LANGUAGE POLICIES AND THEIR POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS

During the recorded history of the Philippines, there have been three foreign occupations of significant length. Each
occupying power left a linguistic legacy whose consequences have been felt in the political as well as the cultural
sphere. The two most prestigious languages of the Philippines were introduced by Spain and the United States
respectively. While Japan did not succeed in its program to spread its own national language, Nippongo, it did leave
behind a language policy which strengthened the position of Tagalog as the national language of the Filipinos. Within
the last few years, a third language, Pilipino, (which is basically Tagalog) is moving towards a wider public
acceptance. But it will take some time before it replaces the aforementioned foreign languages as the language of
prestige.

The Spanish Influence: Castillian was introduced into the Philippines at the time of the Spanish occupation, early in
the sixteenth century. Among the major objectives of the Spanish colonial administration were the con- version of
the natives to Christianity and the dissemination of Spanish culture. Linguistic policy was designed to further these
objectives. It aimed to "instruct the natives in their own tongues... (for) ... only thus could the message of Christianity
reach the Indian's hearts." And it aimed to teach Castillian so as to "make Spaniards out of the Indians with the
natives gradually acquiring the social habits of the conquerors... (for) ... there was genuine fear among the civil
authorities that idolatries and superstitions. would persist until the natives abandoned the languages of their pagan
past." The former policy emphasizing the instruction of the natives in their own tongues, was in effect throughout
the Spanish empire, from 1550 to 1688. After 1688 Spanish instruction for the natives became compulsory and
schools in the Philippines began to use Castillian as the medium of instruction. In theory all children were expected
to attend school, but the lower classes displayed considerable reluctance to obtain formal instruction for their
children. Families needed all the help that could be obtained for work in the fields, and it was often difficult for their
children to travel long dis tances to attend daily classes."

Thus only a small proportion of the inhabitants made use of the educational system established by the Spaniards.
These were the members of the local elites in towns throughout the area under Spanish control who could afford to
send their children to school. Only the members of these elite groups were able to fulfill the Spanish colonial policy's
objective for the "hispanizing" of the natives. But as Spanish was made the official language of the Philippines, and
became the dominant language of written communication, and since in the provinces only members of the elite
were able to learn to speak and write it, the gap between the native upper and lower classes was thereby
exacerbated. Through their knowledge of Spanish the upper class was able to establish itself more firmly in their
position of dominance over their lower class compatriots. Today, however, only a small portion of the population is
able to speak Spanish. The census of 1960 placed the proportion of Spanish speakers at 2.1%. Yet, though the
Spanish speakers are now numerically an insignificant proportion of the population, Spanish speaking Filipinos still
wield influence quite out of proportion to their number in the social, economic and political life of the Philippines.

The American Influence: English was introduced into the Philippines during the early years of the American
occupation which began in 1898. Since then it has served as the lingua franca of this linguistically diverse nation, and
until 1946 was the official language. From that time on it has been one of several official languages. The rapidity with
which the English language spread throughout the Philippines so as to displace in a short period of time Spanish as
the lingua franca is explained in part by the stress which the new American colonial regime placed upon mass
education in general and upon the use of English as the medium of instruction in particular, as well as by its decision
to make English the language to be employed in civil service examinations.

American policy in the Philippines as enunciated by President McKinley was (1) to give every inhabitant... a primary
but thoroughly modern education; (2) to fit the race for participation in the act of self government and for every
sphere of activity offered by life in the Far East; (3) to sup- plant the Spanish language by making English, the lingua
franca of the Far East, the basic language of instruction and the medium of communication. In the American view,
the choice of English as a medium of instruction in preference both to a native language or languages and to Spanish
was justified on the following grounds: There were in the Philippines numerous vernaculars, some more developed
than others, and some more rich in oral literature, but none could supplant the others as the common medium of
communication. The choice of one of these was to be avoided so as to fore- stall regional jealousies and dissensions.
The rejection of Spanish in favor of English as the language of mass education was justified on the grounds that "in
teaching a people democracy, it was wise to use the language to which most great democratic principles were
native."

The decision to make English rather than Spanish or one of the indigenous languages the medium of instruction had
a wide range of consequences, some of them advantageous, others less so. It enabled the diverse linguistic groups to
communicate with one another. It brought a certain feeling of "nationness" to the inhabitants. It enabled them to
have a more efficient system of communication. It simplified the problem of mass education for all the people
regardless of social status. It gave them easy access to the scientific and technological resources of more advanced
nations. It brought them into the mainstream of international politics. It prevented divisive linguistic sentiments
from surfacing at a time when the energies of the country were directed towards nation building.

It was, furthermore, a calculated move to "undercut the power of the Spanish speaking elite."10 English has become
essentially the language of the Filipino middle class. This is a new social stratum which evolved during the American
occupation of the Philippines. It is composed mainly of professionals and successful tradesmen and businessmen
who have acquired their wealth and status not through inheritance but through educational and entrepreneurial
achievement. Most members of this new middle class know little or no Spanish. They often speak English in formal or
informal situations outside the home and occasionally within it. Members of their older generation use their native
tongues, occasionally interspersing them with English words or expressions. Until very recently younger people were
encouraged and admonished to speak English at all times. It is not uncommon to hear parents and other older
members of a family speak to its younger members in English though communicating among themselves or with
their servants in the vernacular. Still, while the children of the middle class use English in many of their daily
activities, they are also proficient in one or more of the native tongues and lapse easily back and forth between
these and the foreign language.

But while English has become a convenient language of education and communication for the middle and the upper
classes, it has proved less useful to the lower class. The law stipulating compulsory elementary education could
never be strictly enforced. According to the data supplied by the Institute of National Language, 55% of the pupils
starting at grade one left school by grade four. The high drop-out rate meant, among other things, the dropping or
neglect of English, for drop-outs with only a year or two of instruction in English quickly reverted to their local
dialects. Though often learning Tagalog through exposure to the entertainment media if they are non-Tagalogs,
those who left school before the third grade never acquired enough proficiency in English. Since such proficiency in
the Philip- pines serves as a passport to higher positions in the occupational world, even up to the present time, the
educational system, by placing great stress upon English, has underscored the sharp line between the advantaged
and the disadvantaged. Thus, the colonial administration's aim to give equal opportunity of education in the English
language, and thereby to promote greater equality of economic opportunity, has met with only limited success. It
broadened the base of the affluent society, but did not necessarily improve the education or the economic condition
of the great majority of the in- habitants who continue to live at the subsistence level.

But the great value given to English has strengthened the position of the English-speaking middle class as compared
with the older Spanish-speaking elite. It is from this new middle class that most of the political leadership from
Commonwealth times until the present has emerged. The passing of leadership from the older to the younger
generation, from an old elite to a prosperous middle class, and from Spanish speakers to English speakers is reflected
in the changing use of languages in the Philippine Congress. At least since the end of World War II, the language used
in the House of Representatives has been almost exclusively English. But in the Senate until a few years ago Spanish
was still used by the presiding officer and by many senators. Only during the past decade, with the death of an older
generation of senators, has Spanish been abandoned in favor of English. The Philip pine vernaculars, so far, are only
heard on occasion in the legislative debates of either house. The civil service force of the Philippines is drawn almost
entirely from the middle class, while a growing number of young technocrats of middle class origin are becoming
involved in government decision making and in the managing of industry. These predominantly are persons who find
English the most useful medium of communication.

The Japanese Influence: The Japanese Military Occupation of the Philippines was very brief compared with that of
Spain and the United States. But despite its short term, language policies during this period have had a far reaching
impact especially in the advancement of Tagalog as the national language.
The goal of the Japanese Military in the Philippines was to renovate government, industry, economics and
civilization, to eradicate western cultural influences, and to promote the moral culture of the Orient.11 The Japanese
cultural renovation campaign was based upon the theme of "Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere" with Japanese culture at
its core. In order to involve the Filipinos in their campaign a massive instruction program in the Japanese Language
was launched. It was a compulsory program under which the authorities mobilized all the forces at their command
for its implementation:

The Director General of the Japanese Military Administration asked a convention of provincial governors and
municipal mayors to take note especially of the "stress laid upon the propagation of the Japanese language... which
had been designated one of the official languages of the Philippines.... The Japanese language (was) destined to be-
come the common tongue within the vast limits of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and that in the
reconstruction of the Philip- pines, there (would) be no medium other than Japanese for the intro- duction of
Oriental Culture and new knowledge."12

The schools were used to spread the language. A systematic plan for teacher training in Nippongo was instituted.
The Philippine Normal Institute (the only government elementary teacher-training institution in the country) was
reopened specifically for that purpose. Nippongo classes for adults, specifically government employees and minor
bureaucrats, were held in some provinces. Institutions such as the Prisoner of War Rejuvenation Schools, the
Philippine Constabulary Training School and the KALIBAPI, and other types of informal neighborhood associations
offered Japanese instruction.

The mass media conducted informal instruction in the language by instituting "language corners" as daily features in
the newspapers. The dialogues were written bilingually, in Tagalog and Japanese. A daily half hour Japanese
language program was also offered in four week stages. The advertisement for the course promised functional
proficiency in Nippongo by the end of the series, 13 if the listeners tuned in regularly. Since all forms of public
communication were controlled by the Military Administration, it was an easy task for it to use all the available
channels to construct a "new" Philippines.

Existing language policies were modified in keeping with the military objectives. Every trace of western influence in
Philippine culture was discouraged or suppressed. This included the dropping of English as the official language and
its gradual replacement as the lingua franca by Tagalog. English stories which were deemed "subversive" were
censored. At high level interactions, the Military Administration recommended to Filipino leaders that Japanese be
the medium of communication.14

The term "Filipino National Language" was replaced by "Tagalog." Textbooks prepared by the Institute of National
Language staff for the schools which continued to operate during the Occupation were in Tagalog. The national
language which the officials had hoped to develop from a combination of features drawn from the other indigenous
languages with Tagalog at its core was discontinued. Instead, ordinary Tagalog was allowed to develop informally
with no prescribed set of rules by the Institute.

The Tagalog policy of the Japanese Military Administration prompted the non-native speakers to learn that
vernacular. For the first time in its controversial history as the "basis" of the national language, the non-Tagalog
leaders accepted it unreservedly and with enthusiasm. The people wanted to learn it because they feared the
consequences of continuing to use English. But there was also another strong motivation for them to learn it--- the
conviction that they could unite against a common enemy, the Japanese Occupation Forces. Accompanying their
general acceptance of the language was a growing appreciation for native products. The Filipinos were infused with
pride and satisfaction from the discovery that they could survive on their own war time limited resources. And this
strengthened their resistance to the foreign invaders.

The order making Tagalog the national language, rather than just its "basis" is the only innovation that remains from
the Japanese cultural re- novation program. For even though the mandate was revoked after their defeat, Tagalog is
imperceptively becoming the lingua franca of the common masses. It is used in Manila and it is preferred by the
mass media over the "standard" version promoted by the Institute of National Language. The Japanese occupation
experiences of the Filipinos have pointed out that the adoption of one of the vernaculars as the national language
does not necessarily result in a diminution of the people's regional identities. Rather, it has increased pride in their
own mother tongues while enriching experiences beyond their linguistic affiliations.
The return of the American forces to the Philippines however, restored English as the official language and as the
common medium of communication. Nippongo became a symbol of collaboration and oppression so it was quickly
forgotten.

THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE

With the proclamation of Philippine Independence on July 4, 1946, the Filipino National Language became one of the
official languages. The nomenclature, Tagalog, which was adopted during the Japanese occupation was discontinued
and the term "National Language" was restored.

English, Spanish and the Filipino National Language were approved for use in Congress and in all official documents
and transactions. English continued to be the main lingua franca of the Philippines, and Tagalog was fast becoming a
second language in areas where it was not the native tongue. English was maintained as the language of mass
education but instruction. in Tagalog was broadened in scope from the elementary to the university levels.

The reconstruction and rehabilitation of the country which was started immediately after World War II continued to
the post independence period. Many "provincianos" (province folk) flocked to Manila in search of work and better
economic opportunities. As a great number of these migrants were non-Tagalog speakers they had to learn it rapidly
in order to facilitate their adjustment to city life. It was not difficult to learn the idiom as Tagalog has many cognates
grammatically and lexically with other vernaculars. Tagalog became a prestigious language among the common
people since ability to speak it signified success and association with the metropolis. However, even if their
proficiency with the new language increased, people continued to speak their mother tongues at home and among
their region. mates at work and at social gatherings. They used Tagalog only when communicating with persons who
spoke a different vernacular.

After the levelling off of the task of economic reconstruction, the government turned its attention to a number of
serious educational problems. The post-Independence years were characterized by a decline in the quality of
instruction, due in part to the deterioration of language instruction. This led, in 1957 to a revision of the education
program. A directive was issued by the Department of Education which stated that "in the non-Tagalog speaking
regions, the native language of the area (should be) the medium. of instruction in Grades I and II with English and
Tagalog taught as separate subjects. In the Tagalog areas, Tagalog, should be the medium of instruction in Grades I
and II and English would be taught as a separate subject. Beginning in Grade III, English would become the medium
of instruction in all schools throughout the country, and Tagalog would continue as a separate subject.15 This new
policy was a radical departure from the traditional use of English as the language of instruction at all levels of
education.

In 1960, a survey of the public schools of the Philippines was conducted under the sponsorship of the United States
Operations Mission in the Philippines. The Swanson Survey, named after the chairman of the survey committee,
observed pessimistically that "simultaneous teaching of two second languages with the vernacular as the medium
creates difficulties and confusions in language teaching."16 The findings also revealed that the achievements of the
1960 pupil were a year behind that of the 1925 pupil. This comparison was based upon the findings of the Monroe
Commission of 1925 which indicated that the "Filipino child using English was behind an Ameri- can child of the same
level by as much as two and one half years."17 These findings augmented the 1950 Prator report on language
teaching in the Philippines that had indicated that "the success of almost all the Philippine education depends at
present on the degree of the pupil's command of English, the medium of instruction; and yet that command, which
by the very nature of things it would be impossible to develop too highly seems to have deteriorated rapidly in
recent years."18

As a result of the observations concerning the deplorable conditions of Philippine education, remedial measures
were instituted until a definite policy of language instruction could be made. Among such measures was the
continuation of local vernaculars for instruction in the first two grades of school. A literacy survey by the Bureau of
Public Schools showed that instruction in the vernacular facilitated learning. However, recommendations were made
for a gradual shift into Tagalog as the medium of instruction in the primary schools. One of the reasons advanced for
such a move was that it would hasten the fulfillment of the country's need for cultural identity.