer. Identify any ways in which your own response could be improved, using the
commentaries on the sample responses as guidance.

I 0 I 1 1 ‘Pluralist theory is mistaken in claiming that the media reflect a wide range
of different interests in society.’ Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

Competent answer

There are some who argue that the media reflect the views and needs of
everyone in societyfairly. These are known as pluralists. Pluralists believe
that the media reflect everyone's views equally and in a fair way. On the
other hand, there are others who disagree, for example Marxists who say
that the media are notfair and instead they push the ideas of capitalism.
Pluralists are very optimistic. They think that ifpeople have a strong set
ofviews about an issue it will appear in the media. The media include the
news, films, adverts and so on. Therefore, the media actually represent
everyone in democracy. Dahl argues that even groups such as trade unions This claim might have been
get the chance to express their views in the media. They ignore thefact supported with relevant
that the media are run by the very ricKat the top ofsociety. For example, statistical evidence about who
Rupert Murdoch who owns a large proportion ofworld media. They also owns the media.

ignore thefact that often the editors of newspapers are trying to push their
right-wing views. For example, the Daily Mail editor Paul Dacre was very
much a supporter ofBrexit and this must have influenced people to votefor
Brexit in 20 T 6. People do not have to buy the Daily Mail, they chose to buy
it and so Pluralists argue that this means that people decide what they want
to read. Ifpeople wanted to read more about poor peoples problems, they
will buy more ofthat media and then the media will produce more of that
type ofmedia and so on. According to pluralists, media owners do not have
time to think about what they are producing, they willjust do whatever they

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 THE MEDIA
..

think the people will want. Marxists do not agree; they argue that the media
owners are only interested in what will sell because they are businesses
trying to make profit and in fact they are not interested in trying to help the Good, direct contrasting of
poor or those at the bottom ofsociety•------------------------------------------ the pluralist and Marxist
perspectives.
Marxists say that the media try to make people forget about the
problems in society. They claim that the media actually support
capitalist ideas because of this. For example, the media will not choose
news that shows how bad things are for the poor. They will not report
as much on stories which show how banks have been fraudulent so that Relevant use of examples to
people do not realise how unfair capitalism is4Miliband argued that the illustrate the Marxist viewpoint.
media reflect the views of the rich and not the poor. Some Marxists say
that actually even groups such as women and the disabled are also
ignored by the media and that the media are all about supporting the
right-wing government, trying to make it look good and fair. Marxists
make the point that the very rich, the elite or people like Murdoch are
only interested in their own proft and use advertising to convince people
the world is fair and equal even though it is not. Therefore, the media
only reflect the interests of the rich, the elite in society.

So. pluralists are wrong if they think that the media reflect the interests
of everyone because they do not. Sometimes there are stories about the
problems with society however and people might be more aware today of
Jake news'.

Comments
The account of pluralist theory is sound, though it might have been more detailed. Some good points are
made about the Marxist perspective and how it differs from the pluralist theory. However, the response lacks
a good, overall understanding of the Marxist theory and there is no mention of relevant concepts such as
Ideological State Apparatus, false consciousness, gatekeepers, ideology, hegemony, media distortion and
bias, and the manufacture of news. The opportunity to mention other perspectives on the media, such as the
feminist and postmodernist viewpoints, was missed.
Mark 19/35

Strong answer

Pluralist theories of the media claim that in democratic societies power

of the media is shared by a number ofgroups whose views vary and
reflect the different parts ofsocieties. Dahl for example claims that no
one group is represented more than any other. Pluralists claim that a
sharing and representative media is reflected across all forms of media
platforms today such as the television, social media and films. They also
argue that the people who control the media are the public themselves,

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 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

the consumers of the media. These people are consumers or stakeholders

in the media. Pluralists argue that the public have agency and choice
in which types of media they engage with or consume. For example, if
someonefeels that they do not like one type of media representation, they
can choose another, and if enough peoplefeel this, then the media outlet
will close down or change in response. Whale sums this up by saying
'it is readers who determine the character of the newspapers' (1977).
An accurate summary of the
Therefore, the people with the power to ensure their interests are refected pluralist theory serves as a good
lies with the publicY starting point for the discussion
that follows.
Marxists totally disagree with this view, claiming that the media are
run by the ruling classes to maintain their power and to prevent any
questioning or challenging to the capitalist ideology that is central to
society. So, they definitely argue that pluralist theories are mistaken -
the media reflect the interests of the ruling class who impose their views
and ideas onto the working class, a process that some Marxists refer to
as hegemony. It must be noted however that Marx himself wrote a long
time ago, well before the emergence of the media in all its forms today.
However more recently others have developed his ideas and applied
them to todays society. There are the traditional Marxist views such as
Milliband who argue that the dominant media form part of the 'ruling
class ideology' which encourage the working class to accept their low
position and to not question the ways that they are exploited known
as false class consciousness, for example, using the media to blame the
working classfor problems in society, directing attention away from the
real causes ofinequality such as tax evasion by the rich. This is called
freedom of the press’ which according to Milliband is really a myth,
because in practice the media are owned by an increasingly small ruling
class elite, the 'press barons' who do not reflect the views of the working
class. In fact, Milliband claims that the media are hostile to any form of
news that is Left Wing. Neo Marxists however challenge these views and
argue that otherforms of inequality beyond social class such as gender,
ethnicity and age are also unaddressed by the ruling class media elite.
Neo Marxists such as Gramsci claim that the media operate on a logic
of profit, each media outlet trying to see their products with capitalist
ideology so that the media become part of the 'cultural hegemony'
that all major institutions reflect. Going further, Neo Marxist Harvey
claims that the media promote neo-liberal ideas which reject notions
ofequality and justice and promote the privatisation of society. Other
Neo Marxists Herman and Chomsky claim that the news filters reality
so that it is a sort of concentrated version of capitalist ideas including
advertising, selective evidence, biased stories which support the ruling

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 THE MEDIA

class elite and a promotion of ruling class political ideas. They claim that Good knowledge of different
this means the media promote ruling class propaganda*------------------- strands of Marxist theory
demonstrated.
Pluralists are therefore mistaken in their views; Marxist views show
how today the media represent only neoliberal views. Editors generally
promote right wing political views that in turn support their pursuit
ofprofit. People who are disadvantaged are not generally successful
in getting the sort of media that they want, that reflects their interests.
However, there may be a strong casefor suggesting that the new
media provide outlets for a range of different groups to communicate
with each other and spread their messages to wider audiences;
Balanced analysis looking at
arguably, the ruling class have less control over the new media than
relevant issues from different
the traditional media/ angles.

Comments
The response demonstrates a good understanding of the pluralist theory of the media. That theory is critically
assessed through contrasts with the Marxist theory of the media. There is also a final paragraph that offers
some deeper reflections on who controls the media. The response could have been even stronger had relevant
evidence been used to support key conclusions, such as the claim that newspaper editors generally promote
right-wing political views or that the media promote the privatisation of society.
Mark 26/35

I 0 1 2 | The uses and gratification model of media effects has more strengths than limitations.’
Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

You might want to answer this question yourself and then use the checklist that follows to review your
answer. Compare your work to a partner’s. Identify strengths in the answers and also consider how they
could be improved.
The following is a list of qualities that would be found in a ‘strong’ answer:
> Shows understanding of the key terms in the question.
> Identifies the main issues raised by the question.
* Explains the view expressed in the question using relevant sociological concepts, theories and arguments.
> Uses evidence and references to sociological studies to support key points, where appropriate.
» Considers the view expressed in the question from different angles, analysing arguments and evidence for
and against.
* Presents the sociological material used (concepts, theories, arguments) in a clear and logical way that is
easy to understand.
1 Draws conclusions about which arguments and/or evidence in response to the question is most convincing;
reasons why those conclusions have been reached should also be given.
* Includes a concluding paragraph that summarises the main arguments and ideas expressed in the answer
and, ideally, also contributes a final point that secures the case made in responding to the question.

613
 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

Religion
To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 7. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 below. As you read the responses
and the supporting comments, decide whether your own response is closer to the level of the 'competent'
answer or the ‘strong’ answer. Identify any ways in which your own response could be improved, using the
commentaries on the sample responses as guidance.

1 0 1 1 1 'The arguments against the secularisation thesis are stronger than the arguments for.’
Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

Competent answer

Secularisation refers to the process in which religion is becoming less

important. There is a range of arguments and evidence which suggests
religion remains important and also evidence to suggest it is in decline.

Earlg sociologists predicted that religion would become less important.

But today some traditional religions are growing and that is because
there is so much change in a postmodern world. This makes peoplefeel
insecure and want to turn to religion for comfort. For example, in Latin
America Pentacostalism is growing and that is because people like the
rules and traditional values it provides. On the other hand, many people
Good use of relevant examples
no longer attend church in the UK, it is only 5% of the population* from different countries.
This means that secularisation is definitely happening.

In terms of affiliation, people often like to think they are religious even if
they don't go to church. Davie calls this 'vicarious religion. This means
that secularisation may not be happening. Also, thejact that there are lots
morefundamentalist groups such as IS in Syria suggests that people are
becoming more keen to be even more strictly religious today. But these
groups are not everywhere. In America religion remains important even if
Christianity is not practised as much, politics isfull of religious ideas such as
the New Christian Right.

Hinduism is growing because Hindus have a higher fertility rate, so this

is evidence that secularisation is not occurring. However today there are
less people attending church schools in the UK and the government in
the UK are not very keen to talk about religion. This is called religious
disengagement, and this shows that secularisation is happening.

New Age movements and new religious movements are growing so it

might be that religion is changing and not declining. For example, in the
Good use of a relevant study.
Kendal Project/Heelas found that people, especially middle-class women
like doing things like New Age movements. For example, going to Yoga.
This might mean that people are still believing in some sort ofspirituality
but not actually going to church. In the Kendal project, people were really

614
 RELIGION
.........

not going to church very much at all. Even though people are going to
New Age movements they are not going in the same numbers as they
used to go to church.

New religious movements have also grown, and these are strict, like sects
and denominations where people get given rules, such as The Unification
Church where people feel more settled because they have their religion to
give them answers. Sects and Denominations are growing around the world
and help people when they migrate. More people migrating means more
religion because Bruce says they need religion for Cultural Defence and
Cultural transition.

In conclusion, it is not very clear ifsecularisation is happening or not

because it depends on how you measure religion. There are some newforms
of religion which are really difficult to measure, but we do know that the
traditional church is not so popular today in the UK. It really depends on
where you are in the world.

Comments
Some well-chosen examples are used to support the arguments in this response and different religions
are considered. There are a few references to relevant concepts, such as religious disengagement and
cultural defence, but there was scope to include more concepts and also references to sociologists who have
contributed to the secularisation debate. Assessment is offered at various points, but it lacks depth and only
vague conclusions are drawn.
Mark 20/35

Strong answer

The secularisation thesis is the claim that there is an ongoing process by

which religion is declining in importance. This claim is affected by how Good use of a relevant link to
you choose to define and operationalise, or measure religion/Wilson methodological issues.
(1966) provided a definition of secularisation, 'the process whereby
religious thinking, practices and institutions lose social significance.' There
are arguments and evidencefor and against secularisation which vary
from place to place and within different religious organisations. Stark
and Bainbridge (1987) claim, that the secularisation process is occurring
in traditional religions, but at the same time there is a regrowth of new
forms of religion, therefore the secularisation process will never befully
Good use of a relevant
complete.
concept. Strong responses
Davie claims that the secularisation process reached its peak in the 1970s, to the essay questions often
include references to several
and that we have since been in a process ofresacralisation*(becoming
appropriate concepts, as well as
sacred again) as well as seeing a revival of religious beliefs. Today 80% links to theories and studies.

615
 ? PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

of the worlds population claim an affiliation to a religion. Certainly, ifwe

look at the growth of traditional religions such as Islam, which the Pew
Research Centre predicts by 2050 is set to be larger globally (in terms of
participants and membership) than Christianity. However, this is due to
population growth in A4 uslim populations that have a higherfertility
rate than Christian populations. There has also been a massive growth
of denominationalforms of Christianity. Bruce argues that due to rapid
social changes and migration, people now need religion in their lives for
practical purposes, cultural transition (to help them settle into a new
area) and cultural defence (to maintain a particular ethnic identity in a
new or hostile place).

Furthermore there is evidence to suggest that religion is playing an

increasing role in social and political life, with the election of Trump as
American President (who represents many of the beliefs of the New
Christian Right). Also in terms of the relationship between religion and
the state, Casanova (1994) supports the view that disengagement is not
happening everywhere. He believes that recent history shows that there has
been some decline in religious belitfs and practices in parts of Europe, this
has not been the case in other parts of the world. Furthermore, Davie claims
that today people are increasingly practising privatised religion, where they
are religious but do not necessarily attend a place of worship. This makes it
much harder to measure religiosity. This links to postmodern ideas about
'spiritual shopping' (Hervieu-Leger).
Statistical data might be used
Finally, there is evidence that there are growing number of newforms
here to illustrate the growing
ofreligions such as new religious movements and New Age movements number of new forms of religion.
that suggest that religion is changing to suit peoples needs today for
selffulfilment and a 'sacred canopy’ in an increasingly uncertain and
changing world. For example, the growth ofScientology, a New Age
movement which promises career success and fulfilment.

However, thefoundingfathers ofsociology such as Marx and Durkheim

claimed that secularisation would occur. Marx in fact predicted that religion
would disappear when communism occurred. Comte, an early sociologist,
claimed that as science and scientific, rational thinking grew, they would
replace religious thinking. The interpretivist Weber claimed that religion
would decline due to the rise ofmodernity - according to him modernity
and religion cannot exist at the same time. Bruce claims, like Weber, that it
was particular Protestant beliefs that led to secularisation. However, Bruce
claims it was also other changes that were happening in wider society that
along with Protestantism created the conditionsfor secularisation. Some of
the strongest evidencefor secularisation isfrom church attendance in Britain

616
 RELIGION

and perhaps USA (although not as much). The USA is more ethnically
diverse than the UK, although both countries have a majority of Christian
based religions, there has been an increase in alternative religions partly as a
result of high levels of immigration in recent years in both countries.

In conclusion, some claim that secularisation will occur as part ofthe

globalisation and westernisation of the world. Bruce (2011) argues that
secularisation will happen in western societies and that the process is
irreversible. However, others such as Kepel (1994) disagree, using evidence of
the growth ofsomeforms of traditional religions among some groups in the
west and beyond. In fact, some claim that secularisation among some groups
has led to a desire among other groups to protect and extend religious belief,
such asfundamentalist groups. Therefore, secularisation is not occurring to
the extent suggested by thefoundingfathers, on a global level.

Comments
The answer demonstrates a sound understanding of the secularisation thesis. A wide range of material
is used to discuss the arguments for and against the thesis. The response is analytical throughout and is
supported with useful references to relevant concepts, thinkers and examples. The issues raised by the
question are rightly considered in an international perspective, with reflections offered on the position
of religion in different societies, as well as the impact of globalisation across the world. A thoughtful and
well-supported conclusion is provided.
Mark 29/35

1 0 1 2 1 The extent to which religious organisations are patriarchal has been exaggerated.’
Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

You might want to answer this question yourself and then use the checklist that follows to review your answer.
Compare your work to a partner’s. Identify strengths in the answers and also consider how they could be
improved.
The following is a list of qualities that would be found in a ‘strong’ answer:
» Shows understanding of the key terms in the question.
» Identifies the main issues raised by the question.
» Explains the view expressed in the question using relevant sociological concepts, theories and arguments.
> Uses evidence and references to sociological studies to support key points, where appropriate.
> Considers the view expressed in the question from different angles, analysing arguments and evidence for
and against.
* Presents the sociological material used (concepts, theories, arguments) in a clear and logical way that is
easy to understand.
1 Draws conclusions about which arguments and/or evidence in response to the question is most convincing;
reasons why those conclusions have been reached should also be given.
1 includes a concluding paragraph that summarises the main arguments and ideas expressed in the answer
and, ideally, also contributes a final point that secures the case made in responding to the question.

617
 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

Globalisation
To make the best use of this section, you should have already completed your own responses to the exam-style
questions at the end of Chapter 8. Now look at the sample responses to Q1 below. As you read the responses
and the supporting comments, decide whether your own response is closer to the level of the ‘competent’
answer or the ‘strong’ answer. Identify any ways in which your own response could be improved, using the
commentaries on the sample responses as guidance.

i 0 1 1 I 'Globalisation has led to cultural convergence.’ Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

Competent answer
Globalisation means that the world is becoming more interconnected
over time. For example, more ideas are being shared around the world
through increased availability of the internet and we can travel more
easily. Some sociologists claim that this means that people are sharing
cultural ideas and becoming more similar (cultural convergence) and
other sociologists argue that this means peoplefeel they want to keep
their identity different and unique.

One example ofcultural convergence comes from the way that European
and American companies can be found all over the world. These are called
Transnational Corporations. If you go for a meal in China for example,
you might be able to buy the same drink such as Coca-Cola as in America A well-chosen example that
helps to illustrate the meaning
or anywhere else^This means that people no longer have local' cultural of 'cultural convergence’.
practices. The same goes with more secular ideas and practices, as the
internet is 80% written in English, it reflects British and American ideas
which tend to be more secular or liberal. There are some who worry that
this means that local practices are going to be lost. Some people see this as a
form ofcultural imperialism. Marxists would argue that western companies
spreading about the world mean that capitalist ideas are also spreading and
that this is a real problem as capitalism means the workers are exploited
Here, it would have been helpful
globally. It also means that people are moving towards a more capitalist to provide an explanation and/
culture all over the worldV or example of what is meant by
'capitalist culture’.
Postmodernists say that globalisation may have a different effect and it
might lead to people hearing about new and different ideas so that there are
a lot ofdifferent cultures to choosefrom. For example there are lots more
religions to choosefrom today becauseyou can find them on the internet.
Many New Age movements such as Scientology are based on the internet
and as such people can experience newforms of cultural ideas like religion
without having to leave their homes. You can also travel and learn about
new cultures, and there is more migration than ever which means that there
are more cultural practices. Postmodernists would see cultural diversity as a
keyfeature ofsociety today, not cultural convergence. Bruce argues that as
people movefrom one place to another they reinforce their cultural identity

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 GLOBALISATION

which is known as cultural defence'This suggests that globalisation does Good use of the concept of
not lead to culture becoming the same. There are also examples ofwhere cultural defence to develop an
evaluative point.
two different cultural practices such as types offood from different cultures
come together to form a newform offood which is known as hybrid. This is
evidence of new forms of cultural diversity rather than cultural convergence.
Another thing about postmodern global society is that people are more
individualist which means that they can have quite complex identities
based on their own choices rather than what they feel they should do. This
suggests that people will pick and choose their own individual identity rather The answer ends rather
abruptly and lacks a well-formed
than accept the culture that everyone else has< conclusion.

Comments
Some appropriate examples are used to illustrate the possible links between globalisation and cultural
convergence. There is an attempt to define what is meant by globalisation, but it lacks detail. Some evaluative
points are offered, mainly through reference to the postmodernist theory. However, the key points in the
evaluation might have been stated more clearly and supported with a wider range of examples and/or more
links to relevant sociological concepts and theories.
Mark 21/35

Strong answer

Globalisation is the process by which the world is becoming a smaller

place, time and distance are becoming compressed. There are those who
claim that the process is leading to cultural convergence, which means that
peoples way of life is becoming more homogenous or similar, while others
claim there is evidence to suggest the opposite is the case, that cultures are
becoming more different or divergent.

Evidencefor cultural homogeneity comes from the technological

advances that have allowed for the spread ofglobal culture through the
growth of transnational corporations. Products and brands such as
McDonalds, Coca-Cola and Disney are found all over the world today,
especially concentrated in more developed areas. This is possible not
just through newforms of technology, advertising and media but also
as a result of increasingly effective transport methods. Marxists such
as Castells argue that cultural convergence is a result of the spread of
capitalist ideologies. For example, the spread of ideas such as the pursuit
ofprofit, individualism and consumerism. Once exposed to this set of
ideas, societies are changed irreversibly. Castells argues that globalisation
of western Capitalist values leads to the development of new forms of
capitalist identities.

619
 9 PREPARING FOR EXAMINATIONS

An example of this kind of homogenisation is through the work of

Ritzer who claims that a process of'McDonaldization is happening.
This is where the principles of a company like McDonalds is present
in various ways in many societies. Ritzer claims that cultural
homogenisation is part of a wider process of rationalisation,
which means that traditional rules are being replaced by logical,
consistent rules. In McDonalds, all tasks arejudged on efficiency,
predictability and control through the use of technology. Ritzer sees
the McDonaldization and homogenisation ofsocieties as a threat to Good use of examples
the customs ofsociety as a whole/ to illustrate how cultural
convergence may be occurring.
Another example of the homogenisation of culture is body image.
According to Bates (20 VI) the westernised view of thin women as
beautiful is spreading to cultures where previously larger women were
beautiful leading to some women feeling a real pressure to conform to
western ideals.

On the other hand, increased access to cross-cultural ideas and transport

has meant people are more able to access a wider range of choices when
it comes to cultural practices. This is known as the cosmopolitan view,
supported by Giddens, who claims that as a result ofglobalisation,
culture is becoming less rigid and open to more debate. For example, in
terms of beliefs, today more and more people are selecting alternative
forms of religion, and pluralism is now a feature of religious beliefs
all over the world. In fact, according to postmodernists such as
Hervieu-Leger, today people can be spiritual shoppers' picking and
choosingfrom a wide range of religious beliefs. This has led others to
believe that western secular ideas are spreading and becoming more A clear summary of an
alternative view to cultural
universal resulting in homogenisation4
convergence.
There have also been newforms ofcultural practice emerging as a result
ofglobalisation, where two or more existing cultures combine to produce
a new hybridform. For example, in London, Johal and Bains describe an
emergent hybrid identity based on a mixture of British and Asian cultures,
known as 'Braisian. These are third generation British Asians who at home
act Asian and in the public domain act British.

In conclusion there are a wide range ofways in which in fact globalisation

leads to cultural divergence rather than convergence. One contemporary
example ofthis can be seen through the process ofglocalisation where The answer includes a
conclusion that summarises the
although people are aware of global changes in culture, they are
main arguments put forward in
transforming global themes to suit local practicesC*
response to the question.

620
 GLOBALISATION

Comments
The connection between globalisation and cultural convergence is explained clearly, using some well-chosen
examples and references to appropriate thinkers. Assessment is provided by outlining an alternative view to
cultural convergence. There was scope to engage with the idea of cultural convergence more directly by, for
example, questioning how far capitalist consumerism and ideals have spread in less industrialised societies or
noting that even among Western industrialised societies there remain considerable differences in national and
regional cultures between countries.
Mark 28/35

| 0 | 2~1 'Dependency theory exaggerates the influence of industrialised countries

in the development process’. Evaluate this view. [35 marks]

You might want to answer this question yourself and then use the checklist that follows to review your answer.
Compare your work to a partner’s. Identify strengths in the answers and also consider how they could be
improved.
The following is a list of qualities that would be found in a ‘strong’ answer:
> Shows understanding of the key terms in the question.
> Identifies the main issues raised by the question.
> Explains the view expressed in the question using relevant sociological concepts, theories and arguments.
> Uses evidence and references to sociological studies to support key points, where appropriate.
> Considers the view expressed in the question from different angles, analysing arguments and evidence for
and against.
i Presents the sociological material used (concepts, theories, arguments) in a clear and logical way that is
easy to understand.
i Draws conclusions about which arguments and/or evidence in response to the question are most convincing;
reasons why those conclusions have been reached should also be given.
t Includes a concluding paragraph that summarises the main arguments and ideas expressed in the answer
and, ideally, also contributes a final point that secures the case made in responding to the question.

621
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Chapter 11ntroduction
Appropriation Dishonest
and unethical seizure of value
or profit by the capitalist class
of something produced by the
labouring class.
Authority The power or right to
give orders, make decisions and
enforce obedience. It normally
derives from a legal source.
Biological analogy The human
body resembles society in that, as
an effective totality, it is the sum
of all its parts working together to
ensure good health.
Black Lives Matter An
international activist movement,
originating in the African-American
community, that campaigns
against violence and systemic
racism towards Black people.
Bourgeois ideology A set of
ideas that originates with the
capitalist class which attempts to
convince members of society that
inequality is a natural or normal
outcome and that those who
succeed or fail in the capitalist
system deserve to do so.
Bourgeoisie The socio-economic
group that owns the means of
production and is responsible for
the organisation of capitalism.
Capitalism An economic and
political system in which a country’s
trade and industry are controlled
by private owners for profit.
Charismatic personality
Somebody with a compelling
personality who has the ability to
influence the behaviour of others.
Coercion The action or practice
of persuading someone to do
something by using force or threats.
Collective consciousness A
shared set of cultural beliefs,
622
values, norms and morality which
function to unite society.
Conflict Disagreement or clash
of interest.
Conspicuous consumption
Expenditure on, and consumption
of, luxuries on a lavish scale in an
attempt to enhance one’s prestige.
Consumerism The preoccupation
of society with the acquisition of
consumer goods.
Consumption Consumers
spending money on commodities/
goods (shopping).
Cultural capital The social,
intellectual and cultural assets of
a person that contribute to their
educational success or social
mobility, for example, knowing how
to ‘dress for success’.
Cultural zombies Workers who
have been convinced by bourgeois
ideology that they are responsible
for their own fate and that they
should uncritically accept their
social position.
Culture The way of life of a
particular group or society.
Development Improvement in
the social and economic conditions
of life of a society or people.
Dramaturgical approach The
idea that people’s day-to-day lives
can be understood as resembling
performers in action on a
theatre stage.
Ethnocentrism A tendency to
see the experience of others in
terms of one’s own culture. It
often involves making unconscious
negative judgements, because
people assume that their cultural
experience is ‘normal’ and all other
experiences are ‘abnormal’.
False class consciousness Being
unaware that socio-economic
position is caused by
the organisation of the
capitalist system.
Front The way we present
ourselves in any given social
situation to create specific
impressions in the mind of others.
Gender inequality Refers to
inequalities in wealth, pay, political
power, access to certain types of
jobs, and in the distribution of
domestic tasks such as childcare
and housework.
Globalisation The process through
which the world is becoming
increasingly interconnected as
a result of increased trade and
cultural exchange.
High modernity The later
stages of modern societies
identified by Beck, associated with
manufactured risks to the ecology
of the planet and high levels
of individualisation.
Human agency The power
people have to think for themselves
and act in ways that shape their
experiences and way of life.
Impression management The
conscious or subconscious
process in which people attempt
to influence the perceptions of
other people about a person,
object or event.
Individualisation A social
feature of late or postmodernity
which encourages members of
society to put the interests of
themselves before the interests
of the wider social group. It
encourages selfishness rather
than selflessness.
Individualism Being free from
external pressures such as tradition
and duty and being able to pursue
one’s own interests (sometimes at
the expense of others).

Inequality The uneven
distribution of resources so that
some people have more benefits
and opportunities than others in
a society.
Infrastructure The economic
system.
Intersectionality The
acknowledgement that middle-
class White women are not as
exploited or as unequal as women
from working-class and ethnic
minority backgrounds, who may
be held back by poverty, racism
and religion.
Labelling theory The idea
that people come to identify and
behave in ways that reflect how
more powerful others label or
stereotype them.
Labour power The effort, skill
and hours which a worker puts
into the manufacture of a product.
Late capitalism A term used
by Marxists to describe the later
stages of modern capitalist society,
especially capitalism's ability to
exploit new global markets and
to create new forms of labour in
order to generate profit.
Late modernity A term used
by Giddens to describe the later
stages of modern society, which
he claims is characterised by
globalisation and reflexivity.
Liquid modernity A term used
by Bauman to describe the later
stages of modernity, which he sees
as characterised by uncertainty.
Manufactured risks The risks
produced by consumer demand
for more consumer goods and
the inability of capitalism to
manufacture goods without risking
the environment (for example,
through pollution).
Means of production The
resources required to manufacture
a product; for example, capital
for investment, raw materials,
machinery and so on.
Meta-narratives Grand theories
which aim to explain society and
human behaviour.
Modernity A period in history or a
type of society that is characterised
by the use of advanced technology,
belief in science, innovation and
economic progress.
Monopoly The exclusive
possession or control of the
supply of, or trade in, a
commodity or service.
Narcissism Extreme selfishness,
with a grandiose view of one’s
own talents and a craving for
admiration.
Nation-states A sovereign state
of which most of the citizens or
subjects are united by factors
which define a nation, such
as language, possession of a
territory with borders and/or
common descent.
New Age religion A type of
religion which aims to help people
find spiritual fulfilment through
practices such as meditation,
healing and self-discovery.
New social movements Political
movements, which are often
radical, global in reach and
disproportionately supported
by young people and
coordinated online.
Oligopoly A state of limited
competition, in which a market is
shared by a very small number of
producers or sellers.
Opportunity The number
of desirable options available
to an individual or group in a
particular society.
Over-deterministic Believing
that everything that happens could
not happen in any other way.
Patriarchy Male domination of
society and the social institutions
that comprise it.
Post-industrial A stage in a
society’s development when the
service sector of the economy
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
generates more wealth than the
industrial or manufacturing sector
of the economy.
Post-truth A situation in which
expert opinion and facts are
less influential in shaping public
attitudes than emotion, faith and
personal belief.
Power The ability to direct or
influence the behaviour of others.
Proletariat The labouring or
working class.
Reflexivity The state of being
able to examine one’s own
feelings, reactions and motives
for acting and being able to
adjust one’s behaviour or
identity accordingly.
Relativism The view that there
is no such thing as absolute
truth and that all opinions and
experiences have validity.
Resistance Individual or group
opposition to social control.
Risk society Beck’s idea
that technology used by
capitalist societies has many
negative consequences
for humankind in terms of
pollution, new diseases and
environmental destruction.
Self-fulfilling prophecy This
involves the application of a false
definition or label to a person
which makes a prediction about
future behaviour. This labelling
results in a new behaviour which
confirms the initial label or
prophecy.
Self-religions New Age religions
which claim to improve self.
Semiology Sometimes
called ‘semiotics’, this is the
sociological study of signs and
symbols. Sociologists have used
it to study the content of media,
for example, some feminists
argue that the frequent use by
journalists of the word ‘girls’
instead of ‘women’ symbolises
patriarchal subordination.
623
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Social actors Term used
by social action theories to
describe people or individuals
who freely enter into interaction
with others.
Social capital The collective
value of all social networks (the
value of knowing influential
people), and the obligations that
arise from these networks to do
things for each other (for example,
to return a favour).
Social change The transition
from one form of social
arrangement, or type of society,
to another.
Social class inequality Inequali­
ties in income and wealth, political
power, life chances, levels of
education, health and so on
between the richest and poorest
groups in capitalist society.
Social control The ways in which
our behaviour, thoughts and
appearance are regulated by the
norms, rules and laws of society.
Social exchange theory A
sociological theory which
explains social order and
stability as a consequence of
negotiated exchanges between
social actors. Interaction involves
transactions between individuals
that result in mutual value
being exchanged. For example,
if a group of people agree to
abide by the law, the whole
community benefits.
Social identity A person’s sense
of who they are based on their
group membership.
Social integration Fitting into
society.
Social meanings When we
interpret the actions of others, we
apply meaning to that action and
respond accordingly.
Social relations of production
The relationship between employers
and workers.
624
Social solidarity A feeling of
community or social belonging
which results in feeling a bond
with others.
Social structure The system
of social institutions and
patterned relations between large
social groups.
Socialisation The processes
through which people learn
about the norms, rules and laws
of society.
Status Social standing or the
prestige attached to particular
social roles.
Superstructure All of the
cultural and social institutions
that function to transmit capitalist
ideology, especially the idea
that the existence of wealth and
poverty are justified.
Surplus value The excess of value
produced by the labour of workers
over the wages they are paid.
Symbol A thing that represents
or stands for something else,
especially a material object
representing something abstract.
For example, language in the
form of writing is symbolic of
spoken sounds. The word ‘cat’ is
symbolic of a general group of
domesticated pet, whereas the
word ‘Siamese’ is symbolic of a
particular breed of cat.
Symbolic interaction A social
action theory that claims that
identity is developed through
interaction with others. A key
feature of such interaction is
the process of interpreting the
symbolic behaviour of others, for
example, their facial expression
and body language.
Traditional society A type of
society based on an agricultural
economy where behaviour is
regulated by largely unchanging
customs and beliefs.
Value consensus Common or
shared agreement.
•....
Chapter 2 Socialisation
and identity
Agency Free will or the ability
to choose particular courses
of action.
Anarchy A state of disorder due
to absence or non-recognition
of authority or agencies of
social control.
Anomie According to
Durkheim - a state of
normlessness or moral
uncertainty in which the social
rules of behaviour are not clearly
drawn, therefore making people
more prone to deviance.
Artefacts Material objects
such as flags or monuments
and buildings or cultural
products such as sport, music
and national dishes which have
symbolic meaning for members of
particular societies.
Beliefs Ideas that members of
society hold to be true.
Bonding social capital The
sharing of information or resources
that may create opportunities for
jobs or mutual help.
Bridging social capital Social
and political alliances or networks
that increase the potential for
social change.
Caste system A religious and
ascribed system of stratification
mainly found in India and
Indian communities abroad
that categorises people into
five status groups, which determine
their occupation and the Hindu
concept of religious purity.
Class consciousness A Marxist
concept that relates to awareness
of one’s place in a system of social
class, especially as it relates to the
class struggle.
Collectivism The practice or
principle of giving a group priority
over each individual with in it.

Conflict theories Theories such
as Marxism and feminism which
see societies as characterised by
conflict between social classes or
between men and women.
Conformity Abiding by or
complying with social norms, rules
and laws.
Conscience Refers to the
moral sense of right and wrong
introduced to children from a very
young age during the socialisation
process which aims to deter
deviant behaviour by setting off
feelings of guilt if the child thinks
about doing wrong.
Consensual policing The power
of the police to fulfil their functions
and duties is dependent on public
approval of their existence, actions
and behaviour and on their
ability to secure and maintain
public respect.
Consensus theory A type of
structuralist approach which
sees society as characterised by
agreement and order; for example,
functionalism.
Control by consent Persuading a
social group that they should obey
rules because they will benefit
from them in the long term.
Cost-benefit analysis A
process that involves members
of society rationally weighing up
the benefit of, say, obeying the
law against the costs of not doing
so or of rejecting the need for
law altogether.
Cultural amnesia The collective
loss of memory.
Cultural appropriation This
involves members of a dominant
culture taking cultural artefacts
from a marginalised group without
permission, and usually with little
respect for or knowledge about
that culture.
Custom A regular pattern of
behaviour that is accepted as
a routine norm in a particular
society; for example, shaking
hands when greeting someone.
Dalit The non-caste of
‘untouchables’ who occupy the
lowest social rung of the Indian
caste system and who do the
dirtiest jobs.
Decadence Spiritual emptiness.
Deferred gratification The
ability to forego or postpone
gratification or pleasure now
by making the decision to gain
greater rewards later - say, by
saving for the future or studying
for a degree.
Demonisation The social
practice of treating some groups
as if they were ‘social problems’ or
a threat to those who belong to
mainstream law-abiding society.
Deviance Behaviour that is
regarded as either offensive or
odd to a social group or society
and is therefore regarded as
requiring some form of formal or
informal regulation.
Fatalism The belief that all
events are predetermined and
inevitable, and that we are
powerless and incapable of
bringing about social change.
Fat-shaming The action or
practice of humiliating someone
judged to be fat or overweight
by making mocking or critical
comments about their size.
Feral children Children who
have been deprived of interaction
with other humans because they
have been abandoned into the
wild (and, in some cases, allegedly
raised by animals) or kept
in isolation.
Folk culture A type of culture
which stems from the experiences,
customs, traditions and beliefs
of rural communities such as
the peasantry or tribes that
make up part of a wider culture,
and which is passed down by
word-of-mouth.
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Formal social control Sanctions
enforced by official agencies such
as government in reaction to the
breaking of written formal rules.
Free will The power to make
decisions or choices that are not
shaped by social forces beyond the
control of the individual.
Fundamentalism A very
conservative version of religion
which believes that God’s word and
religious texts are infallible and
need to be interpreted literally.
Gender role socialisation The
process of learning behaviour that
is culturally expected from males
and females.
Gender roles The social
expectations that underpin what is
expected of a boy/man and a girl/
woman in any given society.
Gig economy A labour market
characterised by the prevalence of
short-term contracts or freelance
work as opposed to permanent jobs.
Global risks Globalisation
has increased people’s risk of
being victims of global warming,
terrorism, crime and so on.
Globalisation The trend of
increasing interaction between
societies and people worldwide
due to advances in transportation
and digital communications.
Glocalisation A trend which
sees global actors flexibly altering
their global brands so that they
suit the needs of and respect
local cultures. Local cultures may
take aspects of a global product
and adapt it so that it appeals to
local consumers.
Hegemonic Culturally dominant.
Hegemonic femininity A version
of feminine identity which stresses
that females are subordinate
and their ‘natural’ roles should
be confined to the spheres of
motherhood and the home.
Hegemonic masculinity A
version of masculine identity which
625
 6L0SSARY OF KEY TERMS
defines a ‘real man’ in terms of
toughness, emotional hardness
and the power to provide for
his family.
Hidden curriculum The
unwritten, unofficial, and often
unintended lessons, values
and attitudes that encourage
conformity that students
allegedly learn in classrooms
and schools.
High culture Cultural
products, such as art and
literature, that are regarded as
rare, unique and the product of
exceptional talent.
Humanist approach A micro
or ‘bottom-up’ approach which
is interested in how social reality
is ‘interpreted’ by individuals
during their everyday interaction
with others.
Hybridised identity A form
of identity that is constructed
by combining aspects of two or
more cultures.
Identity The qualities, beliefs,
personality, looks and/or expres­
sions that constitute both how you
see yourself and how other people
may see or judge you.
Ideological Based on untrue
information, propagated by a
powerful group, aimed at justifying
and legitimating some type
of inequality.
Ideological power Dominating
culture or ideas.
Imitation Children copying
the actions of significant role
models in their lives, especially
their parents.
Informal social controls The
negative reaction of friends,
relatives and peers to deviance
that encourages conformity to
the informal rules employed by
such groups.
Jati The caste system.
Law A rule or system of rules
which a society agrees to follow
626
and which regulate the behaviour
of all. The role of the police and
the courts is to enforce those rules
by arresting those who break them
and to impose punishments if
found guilty of doing so.
Macro approaches A
top-down approach which
is mainly interested in how
society or aspects of it influence
individual actions.
Mass or popular culture
Cultural artefacts such as pop
music or Hollywood blockbusters
that are mass produced for
mass consumption.
Mechanical solidarity The
sense of togetherness in a society
that arises when people perform
similar work and share similar
experiences, customs, values
and beliefs. Such societies view
society as more important than
the individual.
Middle class Those occupations
that require a professional
qualification or who manage
capitalism on behalf of the
capitalist class. This group tends
to be highly rewarded in terms of
income and status.
Misogyny Hatred of women.
Nature versus nurture debate
The debate as to whether
human behaviour is the product
of innate biological influences
such as instinct or genetics or
whether it is the product of
environmental influences such as
social upbringing or the quality
of socialisation.
Negative sanctions Punishments
aimed at deterring deviance.
Norms The rules that govern
what behaviour is normal in any
given social situation.
Organic solidarity A type
of system in which community
ties are loose because people
are exposed to a greater range
of ideas, which encourages
individualism and less
moral certainty.
Peer group A group of people
of approximately the same age,
status and interests.
Populism A system of ideas
that claims to support the will of
the people.
Positive sanctions Rewards
which encourage conformity.
Positivist A scientific
approach which aims to
document the impact of social
forces on human behaviour by
collecting large-scale data using
sociological methods which
are regarded as highly reliable
and objective.
Precariat People whose
employment and income are
insecure, especially when
considered as a class.
Present-day orientation A view
likely to be held by members of
the precariat, whose members
may believe that people should
live for today and that there
is little hope for the future
because of their experience of
job insecurity.
Primary socialisation The
process of learning that occurs
in the family when parents teach
children the language, attitudes,
values, norms and ethics of the
culture in which they live so that
they grow up to be citizens and
workers who conform to what
society expects of them.
Relativity of culture The idea
that what constitutes culture
differs across time periods,
societies and even between social
groups living in the same society.
Reproductive rights The
right of women to control their
own bodies.
Role The behaviour that is
expected from those who occupy a
particular status.
**■
Role models Significant others
who are respected by those with
less status (such as children) and
whose behaviour sets an example
to be imitated.
Sampling frame A list of
people who might take part in a
sociological study.
Sanctions A negative sanction
is a threatened penalty for
disobeying a law or rule. A positive
sanction may take the form of
approval or a reward.
Satipatthana A Buddhist
concept that stresses mindfulness
or awareness of others.
Secondary socialisation The
process of social learning that is
in addition to that which occurs
in the family. Agents of secondary
socialisation include formal
education systems, religion, the
workplace, and the media.
Secular Not subject to religious
routines or rules.
Self This is composed of two
parts; the T is how people see
themselves, while the ‘me’ is
how we present ourselves when
interacting with others.
Social class A socio-economic
status and identity which is
hierarchically organised on the
basis of occupation, wealth,
income and life chances.
Social closure Exclusionary
practices employed by wealthy
high-status groups to protect
their monopoly and ownership
of both wealth and property,
so preventing other groups
from becoming members of
their class.
Social construct/construction
A belief, characteristic or set of
behaviours and assumptions that
is produced or manufactured
by the actions of those who
constitute society or powerful
social groups.
Social construction An
interactionist concept that refers
to behaviour that is thought to
be natural but is actually the
product of cultural expectations
and processes.
Social controls Regulations and
rules which aim to reinforce ‘ideal’
behaviour and to ensure conformity.
Failure to abide by social controls
may result in public punishment.
Social exchange Interaction and
negotiation between individuals
that involves maximum benefit
and minimum cost for mutual or
reciprocal benefit.
Social mores Values, often
influenced by religion, which set
out the moral principles and rules
of societies; for example, that
sexual relationships should only
be conducted in the moral context
of marriage.
Social pressure Influence
exerted on an individual or group
by a more or equally powerful
person or group. The influence
might take the form of rational
argument, persuasion or coercion
(threats, violence and so on). For
example, a peer group may exert
social pressure on an adolescent
to behave in an anti-social
manner.
Social stratification A system of
social ranking, usually based on
wealth, income, race, education
and power.
Social structure The social
organisation of society.
Socialisation The process of
social learning that occurs in the
period from birth to death in which
individuals acquire and absorb the
cultural values and norms of the
society in which they live.
Socialism A left-wing political
ideology or set of beliefs that
states all people are equal and
should enjoy equal opportunities
with regard to access to
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
education, qualifications, jobs and
wealth creation.
Society A community of people
who share a common territory and
culture and consequently interact
with one another daily.
Spectacular youth subculture
Highly visible groups of young
people who commit themselves
to a certain ‘shocking’ look in
terms of hairstyle, dress codes
and so on, and whose behaviour
is often interpreted by the older
generation and the media as
‘threatening’ the moral order or
stability of society.
Structuralist theories Theories
such as functionalism, Marxism
and feminism which claim people’s
actions are the product of the
ways their societies are organised
or structured.
Structuration A theory of society
invented by Giddens which argues
that human behaviour is caused
by a combination of structure
and agency.
Subculture A distinct group that
exists within a wider society. A
subculture has a very distinct and
separate identity, for example, in
terms of the way they dress or
behave - that stands out from
mainstream culture.
Super-rich/uber-wealthy An
expression used to describe the
richest 1 per cent of billionaires
and multi-millionaires.
Symbiotic Interdependent.
Symbolisation A process found
in some news reporting of social
groups in which journalists identify
key features of particular groups,
especially young people, so that
they can be avoided by others or
be easily identified and targeted by
the police.
Toxic masculinity A consequence
of hegemonic masculinity in that
males may suffer from depression
or suicidal thoughts because
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 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
they believe they cannot publicly
display emotion or vulnerability.
It may also be expressed through
violence and misogyny.
Unskilled class/underclass
Values, often influenced by
religion, which set out the
moral principles and rules of
societies; for example, that sexual
relationships should only be
conducted in the moral context
of marriage.
Upper class The social group
that has the highest status in
society. This status is often
inherited. It is often called the
‘ruling class’.
Value system A collection of
values, norms, traditions and
customs agreed upon and shared
by a social group or society.
Values General guidelines
about how members of society
should behave. Values generally
shape norms of behaviour.
For example, many societies
value marriage.
Voluntarism The idea that
human action is voluntary
rather than imposed externally
by social forces beyond the
individual’s control. Voluntarists
as represented by social action
theories believe that social
behaviour is the result of people
having free will and the ability to
choose how to act.
Xenophobic Fear or hatred
of foreigners such as refugees
or migrants.
Chapter 3 Research
methods
Audience analysis Examining
how audiences respond to and
interpret documentary material.
Bias Error or distortion in the
data arising from the way evidence
is collected or interpreted.
628
Case study A study of a
particular instance of something.
Closed questions Questions in
which the range of responses is
fixed by the researcher.
Closed system A system
in which all the variables can
be controlled.
Coded Answers are classified
into various categories.
Correlation A statistical link
between two or more variables
or factors.
Covert observation Observation-
based research in which the
observer’s true identity and the
purpose of their study are hidden
from participants.
Data Information that a
researcher draws on and/or
generates during a study.
Deductive approach Starting
with a theory and using evidence
to test that theory.
Digital content Information such
as social media that is distributed
via the internet.
Ethical Relating to moral
principles that state what is right
and wrong.
Ethical guidelines Guidance
provided by social science
organisations and universities
on how to conduct morally
acceptable research, covering
issues such as informed consent
and confidentiality.
Ethical issue A concern with
morals and how to conduct
morally acceptable research.
Ethnography The study of the
way of life of a group of people in
order to understand their world
from their perspective.
Experimental effect Any
unintended impact of the
experiment on participants.
Experimenter bias The
unintended effect of the
experimenter on a participant.
Falsification Looking for
evidence to disprove a theory.
Feminist methodology A
methodology designed to reflect
feminist ideals and values.
Field experiment An
experiment conducted in everyday
social settings.
Focus group A group discussion
about one particular theme or
topic guided by a moderator;
it explores how participants
interact and respond to each
other’s views.
Formal content analysis
Counting how often particular
words, phrases and images occur.
Gatekeeper The person or
group in a particular setting such
as a school with responsibility
for allowing (or otherwise) a
researcher to undertake research
in that site.
Generalisation A statement
based on a relatively small
group which is then applied to a
larger group.
Grounded theory Starting
from 'concrete data’ and building
upwards to theory.
Group interview A type of
interview covering a range of
themes or topics; the researcher
questions and collects data from
several people at once.
Hawthorne effect Changes in
participants' behaviour resulting
from an awareness that they are
taking part in an experiment.
Historical documents Documents
from the past.
Hypothesis A testable statement
about the relationship between
two or more variables.
Inductive approach Starting
with evidence and developing a
theory from that evidence.
Informed consent The
participant only agrees to
participate in the research once

the sociologist has explained fully
what the research is about and
why it is being undertaken.
Interpretivism An approach that
explores people’s lived experiences
and the meanings they attach
to their actions. It favours
qualitative data.
Interview bias The effect of
the interview situation itself on a
participant’s responses.
Interviewer bias The effect of
the interviewer on a research
participant’s answers.
Key informant A member of the
group being studied who provides
important information and often
sponsors the researcher.
Laboratory experiment An
experiment conducted in a
specially designed setting.
Life history A case study of an
individual’s life.
Longitudinal study A study of the
same group of people over time.
Meta-narratives Grand stories
which claim to explain things.
Methodological pluralism The
use of a plurality or range of
research methods, including
both quantitative and
qualitative methods.
Methodology A theory about
how research should proceed.
Mixed-methods approaches
Using more than one method
in a research project, often
combining both qualitative and
quantitative techniques.
Moderator An interviewer who
guides focus group discussions.
Non-directive interviewing An
interviewing technique that seeks
to avoid leading participants to
answer in particular ways.
Non-participant observation An
observation-based study in which
the researcher does not join those
they are studying.
Normal science Science
which operates within an
established paradigm.
Objectivity A value-free,
impartial, unbiased view.
Observation schedule
Instructions which tell the
observer what to look for and
how to record it.
Observer effect This occurs in
an observation-based study when
the observer's known presence
changes the behaviour of the
people being studied.
Official statistics Numerical
data produced by government
departments and agencies.
Open system A system in which
it is impossible to control all
the variables.
Open-ended/open questions
Questions which allow the
respondent to answer in their
own words.
Operationalise Translate
abstract concepts into a form that
can be measured.
Overt observation Open
research in which the observer’s
true identity and the purpose
of their research are revealed
to participants.
Paradigm A framework of
concepts and theories which states
how the natural world operates.
Participant observation A
qualitative method in which
the researcher gathers data by
joining a group and taking part in
its activities.
Personal documents Letters,
diaries, notes and photographs.
Pilot study A small-scale study to
check the suitability of the methods
to be used in the main study.
Population The group under
study from which a sample
is selected.
Positivism An approach based
partly on the methods used in
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
the natural sciences. It favours
quantitative data.
Primary data New information
produced by the researcher during
the research process.
Qualitative data All data (such
as quotations from interview
participants) that is not in
numerical form.
Quantitative data Information in
the form of statistics.
Quota sampling A type of
stratified sampling in which
selection from the strata is
not random.
Random sampling A
sampling technique in which
every member of the sampling
frame has a known chance of
being selected.
Rapport A friendly, trusting and
understanding relationship.
Realist view An approach which
assumes that events in both the
natural and social worlds are
produced by underlying structures
and mechanisms.
Reflexivity In the context of
research, reflecting on yourself,
looking back at your research, and
examining how your values and
background might have influenced
your findings.
Relativism The idea that ail
knowledge is relative to time,
place, culture and the individual.
Reliability Data are reliable
when different researchers using
the same methods obtain the
same results.
Replication Repeating an
experiment or research study
under the same conditions.
Representative sample A
subgroup that is typical of
its population.
Research ethics committees
Bodies in universities that
scrutinise research proposals.
629
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Research methods Techniques
for collecting data such as
interviews or questionnaires.
Research participants The
people who researchers study.
Response rate The percentage
of the sample that participates in
the research.
Sample A subgroup of research
participants from the larger group
to be studied.
Sample attrition The reduction
in the size of the original sample
over time.
Sampling frame A list of
members of the research
population.
Sampling technique A
procedure (such as snowball or
stratified random sampling) used
to obtain a sample.
Sampling unit A member of the
research population such as a
household or a student.
Scientific revolution The
overthrow of an established
paradigm by a new paradigm.
Secondary data Pre-existing
information used by the researcher.
Self-completion questionnaire
A questionnaire that the
respondent fills in.
Semiology The analysis of signs.
Semiotic analysis The study of
signs and symbols and how they
combine to create meaning.
Semi-structured interview
Similar to a structured interview,
but the interviewer probes with
additional questions.
Simple random sampling A
technique in which all members of
the sampling frame have an equal
chance of being selected.
Snowball sampling A technique
in which members of the sample
select each other.
Social desirability effect Bias
resulting from a research
630
participant’s desire to reflect in
their responses what is generally
seen as the right way to behave.
Social facts The institutions,
norms and values of society.
Social survey Systematic
collection of the same type of
data from a fairly large number
of people.
Stratified random sampling A
technique in which the population
is divided into strata and the
sample is randomly drawn from
each stratum. It attempts to
reflect particular characteristics,
such as age and gender, of
the population.
Structured interview A
questionnaire which the
interviewer read outs and fills in.
Structured/systematic observation
An observation-based study which
usually employs an observation
schedule to generate quantitative
data.
Subjectivity A personal view
based on an individual’s values
and beliefs.
Textual analysis Examining how
the words and phrases chosen
encourage a particular reading of
a document.
Thematic analysis Interpreting
the meanings, motives and
ideologies that underlie documents.
Trend The general direction in
which statistics on something (such
as the divorce rate) change or
move over time.
Triangulation A way of
cross-checking the validity of
research findings by, for example,
using mixed methods.
Unstructured interview An
interview with few, if any, pre-set
questions, though researchers
usually have certain topics they
wish to cover.
Unstructured observation An
observation-based study that
produces a detailed description
of behaviour as seen by
the researcher.
Validity Data are valid
if they represent a true or
accurate measurement.
Value free Objective, impartial
and unbiased.
Variables Factors that affect
behaviour. Variables can vary, for
example, temperature can increase
or decrease.
Verstehen As used by Weber,
an approach for interpreting
the meanings and motives
that direct individual action. It
involves understanding research
participants’ situations as they
themselves understand them.
Victim surveys Surveys that ask
respondents whether they have
been victims of particular crimes
during a specified period and, if
so, whether they reported them to
the police.
Volunteer sample A sample in
which members of the sample are
self-selected.
Chapter 4 The family
Arranged marriage A type of
marriage organised or arranged
by the parents of the couple and/
or matchmakers.
Age patriarchy A system of
inequalities caused primarily by
age differences and especially the
idea that adults, particularly the
heads of households, know what is
best for children.
Alienation A concept which
Marxists in particular suggest
is now becoming a common
characteristic of how workers
feel about their jobs. Alienation
refers to the lack of satisfaction,
identification and control that
workers experience on a daily
basis and the fact that they work
merely for a wage.

Ascription/ascribed role A role
assigned at birth over which an
individual has little choice or say.
For example, members of a royal
family inherit a role. In patriarchal
societies, females involuntarily
occupy a subordinate role.
Baby strike A call by radical
feminists for women to refuse
to have babies, claiming that
motherhood is the biggest
obstacle to women’s progress and
that it reinforces patriarchy.
Basic and irreducible
functions The two crucial
functions performed by the
nuclear family in modern capitalist
societies: the primary socialisation
of children, and the stabilisation of
adult personalities.
Beanpole family A four-
generational type of family that
has few extended kin such as
aunts, uncles and cousins.
Bigamy The state of being
married to two people at the same
time. It is a criminal offence in
Western societies.
Bi-nuclear family Children of
divorced or separated couples
often belong to two nuclear
families because their natural
parents have remarried or are
cohabiting with a new partner.
Blended family A variation
on the reconstituted family
that includes, in addition to
step-children, the natural children
of the remarried couple.
Boomerang family Families in
which children leave home, but
because of circumstances beyond
their control they are forced to
return to live with their parents as
young adults.
Canalisation A component of
gender role socialisation where
parents lead or channel their
children’s interests and activities
to gender-appropriate areas. For
i
example, toys are often classified
as suitable for either boys or girls.
Chaos of love Beck believes
that marriage is potentially
a battleground, because the
institution of marriage demands
compromise and selflessness but
people often look out for their own
interests first.
Child abuse Physical maltreatment
or sexual molestation of a child.
Child-centredness The notion
that the child should be the focus
of attention. Child-centred families
see raising children as the most
important component of family
life.
Child-free The decision usually
taken in conjunction with a partner
not to have children.
Childlessness The state of not
having children. This may be
voluntary or involuntary.
Chore wars The conflict that
results between a couple about
who should be responsible for
domestic labour.
Civil rights The rights of citizens
to political and social freedom
and equality.
Class diversity Refers to
how social class, especially
wealth and poverty, may shape
family living arrangements
and the opportunities for a
quality childhood.
Cohabitation The state of living
together and having an intimate
relationship without being married.
Commune A type of cooperative
household made up of mainly
unrelated people who agree to
share work, possessions and
religious or social objectives.
Concerted cultivation A type
of middle-class socialisation of
children which aims to develop or
encourage cultured behaviour and
knowledge, such as knowledge of
art, history, literature and so on,
glossary of key terms
which may be advantageous in
educational contexts.
Conflict A clash of interests that
can cause inequality.
Conjugal roles The roles
played by a male and female
partner in marriage or in a
cohabiting relationship.
Consensual All involved
agree willingly.
Conspicuous consumption
Expenditure on, or consumption
of, luxuries on a lavish scale in an
attempt to enhance one’s prestige.
Consumerism The act of
shopping for consumer items
or commodities.
Consumption Refers to the
spending of money on goods and
services. A successful economy
needs to competitively market its
goods and services in ways that
attract consumers to spend their
cash on them.
Consumption as
compensation The idea that
parents buy their children
consumer items to compensate
for not spending quality time i
with them.
Co-parenting When a separated,
divorced or unmarried couple
share the duties of parenting, for
example, a child may spend part
of a week living with one parent
and the rest of the week living with
the other.
Crisis of masculinity The
idea that men are more likely
to suffer from anxiety and
depression because their
traditional roles as breadwinner
and head of household are
fast disappearing.
Cult of the individual An idea
very similar to Beck’s concept of
individualisation. It refers to the
increasing trend to put ourselves
before others and a desire not to
live or mix with others, therefore
631
 6L0SSARY OF KEY TERMS
the trend towards living in single
person households.
Cultural diversity Refers to how
families might differ in organisation
across different societies and
across ethnic and religious groups
within the same society.
Cultural hegemony Domination
or rule maintained through
ideological or cultural means.
Decentring of conjugal
relationships A radical feminist
idea that rejects the idea that the
most important relationship a
woman has is with a man. Radical
feminists believe that women
can have the same quality family
relationships with other women
and/or gay men.
Dependency culture According
to New Right sociologists, a way of
life characterised by dependency
on state benefits.
Digital feminism Feminists, who
mainly belong to the millennial
generation, who challenge sexism
and misogyny using online digital
sites such as Twitter and Facebook
and by setting up internet websites
such as Everydaysexism.com.
DINK families ‘Dual income,
no kids’. A term which refers to a
couple who both earn an income
and do not (yet) have children.
Dispersed extended family
Extended kin (grandparents,
aunts, uncles and cousins) who
normally live in geographically
scattered nuclear families but who
feel a sense of duty and obligation
to provide mutual support and
assistance to each other in times of
need or to get together on symbolic
occasions such as Christmas.
Divorce The legal dissolution
of a marriage by a court or other
competent body.
Domestic diversity Differences of
internal arrangements of families.
For example, in some families the
632
mother has a career and goes out
to work. In others, the mother stays
at home full-time, and in a rare
number of families the father stays
at home as a full-time carer.
Domestic division of labour The
way that men and women divide
up housework and childcare
between themselves.
Domestic labour Unpaid labour
- housework, childcare and so
on - carried out within the home,
often by women.
Domestic violence Violence,
usually committed by the male
spouse on his female partner and/
or his children.
Dowry system Refers to the
cash and property that the bride’s
family gives to the bridegroom,
his parents, or his relatives as a
condition of the marriage.
Dual burden Another term for
the second shift.
Dual income/dual career nuclear
families A family in which both
adults have a career and in which
the wage of each partner makes
a significant contribution to the
lifestyle of the family.
Dual-career/income families
Families in which both adult
partners pursue a career and in
which each contribute income
that is important to the family’s
standard of living.
Dual-heritage children The
children of interethnic marriages.
Egalitarian The principle that
all people are equal and deserve
equal rights and opportunities.
Emotion work The idea that
women are responsible for the
emotional health and well-being of
family members.
Emotional participation Sharing
one’s feelings, experiences and
emotions, particularly within
an intimate relationship or
family context.
Empirical Based on experience
or observation.
Empty nest families Households
in which only the parents remain
once their grown-up children have
left home.
Empty-shell marriage A loveless
marriage in which husband and
wife stay together for financial or
religious reasons or for the sake of
the children, but essentially lead
separate lives in the same house.
Epistemological Relating to
how knowledge of a given subject
is obtained.
Ethnocentric Judging other
cultures according to preconceptions
originating in the standards and
customs of one’s own culture.
Ethnocentrism Judging one’s
own cultural experience to be
‘better’ than that of other cultures.
Ethnographic Sociological
research which studies
social groups in their own
environment going about their
everyday business.
Expressive leader The role of
nurturer of children, primarily
responsible for the primary
socialisation of children, and
emotional caretaker. According to
Parsons, females have a ‘natural’
empathy for this role.
Extended family A unit consisting
of the nuclear family plus other kin
who may live under the same roof
or in close proximity so that contact
is regular and frequent.
Failure to launch generation
Children who for a variety of
reasons have not been able to leave
home and therefore still live with
their parents despite being adults.
False needs According to
Marxism, the logic of capitalism
as expressed through advertising
is to sell as many commodities to
consumers as possible. This often
involves ‘persuading’ consumers
IS
....
to indulge in false wants or needs,
that is, to buy commodities that
are not essential and not built
to last.
Falsely conscious A way of
thinking that prevents a person
from perceiving the true nature of
their social or economic situation.
Families of choice An idea which
suggests that members of our
family are who we choose them to
be - for example, we might regard
close friends as symbolic family
members, as well as cats and
dogs.
Femicide The murder of females.
Fictive kin Normally, close
friends of the family, particularly
parents, who have been given the
honorary title of ‘uncle’ or ‘aunt’.
Fidelity Faithfulness, usually in
a relationship.
Filial piety A Confucian belief
that children should have a great
respect for their elders, especially
parents and grandparents.
First wave of feminism Ideas
that appeared in the 18th and
19th century that challenged
male domination of the family and
eventually led to women being
allowed to vote.
Forced marriage A marriage in
which one or more of the parties is
married without his or her consent
or against his or her will.
Fourth wave of feminism Type
of feminism, particularly the
digital feminism practised
by millennials.
Gender binary The classification
of sex and gender into two distinct,
opposite and disconnected forms
of masculine and feminine.
Gender bound The idea that
men and women are culturally
obligated to perform certain
tasks - for example, that men
provide for their families and
women are emotional caretakers.
Gender scripts The idea that
male and female behaviour is
performed according to cultural
expectations about masculinity
and femininity.
Genderquake A radical change
in attitudes compared with
previous generations, so radical
that it symbolises a seismic
(earthquake-type) upheaval.
Geographical mobility Refers
to people and families physically
moving across the country, usually
in search of work or education.
Girl power A media-invented
term which claimed that females
wielded cultural power in the
1990s because they imitated role
models such as Madonna.
Glass ceiling The unseen, yet
unbreachable, barrier that keeps
women from rising to the upper
rungs of the corporate ladder,
regardless of their qualifications
or achievements.
Hetero-norm The idea
that relationships should
be heterosexual.
‘Honour’-related murders The
murder of a girl or woman by a
family member for an actual or
assumed sexual or behavioural
transgression, including adultery,
sexual intercourse or pregnancy
outside marriage, or even for
being raped.
Household This includes all
those who live under the same
roof or occupy the same dwelling.
These people need not be
necessarily related.
Ideology A set of ideas which
most people believe to be true
but which in fact are myths or
misrepresentations. They are
usually encouraged by powerful
groups because such ideas tend
to justify and legitimate the power
and wealth of those groups.
Ideology of the family A set of
dominant ideas and beliefs which
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
have the effect of instructing
members of society about how
families and the roles within them
should be organised.
In vitro fertilisation A medical
procedure whereby an egg is
fertilised by sperm in a test tube
or elsewhere outside the body.
Individualisation A concept
associated with Beck that refers
to a dominant ideology that
stresses freedom from obligation
or community pressure and gives
people the freedom to look out
for themselves first and foremost.
Infantilisation To reduce
something to a childish state
or condition.
Institutional sexism Ideas and
practices that may be consciously
or unconsciously embedded in
the regulations and actions of an
organisation such as a school or
police force.
Instrumental leader The role of
economic provider or breadwinner
for the nuclear family. Parsons
claimed that this is usually the role
of the male.
Inter-ethnic marriage Marriages
that take place between people
who are from different racial or
ethnic groups.
Intersectional feminism A
critique of liberal and radical
feminism which implied that the
experience of patriarchy was the
same for all women. Black and
Asian feminists, and Marxist
feminists pointed out that gender
often interacts or intersects with
social class, race and patriarchy
to produce unique experiences
of patriarchy.
Irretrievable breakdown When
both spouses agree that the
marriage is over and that
there is no hope that it will be
ever revived.
Isolated nuclear family A
family that is self-contained and
633
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
which has little contact with
extended kin.
Kibbutz A type of commune or
household found in Israel (plural
‘kibbutzim’}.
Kinship Relationship between
people who are related to
each other by blood, marriage
or adoption.
Ladettes A term used by the
media in the 1990s to describe
young women who used their
leisure time to act in the same way
as men.
Leftover women A term used
in China to describe women who
are still not married by the age of
27. They are seen to be ‘left on
the shelf.
LGBT community A loose
grouping of lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgender organisations,
and subcultures, united by a
common culture and social
movements. These communities
generally celebrate pride, diversity,
individuality and sexuality.
Liberal feminism A collection
of feminist sociologists who
highlighted gender inequality
in areas such as education and
put pressure on governments to
challenge it by introducing equal
rights and opportunities legislation
and social policies.
Liberate To free somebody from
oppression or exploitation.
Life-course The stages that all
human beings go through during
their life, covering birth to death.
Living apart together (LAT) A
modern household set-up in which
a couple who are romantically
involved make the decision to
maintain separate households
rather than move in together.
Loss of functions The
functionalist idea that the
multi-functional extended family
of the pre-industrial era lost
634
many of its functions after the
industrial revolution.
Malestream A concept
developed by feminist theorists to
describe the situation when male
sociologists carry out research
which either ignores or neglects
women’s experience and/ or
focuses on a masculine perspective
and then assumes that the
findings can be applied to women
as well.
Manipulation A component
of gender role socialisation
in which parents encourage
behaviour which is culturally
acceptable for boys or girls but
discourage behaviour that might
be interpreted as not fitting
cultural norms.
March of progress The idea that
features of contemporary life are
an improvement on how they were
previously organised.
Marriage rate The number
of marriages per 1000 people
per year.
Matriarchal A society or
community dominated by
women - the opposite to
patriarchal.
Matrifocal A society or culture
based on the mother as the head
of the family or household.
Millennial feminists Feminists
who were born in the late 1980s
and who in the early 21 st century
were in their 20s and early 30s.
This generation, especially if it has
experienced higher education, is
thought to be highly politicised.
Surveys suggest that they see
females as equal to males and
consequently they are less likely
to tolerate inequality, sexism and
misogyny and more likely than
previous generations to challenge
patriarchal processes.
Misogyny “Dislike of, contempt
for, or ingrained prejudice
against women.”
Monogamy The state of only
being married to one person at
any one time.
Motherhood penalty Craig
claims that motherhood often
means that women have more
responsibility for domestic labour
and less time for leisure.
Multi-functional Performing
lots of functions, such as the
pre-industrial family.
Neo-conventional family
Chester’s term for the modern
form of nuclear family. According
to Chester, most of us will live as a
child or adult in this type of family
at some point in our lives.
Nuclear family A unit that
comprises mother, father and
children, natural or adopted.
Organisational diversity
Differences in the size or
organisation of families.
Extended families are obviously
larger than nuclear families,
which in turn are larger than
one-parent families.
Partnership penalty An idea
associated with Craig. She
claims that the decision of a
couple to live together or marry
benefits the male but penalises
the female, in that she ends
up responsible for the bulk of
domestic labour.
Personal communities A
network of close friends and kin
(even pets) that a person might
regard as closest to them.
Personal life Smart believes
that, rather than study families,
sociologists should study how
individuals negotiate their way
through their personal lives. By
doing this, we can see that a vast
range of people beyond immediate
kin play important roles in
our lives.
Perverse incentive An incentive
that results in unintended negative
consequences; for example,

................ ■.................
females may find it advantageous
to get pregnant and bring up
a child alone rather than get
married, because state benefits
are generous.
Pester power The ability of
children to pressurise their parents
into buying them products,
especially items advertised in
the media.
Polyandry A type of polygamy
in which a woman can marry more
than one husband. It is quite rare
compared with polygyny.
Polygamy A cultural norm which
allows spouses to have more than
one husband or wife.
Polygyny A type of polygamy in
which a man can marry more than
one woman or can be married to a
set of co-wives.
Post-feminism A 1990s trend
that suggested that females
no longer had any need for
second-wave feminism because
they now had girl power.
Many critics saw it as a media
construction and as reflecting
a male backlash against
radical feminism.
Power-feminism Another term
for post-feminism.
Private patriarchy A type of
male domination found exclusively
in the home, family and in
personal relationships.
Public patriarchy Institutionalised
forms of sexual prejudice and
discrimination found across a range
of social institutions, including
government, education and the law.
Radical feminism A group
of feminists who attempted to
explain gender inequality by
constructing structural theories
that saw patriarchy as a complex
inter-dependent social system. The
theory was often seen as men-hating
because it is hyper-critical of what
it saw as male exploitation and
oppression of women.
Radical psychiatry A school of
psychiatric thought that believes
psychiatric problems are caused
by alienation brought about by the
intensity of family relationships.
Reconstituted family Also called
a step-family - a family unit where
one or both parents have children
from a previous relationship
but have combined to form a
new family.
Remarriage The act of marrying
again after experiencing a divorce.
Renaissance children
Middle-class children possessing
lots of cultural capital that is,
knowledge valued by schools
and universities.
Reproductive rights The right
of females to control their own
bodies; for example, the right
of women to decide whether
they want to have children or be
child-free, when to have children
and how many children to have.
Same-sex marriage Also known
as gay marriage - the marriage
of same-sex couples recognised
by law as having the same
status and rights as marriage of
opposite-sex couples.
Sandwich carers Refers to those
looking after young children at
the same time as caring for older
parents. It can also be used much
more broadly to describe a variety
of multiple caring responsibilities
for people in different generations.
Second shift The idea that
married women have two jobs and
consequently no leisure time. They
spend their day in paid work but
still do most of the unpaid labour
in the home.
Second wave of feminism Liberal,
radical and Marxist feminist ideas
that appeared in the 1960s and
1970s, often collectively known as
the ‘women’s liberation movement’
Secularisation A general
decline in religious belief in God
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
and religious practices such as
regularly going to church.
Separation Informal separation
occurs when spouses live apart,
but do not pursue formal
separation or divorce.
Serial monogamy The practice
of engaging in a succession
of monogamous cohabiting
relationships or marriages.
Sexualisation of children The
idea that children are growing up
too quickly because the media
are introducing them to adult
themes such as sex far too early in
their development.
Single-parent families Families
with children under age 18
headed by a parent who is
widowed or divorced and who
has not remarried, or by a parent
who has never married.
Single-person households A
person living alone.
Sociability The quality of liking
to meet and spend time with
other people.
Social blurring The idea that the
distinction between children and
adults is beginning to disappear
as children aspire to behave like
adults and as adults treat children
as their equals.
Social construction A term
used by social action theories
to indicate that some social
processes are the product or
invention of society, dominant
social groups or cultural norms.
Socialist/Marxist feminism A
type of feminism that argued that
gender inequality was linked to
class inequality. Both were seen
to be the product of capitalism -
for example, capitalist employers
profit from women’s unpaid
domestic labour.
Stabilisation of adult
personality An irreducible
function of the nuclear family
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 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
according to Parsons, in which
the male workers immersion in
his family supposedly relieves
him of the pressures of work and
contemporary society, just as a
warm bath soothes and relaxes
the body.
Stigma A negative label or a
mark of disgrace associated with
a particular circumstance, quality
or person.
Structural differentiation The
emergence of specialised agencies
which gradually took over many of
the functions of the pre-industrial
extended family.
Suffrage The right to vote.
Surrogacy The process in which
a woman agrees to bear a child
on behalf of another woman,
either from her own egg fertilised
by the other woman’s partner,
or from the implantation in her
uterus of a fertilised egg from the
other woman.
Symmetrical family A type of
nuclear family identified by Young
and Willmott in which husband
and wife supposedly share
domestic labour, decision-making
and leisure time.
Synergistic The interaction or
cooperation of two individuals,
such as grandparents and
grandchildren, which produces a
combined effect greater than the
sum of their separate effects.
Test-tube babies Children
who are the product of
reproductive technology such as
in vitro fertilisation or artificial
insemination because their
parents cannot conceive naturally
for medical reasons.
Theoretical imperialism The
insistence that one particular
type of experience should
take precedence over all other
experiences. Radical feminism was
accused of this by intersectional
feminists for implying that all
636
women experienced patriarchal
control in the same way.
Third wave of feminism Refers
to two unrelated forms of feminism
that appeared about the same time
(1980s/1990s) - intersectional
feminism and post-feminism.
Time-budget study A type
of social survey which asks
respondents to estimate the
amount of time they spend on a
particular task.
Toxic masculinity A type of
masculinity which exhibits negative
traits such as violence, sexual
aggression and an inability or
reluctance to express emotions
because of a belief that it is weak
to do so.
Transphobia Refers to a range of
negative attitudes, feelings, actions
or hate crimes toward transgender
or transsexual people.
Triple shift The idea that women
have three pressures on their
time - paid work, unpaid domestic
labour and emotion work.
Triple systems theory A feminist
theory of patriarchy associated
with Walby which argues that there
are three crucial influences on a
woman’s experience of inequality
and oppression - gender, social
class and ethnicity.
Underclass The lowest
social stratum in a country or
community, consisting of the
poor and unemployed. The New
Right claim that members of the
underclass are most likely to be
welfare-dependent and criminal.
Unit of consumption The family
is the main unit of consumption in
capitalist society because agents
of capitalism such as advertisers
and the media promote consumer
items in such a way that they are
specifically aimed at encouraging
family members to buy them.
Urbanisation The process of
people who had previously lived
in the countryside moving to the
towns and cities, usually to find
work in factories, mills and so on.
Vertical extended family
Families composed of three
generations that may live under
the same roof or in very close
proximity who are in frequent
daily contact.
Voluntary childlessness
Consciously and voluntarily
choosing not to have children.
It should be distinguished from
the state of not being able to
have children for medical or
biological reasons.
Welfare state A system whereby
the state undertakes to protect
the health and well-being of
its citizens, especially those
in financial or social need, by
means of grants, pensions and
other benefits.
Welfare-dependent The New
Right claim that some individuals
are no longer capable of taking
responsibility for themselves
because they have grown too
dependent on state benefits.
They are no longer motivated to
seek work.
Workhouse A British public
or charitable institution in
which the poor, especially
children, the elderly and the
sick and disabled, received
somewhere to live in return for
work. Most poor people feared
being sent to the workhouse
because it was a humiliating and
shameful experience.
Chapter 5 Education
Ability groups Croups in which
students are placed on the basis of
their perceived ability.
Absolute mobility The total
amount of social mobility in
a society.
Achieved status Status or
positions in society that are

earned on the basis of individual
talents or merit.
Alienation A feeling of being
cut off from and unable to find
satisfaction from work.
Anti-school culture Student
subculture which rejects the norms
and values of the school.
Ascribed status Status or
positions in society that are fixed
at birth and unchanging over time,
including hereditary titles linked to
family background (for example,
King or Princess) or the status of a
daughter or son within a family.
Attainment gap A difference
in achievements between groups
which is based, for example, on
class, gender or ethnicity.
Banding Placing students in
a band containing two or more
classes, which may be regrouped
for different subjects.
Branch campus A campus which
is a branch of the main university.
Capital In Marxist terms, wealth
derived from ownership of the
means of production. Bourdieu
broadened this to include the
main social, cultural and symbolic
resources as well as economic
resources that determine people’s
position in society.
Collectivism Emphasis on the
group rather than the individual.
Commodity Something that can
be bought and sold.
Compensatory education
Making up for, or compensating
for, the supposed deficiencies
of so-called culturally
deprived groups.
Conversion The process
by which one form of capital
reinforces another.
Correspondence theory A
theory that states that there is a
similarity between two things.
Counter-school culture A
school-based subculture whose
members reject the norms and
values of the school and replace
them with anti-school norms
and values.
Creaming Selecting students who
appear most likely to succeed for
entry to educational institutions.
Crisis of masculinity The idea
that males see their traditional
masculine identity as under
threat today.
Cultural capital The manners,
tastes, interests and language of
the ‘dominant classes' which can
be translated into wealth, income,
power and prestige.
Cultural deprivation theory The
idea that certain groups are
deprived of, or deficient in,
things seen as necessary for high
educational attainment.
Cultural reproduction The
transmission of cultural norms,
values and experiences between
the generations.
Differential educational
attainment The different
attainment levels of different
groups of children, for example,
class, gender and ethnic groups.
Economic capital Financial
resources in the form of income
and wealth.
Educational Priority Areas
Programmes of compensatory
education in parts of England.
Educational triage The division
of students into three groups
in terms of their expected
GCSE grades.
Elaborated code Speech in
which meanings are made explicit
and spelled out.
Elimination The elimination of
members of the working class from
higher levels of education.
Equality of opportunity A
system in which every person has
an equal chance of success.
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Ethnocentric Evaluating one’s
own culture or ethnic group as
superior to others.
Ethnocentrism The belief that
one’s own culture or ethnic group
is superior to others.
Extra-curricular activities
Activities undertaken outside
lessons at school such as clubs
and debating societies, or hobbies
undertaken outside school such as
yoga or dance.
False class consciousness A
false picture of society that
disguises the exploitation of the
subject class (the proletariat in
capitalist societies).
Fatalism Accepting a situation
rather than making efforts to
improve it.
Formal curriculum The stated
knowledge and skills which
students are expected to acquire.
Globalisation The process
by which societies, cultures
and economies become
increasingly interconnected.
Habitus The dispositions,
expectations, attitudes and values
held by particular groups.
Hegemonic masculinity The
dominant and pervasive view
of masculinity.
Hidden curriculum The messages
schools transmit which are not part
of the standard taught curriculum
and which are largely hidden from
teachers and students.
Ideological State Apparatuses
Institutions, including the
education system, that transmit
ruling-class ideology.
Immediate gratification
Focusing on the pleasures of the
moment rather than putting them
off for future reward.
Individualisation An emphasis on
the individual, on self-construction,
self-reliance and self-sufficiency.
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 6L0SSARY OF KEY TERMS
Institutional racism Racial
prejudice and discrimination that
form part of the taken-for-granted
assumptions and operations
of institutions.
Interactionism A sociological
theory which examines interaction
between members of small
social groups.
Intergenerational mobility
Movement up or down between
the strata or layers of society
as measured between the
generations of a family.
Intersectionality The idea that
factors such as class, gender and
ethnicity interact and combine
to shape people’s identities
and experiences.
Intragenerational mobility An
individual’s movement up or down
between the strata or layers of
society over the course of their life.
IQ Intelligence quotient - a
score based on a test designed to
measure a person’s intelligence.
Label A definition of a person
placed on them by others.
Life chances An individual’s
chances of achieving positive or
negative outcomes - relating,
for example, to education, health
and housing - as they progress
through life.
Marketisation The process in
which organisations compete in
the market.
Material deprivation A lack of
material resources.
Meritocratic Description of a
system in which a person’s position
is based on merit - for example,
talent and hard work - rather than
on their social origins, ethnicity
or gender.
Mixed-ability groups Groups
in which students are randomly
placed or intentionally mixed in
terms of their perceived ability.
638
Moral panic A widespread panic
that something is morally wrong.
Multinational education
businesses Private education
companies which have branches in
two or more countries.
Particularistic meanings
Meanings that are tied to a
particular social context and not
readily available to outsiders.
Particularistic standards
Standards that apply to particular
people, for example, to particular
children in families.
Patriarchal ideology The idea
that male dominance in society is
reasonable and acceptable.
Performativity How well an
individual or organisation performs.
Positive discrimination Treating
a particular group more favourably
than others.
Present-time orientation A
focus on the present rather than
the future.
Primary socialisation The
earliest and probably the most
important part of the socialisation
process, usually within families.
Privatise Move from state to
private ownership.
Project Head Start A programme
of pre-school compensatory
education in the USA.
Pupil subculture The distinctive
norms and values of a particular
group of students.
Relative mobility The
comparative chances of people
from different class backgrounds
reaching particular positions in the
social structure.
Repressive State Apparatuses
Institutions, such as the army and
the police, that keep the subject
class in its place.
Restricted code A kind of
shorthand speech in which
meanings are not spelled out.
Role allocation A system
of allocating people to roles
which best suit their aptitudes
and capabilities.
Ruling-class ideology A system
of ideas that justify the position of
the ruling class (the bourgeoisie in
capitalist societies).
Second modernity A new
phase of modernity charac­
terised by risk, uncertainty
and individualisation.
Secondary socialisation The
socialisation that takes place
during later life, for example,
within schools and workplaces.
Self-concept An individual’s
picture or view of themselves.
Self-fulfilling prophecy A
tendency for the way people are
labelled to shape their actions.
Setting Placing students
in an ability group for
particular subjects.
Shop-floor culture The
culture of low-skill workers
which has similarities to the
counter-school culture.
Sites of ideological struggle
Places where there are conflicts
based on different beliefs
and values.
Social capital A social network
that can be used as a resource.
Social reproduction The
reproduction of social inequality
from one generation to the next.
Social solidarity This involves a
commitment to society, a sense of
belonging, and a feeling that the
social unit is more important than
the individual.
Social stratification The way
that society is structured or
divided into hierarchical layers or
strata, with the most privileged at
the top and the least privileged
at the bottom. Examples include
caste and social class.

Specialised division of labour A
labour force with a large number
of specialised occupations.
Stratification system The way
a society is structured or divided
into hierarchical strata or layers,
with the most privileged group at
the top and the least favoured at
the bottom.
Streaming Placing students in
a particular group for all subjects.
The whole class becomes an
ability group.
Subculture The distinctive
norms and values of a particular
social group.
Symbolic capital Honour,
prestige and reputation.
Universalistic meanings
Meanings that are not tied to a
particular context or situation.
Universalistic standards
Standards that apply to
everybody - for example, to
all college students or to all
employees in the workplace.
Value consensus Agreement
about the main values of society.
Vocationalism Education and
training designed to prepare
young people for employment and
to teach work skills to meet the
needs of industry.
Chapter 6 The media
Affirmative action Action
designed to compensate for past
discrimination through the use of
quotas, for example.
Agenda-setting The role of
news media in shaping the public’s
opinion of what the important
issues are facing society and how
they should be understood.
American Dream The belief that
anyone who works hard enough
and has the necessary talent can
reach the top of the ladder in
the USA.
i
Anecdotal evidence Evidence
collected in a casual or informal
manner and relying heavily, or
entirely, on personal testimony.
Atomised mass A view of the
media audience as made up of a
very large number of people who
lack relationships with others.
Austerity The policy, adopted
by right-wing governments in a
number of countries following
the 2008 financial crisis, of
cutting welfare expenditure and
public services.
Authoritarian regime A
political system that concentrates
political power in an authority not
responsible to the people.
Autocracy A political regime in
which power is concentrated in the
hands of one individual - common
in authoritarian regimes.
Avatars In computing, an avatar
is the graphical representation
of the user or the user’s alter
ego or character in a virtual
reality setting.
Blackface The use of make-up to
darken the skin.
Bling Cheap and showy jewellery.
Capitalism A system for
organising the production,
distribution and exchange of goods
and services based on private
ownership and the profit motive.
Chavs An insulting word for
people, particularly young people,
whose way of dressing, speaking
and behaving is thought to show
their lack of education and their
low social class.
Citizen journalists Members
of the general public who collect
and disseminate news over
the internet.
Collapse of communism A
series of events between 1989
and 1991 that led to the fall of
communist regimes in Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union and
glossary of key terms
led other communist regimes (such
as China and Cuba) to introduce
elements of capitalism into their
previously socialist organisation of
the economy.
Collective intelligence The
notion that people working
together collaboratively can
produce an outcome that is
superior to that produced by
people working alone.
Conspicuous consumption The
purchase and display of expensive
items in order to demonstrate
one’s wealth.
Copycat violence Violence which
mimics an earlier violent episode.
Criminogenic Generating or
causing crime.
Cross-media ownership The
ownership of different kinds
of media organisations by a
single company.
Cultural hegemony Rule
or domination achieved by
persuading people that values,
beliefs and ideas that serve the
interests of a dominant class are
‘common-sense’.
Democratic regime A political
system in which power is
ultimately held by the people.
Desensitisation An effect which
dampens the emotional impact of
something which would otherwise
be distressing, such as viewing
violent behaviour.
Deviancy amplification A social
process in which actions intended
to reduce deviance have the
opposite effect.
Deviancy amplification spiral A
vicious circle in which attempts
to control deviance feed back
on themselves, producing
increased deviance.
Digital activism The use of new
information and communication
technologies in social and
political campaigning.
639
 6L0SSARY OF KEY TERMS
Digital natives People who
have grown up since birth with
digital technology.
Disinhibition effect An effect
which reduces the power of in-built
barriers to acting in a deviant or
criminal way.
Editorial independence The
idea that editors should be
able to make decisions without
interference from the owners of
media outlets.
Epistemology The branch
of philosophy concerned
with studying the grounds of
knowledge - that is, the basis on
which someone can claim to know
that something is true.
Eve teasing A euphemism used
in South Asia to refer to sexual
harassment of women and girls.
False consciousness A view of
the world which is mistaken.
Fantasy crime wave An
imaginary increase in crime.
Flawed democracies Nations
where elections are fair and
free, and basic civil liberties are
honoured, but which may have
significant democratic failings in
other respects.
Folk devils People belonging to
a deviant subculture who are seen
as a threat to society.
Gatekeepers Individuals or
organisations that control the
flow of information reaching the
general public.
Gender dysphoria A condition
where a person experiences
discomfort or distress because
there is a mismatch between
their biological sex and
gender identity.
Gender segregation Organisa­
tional structures which separate
boys and girls/men and women.
Glass ceiling An invisible barrier
making it difficult for women to
achieve top positions in society.
640
Hard news News stories that
focus on politics, economics, war
and crime; in contrast to ‘soft
news’, which focuses on human
interest stories.
Homophobia The irrational
fear or hatred of people who are
sexually attracted to the same sex.
Hybrid regime A political system
which combines elements of
democracy with authoritarianism.
Hyper-connectivity The state
of being constantly connected to
others through a variety of digital
platforms such as mobile phones,
tablets and computers.
Hyperreality The reality created
by a media-saturated society
where it is no longer possible to
separate representations of reality
from reality.
Impression management Efforts
to control how other people
see us.
Interpretative frameworks/
frames Ways in which the news
media interpret the events that
they report.
Irony Saying the opposite of
what you mean. For example
saying, ‘Well, that’s brilliant!’
when what you a mean is that
it’s dreadful.
Judiciary The branch of the
state which interprets and applies
the law.
Labelling theory A theory of
deviance drawing upon symbolic
interactionism and pluralism.
Media conglomerates Media
corporations that are made up of
a number of different, seemingly
unrelated businesses.
Media plurality The situation
where there is a range of
agencies owning and providing
media content.
Media sensationalism The
use of exaggeration or distortion
to represent people or events in
ways which will provoke a strong
emotional reaction in the audience.
Meritocratic Relating to a
society or organisation in which
success or failure is based on
merit, defined as effort plus
ability.
Messages In the context of
studies of the media, 'messages’
is a generic term for anything
the media transmits. It could be
a newspaper story, a movie, a
television programme, a tweet, an
email or any of a wide variety of
other types of message.
Misogynistic Reflecting hatred
of, contempt for, or ingrained
prejudice against girls and women.
Moral entrepreneurs People
who make moral judgements and
seek to bring about social change
in line with these judgements.
Moral panic Widespread public
concern about a particular group
or activity that is seen as a threat
to society.
Multiculturalism A social policy
in which the co-existence of
different ethnic groups is accepted
without pressure for ethnic
minorities to assimilate into the
majority culture.
Narrowcasting Transmitting
media messages to a specific
segment of the audience (in
contrast to broadcasting).
Neo-conservative governments
Governments that embrace
right-wing ideas as set out above.
News values Journalists’
ideas about what is and is
not newsworthy.
Non-governmental organisation
A non-profit organisation that
operates independently of
any government.
Online grooming Using digital
technology to build an emotional
connection with a child to gain
their trust for the purposes of

.......
sexual abuse, sexual exploitation
or trafficking.
‘Other’ ‘Othering’ involves
persuading people that certain
individuals or groups are unlike
themselves and undeserving of
their respect or concern.
Participatory culture A
participatory culture is a culture
with relatively low barriers to
artistic expression and civic
engagement, strong support
for creating and sharing one’s
creations, and some type of
informal mentorship whereby
what is known by the most
experienced is passed along
to novices.
Pastiche A composition in
literature, music or painting
made up of bits of other works or
imitations of another’s style.
Pathological Causing
social sickness.
Phenotypical Relating to visible
biological characteristics.
Picket line A boundary
established by workers on strike,
especially at the entrance to their
place of work, which other workers
are asked not to cross.
Pluralist theories Theories
which argue that power and
influence in democratic societies
is spread out across a variety of
competing interest groups.
Polysemic Having many
possible meanings.
Prescient Knowing or correctly
suggesting what will happen in
the future.
Press barons Wealthy owners of
newspapers who are considered to
have too much influence.
Primary definers Individuals or
organisations to whom journalists
turn first to comment on the events
they report.
Racialised Identified as
belonging to a racial group.
Right-wing populism A political
strategy that involves support
for traditional morality, a strong
state and laissez-faire capitalism
combined with anti-immigrant and
nationalistic rhetoric, and which
claims to speak up for the ordinary
person against the elite (therefore,
’populist’).
Ruling-class ideology The set
of ideas and beliefs which justify
the dominant position of the
capitalist class.
Scapegoated Blamed for
problems not of their making.
Sexism, racism, ageism and
classism Belief systems which
suggest that certain groups - men,
white people, middle-aged people
and upper classes - are inherently
superior to others.
Shop stewards Trades
union members elected as
representatives of a ‘shop’ (or
department) in dealings with
the management.
Simulacra (singular ‘simulacrum’)
Signs (words, images and so
on) which no longer bear any
connection to the real world.
Simulations Copies of reality.
‘Skivers and stivers’ Terms
used by Conservative politicians in
the UK to divide the working class
by suggesting that some were
lazy (‘skivers’) while others were
hard-working ('stivers’).
Social construct A feature of
a society which appears to be a
natural or given phenomenon,
but which is actually a product of
social processes.
Social democracy A left-wing
political philosophy which
supports government intervention
in capitalist societies in order
to protect the general welfare
of citizens.
Social stratification The
ordering of society into layers with
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
different amounts of wealth, status
and power.
State-sponsored trolling Where
governments employ people to
manipulate online discussions in
ways which promote the interests
of those governments, both home
and abroad.
Stereotypes Shared preconcep­
tions, often of a negative kind,
about the characteristics of a
social group which assume that
all members of the group are
alike.
Technological convergence In
the context of ICT, refers to the
combination of two or more
technologies in a single device.
Tech-sawy Someone who is
knowledgeable about, and skilled
in, the use of modern technology,
especially computers.
The internet and World Wide
Web These terms are often
used as if they refer to the same
thing. Strictly speaking, they do
not. The internet is a massive
network of computer networks
(a networking infrastructure)
begun in the 1960s that connects
millions of computers and other
digital devices together globally.
The Web (or World Wide Web),
on the other hand, is the system
of webpages and sites that is
accessed via the internet. It was
developed in the late 1980s by
Tim Berners Lee.
Transnational corporations
(TNCs) Companies that operate
across national boundaries.
Underclass A social category or
group existing beneath the class
structure of a society.
Welfare state All those services
provided by the state intended
to maintain the well-being of
its citizens.
Xenophobia Hatred or fear
of foreigners.
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 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Chapter 7 Religion
Accommodation Adapting
religious beliefs in response to a
changed environment.
Affiliation A sense of belonging
to a religious organisation.
Age The length of time a person
has lived.
Apostasy Abandoning a set of
religious beliefs in a hostile
environment.
Artefacts Things produced
by the research process (for
example, resulting from a technical
error) that do not exist in the
phenomenon being studied.
Ascetic An austere and
self-disciplined lifestyle that does
not involve indulging in any of
life’s pleasures.
Attitude to risk The extent
to which individuals are willing
to expose themselves to social
practices, beliefs and situations
that carry a possibility of danger.
Audience cults Cults that do
not require much commitment
from followers and involve little
face-to-face interaction.
Belief system A set of ideas held
by individuals or groups that help
them to interpret and make sense
of the world.
Beliefs Ideas or convictions that
individuals or groups hold to be
true even when they are not based
on evidence.
Calling The vocation, position
in society or particular way of life
that some individuals believe they
are called to by God.
Chain of memory The way that
memories (including religious
beliefs) are passed down from one
generation to the next.
Church The dominant religious
organisation in a society, which is
associated with Christian worship
and usually claims a monopoly of
the religious truth.
642
Client cults Cults that offer
services (courses or rituals)
to their followers but require
little commitment.
Closed belief system A set of
ideas that is not open to testing
or criticism, so its beliefs tend not
to change. Religion and magic are
seen as examples of closed belief
systems. Religion, for instance, is
based on faith rather than on the
testing of evidence.
Cohort A group of people born
in a particular time period.
Congregational domain The
site of conventional religious
organisations where
congregations meet together to
pray in a consecrated place of
religious worship.
Conservative force A factor
such as religion or the mass media
that inhibits social, economic or
political change.
Cult To Wallis, a cult is a relatively
small organisation with beliefs that
are considered deviant by most
people but which coexists with
other belief systems in society.
Cult movements Cults that
involve followers/believers fully and
act as full religious organisations.
Cultural defence An ethnic
group using religion to reinforce
and maintain ethnic identity
and pride.
Cultural imperialism The
practice of imposing a culture,
viewpoint or civilisation
on people in another, less
powerful country.
Cultural transition An ethnic
group using religion to cope with
social change and migration.
Denomination A religious
organisation that has broken
away from the main religious
organisation in a society and
accepts the legitimacy of other
religious organisations.
....
Differential socialisation The
contrasting ways in which females
and males are brought up within
and outside the family.
Diffuse Spread across a wide
area or among a range of people.
Disengagement The withdrawal ■
of churches from wider society
because of their declining influence
on other institutions, particularly
politics and the legal system.
Egalitarianism The tendency
towards becoming more equal.
Elect The people chosen by God
to be saved and destined to go
to heaven.
Enlightenment The period from
the 17th century in Europe that
emphasised reason, was sceptical
about belief systems such as
religion and put its faith in natural
science and progress.
Evangelicalism A movement
within Protestant Christianity
that is seen as conservative in its
support of traditional values.
Exclusive definitions (of
religion) Narrow definitions that
include traditional religions but
exclude other belief systems.
Functional definitions (of
religion) Definitions that
focus on the functions or roles
of religion - what religion does
rather than what it is.
Fundamentalism A form of
religion whose adherents want
to return to what they see as the
core doctrines of the faith as set
out in sacred texts such as the
Bible or the Qur’an. Christian
fundamentalists, for example,
adopt a literal interpretation of
biblical accounts of miracles and
the Creation.
Fundamentalist beliefs A
set of religious beliefs that
advocates returning to the
‘fundamental’ original teachings of
a particular religion.

Fuzzy fidelity A vague belief
that there may be some sort
of religious or spiritual force
without any adherence to specific
religious belief.
Globalisation Involves all
parts of the world becoming
increasingly interconnected, so
that national boundaries - in
some respects, at least — become
less important.
Goddess religion Religion that
honours the 'divine feminine’, the
female side of the divine.
Holistic milieu The varied
settings in which New Age
spirituality is promoted and
practised, including groups and
therapy sessions.
Ideology A set of dominant ideas
in society that distort reality and
serve the interests of a particular
group, such as men or the
ruling class.
Inclusive definitions (of
religion) Broad definitions
that include traditional religions
and other belief systems such
as nationalism, communism
and humanism.
Individual sphere The sphere
of social life concerned with
individual identity.
Individualism The process
whereby individuals focused more
on their own personal ideas and
thoughts than on conforming to
social expectations.
Knowledge claims Information
or statements (for example, claims
about what the world is like) that
a particular individual, group
or belief system such as science
holds to be true but which are
nonetheless open to debate.
Liberal feminists Those who
believe that gender equality is
possible within existing social
structures, with changes in
attitudes, laws and social policies.
Liberal Western values A set of
ideas which focus on individualism
and choice as well as rights.
Liberation theology A
movement of radical Roman
Catholic priests in Latin America,
dating to the 1960s, who promote
political change, fight oppression
and support the poor.
Marginal groups Members of
groups outside the mainstream of
social life, who often feel that they
are not receiving the prestige
and/or economic rewards
they deserve.
Mechanism of social control A
means by which individuals are
persuaded to conform to the rules
in society.
Membership The way some
participants of religion have joined
their church.
Meta-narratives Large-scale
singular explanations of society.
Modern Western society The
period approximately
between 1850 and 1980s
when many societies became
industrialised and when structural
differentiation occurred.
Modernisation The process of
moving from traditional society to
a modern developed society.
New Age A term for a wide
range of broadly spiritual beliefs
and practices that emphasise the
discovery of spirituality within
the self. People seek spiritual
experiences, inner peace or
growth through, for example,
meditation, crystal healing and/
or aromatherapy.
New Age movements Diverse
and loosely organised groups that
became popular in the 1970s
and 1980s, within which people
seek spiritual experiences focusing
primarily on the development
of the self. They are sometimes
viewed as a subset of new religious
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
movements. Examples include est,
Heaven’s Gate and Dianic Wicca.
New Christian Right A term
originating in the USA to describe
Christian groups with links to the
right-wing Republican Party. They
have conservative views on social
issues and want religious culture
to be central in public life.
New religious movements
Religious/spiritual organisations
and movements such as
Seventh-Day Adventists,
the Unification Church and
Pentecostalism that are of
relatively modern origin and
are in some form of opposition
to (or differentiation from)
longer-established, more powerful
religious organisations such as
the Roman Catholic Church.
Open belief system A set of
ideas that makes knowledge
claims based on the testing of
evidence. Consequently, its beliefs
develop over time. Science is seen
as an open belief system that tests
evidence through observation
and experimentation.
Participation The various ways
in which people are involved
with a religion - for example,
attending services.
Patriarchy A pattern/structure of
male dominance and control.
Period effect The effects of
being born in a particular era on
social beliefs and practices.
Predestination The belief that
God has predetermined whether
people will be saved or damned
after they die.
Primary institutions Institutions
associated with work and politics.
Private sphere The social
world inside families involving
personal relationships.
Privatised religion Religion of
significance to the individual but
which has relatively little connection
643
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
to religious institutions and little or
no importance in wider society.
Protestant ethic Weber used
this term to refer to the value
that Calvinists placed on the
importance of thrift, abstaining
from pleasure and the duty to
work hard in one’s calling.
Public sphere The social world
outside the family and personal life.
Radical feminists Those who
believe that society is dominated
by men and the only way to
improve the position of women is
via radical changes in society.
Rational choice theory An
approach that assumes most
people are naturally religious, that
religious belief is based on rational
choices and that religion meets
individuals’ needs.
Rationalisation A process in
which people calculate the most
efficient means to achieve given
objectives rather than relying
on faith or tradition to guide
their actions.
Re-enchantment The process
by which people re-engage
with spirituality.
Relative deprivation This
refers to subjectively perceived
deprivation - the feeling of having
less than others.
Religion Often defined narrowly
as a belief system related to
supernatural beings or divine
forces. However, there are several
ways of defining religion including
substantive, functional and social
constructionist approaches.
Religiosity The quality of
being religious, linked to beliefs
and values.
Religious revival The idea
that spiritual and religious ideas
and practices are going through
a period of growth as people
re-engage with the same or new
forms of belief systems.
644
Renewed vigour An increase in
the intensity of religious feelings in
response to perceived hostility.
Resacralisation The process by
which interest in and belief in the
sacred is revived.
Rituals Religious practices or
ceremonies comprising a set of
actions that are carried out in an
established order.
Sacralisation The process of
becoming sacred.
Schisms Splits in religious
organisations to form
separate groups.
Secondary institutions
Institutions associated with caring
for others, such as the family
and religion.
Sect A relatively small religious
organisation which is in conflict
with other belief systems in
a society.
Secularisation A process
involving a decline in the social
significance of religion.
Self-spirituality The practice
of searching for spirituality
inside oneself.
Social constructionist approach
(to defining religion) Rather
than trying to provide a single
definition, this approach focuses
on how religion is used in
daily life.
Social differentiation There are
many different groups in society,
such as age, gender and class.
Societalisation The process by
which close-knit local communities
lose power to larger towns and
cities or bureaucratic states.
Spirit of capitalism The essence
of capitalism involving the
single-minded pursuit of profit as
an end in itself.
Spiritual individualism Religion
in which individuals follow their
own spiritual path rather than
following the teachings of a
particular religious leader or
religious institution.
Spiritual revolution Radical
change in the nature of
spirituality, moving from the
congregational domain to the
holistic milieu.
Spiritual shopping The idea
that people relate to religion as
consumers, and that they select
and consume various forms of
religion, sometimes multiple forms
at the same time.
Structural differentiation The
process by which institutions
become separated
and specialised.
Structural location The position
of different social groups within
the social structure - for example,
the greater involvement of men
in full-time paid employment
than women.
Substantive definitions (of
religion) Definitions that focus
on the substance or content of
religion - what religion is rather
than what it does.
The sacred and the profane
Durkheim’s distinction between
things that are set apart and
inspire reverential attitudes
among followers (the sacred)
and ordinary, everyday things
(the profane).
The secularisation thesis The
theory or hypothesis that religion
is having less influence on
people’s lives.
Theodicy of disprivilege Weber’s
concept for a set of ideas which
explain inequalities using religious
beliefs. A theodicy is a religious
explanation or justification;
disprivilege is a lack of material
success and social status.
Theodicy of good fortune A
religious explanation for suffering
which claims that wealth and
worldly success are indicators
of virtue.

Theodicy of misfortune A
religious explanation for suffering
which claims that wealth and worldly
success are indicators of evil.
Totemism A form of religion
practised by the Australian
Aboriginal peoples in which a
sacred totem (usually a plant or
animal) symbolises the clan.
Truth claims Statements or ideas
that particular individuals, groups
or belief systems (such as religions)
hold to be true, and which are not
open to debate.
World-accommodating new
religious movements Religious
movements of relatively recent
origin that hold strong religious
beliefs but reject mainstream
religious doctrine. Nevertheless,
they allow members to have
conventional lives outside their
religious practice.
World-affirming new religious
movements Religious
movements that developed from
the 1960s onwards; they are
positive about mainstream society,
and their religious practices tend
to encourage or facilitate social
and economic success.
World-rejecting new religious
movements Religious
movements that developed from
the 1960s onwards and are
hostile to the social world outside
the movement.
Chapter 8 Globalisation
Accountability Taking
responsibility for decisions that
have been made.
Acculturation The process of
adopting the cultural traits or
social patterns of another group.
Affluence The state of having
a very good standard of living
or wealth.
Affluent Economically well-off
or rich.
Agency Free will or choice to
behave in a particular way.
Agribusiness Agriculture
conducted on intensive industrial
principles using technology and
intensive labour.
Aid Financial help, usually
provided by rich countries to
poorer countries. It can come in
the form of grants (which do not
need to be paid back), tied aid or
loans with interest.
Alienation Feeling unconnected
or separated from the people
around you or the work that you do.
Altruistic Working selflessly for
the good of the community rather
than for oneself.
Americanisation The dominance
of American cultural products such
as Hollywood films or rap music.
Anarchists People who rebel
against any authority, established
order or any ruling power.
Anthropocentric Regarding
humankind as the central or most
important element of existence,
especially as opposed to God
or animals.
Anti-globalisation movement A
disparate collection of interest
groups that feel that the problems
of the group they represent have
been brought about by global
processes. The movement often
uses global social media to
coordinate and unify its protests
against globalisation at events
where world leaders meet.
Apartheid An official system of
racial segregation administered
by the White minority government
of South Africa between 1948
and 1994.
Assimilation The process in
which an ethnic group subculture
is absorbed into a wider culture.
It involves ethnic groups either
voluntarily or being forced to give
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
up traditional aspects of their
culture. The culture of the minority
group comes to resemble that of
the majority group.
Asylum seeker A person who has
left their home country as a political
refugee and is seeking sanctuary
and protection in another.
Authoritarian states A form
of government characterised by
strong central power and limited
political or individual freedoms.
Autocracy Dictatorship or a
system of government by one
person with absolute power.
Birth rate The number of live
births per 1000 of the population
per year.
Bonding social capital The
sharing of information or resources
that may create opportunities for
jobs or mutual help.
Boomerang effect A type
of manufactured risk - for
example, toxic materials used
in the manufacturing process
may find their way into the food
chain and affect the health of
future generations.
Brain drain The emigration of
highly trained or qualified people
from a particular country.
BRIC An acronym for the
fast-growing economies of Brazil,
Russia, India and China.
Bridgeheads A foothold
or position established in
another society.
Bridging social capital Social
and political alliances or networks
that increase the potential for
social change.
Bureaucratic A system of
government in which most of the
important decisions are taken
by state officials or civil servants
rather than by elected politicians.
Camorra A type of mafia that
operates mainly in Naples, Italy.
645
 6L0SSARY OF KEY TERMS
Capital project A project that
requires substantial investment
to improve or replace an aspect
of a country’s infrastructure - for
example, an airport.
Carcinogenic Cancer-causing.
Cartel An organisation of
criminals who associate in order to
grow or manufacture, process and
distribute illegal goods, especially
drugs such as heroin and
cocaine.
Cash crops A crop produced
for its commercial value, to be
exported rather than for domestic
use by the grower - for example,
tea, coffee, cocoa.
Chain migration A type of
migration in which migrants who
have settled in another country
eventually bring over their
extended kin.
Circular migration A repetitive
movement of a migrant worker
between home and a range of host
areas, typically for the purpose
of employment.
Civil rights The rights of citizens
to political and social freedom
and equality.
Civil society Refers to the notion
that citizens of a society may act
together in a common cause -
for instance, in order to right a
wrong. Civil society may oppose
governments, for example, on
austerity cuts.
Collectivism The idea that the
individual is subordinate to the
larger group to which they belong.
Colonialism Practice by which
a powerful country or an empire
directly controls less powerful
countries through force and uses
their resources to increase its own
power and wealth.
Command economy A system
where the government, rather than
the free market, determines how
the economy should be planned
646
and managed. It is a key feature of
any communist society.
Commodification Applying
an economic value to a range of
human activities.
Communities of fate Protest
movements, such as
environmentalism, in which
members attempt to shape
their own futures through active
participation and dialogue.
Conglomerates A corporation
composed of a collection of
companies which have been
brought together by mergers
and takeovers.
Consensus Common agreement.
Conservative A person, social
group or political party that
is averse to change and holds
traditional values.
Constitution A body of
fundamental principles or
established precedents according
to which a state or other
organisation is acknowledged to
be governed.
Cosmopolitan An ideology
which states that all human
beings belong to a single
global community.
Counter-Migration Migration in
the opposite direction.
Coup d’etat The sudden,
often violent and undemocratic
overthrow of a government, often
by the military.
Coyotes Mexican guides who
lead illegal migrants across Mexico
into the USA for a fee.
Creolisation A hybrid mix of
different cultures - for example,
see Miller’s work on how
Trinidadian people use Facebook
as ‘Fasbook’.
Criminogenic Something, usually
an environment or value system,
that causes crime or encourages
criminal behaviour. Marxists
believe that capitalism does this.
Crisis of modernism The unique
social problems associated with
modern societies - for example,
high suicide and crime rates, poor
mental health.
Cryptocurrency A digital
currency such as bitcoin in which
encryption techniques are used to
regulate the generation of units of
currency and verify the transfer of
funds, operating independently of
a central bank.
Cultural convergence The
process by which different cultures
become very similar or the same.
Cultural defence In a racist or
hostile society, ethnic minority
groups may use aspects of their
religion as a way of defending their
culture if it is under threat.
Cultural divergence The process
by which cultures become different
from one another or even come
into conflict with one another.
Cultural imperialism The
process and practice of promoting
one culture over another.
Many sociologists see it as the
consequence of the ubiquity of
Western and especially American
cultural products.
Cultural pluralists Those who
believe that smaller groups
within a larger society should
be encouraged to maintain their
unique cultural identities.
Cultural relativity The idea
that, because different cultures
have differing reference points,
it is not appropriate to judge
all societies according to one
universal standard.
Dark net/dark web A computer
network with encrypted and
restricted access that is used chiefly
for illegal peer-to-peer file sharing.
Debt bondage When a person
is forced to work to pay off a
debt which may originate in the
fee paid to people smugglers for
being trafficked.

Deforestation The action of
clearing a wide area of trees.
Demography The sociological
study of statistics relating
to births, fertility, death and
migration in order to study
population change.
Demonisation Negative
stereotyping of a particular
social group.
Deregulation The removal of
regulations or legal restrictions.
Desertification The process
by which fertile land becomes
desert, typically as a result
of drought, deforestation or
inappropriate agriculture.
De-skilling A reduction in
the skill a worker requires to
do a particular job, especially
compared with past working
conditions. It is often caused
by automation.
Diaspora People from a
particular nation or ethnic
community that are scattered
across the world - for example,
people of Jewish ancestry can be
found in most countries around
the world.
Digital underclass People who
are so disadvantaged that they
cannot afford access to digital
technology such as smartphones,
laptops and broadband, ownership
of which many people take
for granted.
Diseases of affluence
Life-threatening conditions caused
by wealthy or rich lifestyles.
Diseases of poverty Life-
threatening diseases caused by
malnutrition and lack of access to
clean water and sanitation.
Dissident A person who opposes
a government, especially an
authoritarian one.
Divide and rule The policy of
maintaining control over one’s
subordinates or opponents by
encouraging dissent between
them, thereby preventing them
from uniting in opposition.
Drug mules People who are paid
to smuggle drugs across borders,
usually inside their bodies.
Eco-centric The view or belief
that the rights and needs of
humans are not more important
than those of other living things.
Ecological Relating to the
environment.
Elite The richest, most powerful,
best-educated or best-trained
group in a society.
Emancipatory politics
Movements that are concerned
above all with liberating
individuals and groups from
constraints that adversely affect
their life chances.
Emigrant A person who leaves
their own country in order to
settle permanently or temporarily
in another.
Empathetic Demonstrating the
ability to understand and share
the feelings of others.
Entitlement With regard to
human rights, the idea that the
state should provide its people
with basic rights - for example,
the right to education.
Entrepreneurial spirit The
ambition and drive to run a
successful business.
Equality With regard to human
rights, the idea that all citizens,
regardless of social background,
should have the right to be
treated equally.
Ethnocentric Judging or
evaluating other cultures
according to the standards of one’s
own culture.
Executive/government The
branch of a government
responsible for putting decisions
or laws into effect.
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Existential insecurity Anxiety
associated with mortality. The
feeling that you are at risk from
various factors over which you
have little or no control.
Existential security The feeling
that survival is secure enough that
it can be taken for granted.
Expatriates People who live
outside their native country.
Fake news False information or
propaganda published under the
guise of being real, true news.
Fascist An extreme right-wing
movement which is anti-democratic
and believes in rule by a
totalitarian one-party state.
Fatalism The belief that events
are fixed in advance and problems
are simply inevitable so that
human beings are powerless to
change them.
Fertility rate The number of live
births per 1000 women between
the ages of 15 and 44 years.
Flight migration Fleeing a
country because of persecution.
Folk devils A person, social group
or thing perceived to be a threat to
society or a social problem.
Forced prostitution Sexual
slavery that takes place as a result
of coercion by a third party.
Foreign exchange The exchange
of currencies - the US dollar
is especially valued by poor
countries, because oil can only be
bought on the oil market using
this currency.
Forensic accounting The use
of accounting skills to investigate
fraud or embezzlement and to
analyse financial information for
use in legal proceedings.
Free enterprise An economic
system in which private business
operates in competition and is
largely free of state control.
Full democracy Nations where
civil liberties and basic political
647
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
freedoms are not only respected,
but also reinforced by a political
culture conducive to the thriving of
democratic principles.
Fundamentalism A form of
a religion, especially Islam or
Protestant Christianity, that
believes in and acts upon a literal
interpretation of holy texts.
Fundamentalist A strict, literal
interpretation of scripture in
a religion.
Genocide The deliberate
killing of a large group of people,
especially those of a particular
nation or ethnic group.
Gig economy A labour market
characterised by insecure
temporary jobs and low pay as
opposed to permanent jobs.
Global imagining People s
growing consciousness that they
share a common global culture or
that they share common interests
with their neighbours in the
global village.
Globalisation The trend of
increasing interaction between
societies and individuals on
a worldwide scale due to
advances in transportation and
communication technology.
Globalists Sociologists who
believe that globalisation has had
significant and real effects on the
world, although they may disagree
as to whether these effects are
positive or negative.
Globality A social condition
characterised by tight
economic, political, cultural and
environmental interconnectedness
and flows underpinned by
technological innovation that have
rendered most national borders
and boundaries irrelevant.
Glocalisation A combination
of the words ‘globalisation’ and
‘localisation’, used to describe
a product or service that is
developed and distributed
648
globally, but is also adjusted
to accommodate the user or
consumer in a local market. The
term is also used more generally
as a hybrid fusing of the global
and local, as in ‘Bollywood’.
Grassroots The ordinary
people who are regarded
as the main body of an
organisation’s membership.
Hacktivist A person who gains
unauthorised access to computer
files or networks in order to
further social or political ends.
Hate crimes A crime motivated
by racial, sexual or other prejudice,
typically one involving violence.
Hidden iceberg A metaphor
which refers to the small
perceptible part of a much
larger situation or problem that
remains hidden.
Homogeneous Of the same kind
or very alike.
Homogenisation The process of
being or becoming the same.
Hostile environment A set of
administrative and legislative
practices employed by the British
government, aimed at making life
for migrants who wished to stay in
the UK as difficult as possible.
Human capital The skills,
knowledge and experience
possessed by an individual or
population, viewed in terms
of their value or cost to an
organisation or country.
Hybrid regimes States in which
governments are elected but
in which no opposition parties
are allowed or the media are
controlled by elites or in which
political corruption is rife.
Hyper-globalists Sociologists
who are optimistic and positive
about the effects of globalisation.
Identity performance A type of
impression management in which
a person presents a particular
....... .....
version of themselves for public
consumption - for example, on
a social media site - in order to
manage other people’s opinion
about them.
Identity theft The fraudulent
practice of stealing another
person’s name and personal
information from information
stored on the Web.
Immigrant An incomer into a
society from another country.
Imperialism Rule by an empire -
for example, the British Empire.
Independent judiciary Judges
and courts which are free of
influence from other branches of
government or private interests.
Indigenisation The action or
process of bringing something
under the control, dominance, or
influence of the people native to
an area.
Indigenous Native to a
particular country.
Indigenous rights The rights of
people who inhabited a particular
territory pre-colonialism.
Infant mortality rates Death
rates experienced by children aged
five years and under.
Infanticide The killing of babies,
usually at birth.
Infrastructure The basic physical
and organisational structures and
facilities (for example, buildings,
roads, power supplies) needed
for the operation of a society
or enterprise.
Institutional racism Racial
prejudice or discrimination that
has become established as
normal behaviour within a society
or organisation.
Intra-lslamic Differences of
interpretation of holy texts
that exist within Islam. For
example, Islam is made up of
dozens of sects that reflect
these differences.

Irresponsible bidding With
regard to populism, making
promises to the people that are
unlikely to be kept.
Islamisation The process of
bringing someone or something
under the influence of Islam or
under Islamic rule.
Islamophobia Dislike of
or prejudice against Islam
or Muslims, especially as a
political force.
Jihadism Someone who sees
violent struggle as necessary to
eradicate obstacles to restoring
God’s rule on earth.
Jim Crow laws State and
local laws that enforced racial
segregation in the Southern
United States.
Kleptocracy Corrupt leaders
that use their power to exploit
the people and natural resources
of their own territory in order to
extend their personal wealth and
political powers.
Labour migration Moving
abroad to work.
Late-modern society A term
used by Giddens to describe
global societies which he sees as
exhibiting features that indicate a
continuation of modernity rather
than constituting a new type of
postmodern society.
LEDCs The least economically
developed or poorest countries in
the world.
Legislature/parliament A
governing body that makes
laws and can also amend or
repeal them.
Legitimisation To justify
something by making it legal or
socially acceptable.
Libellous Making a false
written statement damaging to a
person’s reputation.
Liberal democracy A form of
nation-state in which people have
the right to vote their leaders in
and out of power.
Literacy The ability to read
and write.
Macro-level Processes
that happen at a societal or
structural level.
Mail order bride A woman who
lists herself in a catalogue and is
selected by a man for marriage.
Malestream Research based
on a masculine perspective,
which often in consequence
renders invisible the feminine or
feminist perspective.
Malnutrition Not having enough
to eat or not eating enough of the
‘right’ things.
Market-Leninist Slang for
the Chinese way of managing
the economy - a mixture of a
central planned economy with
the tolerance of some free
market capitalism.
Mass self-communication A
type of communication in which a
user selects the group of people
symbolised by a website or online
community that they want to
communicate with and directs
their message appropriately.
McWorld A term used
to indicate a particular
standardisation of production
techniques inspired by the
McDonald’s fast-food chain and
seen to epitomise globalisation.
MEDCs The most economically
developed or richest countries in
the world.
Meritocratic Giving people
status or rewards because of what
they achieve, rather than because
of their wealth or social position.
Micro-aggression Indirect,
subtle or unintentional
discrimination against
members of a marginalised
group - for example, giving
disapproving looks.
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Micro-level Processes that occur
at the level of individuals.
Migrant A person who moves
from one place to another,
usually to find work or better
living conditions.
Millennium Development Goals
A set of international goals
relating to economic and social
well-being established by the
United Nations. They are thought
to be achievable by 2030.
Misogynist A person who
dislikes, despises or is strongly
prejudiced against women.
Modus operandi A
particular way or method of
doing something.
Money laundering The
concealment of the origins
of illegally obtained money,
typically by means of transfers
involving foreign banks or
legitimate businesses.
Mono-ethnic The dominance
of a single ethnic group in terms
of numbers.
Moral panic An instance
of public anxiety or alarm in
response to a problem regarded as
threatening the moral standards
of society, usually created by
newspapers and other forms
of media.
Multiculturalism The presence
of, or support and respect for,
the presence of several distinct
cultural or ethnic groups within
a society.
Narcissism Self-obsession.
Nationalism Extreme form of
patriotism marked by a feeling of
superiority over other countries.
Nativism The policy of protecting
the interests of native-born or
established inhabitants against
those of immigrants.
Naturalised To confer the
rights of a citizen or national on a
foreigner or migrant.
649
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
Neo-colonialism A modern
version of capitalist exploitation
in which rich countries benefit
fr om the terms of world trade,
transnational investment in the
economies of poor countries and
aid that is tied to economic or
political interests.
Neoliberal A set of economic
ideas that stresses that trade
should be free of government
intervention and totally reliant on
market forces and unlimited and
unregulated competition so that
buyers and sellers perform with
maximum efficiency.
Net migration The difference
between the number of immigrants
(people coming into an area) and
the number of emigrants (people
leaving an area).
Network society The social,
political, economic and cultural
changes caused by the spread of
networked, digital information and
communications technologies.
Networked global society The
idea that people sat at their
computers are technologically
linked to a global network of
hundreds of thousands of others
and consequently are potentially
able to bring about economic,
social and political change.
Nomad A person or group that
wanders from place to place.
Non-government organisations
(NGOs) Any organisation or
agency that is not financed by
government or which works
outside state control.
Non-indigenous (also non-native
or foreign-born) Originating
outside of a particular nation-state.
Oligarchy Rule by a few.
Open society A society in which
information freely and truthfully
flows without censorship.
Othering Viewing another
person as different or inferior
650
or alien compared with oneself.
A form of stereotyping based
on ignorance.
Outgoing In terms of personality,
someone who is sociable and easy
to talk to.
Partial or flawed democracies
Governments which demonstrate
some accountability to
the people but which may
restrict the activities of some
minority groups.
Particularism Treating a person
as a unique individual because
they are loved as a member of a
particular family.
Patriotism National loyalty or
vigorous support for one’s country.
Periphery On the edge or
margins of a group or particular
activity.
Pluralism A condition or system
in which a multiplicity of
competing political parties coexist.
Pluriverse “An idea associated
with Esteva - he claims that
there is no such thing as universal
human experience. Instead, he
argues that there are countless
cultural ways in which people live
in relation to others.”
Politburo The principal policy­
making committee of a communist
party.
Political rights The right to vote
for any political party without fear
of discrimination.
Politics of resistance A form
of collective civil disobedience
aimed at opposing the effects
of economic, political and
ecological globalisation.
Populism A range of political
approaches or movements
critical of ruling elites and which
emphasises the will of the people.
Post-familial family A type
of family that spends its leisure
time online or playing with digital
devices rather than actively
spending it in each other’s
company. Parents today, for
example, often Facebook their
children to tell them to come
downstairs for their meals.
Post-truth Circumstances in
which objective facts are less
influential in shaping public
opinion than appeals to emotion
and personal belief.
Propaganda Information,
especially of a biased or
misleading nature, used to
promote a political cause or point
of view.
Proscribed To forbid, usually
by law.
Proto-communities An early
form of community. Often used to
describe online communities that
have not been established or in
place for very long.
Public institutional capital
Public services provided by the
state - for example, education,
healthcare, pensions, social care.
Pull factors Social factors
that might encourage you to
move to another society - for
example, better job opportunities,
higher pay.
Push factors Social factors,
often beyond the control of the
individual, that may force a person
and their family to leave their
country of origin.
Quotas An official limit set on
the number of products that can
be imported into a country.
Racialised class fraction An
ethnic or migrant group that is
objectively part of a particular
social class but subjectively is
not accepted by the majority
of that class because of
racial prejudice.
Relativism The postmodern
idea that knowledge, truth and
morality exist in relation to culture,
historical context, and even

personal opinion and experience,
and consequently cannot be
absolute or unquestionable.
Religious rights The freedom to
exercise particular religious beliefs
and practices without persecution
or to change religious beliefs
and practices.
Remittances A sum of money
sent from migrants back to kin in
their home country.
Representation The way that
the media portray particular social
groups such as women, ethnic
minorities or young people.
Representative democracy A
type of democracy founded on
the principle of elected officials
representing a group of people.
Residency The official right
granted by a government to live
in its country although the person
who is given residence may not
necessarily have citizenship.
Reverse cultural flow It is often
assumed that the cultural flow
of ideas and cultural products is
from the West to other parts of the
world. However, Western culture
has also been heavily influenced
by a cultural flow from the East in
the form of religion, diet, exercise
regimes and so on.
Risk society According to
Beck, the technology associated
with late-capitalist society has
brought about many benefits in
terms of consumer goods but it
has also brought about negative
effects - for example, in terms of
a wide range of risks to both the
environment and climate.
Scapegoating The process of
attaching blame (usually to a
visible but powerless group).
Scarce resources The limited
availability of particular social
things such as jobs, goods,
housing and so on which people
may be competing for.
Schengen Agreement A
European treaty that encourages
the maintenance of open borders
and the free movement of workers.
Secular Not having any
connection with religion.
Segregation The action or state
of setting someone or something
apart from others, often on the
grounds of race or ethnicity.
Sex tourism The organisation
of holidays with the purpose of
taking advantage of the lack of
restrictions imposed on sexual
activity and prostitution by some
foreign countries.
Shadow economy Illegal or
criminal economic activity which
exists alongside a country’s official
economy - for example, the
black market.
Shell company A company
or corporation that exists only
on paper and has no office or
employees. It may have a bank
account in which laundered money
may be deposited.
Slanderous Making a false
spoken statement damaging to a
person’s reputation.
Social capital The collective
value of all social networks (the
value of knowing influential
people), and the obligations that
arise from these networks to do
things for each other (for example,
to return a favour).
Social integration The process
during which newcomers or
minorities are incorporated into the
social structure of the host society.
Social media apps Digital
applications that are designed
to allow people to share digital
content quickly, efficiently, and in
real time.
Social movement A type of
group action that empowers
ordinary and oppressed people
and aims to challenge or resist
GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
the decisions and actions of more
powerful groups.
Social rights Another term
for socio-economic rights such
as the right to an education or
an adequate standard of living
or justice.
Social well-being A feeling of
belonging or social inclusion based
on feeling happy, safe, comfortable
and psychologically healthy.
Sovereignty The authority
of a state to govern itself or
another state.
Space-time compression A
term invented by David Harvey
that refers to a set of processes
that impact time and space that is,
they cause the relative distances
between places as measured in
terms of travel time or cost to
shrink so that the world seems to
be a much smaller place.
Stigmatisation A form of
negative judgemental labelling
that sets a person or group apart
as a problem or threat to others.
Structural assimilation The
incorporation into society of a
migrant group so that it has equal
access to education, jobs and all
social institutions.
Subsistence Supporting oneself
at a minimal level, in order
to survive.
Subsistence poverty Having,
earning or growing just enough
to survive.
Supreme Court The highest
judicial court in a country or state.
Sustainable development
Economic development that is
conducted without depletion of
natural resources.
Symbolic annihilation of
women A term invented by
Tuchman that suggests that media
representations of women rarely
report their achievements or, if
they do, tend to trivialise and
651
 GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS
devalue them. Women are often
reduced in the media to being
wives and girlfriends of men.
Tariffs A tax or duty to be paid
on particular imports or exports.
Theocracy A system of
government in which priests,
ayatollahs or a divinely ordained
ruler govern in the name of God or
a god.
Tied aid Foreign aid that must
be spent in the country providing
the aid (the donor country).
Transgressive criminology
Criminologists who are interested
in a broader definition of crime -
activities that cause harm - rather
than strictly activities that are
against the law.
Transnational companies
(TNCs) Multinational companies
which produce, market and sell
products across the world.
Transnational identity An
identity associated with
international migrants that
is shaped by globalisation
or by membership of two or
more societies.
Transworld instantaneity
Scholte defines this as global
connections that move anywhere
across the planet in no time. For
instance, digital technology can
connect people at the same time
wherever they are located in the
world using devices.
Transworld simultaneity Scholte
defines this as global connections
that extend across the planet
at the same time. For instance,
people in lots of places doing
652
the same thing, such as young
people drinking Coca-Cola as a
lifestyle choice.
Triads Chinese-organised
criminal gangs.
Triangular slave trade A
historical term for the slave trade
that was organised between three
regions - Africa, the Americas
and Europe.
Trilemma A difficult choice
between three options.
Truth decay The blurring of lines
between opinion and fact that
sees all experience and beliefs as
being as important as expertise
based on evidence. It often results
in disagreement about what
constitutes ‘truth’.
Under-employment Not having
enough paid work or not doing
work that makes full use of a
worker’s skills and abilities.
Universal suffrage The right
of almost all adults to vote in
political elections.
Universalism An idea
underpinned by equality
of opportunity that people
should be judged by the same
standards - for example,
through the taking of exams.
Urbanisation An increase in
population in cities and towns
versus rural areas.
Virtual communities An online
community that only meets
in cyberspace.
Wahhabi A strictly orthodox
Sunni Muslim sect which is still
the predominant religious force in
Saudi Arabia.
Water table The level below
ground that is saturated with
water and often the origin of the
supply of fresh drinking water.
Welfare state A system whereby
the state undertakes to protect
the health and well-being of
its citizens, especially those
in financial or social need, by
means of grants, pensions and
other benefits.
Westernisation The process
whereby cultures adopt American
or European ways of thinking or
cultural practices.
Whistle-blower A person
who informs on a person or
organisation regarded as
engaging in an unlawful or
immoral activity.
Xenophobia Fear or hatred of
foreigners often expressed through
open or subtle forms of hostility
and aggression.
Yardie A member of a Jamaican
gang of criminals.
Zemiology The study of
social harms.
Zones of consumption The
mainly Western market for illicit
goods and services.
Zones of distribution Areas
of the world which are the
launch-point or staging posts for
the distribution of illegal goods
into the West.
Zones of production Areas of
the less industrialised world in
which crops are grown that are
later processed into cannabis
resin, heroin or cocaine.
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 INDEX
A B bridgeheads. 556
bridging social capital. 50. 479
ability groups. 295-6 baby strike. 188 Brown (2015). 255-6
absolute mobility. 252 Bad News. 344 Brownmiller. Susan, 198
abuse of women. 201 Bainbridge. William Sims. 399 Bruce (2000). 459
accommodation. 411 banding. 296 Bruce. Steve. 397. 411
acculturation. 552 Bandura. Albert. 36. 386 bureaucratic. 499
achieved status. 230 Barthes. Roland. 104 Burghes. Louie. 224
.Adams. James Truslow. 27 Basil. Themina, 304 Burt. Cyril. 271
affiliation. 444 Bauman. Zygmunt. 21 Butler. Judith. 180-1
affluence, 529 Baumeister. Roy. 35 Byanyima. Winnie. 31
age identity beanpole family. 168. 220
adolescence or youth. 67-8 Beaujouan, Eva. 161-2 C
childhood. 67 Beck. Ulrich. 21. 575 canalisation. 182
middle age. 68 Becker. Howard. 37. 127-8 capital. 239
old age. 68 Beckford. James, 395 capitalism. 9. 332
young adulthood. 68 beliefs. 26-7 capitalist globalisation. 332-3
ageism. 68 belief systems, 394 capitalist ideology. 154
agency. 42. 556 Beilin, Eva. 27 capital projects. 525
agenda-setting. 342 Ben-Galim. Dalia. 220 Carr. Adrian. 20
age patriarchy. 210. 212 Benston. Margaret. 190 Carroll. James. 27
aid. 526 Ben-Yehuda. Nachman. 387 cartels. 560
Akumu. Patience. 31 Bernard. Jesse. 199 case studies. 112
alienation. 154. 190. 233. 570 Bernstein. Basil. 282-4 chain of memory. 458
Althusser. Louis. 234 Berry. Mike. 344 Chambers. Deborah. 159. 216. 223
altruistic. 505 Bhrolchain. Maire Ni. 161-2 Chandler. Joan. 216
American culture values. 29 bias chaos of love. 165
American Dream. 376 experimenter. 86 charismatic personality. 13
Americanisation. 492 interview. 84 chavs. 378
anarchy. 50. 507 sources of. 136-7 Cheal. David. 151
Anderson. Bo. 18 Bible Belt. 39 child abuse. 154, 214
anecdotal evidence, 349 bigamy. 157 child-centredness, 206
anomie, 51 binary. 63 child-free. 172
antagonistic teachers. 302 bi-nudear families. 173 childhood
’anthropocentric’ view of environmental harms, 579 biological analogy. 8 adult or parental control over children. 212
anti-globalisation movements (AGMs), 481.507. bi-racial member. 66 conventional or 'march of progress' approach
509-10. 526-7 Bird. John. 410-11 to. 209
apartheid system. 66. 498 Bittman. Michael. 199 feminist approach to. 213-14
apostasy. 411 Black community, police brutality towards. 14 global experiences of. 212-13
appropriation. 10 Black identity. 66. 317 industrialisation and, 205-6
Arab Spring. 436-7 Black Lives Matter. 14 New Right approach to. 209-10
Archer. Louise. 317-18 Black masculinities in school. 305-6 postmodernist approaches to. 216-17
Arfini. Luca. 222 Black Panther’ movement. 64 in pre-industrial society. 203-5
Ari6s. Philippe, 203-5 Blanden. Jo. 254 religion and. 211-12
Armstrong. Karen. 423 Blau. Peter. 18 sexualisation of. 210
arranged marriage. 159 blended family. 166 social action or interactionist approach to.
artefacts, 27. 403 ’bling-dripping’ thugs. 378 215-16
ascetic. 431 Blumer, Herbert. 15 social conflict approach to. 210-13
ascribed roles. 148 Blumler, Jay. 382 social construction of. 203-9
ascribed status. 229 'boat people’ in Australia. 389 20th-century state and. 207-9
ascription. 147 Boiz.316 working-class. 211
assimilation. 486 Bollywood. 72 childhood socialisation. 36
asylum seekers. 547-8 bonding social capital. 50. 479 stages of. 35
atomised mass. 382 boomerang effect, 515 Chomsky. Noam. 339
attainment gap, 246 ‘boomerang’ family, 171 chore wars. 196
audience analysis. 103 Bourdieu. Pierre. 239-40, 265. 286-9 Christians. 302
audience cults. 399 idea of cultural capital. 304 Christian values. 30
Aune. Kristine, 188 bourgeois, 205 church, 397
austerity. 343 bourgeois ideology. 10 citizen journalists. 356
authoritarianism. 27. 29 bourgeoisie. 9 civil rights. 179, 500
authoritarian political system. 496-9 Bowles. Samuel. 232-3,249, 267 clash of civilisations. 544-5
authoritarian regime. 327-8 Boys. Girls and Achievement (Becky Francis). 134 class subcultures. 280-2
authority. 13 Bradley. Harriett. 67 client cults, 399
autocracy. 330. 497 brain drain, 543-4 Clinton, Hillary, 101
avatars. 348 branch campuses. 237 dosed belief systems. 402
Ayodele, Johnson Oluwole. 122 Breen. Richard, 254 closed system, 126-7
BRIC countries. 474 Cochrane. Allan. 71

664
 coded questions. 82 cults. 174. 397. 455 as law-breaking. 33
coercion. 18 cultural amnesia, 39 media and. 385-90
Coffield. Frank. 246 cultural appropriation. 72 deviancy amplification. 387-90
cohabitation. 161-2 cultural capital. 17. 239-40 deviant behaviour. 52
lesbian couples. 199 cultural convergence. 484 diffuse. 452
Cohen. Stan. 387-8 cultural defence. 411,459. 486-7 digital activism. 356-7
cohort study. 115, 412 cultural deprivation theory. 280. 284-6 digital content. 100-1
collapse of communism. 333 cultural divergence. 484-9 limitations of. 101
collective consciousness. 8 cultural diversity. 66 strengths of. 101
collectivism. 281.528 cultural globalisation. 470 digitalisation. 333
Collins. Jane. 190 cultural groups, 5 digital natives. 352
colonialism. 530 cultural hegemony. 188. 339 digital optimist view. 356-9
command economy, 497 cultural imperialism. 427. 472 digital revolution. 333
commodification of friendship and connectedness. cultural markers. 68 digital social networking. 479-80
479 cultural pluralists. 552 digital underclass. 481
commodity. 237 cultural relativity. 502 DINK. 160
communes. 145 cultural transition. 411,459 discourses. 66
communism, 497 cultural zombies, 12 diseases of affluence. 521
communities of fate. 505 culture. 1.26 diseases of poverty. 521
compensatory education. 285-6 and beliefs. 26-7 disengagement. 444
Comte. Auguste. 2, 117-18 folk. 28-9 disinhibition effect. 386
‘concrete operational' phase. 35 high. 27-8 dispersed extended families. 167
conflict. 9. 164-5 and identity. 5-6. 8. 13-14 domestic division of labour. 194
conflict theories. 43 language. 27 domestic labour. 194
conformists. 305 norms. 30-1 domestic violence. 154, 201
Confucius. 29 popular or mass. 27-8 Doughty. Caitlin, 32
conglomerates. 334. 465 South eastern Asian. 29 Douglas. 281-2
congregational domain, 452 symbolic cultural artefacts. 27 dowry system. 193
conjugal roles. 194 value systems. 29-30 dramaturgical approach to social action. 17
conscience. 35 curriculum dual burden. 196
consensual policing. 50 cultural capital and. 265 dual-career/income families. 160
consensual social values. 146 culture and. 262 dual-heritage children. 168
consensus. 551 economic demands and. 262-4 dual heritage identity. 66
consensus theory. 43 ethnocentric. 268 dual-income or dual-career nuclear families. 168
Conservative sociologists. 553 factors affecting curricula content. 261-4 dual-labour market theory. 555-6
conspicuous consumption, 20. 217. 377 formal. 265-6 Dunn. Judy. 216
constitution. 495 gendered. 268-9 Dunne. Gillian. 199
consumerism. 20. 216 gender influence on curriculum content. 264-5 Durkheim, Emile. 2. 8. 50-1. 125
consumption. 151 hidden. 267-8 account of religion. 414-16
as compensation. 217 high- and low-status subjects. 261 rules of sociological method. 118-19
of goods. 20 customs. 33 social facts. 118-19
content analysis cyberbullying. 217.362-3 study of suicide. 119-20
limitations of. 103 cyber-dependent crimes. 390 view on education. 228-9
strengths of, 103 cyber-enabled crimes. 390
control. 25 E
control by consent. 44-5
conversion. 240
D early-modern societies. 21
Daly. Mary. 423 'eco-centric* view of environmental harms. 579
Cooley. Charles. 36
data ecological globalisation. 514-16
co-parenting model. 172
primary. 76 economic capital. 239
copycat violence. 386
qualitative. 77 Economist Intelligence Unit. 327
correlation. 78
quantitative. 77 Eddo-Lodge, Reni. 14
correspondence theory. 232
reliability of. 78 education
Corrigan. Paul. 38
secondary. 76 barriers to girls' education in North-West
Corsaro, William. 214
sources of. 97-103 Pakistan. 311-12
cosmopolitan approach to globalisation. 505
validity of. 78 breadwinner identity and. 317-18
cost-benefit analysis. 50
David. Miriam. 269 in capitalist society. 232-3
Cote. James. 38
Davis, Kingsley. 230-2 cultural capital and. 240
counter-school culture. 234-5
death, attitudes and practices towards. 32 cultural reproduction and. 239-40
coups d'etat, 498
decentring of conjugal relationships. 173 division of labour and. 229
covert observation. 92
deception. 109 economic growth and. 242-3
Craig. Lyn. 196
deductive approach. 124 equal opportunity, meritocracy and. 241-2,
creaming. 246
deforestation. 571 248-50
Crenshaw. Kimberie, 14
democratic regime. 327 functionalist view on. 228-32
creolisation. 488
demonisation, 500 gender equality in. 263-4
crime statistics. 97
demonised female. 47 gender gap in. 309-10
criminogenic. 569
denominations. 397 globalisation and. 237
crisis of masculinity. 61.202. 314
Christian. 443 higher. 290-1
crisis of modernism. 529
dependency culture. 170 ideological control and, 234
cross-media ownership. 334
deregulation. 571 influence of global capitalism in. 237
crusaders. 302
desertification. 514 marketisation of. 243
cryptocurrencies. 565
development, 2. 5 Marxist views on. 232-8
cult movements. 399-400 deviance. 33. 52 as a means to an end, 246

665
 neoliberal perspectives. 244 strengths of. 114 relationship between subject choice and gender
school choice process in India. 243-4 European Union (EU). 523 identity, 130
school dropout* in developing countries. 250-1 evangelical movement. 426. 435-6 second wave of. 179
social democratic and New Right views. 241-6 Evans. Ben. 220 socialist or Marxist. 179, 190-3
social mobility and. 252-7 Evans. Julie. 216 sociology and. 181
social rules and. 229 Excellence in Cities (EiC). 285 third wave of. 179-80
value consensus and. 232 exclusion. 18 Western. 14
Education Action Zones (EAZs). 2S5-6 executive, 495 women’s movement and. 311
educational attainment existential security. 499 feminist methodology. 129
ability grouping and. 295-6 experimental effect. 86 feminist spirituality. 423
barriers to learning. 279-SO experimenter bias. 86 feral or ’wild' children, 36
of boys, 312-15 experiments Active kin. 172
class subcultures and. 280-1 field. 85 fidelity. 146
cognitive development and. 278 laboratory. 84 field experiments. 85
cultural capital and. 286-7. 504 limitations of. 86-7 filial piety. 221
cultural explanations. 304-5 strengths of. 86 Filipino caregivers. 48
cultural factors and. 280-91 expressive leader. 150 Fine, Cordelia. 41
differential. 277 extended family. 144. 147, 164 Firati. Fuat. 20
effect of private tuition and extra-curricular extra-curricular activities. 255 Firestone. Shulamith. 187-8
activities. 278-9 Eysenck. Hans. 273 flawed democracies. 328
gender and. 307-15 focus groups. 90-1
habitus and. 287, 290-1
intelligence and. 275-6
F limitations of. 91
strengths of. 91
failure to launch generation. 173
interactionist perspectives on. 293-5 folk culture. 28-9
Faith Girls, 319
labelling of students and. 294-5 folk devils. 548
fake news. 101,346. 510
material factors and. 278-80 forced marriage. 159
false class consciousness. 11-12.232
parental factors. 304 forensic accounting. 578
false consciousness. 338. 340
parental income and. 278 formal agencies of social controls. 44-5
falsely conscious workers. 154
parental interest and. 281 -2 formal content analysis. 102
false needs. 154
relationship between ethnicity, subcultures and. formal curriculum. 265-6
falsification. 124-5
305-6 Foster. John Bellamy. 21
families of choice 173
in schools in disadvantaged areas. 279 Foster. Stuart. 262
family
social class and. 292-9 Fox. Robin. 41
conjugal roles in. 194-7
speech patterns and. 282-4 frames. 342
dark side of family relationships. 200-2
teacher-pupil relationships and. 293 Francis. Becky. 320-1
debates about gender equality in. 194-7
teachers* perceptions of students* social class free enterprise, 529
decision-making in. 197-8
and. 292-3 free-trade. 469
definitions. 144-5
Educational Priority Areas (EPAs). 285 free will. 43
feminist theories of. 178-93
educational triage, 298-9 full democracies. 495
functionalist accounts of. 146-52
educational underachievement functionalism. 8
impact of life expectancy on. 218-22
boys' 'underachievement; 315 functionalist theory of society. 8-9
Marxist accounts of. 153-5
consequences of. 250 fundamentalism. 426, 458-9, 484
Murdock’s idea of. 146
Edwards. Richard. 260 fundamentalist beliefs. 407
family diversity
Edwards. Rosalind. 88 funding in research. 137
blended. 166
elaborated code. 283 fuzzy fidelity. 451
class diversity. 168
elect. 430
Elias. Norbert. 33
elimination. 288
cultural diversity. 168
domestic diversity. 168 G
dominance of nuclear family and. 168 Gabb. Jacqui. 198
elite. 512
organisational diversity. 167 Gang Girls. 303, 319
emancipatory politics. 506
postmodernist perspectives on. 171-4 Gardner. Howard. 271 -2
emotional participation. 199
reconstituted families. 166 gatekeepers. 132, 341
emotion work. 198-9
single parent families. 165-6 Geeks. 316
empathetic person. 480
single-person households. 166 Geertz. Clifford. 128
empirical. 174
state and social policy and. 169-70 gender binary. 180
'empty nesf family. 171
fantasy crime wave. 387 gender bound. 199
Engels. Friedrich. 153
fascist principles. 497 gender dysphoria. 362
Enlightenment. 402
fatalism. 281.528 gendered achievement
entitlement. 500
fatherhood. 223-4 social changes and. 310-15
entrepreneurial spirit. 529
fat-shaming. 47 gendered classroom behaviour. 320-1
epistemological shift, 174
Featherstone, Mike. 68 gendered curriculum. 268-9
epistemology, 349
femicide. 201 gendered identities. 317
equality. 500
feminine identity. 60-1 gendered toys. 308
equality of opportunity. 230. 241-2
feminism. 13-14 gender inequality. 13
ethnic deansing. 66
digital form of. 180 genderquake. 185
ethnic identity. 64-6
ethnocentrism of, 14 gender role socialisation, 33. 36
ethnic revitalisation. 486
first wave of. 178 gender scripts. 199
ethnocentric. 152.552
fourth wave of. 180-1 gender socialisation
ethnocentric curriculum. 266, 268
impact of patriarchy, 14 early. 307-8
ethnocentrism. 14. 179. 268
intersectional. 14 educational attainment and. 307-10
ethnography. 112-15
liberal. 182-6 in school. 308-9
limitations of. 115
radical. 179. 186-90 subject choice and. 309
in practice, 114
General Household Survey (CHS), 115

666
generalisations, 79, 109 benefits from, 551-7 high modernity. 21
genocide, 554 causes of. 534-40 Hirst. Paul. 490
geographically mobile workforce, 147 clash of civilisation theory and. 553-4 historical documents. 99
Gewirlz, Sharon. 286 as a consequence of the Syrian civil war. 546 Hitchings, Henry. 30
Ghuman. Paul. A. Singh. 211 consequences of. 541-4 Hobbes. Thomas. 4
Glddens. Anthony. 21.26, 71,201,216, 223, 265 cultural consequences of. 548-9 Hobbs. Dick. 92
gig economy. 542 economic consequences of. 541-4 Hochschild. Arlie. 199
Gillborn, David. 293, 301-2 feminist approaches to. 554 Hoffman. John P.. 408
Gimenez. Martha. 190 immigration control as securitisation. 545 holistic milieu. 452
Gintis. Herbert, 232-3, 249, 267 impact on lives of migrants, 549-50 Holland. Janet. 88
girl power, 180 interactionist approaches to. 556 Hollingworth. Katie. 224
Giroux. Henry. 267 Marxist approaches to. 554-5 Holocaust. 66
glass ceiling. 192 multiculturalist approaches to. 552 Homans. George. 17
global educational league tables. 245 neoliberal approach to. 553 homogeneous countries, 546
global health inequalities. 521-2 political consequences of, 544-7 homogenisation. 484
global imagining. 464 postmodernist approaches to. 556-7 homophobic attitudes and practices. 63
global inequalities social consequences of. 547-8 honour-related murders. 201
education. 520 structuralist approaches to. 553 hostile environment. 545
income, 521 global network society. 468 household, 145
modernisation theory argument. 529-32 global risks to identity. 72 human agency. 6
post development perspective. 532 global social movements (GSMs). 505-10 human capital. 529
sociological explanations for. 528-9 glocalisation. 72. 464 humanistic approach. 43
globalisation, 2. 4. 485. 488 Goddess religion. 423 human rights. 500-3
causes of. 466 Coffman. Erving. 17. 92 Hunt. Stephen. 406
cultural dimension of, 470-1 Goldthorpe, John. 252 hybrid identities. 72
definition of. 71.464-6 Goode. Erich. 387 hybridisation. 488-9
ecological. 514-16 Gordan. Marzieh, 30-1 hybridised popular culture, 6
economic dimension of, 469 Gouldner. Alvin W., 127 hybrid regimes. 328. 496
education and. 237 government, 495 hyper-connectivity. 359
feminist theories of. 474-5 Graeber, David. 21 hyper-globalists. 472-3
globalist theories of, 472-4 Gramsci. Antonio. 12. 339 hyperreality. 348
historical dimension of. 466 grandparents hypodermic syringe model. 381-2
impact on identity. 71-2. 478-82 children's perceptions of. 221-2 hypotheses. 80
impact on life chances. 519-22 role and social position of. 220-1
macro level, 465
Marxist theories of, 474
grand theories. 129
grassroots movement. 526
I
ideal pupil. 292-3
micro-level. 465 Gray. Anne. 224
identity performance. 479
moral dimension of. 471 -2 Greer. Germaine. 14. 187. 189
identity theft. 565
political or ideological dimension of. 471 Gregg. Paul. 254
ideological device. 45
postmodernist perspective on, 489 Griffin. John Howard. 92
Ideological State Apparatuses. 234
technological dimension of. 467-8 Crosby, Steven. 50
ideology. 404
transformationalist and postmodernist theories grounded theory. 125
ideology of the family. 205
of. 475-6 group interviews. 90
lllich. Ivan. 268
globalised crime Group of Seven (G7). 523
imitation, 36
arms trafficking, 563 Gubernskaya, Zoya. 161
immediate gratification. 281
corporate crimes. 564, 566-7, 577-8 Gurney. Eleanor. 243-4
impeachment. 495
corruption, 564
counterfeiting and smuggling. 563 H imperialism. 530
impression management. 17. 362
cybercrime. 564-5
Habermas. Jurgen. 21 inclusive definitions. 394-5
environmental crimes. 578-9
habitus. 240. 287. 290-1.293 independent judiciary. 496
feminist perspectives on. 572-4
hacktivists. 564 indigenisation. 475
green crimes. 565-6
Hakim, Catherine, 172 indigenous rights. 507
maritime piracy. 563-4
Harvey. Dale. 85. 87 individualisation. 21,164-5, 312
Marxist perspectives on. 569-72
Harvey. David, 339 individualism. 20. 442
money laundering. 564
hate crimes. 548 inductive approach. 125
policing and prosecuting. 576-7
Hauari, Hanan. 224 inequality, 3-4, 25
reasons for emergence of. 567-8
Hawthorne effect. 86 infantilisation, 68. 210
rise of. 559-60
Healthy. Happy. Holy Organization (3HO), 399 infant mortality rates. 521
in Russia, 561
hegemonic definitions of femininity. 60 informal agencies of social control. 45-9
state sovereignty and, 577
hegemonic masculinity. 61,313 family as an agency of. 45-7
terrorism, 565
Henderson. Paul. 272 media as agency of. 47-8
trafficking and dealing in drugs. 561-3
Hepworth, Mike, 68 peer group/friendship network as an agency
globality, 464
Herman. Edward S.. 339 of. 47
global media landscape. 332-3
Hern. Alex, 363 informed consent. 86. 109
broadcast media. 335
Hermstein, Richard. 273-5 infrastructure. 9-10, 529
global media access. 334-5
Hervieu-I6ger. Dantele, 39. 458 innovators. 305
internet and mobile, 335
hidden curriculum. 37. 232 institutional racism. 302, 553
newspaper circulation, 335
functionalist view of. 266-7 institutional sexism. 183
trends in, 334
Mich's account of. 268 instrumental leader, 150
Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP). 102
Marxist view of. 267 intelligence
global migration, 66
radical view of. 267-8 bodily kinesthetic. 272
assimilation theory to. 551-2
high culture, 27-8 definition of. 271-2

667
 educational achievement and. 275-6 social construction of. 259 malestream. 554
environment and. 273-4 knowledge claims of science. 401 malestream sociology. 129. 181
Gardner’s theory of multiple. 271 -2 knowledge economy. 262-4 malnutrition. 521
heredity and. 273-4 Krockow. Eva. 29 manipulation. 182
ideology, power and. 272 Kuczynski. Leon. 35 manufactured risk. 21
interpersonal. 272 Kuhn. Thomas, 125. 402 march of progress. 209
intrapersonal. 272 view of paradigms and scientific revolutions. marginal groups. 455
measuring. 272-3 126 marital breakdown
musical. 272 KwaZulu ceremony. 157 explanations for increase In. 163-5
spatial. 272 Kwok. Sylvia Y.C.L. 46 trends In. 163
intelligence quotient (IQ). 272 types of. 163
interaction. 15
interactionism
L marketisation, 243
market-Leninist system. 498
labelling theory-. 16-18. 387
dramaturgical approach. 17 marriage
laboratory- experiments. 84
evaluation of interactionist perspectives, 18-19 arranged. 159
labour power. 10
labelling theory. 15-17 bigamy. 157
ladettes, 180
social exchange theory. 17-18 feminist perspective, 160
Laing. R. D.. 202
symbolic. 15 forced. 159
language. 27
interactionist perspective. 7-8 global trends in. 159-61
late capitalism. 21
interactionists, 6 Jesse Bernard's study of. 199
late-modern societies. 21.575
interactionist theories of society. 43 monogamy. 157
Lauder. Hugh. 246
inter-ethnic marriages, 168 polyandry. 158
law. 33
intergenerational mobility'. 252 polygamy, 157
Layard. Richard. 216
International Monetary Fund (IMF). 525 polygyny. 157-8
Leach. Edmund. 202
Internet and World Wide Web. 351 same-sex or gay. 157-9
Lederc-Madlala, Suzanne, 214
interpretative frameworks. 342 serial monogamy. 157
leftover women. 159
interpretivism. 79. 135 women's feelings about. 198-9
legislature, 495
natural science methodology and. 127 marriage rate. 159
legitimisation. 555
qualitative research methods and. 119-22 Martell. Luke. 72
Leonard. Madeleine. 223
intersectional feminists. 179 Martin. Kimberly. 386
lesbian couples. 199
intersectionality. 14. 299 Marx. Karl. 9
Lewis. C. S.. 30
’intersex’ identity. 64 behaviour of social classes. 10
LGBT (lesbian, gay. bisexual and transgender)
interview bias, 84 critique of capitalism. 9
community. 180
mtragenerational mobility. 252 definition of surplus value. 10
libellous. 496
intra-lslamic differences in interpretation of existence of superstructure. 10-11
liberal chauvinists. 302
theology. 548 forensic analysis of capitalism. 9-11
liberal democracies. 495-6
in vitro fertilisation. 173 portrayal of working-class people. 12
contemporary. 498-9
Iranian revolution (1978-79), 436 relationship between bourgeoisie and
liberal feminism
irony. 347 proletariat. 10
perspectives on religion. 424-6
irresponsible bidding. 512 Marxism
liberal feminists, 179
Islamic cultures. 71 accounts of religion. 404-6, 418-20
liberal Western values. 459
veiling. 426-7 criticism of. 12
liberation theology. 433
Islamisation. 544 relationship between infrastructure and
life chances. 3. 249-50. 265
Islamophobia. 66. 548 superstructure. II
life-course analysis. 171-2
isolated nuclear family. 147 theory of society. 9-11
life expectancy
Marxist dependency theory. 529-32
J explanations for rates and rise in.
218-19
masculine identity. 61
and social change. 61-4
Jacobson. Jessica. 66 impact on family. 218-22
mass self-communication, 478
James. Allison, 215 life history. 113
material deprivation. 278
Japanese values. 29-30 liquid modernity. 21
Mbagaya. Catherine. 214
Jencks. Christopher. 26 literacy. 520
Jensen. Arthur. 271 McCabe. Gregory. 386
living apart together (LAT) households.
Jensen. Mike. 334 McChesney, Robert. 21.492
173
McDonaldization. 491
jihadism. 548 Livingstone. Sonia. 217
McKay. Deirdre. 48
Jim Crow laws. 66. 552 Lombroso, Cesare, 52
McKendrick. John. 378
judiciary. 327 longitudinal study. 115-16
McLaughlin, Sarah. 53
looking glass self. 36
K loss of functions. 150
McQuail, Denis. 382
McWorld. 491
loyalty. 29
Keddie, Nell. 284-5 Mead. George Herbert. 36
Lull. James. 383
Kendal project. 452 Mead. Herbert. 15
Lussier. Kattie. 299
key informant, 93 means of production. 9
Lynch. Michael. 403
kibbutzim. 145 mechanical solidarity. 51
Lyon. David. 457
King. Reverend Martin Luther. 64 mechanism of social control, 419
Lyotard. Jean-Frangois. 20. 260. 403-4.
kinship, 144 media control
457
kleptocracy. 571 Marxist theories of. 338-40
Klineberg. Otto. 273
Klinenberg. Eric, 174 M neo-Marxist views and propaganda model.
339-40
knowledge Machin, Stephen. 254 pluralist theories of. 336-8
educational, 260-1 Mackintosh. Nicholas. 275-6 media effects
postmodernism and. 259-61 macro. 42. 52 cultural effects model. 384-5
power and. 261-2 magazine covers. 104 hypodermic syringe model, 381-2

668
 'readings' or interpretations of media content,
384
Morrow. Virginia. 215
motherhood. 222-3 0
reception analysis model, 383-4 motherhood penalty. 196 Oakley. Ann. 36. 195
two-step flow model. 382 multiculturalism. 66. 378. 486. 552 objectivity. 94
uses and gratifications model. 382-3 multinational education businesses (MNEBs). 244 objectivity in research. 108
media freedom Murdoch, Stephen. 276 observation schedule. 95
in authoritarian regimes. 329 Murdoch Family Trust (MFT), 330 observer effect. 94
censorship. 329-30 Murray. Charles. 273-5 official statistics
in democratic regimes. 330-2 Muslim identities. 317 crime statistics. 97
indicators of. 327 Muslim migration. 548 limitations of. 98
masked political control, 329 Muslim societies. 31 police recorded crime (PRC). 97-8
Repression 2.0, 329 cohabitation in, 161 strengths of. 98
in Russia. 331 customs. 33 victim surveys. 98
media messages. 337 oligarchy. 496
media plurality, 330
media representations
N oligopoly. 21
online grooming. 361
Naming Vocabulary Test. 278
of class and age. 376-80 online identity. 478
narcissism. 20. 480
cultural differences. 380 open belief systems. 402
narrowcasting. 351
of gender. 366-71 open societies. 513
nationalism. 485. 499
of Muslims in the UK. 375 open systems. 126-7
nation-state. 20. 499-500
of old people. 379 operationalised questionnaire. 81-2
liberal-democratic. 511-13
of race and ethnicity. 371-6 opportunities. 3-4, 25
nativism. 512
of working class. 377-8 organic solidarity. 51
nature versus nurture debate. 40-1
of youth in the UK. 378-9 othering. 486
neo colonialism. 531.570-1
media sensationalism. 342 over-deterministic. 9
neo-conservative governments. 330
media sources overt observation. 93
neo-conventional family. 168
limitations of. 102 overt racists. 302
neoliberal free market. 524
strengths of. 101-2 Oxford Mobility Study (QMS). 252-3
neoliberalism. 333
media violence. 386-7
membership. 444
Nepal Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS). 116
networked global society. 480
P
meritocracy. 233. 241-2. 376. 529
network society. 506 Paglia, Camille. 180
functionalist accounts of, 248
New Age. 20 Pain. Kathy. 71
Marxist accounts of. 249
beliefs. 400 Panama Papers. 340
New Right accounts of. 248-9
movements. 407. 428. 452, 456 panel study. 115
social democratic views on. 249
religion. 424 paradigm. 126
meritocratic principles. 230
New Christian Right. 420 Paradise Papers. 340
meta-narratives. 20. 129. 403
new media Park. Kristin. 172
meteorology. 126
challenges. 356-9 parliament. 495
methodological pluralism. 122
characteristics of. 351 Parsons. Talcott. 146-52
methodology. 118
crime and. 390 account of religion. 416-17
Micklethwait. John. 39
digital optimism vs digital pessimism. 353-5 individual’s educational attainments. 248
micro-aggressions. 486
digital optimist view. 360 view on education. 229-30, 266
Mies. Maria. 129
digital pessimist view. 360-2 partial and hybrid democracies. 496
military dictatorships. 498
globalisation and digital divides. 352-3 partial or flawed democracies. 495
Millar. Jane. 170
impact of social identities and interpersonal participant observation. 91-4, 125
millennial feminists. 180
relationships. 359-64 limitations of. 94-5
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). 522
New religious movements. 398, 427. 456 service sector in China, 93
Miller. Alan S.. 408 strengths of. 94
New Right. 170
Miller, Daniel. 30
new social movements. 20 particularism. 528
Miller. David. 349
Newson, Elizabeth. 386 particularistic meanings. 283
Miller. Tina. 223
news production. 341-5 particularistic standards. 229
Millett, Kate. 187-8
social manufacture of news. 341-2 partnership penalty. 196
Mirza, Safia, 189 pastiche. 347
sociological research on news. 342-5
misogyny. 61. 180, 362. 548
news values. 341 patriarchal ideology. 269
mixed-ability groups. 296
Nicholls. Jason. 262 patriarchy. 13-14. 187-8. 192.422
moderator, 91
nomads. 534 patrimonialism. 27
modernisation theory. 528-9
'non-binary' gender identities. 64 patriotism. 499
modernity. 5. 25
non-conformist behaviour. 52 Pawson, Ray. 102
modern slavery. 574
non-directive interview. 88 Pearson. Geoffrey, 386
mods. 388
non-governmental organisations (NGOs). 326. 500 peer group. 38
Molm, Linda. 18
local and transnational, 525-6 Pentecostalism. 427-8, 432-3
monogamy. 157
non-participant observation performativity, 243
monopoly. 21
ethics and. 95 period effect. 412
Moore. Wilbert E.. 230-1
limitations of unstructured, 95-6 personal communities. 172
moral entrepreneurs. 388
strengths of unstructured. 95 personal documents
Morales. Bri, 13
types of, 95 assessing. 99
moral panic, 313, 342. 387-90, 548
non-random sampling. 106-7 ethics and documentary research, 99-100
Moreton-Robinson, Aileen, 14
normal science, 125 limitations of. 100
Morgan. Patricia, 169
norms. 30-1 strengths of, 100
Morley, David, 383
nuclear family. 144 personal life. 171-4
Morley, Louise. 299
perverse incentive, 170
Morris, Desmond. 41
pessimistic globalists, 473

669
 pester power. 216 public sphere. 409 science and. 404
Phillips. Melanie. 210 Purdy. Laura. 187 secularisation and. 409
Philo. Greg. 344. 349 social change and. 429-35
picket lines. 344
pilot studies. 10S
Q social constructionist approaches. 395
social control and. 419
qualitative data. 77
Pixley. Jocelyn. 199 social groups and, 406-13
qualitative research methods. 88-96
Plantitta. Jefferson. 29 social order and. 416
interpretivism and. 119-22
play. 56 substantive definitions of. 394
quantitative data. 77
pluralism. 497 truth claims of. 402
quantitative research methods. 80-7
pluriverse. 502 religiosity. 395
positivism and. 117-19
police recorded crime (PRC). 97-8 religious affiliation, 449-50
questionnaires. 80-3
Politburo. 497 religious beliefs. 394
constructing. 81
political rights. 500 religious disengagement. 450
limitations of. 83
politics of resistance. 505 religious fundamentalism. 458-9
operationalisation and coding. 81 -2
Pollock. Linda. 205 religious membership. 444. 447-8
strengths of. 82-3
polyandry. 158 religious movements. 435-7
ty pes of questions. 80
polygamy, 157 religious organisation, types of. 396-7
questions
polygyny. 157-8 religious participation. 444, 445-7
closed. 80
polvsemic. 585 religious revival. 459-60
open-ended (or open). 80
Popper. Karl. 124-5. 402 religious rights. 500
quotas. 524
popular or mass culture. 27-8 remarriages. 161
quota sampling. 106-7
population. 79 remittances. 543
populism. 511
positive discrimination. 285
R renaissance children. 211
replication. 83
positivism. 78-9. 135 racialised class fraction. 555 representation. 547
Auguste Comte and. 117-18 racism in schools. 301-3 representative democracy. 495
natural science methodology and. 124-5 radical feminism. 179, 186-90 representativeness in research. 109
positivist 43 evaluation of. 189-90 representative sample. 79
‘post-familial' family. 480 perspectives on religion. 423-4 Repression 2.0, 329
post-feminists. 179 role of ideology. 188-9 Repressive State Apparatuses. 234
post-industrial economies. 20 radical psychiatrist view of family. 202 reproductive rights. 61. 185
post-industrial society. 5 random sampling. 106 research data. 1
Postman. Neil. 39. 210 Ranson. Stewart. 246 research ethics. 109-10
postmodernism. 20-1 rapport. 88 anonymity and confidentiality. 109
belief systems. 403-4 rational choice theory. 417 deception. 109
evaluation of. 21 rationalisation. 409 informed consent. 109
knowledge and. 259-61 rationalism. 27 participants'privacy. 109
understanding of media. 347-9 realism. 127 protection from harm. 109
view of objectivity and research. 129 realist view of science. 126-7 research ethics committee (REC). 109
postmodernity. 5. 20. 25 rebel girls. 318-19 research methods
post-racial identity. 66 rebels. 306. 319 assessment of quality of. 108-9
post-truth era. 510 reconstituted families. 166 conduct of research. 108
post-truth societies, 20 Redfern. Catherine. 188 formulating research questions and hypotheses.
poverty. 3 re-enchantment, 457 105
power, 4. 18. 25 reflexivity. 21. 129 interpretation of results. 108
knowledge and. 261-2 reflexivity in research. 138 operationalisation of concepts. 108
power-feminism. 180 refugees. 547-8 qualitative. 88-96
predestination. 430 Reid. Ivan. 268 quantitative. 80-7
pre-modernity. 25 relative deprivation. 455 research strategy. 105
‘preoperational’ stage. 35 relative mobility. 252 samples, sampling frames and sampling
present-time orientation. 281 relative value. 29 techniques. 105-7
press barons. 338 relativism. 20. 129. 513 stages of designing research. 105-9
primary data. 76 religion residency. 564
primary definers. 342 age differences in religiosity. 412-13 resistance, 25
primary socialisation. 35-7. 229 belief systems and. 401-5 response rate. 82
of children. 148 as a change-promoting force. 430-2 restricted code. 283
family and, 35-6 change-promoting or a change-inhibiting force. retreatists, 306
by others. 37 424 reverse cultural flows, 489
private patriarchy. 192 collective conscience and. 415 Reynolds. Kate. 261
private sphere. 409 conflict and. 437 right-wing populism. 330
privatised education. 237 as a conservative force. 429-30 Rikowski. Glenn, 237-8
privatised religion. 457 ethnicity and. 410-12 risk societies. 21,515
probing. 88 feminist perspectives on, 422-6 rites of passage. 67
profane. 415 functional definitions of. 394-5 rituals. 394
Project Head Start 285 functionalist accounts of. 414-17 Ritzer, George, 491
proletariat 10 inclusive and exclusive definitions of, 394-5 rockers. 388
propaganda. 497 Marxist accounts of. 404-6. 418-20 Roe. Keith. 217
Protestant ethic. 431 measuring religious belief. 395-6 role allocation, 230
proto-communities. 480 in non-Protestant societies, 431 role models, 36
Prout Alan, 215 patriarchy and gender inequality in, 426-8 roles, 33
public institutional capital. 529 in postmodern global society. 457-8 Rompaey, Veerle Van, 217
public patriarchy. 192 problems of meaning and. 417 Ross, Nicola. 220

670
 .

Roth, Kenneth, 332 shell companies. 571 comparative studies of education and. 254-5
rulinc-dass ideology. 232, 338 Shils. Edward. 50 defining. 252
Rutter, Jill, 220 shop-floor culture, 235 feminist approaches to. 256-7
shop stewards. 344. 384 functionalist perspective. 255
S Silim, Amna, 220
Simon, Joel. 329
gendered. 257

sacralisation. 452 intergenerational mobility. 252

simple random sampling. 106 intragenerational mobility. 252
sacred. 414
simulacra. 348 measuring. 252-3
Saint-Simon, Henri dc. 2
simulations. 348 New Right or neoliberal approaches to, 256
Salisbury. Julian. 43
single parent families. 165-6 relative, 252
Salway. Sarah. 224
single-person households. 166 social mores and laws. 33
same-sex or gay marriage. 157-9
Sissons. Mary. 85 social movement. 526
sample. 82
sites of ideological struggle. 233 social pressure. 50
sample attrition. 116
skivers and strivers, 343 social relations of production. 10
sampling frame. 106
slanderous, 496 social reproduction. 240
sampling technique. 106
Statin. Gerald. 85. 87 social resistance. 4
sampling unit. 106
smacking, 46 social rights. 500
sanctions. 50
Smart. Carol. 172, 174-5 social solidarity. 8. 228
Sandbrook. Dominic. 39
snowball sampling. 107 social status. 17
sandwich carers. 219
sociability. 205 social stratification. 230
Saunders. Peter. 248-9, 272, 274
social action theory. 15. 18. 43. 215 social structure. 12. 42
scapegoating. 555
social attitudes, changes in. 163-4 social survey. 80. 116
scarce resources. 547
social behaviour. 2 societalisation. 441
sceptical globalism. 473-4
social blurring. 210 society. 24
schisms. 441
social capital. 17. 239.479 sociological history of feminism. 178
Scholte. Jan Aarte. 493
social change. 2. 5. 25. 455 sociological research, approaches to
science
ethnic identity and. 66 assessment. 138-9
critical views of. 402-3
feminine identity and. 61 case studies. 112
Enlightenment and. 402
masculine identity and. 61-4 characteristics of researcher. 133
knowledge claims of. 401
social class cost and funding issues. 133
laboratory-based studies of. 403
researching interaction between strangers. 85 ethical influences on. 133
postmodernism and. 403-4
teacher expectations and. 85 ethnography. 112-15
relationship between religion and. 404
social construction of society. 41-2 longitudinal study. 115-16
scientific revolution. 126
social controls. 4. 44 mixed-methods approaches. 122-3
Scott. John. 254
by consent. 44-5 positivist/quantitative and interpretivist/
secondary data. 76
education as an important agency of, 45 qualitative approaches. 117-22
secondary socialisation. 37-9. 229
formal agencies of. 44-5 practical influences on. 132-3
college or university as an agency of. 37
informal agencies of. 45-9 role of values in. 127-8
formal education and. 37-8
religion as agency of, 48-9 social survey. 116
media as agencies of. 39
workplace as agency of. 45 sources of bias. 136-7
peer groups and friendship networks as agents
social democracy. 338 subjects. 133
of. 38
social desirability effect. 84 theoretical influences on. 133-5
religion as agent of. 39
social differentiation. 441 time. 133
workplace as an agent of. 38
social exchange. 50 topic and research questions. 133
second modernity. 312
social exchange theory. 17-18 Somerville. Jennifer, 189
second shift, 196
social facts. 118-19 South Asian students. 302-3
sects. 397. 455
social identities. 5. 24 South-eastern Asian culture. 29
secular arrangements. 32
age and. 67 sovereignty. 499
secular assimilation. 552
approaches to. 54-5 space-time compression. 465
secularisation. 164, 409, 440-1.452-3
construction of. 53 specialised division of labour. 229
measures of. 444-7
ethnic identity and. 66 specific value. 29
religious movements and. 451-3
ethnicity and. 64-6 spectacular youth subcultures. 47
secularisation thesis, 441-3
gender and. 60-4 Spender. Dale. 264
segregation. 552
new media and. 359-64 Spicer. Andre, 264
self. 15. 43
self-identity and. 53 spirit of capitalism. 431
self-completion questionnaires. 80
social class and. 55-60 spiritual individualism. 458
self-concept. 294
in UK. 360 spiritual revolution. 452
self-consciousness. 26
social integration. 8. 499 spiritual shopping. 458
self-fulfilling prophecy. 15. 294-5
socialisation. 5. 24. 35 stabilisation of adult personality. 149
self-identity, 24
primary. 35-7 Stanworth, Michelle, 320-1
self-religions. 20
secondary. 37-9 Stark. Rodney. 399
self-spirituality, 400
socialist or Marxist feminism. 179, 190-3 state-sponsored trolling. 330
Semenya, Caster. 65
social learning theory. 36 Statham. June. 220
semiology, 103
nature versus nurture debate, 40-1 status, 13
semiotic analysis. 103
social meanings. 15 status inequality. 13
semi-structured interviews. 88
'sensorimotor' stage. 35 social media Stephens. Jordan. 62. 202
effect on identity. 481 Stier, Sebastian. 330
serial monogamy, 157
growth of. 478 Stoltenborgh, Marije. 214
setting. 296, 303
use. 362-3 Strand. Steve, 304
Sewell. Tony. 305-6
women's identity and. 481-3 stratification system. 253
sexualisation of childhood. 210
social mobility stratified random sampling. 106
shadow economy. 560
absolute. 252 streaming. 295-7
Shain, Farzana. 303

671
 Strinati. Dominic. 20 transgender identity. 63 Watson. James. 383
structural assimilation. 552 transgressive criminology. 578 Web 2.0. 351
structural differentiation. 1 AS. 441 transnational companies (TNCs). 332. 501.52A-6. Weber. Max. 13. A06. A30-2. 555
structuralist theories of society. A 2-5 531 welfare-dependent 'problem' families. 170
structural perspective. 7-S transnational identities. 556 welfare state. 206. 38A. 5A5
structured interviews transnational organisations. 522-7 Wenyu Chai. A6
limitations of. SA transphobic women. 180 Western cultures. 30
reasons for non-response. 83 transsexual identity. 63 Western European societies. 39
strengths of. S5-A transworld instantaneity. A93 Western IQ tests. 273
structured observation. 95 transworld simultaneity. A93 Westernisation. A90-3
A + 1 students. 297-8 triangular slave trade. 530 Western societies
subculture. A7. 2S0-1 triangulation. 123 life chances of educational attainment. 2A9
British Chinese students'. 305 tricks of a trade. 38 rise in juvenile crime rates and anti social
of dev iant students in China. 297-8 trilemma. 5A5 behaviour in. 170
female school. 51S-19 triple shift, 198 Western-style democracy. 27
gender and. 315-19 triple systems theory. 192 whistle-blower. 577
pupil. 297 Trump. Donald. 101 Whitty. Geoff, 286
subjectivity. 127 truth decay. 513 Wilkins. Leslie. 387
subordinate forms of masculinity. 65 Tunstall. Jeremy. 39 Wilkinson. Helen. 160
sub-prime mortgage market, collapse of. 20 Twenge. Jean. 39 Wilier, David. 18
suffrage movement. 178 Twitter. 357. 508-9 Williamson. Bill. 2A6
Sugarman, Barry. 281 Willis. Paul. 38. 23A-6
Sullivan. Alice. 288-9
superstructure. 10-11
U Learning to Labour. 236
Wilson. Adrian. 205
underclass. 170. 378
Supreme Court. A96 Wolf. Naomi. 39. 180
under-employment, 5A3
surrogacy. 173 Wollstonecraft. Mary. 178
United Nations (UN). 522-3
Survivors. 319 Woodhead. Linda, A09-10
unit of consumption. 155
sustainable development. 507 Wooldridge. Adrian. 39
universalism, 529
Sutton. Philip. 265 Woolgar, Steve. A03
umversalistic. 283
Suzman. James. 38 workhouse. 206
univ$rsalistic standards. 229
Swartz. David L. 233 working-class masculinity. 235
Universal suffrage. A96
symbol. 15 world-accommodating new religious movements.
unstructured interviews
symbolic annihilation of women, A81 398-9
interview process. 88
symbolic capital. 239 world-affirming new religious movements. 399
limitations of. 89-90
symbolic cultural artefacts. 27 World Bank. 525
strengths of. 88-9
symbolic interactionism. 15 world capitalist system. 530
unstructured observation. 95
symbolisation. A7 Wbrld Press Freedom Index. 326-7
urbanisation. 1A7
symmetrical family. 195 world-rejecting new religious movements. 398
Usher. Robin. 260
synergistic learning. 221 World Trade Organization (WTO). 52A
Syrian civil war. 5A6
systematic observation. 95
V Wrong. Dennis. 9. 12

Valentine. Gill. 68.215 X

T value. 29-30
researchers’. 137
xenophobia. A85
Tarde. Gabriel. 36 Xuesong. A6
value consensus. 8
tariffs (taxes). 52A
tastes of dominant classes. 287-8
value free. 118
variables. 8A Y
teachers' perceptions
Vaudair. Christin-Melanie, 68 Youdell, Deborah. 293. 301-2
of ethnidty. 302-3
Venkatesh. Alladi. 20 Young. Michael F.D.. 259. 261-2
gendered expectations. 320
Vernon. Philip. 273
of students’ sodal dass. 292-3
technological convergence. 351
verstehen, 122 Z
victim surveys. 98
terms of world trade. 531 Zanetti. Lisa. 20
Violence Against Wives (Rebecca Dobash and
test-tube baby. 173 Zaretsky. Eli. 15A-5
Russell Dobash). 18A-5
textual analysis. 102-3 zemiology. 579
virtual communities. A78
thematic analysis. 102 zones of consumption. 560
vocationalism. 2AA
theocracies. A98 zones of distribution. 560
voluntarist approach. A3
theodicy of disprivilege. A55 zones of production. 560
voluntary childlessness. 172
theodicy of good fortune. A06 Zulu communities. 158
volunteer samples. 107
theodicy of misfortune. A 06
theoretical imperialism. 179
Thompson. Grahame, A90
W
Thompson. Karl, 37, 57A Wages for Housework (WFH) campaign. 191
tied aid. 526 W&h. Francis Loh Kok. 29
Tiger. Lionel. 41 Wahhabi religious clerics and scholars, A98
time-budget studies. 196 Walby. Sylvia. 192
Toraja. 32 Waldfogel, Jane. 278
totem ism. A15 Wallis. Roy. 396, 398-9. A07
toxic masculinity. 61-2, 180. 201-2 Warin. Jo. 22A
transcendental Meditation (TM). 398 Washbrook, Elizabeth, 278

672
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Extract on p. 10 for the title Reward Work. Not Wealth’. https://www. oxfam.
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