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Stinson, D. W., & Walshaw, M. A. (2017). Exploring different theoretical frontiers for different (and uncertain)
possibilities in mathematics education research. In J. Cai (Ed.), Compendium for research in mathematics education
(pp. 128–155). Reston, VA: National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.

6
Exploring Different
Theoretical Frontiers for
Different (and Uncertain)
Possibilities in Mathematics
Education Research

David W. Stinson
Georgia State University, United States
Margaret Walshaw
Massey University, New Zealand

T
he charge from the editor to write this chapter torical context for the second section, Exploring Dif-
was to provide an introduction to theoretical tra- ferent Theoretical Frontiers. Here we aim to illustrate
ditions being used to challenge the status quo; tra- how theoretical traditions that are not necessarily new
ditions that provide new parts of the conversation but new to mathematics education research contribute
and new ways of understanding things; traditions to the conversation, offering new ways of understand-
that build on existing theories but change them as ing things that, in the end, often disrupt the status quo.
well. Here, with this charge in mind, we do not provide a These “new” traditions provide different ways to think
comprehensive review or survey of the different theoret- and rethink the possibilities (and impossibilities) of math-
ical traditions that a mathematics education researcher ematics education research. In the brief concluding
might take up while she or he conducts research. Nor do section, Theoretical Considerations for the Future, we
we make arguments or justifications for particular the- raise questions for mathematics education researchers to
oretical traditions that we believe researchers should consider as we recap where we have been and where we
take up as the discipline of mathematics education con- might go theoretically. And we make a closing argument
tinues to develop as a research domain (Sierpinska & about the productive possibilities of embracing different
Kilpatrick, 1998). Our arguments for particular theo- theoretical traditions for the community of those who call
retical traditions are clearly expressed elsewhere in our themselves mathematics education researchers.
published research and scholarship (e.g., Stinson, 2008, Throughout each section, we provide examples to illus-
2009, 2013b; Stinson & Bullock, 2012; Walshaw, 2001, trate how different theoretical traditions ask different
2004, 2007, 2013). Our intent here is not to persuade but questions; suggest different methods for data collection,
rather to inform, not to close down conversations but analysis, and representation; and, in the end, open up dif-
rather to open up conversations. In the end, we hope to ferent possibilities for mathematics teaching and learning
provoke discomforting yet somehow comforting con- for researchers, teacher educators, classroom teachers,
versations about different possibilities for mathematics students, and policy makers. Be aware though, as we dis-
education research and, in turn, different possibilities cuss broad theoretical traditions we often focus on only
for mathematics teaching and learning. two or three key scholars within that tradition. This nar-
The chapter has three sections. In the first section, row focus is not to suggest that the work of these scholars
Theory in Mathematics Education Research, we provide represents the definitive word in that tradition but rather
a historical sketch of changes in theoretical consider- to use limited space wisely. We do, however, provide cita-
ations within mathematics education research over the tions to other thinkers within traditions to provide read-
past 50 years or so and position these changes within ers with a starting point to explore further. But before we
the larger field of education social science. We then map begin, an important caveat is needed: although the dis-
the major theoretical shifts or moments in mathemat- cussion pulls significantly from the work of international
ics education research as it has evolved into a research (i.e., non-U.S. based) scholars and researchers, it is lim-
domain in and of itself. This first section provides a his- ited to research and scholarship that was either initially

128
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 129

published in English or available in English translation. context in which the empirical data are being [collected and]
As such, the discussion is significantly and inevitably assessed. (p. 136)
bounded by and through Anglophone ways of knowing
and being (see Meaney, 2013; Stinson, 2013a). The productive theoretical debates that have engaged
mathematics education researchers since the 1990s are
Theory in Mathematics Education Research in stark contrast to the debates (or lack thereof) from
the 1960s and 1970s. In those early developmental years
Over the past half-century, mathematics education of mathematics education research, the chief method of
research could be characterized as shifting from searches establishing legitimacy for the field was for researchers
for certainty to acknowledgments of doubt (cf. Skovsmose, to align themselves with the existing epistemologies of
2009). In this section, we outline this shift by discussing mathematics and the developing theories of psychology
both the absence and the emergence of theoretical discus- (Kilpatrick, 1992). This allegiance was formally instituted
sions in mathematics education research during the past in 1976 when the International Group for Psychology of
50 years. We also describe what is meant by the terms Mathematics Education (PME) was founded during the
theoretical tradition or theory in the context of this chap- 3rd International Congress for Mathematical Education
ter. The discussion overall is historically contextualized (ICME-3). Overall, in research reporting during these early
within the paradigm wars of social science research. We developmental years, theoretical considerations were
conclude the section by mapping shifts in theoretical tra- merely implicit. When researchers discussed theory, it was
ditions of mathematics education research onto broader most often in the context of developing a single theory or
paradigms of inquiry found in the social sciences. theoretical network specific to research on mathematics
teaching and learning (e.g., J. P. Becker, 1970).
The Absence of Theoretical Discussions
The Emergence of Theoretical Discussions
The number of discussions about theory in mathemat-
ics education has grown from being nearly nonexistent The allegiance to “traditional” psychology began to wane
in the 1960s to filling a visible and frequently contested in the late 1970s and early 1980s, as theories (and method-
space for productive scholarly debate in more recent ologies) were adapted from the disciplines of anthropol-
times. For instance, in the mid-to-late-1990s, Steffe, ogy, cultural and social psychology, history, philosophy,
Kieren, Thompson, and Lerman debated the often- and sociology (Lester & Lambdin, 2003). Over three
dichotomized theoretical traditions of radical construc- decades ago, Higginson (1980) proposed that mathemat-
tivism and social constructivism (Lerman, 1996, 2000a; ics education be informed not simply by mathematics
Steffe & Kieren, 1994; Steffe & Thompson, 2000). In the and psychology, but also by sociology and philosophy.
late 2000s, Gutiérrez and Lubienski debated the uses He noted that allegiance to mathematics is self-evident
(or not) of broad sociocultural and sociopolitical theo- and that the “battle for the recognition of a psychological
ries and methods when reporting on the mathematics dimension in mathematics education has been won, for
“achievement gap” (R. Gutiérrez, 2008a; Lubienski, almost all purposes, for some time now” (p. 4). Higginson
2008; Lubienski & Gutiérrez, 2008). And Confrey and then made a two-pronged argument for the recognition
Battista (Battista, 2010; Confrey, 2010), individually, in of a sociological dimension: (1) the need to more fully
the early 2010s, responded to D. B. Martin, Gholson, and understand the social role of schooling and the inter-
Leonard’s (2010) rejoinder to the assumptive question: personal and intrapersonal dynamics among teachers,
“Where’s the math (in mathematics education research)?” students, and the mathematics being taught and learned
(Heid, 2010, p. 102). These debates hinged largely on the and (2) the need to more fully understand the influences
theoretical traditions taken up by the researchers, which, of cultural values, economic conditions, social structures,
in turn, determined what questions might be asked and and emerging technologies on schools generally and on
how data might be collected, analyzed, and represented. teaching and learning specifically.
As Lester and Wiliam (2000) have noted— In arguing for the inclusion of philosophy, Higginson
(1980) cautiously noted that with the inclusion of sociol-
The relation between knowledge claims and evidence involves ogy, “it might appear [to some] that the gates have been
more than simply establishing a logical connection between open too far already” (p. 4). But for Higginson, the inclu-
the two. Instead, the relation is determined, in large part, sion of philosophical considerations in mathematics edu-
by a set of beliefs, values, and perspectives operating in the cation (research or otherwise) was important because all
130 ◆ foundations

human “intellectual activity is based on a set of assump- matics Education: Toward a Plan for Cultural Power and
tions of a philosophical type” (p. 4). These assumptions, Social Change (1990); Mathematics Education and Soci-
he argued— ety (1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2008, 2010, 2013, 2015);
and Mathematics Education and Contemporary Theory
will vary from discipline to discipline and between indi-
(2011, 2013, 2016). Furthermore, edited books published
viduals and groups within a discipline. They may be explic- since that time include Equity in Mathematics Educa-
itly acknowledged or only tacitly so, but they will always tion: Influences of Feminism and Culture (Rogers & Kaiser,
exist. Reduced to their essence these assumptions deal with 1995); Ethnomathematics: Challenging Eurocentrism in
concerns such as the nature of “knowledge”, “being”, “good”, Mathematics Education (A. B. Powell & Frankenstein,
“beauty”, “purpose” and “value”. More formally we have, 1997); Sociocultural Research on Mathematics Education
respectively, the fields of epistemology, ontology, ethics, (Atweh, Forgasz, & Nebres, 2001); Which Way Social Jus-
aesthetics, teleology and axiology. More generally we have the tice in Mathematics Education (Burton, 2003); Mathemat-
issues of truth, certainty and logical consistency. (p. 4) ics Education within the Postmodern (Walshaw, 2004);
and Culturally Responsive Mathematics Education (Greer,
Higginson’s (1980) point was soon taken up. For exam- Mukhopadhyay, Powell, & Nelson-Barber, 2009). These
ple, in 1984 a new Topic Study Group on Theory in Math- listings are by no means exhaustive but merely illustra-
ematics Education [TME] was formed at ICME-5. The tive of the conferences and books that have assisted in
purpose of the group, as Steiner (1985) summarized, was shifting mathematics education research beyond its psy-
“to give mathematics education a higher degree of self- chological and mathematical roots.
reflectedness and self-assertiveness, to promote another
way of thinking and of looking at the problems and their Theory Defined in This Context
interrelations” (p. 16; emphasis in original). Steiner also
provided a list of 10 topics that the TME Group might Conferences and books like those mentioned above have
explore in the future: indeed contributed to the broadening of theoretical and
methodological traditions within mathematics education
research. However, we have not yet defined or described
  1. Different definitions of mathematics education as a what we mean by theoretical tradition or theory within the
discipline.
context of this chapter. This is an intentional omission.
  2. The use of models, paradigms, theories in mathematic
In our view, theory often conveys different meanings
[sic] education research. The state of the art. Tools for
analysis. and assumes different purposes. For instance, Sriraman
  3. Micro- vs. macro-models. and English (2010) have drawn attention to the notion of
  4. “Home-grown theories” vs. interdisciplinarity, trans­- a “grand” theory sought by some researchers (e.g., J. P.
disciplinarity. Becker, 1970; Silver & Herbst, 2007), whereas Lester
  5. Relations between theory and practice. (2005) has suggested that mathematics education
  6. The place and role of mathematics education in academic researchers adapt theoretical concepts and ideas from a
institutions, especially universities. range of perspectives. Brown and Walshaw (2012) have
  7. The ethical, societal and political aspects of mathematics argued that mathematics education researchers use
education. “theory as a vehicle for new productive possibilities in
  8. The need for comprehensive approaches. Self-referential mathematics education” (p. 3).
and self-applicable theories. The role of a systems view.
These different purposes signal that theory is being
  9. Complementarity and activity theory.
conceptualized at different levels. To that end, E. A.
10. Types of meta-research. (p. 16)
St. Pierre (personal communication, June 2000) has
proposed a three-tier structure for discussing theory:
Mathematics education research of the 1990s and high-level, mid-level, and ground-level theories. High-level
beyond certainly reflects this list of topics, broadening theories are the larger philosophical traditions in which a
not only possible theoretical traditions that might be researcher might position her or his science (e.g., analytic
taken up but also expanding the very identity of math- philosophy or continental philosophy). These traditions
ematics education as a research domain (see Sierpinska rest on a set of assumptions about epistemology, ontology,
& Kilpatrick, 1998). By way of example, conferences held ethics, aesthetics, teleology, and axiology or, more sim-
since the mid-1980s include Political Dimensions of Math- ply stated, about truth, certainty, and logical consistency
ematics Education (1990, 1993, 1995); Critical Mathe- (Higginson, 1980). Mid-level theories are the various
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 131

theoretical traditions and ideas that might be derived new in our discussion because they are neither new to the
from one or more broader philosophical traditions research domains of social science generally nor to edu-
(e.g., activity theory, cognitive theory, constructivist the- cation specifically.
ory, critical theory, poststructural theory, sociocultural
theory; see Cobb, 2007, for a full discussion of mid-level The Paradigm Wars and Education Research
theories often used in mainstream mathematics education
research). Ground-level theories, not to be confused with Generally speaking, the broadening of theoretical tra­
grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), are the theories ditions in mathematics education has been played out
or models developed or used to make sense of the data in the larger paradigm wars of education social science
collected during data analysis; that is, the theory that is (see Gage, 1989; Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Lather, 2006;
on the ground, closest to the data (e.g., cognitively guided Lincoln & Guba, 2000; St. Pierre, 2006). The use of Kuhn’s
instruction; see, e.g., Fennema et al., 1996). (1962/1996) concept paradigm is meant to describe shifts
To illustrate, consider the growing body of research in the traditions of “normal science” (i.e., firmly based
on teaching mathematics for social justice (e.g., Gutstein historical traditions of science) that are differentiated
& Peterson, 2013; Wager & Stinson, 2012). The high-level not by failure of one method to another but rather by the
theory for this line of inquiry draws on Marxism and the “incommensurable ways of seeing the world differently
philosophical and theoretical assumptions originating and of practicing science in it” (p. 4). Although the use
out of the Frankfurt School (see Rush, 2004). Mid-level of the term paradigm in social science research has been
theories include, among others, critical theory and cri­ contested (see Donmoyer, 2006), Guba and Lincoln
tical pedagogy, with the latter being a theory that can (1994) have pointed out that inquiry paradigms high-
frame both instruction and research (e.g., Leistyna, light for researchers “what it is they are about, and what
Woodrum, & Sherblom, 1996; McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007). falls within and outside the limits of legitimate inquiry”
And ground-level theories comprise the various models (p. 108). Inquiry paradigms, they have argued, are defined
being used to explain or describe how teachers might by responses to three fundamental and interconnected
teach and students might learn mathematics for social questions—the ontological question, the epistemologi-
justice (e.g., Gutstein’s, 2006, model for teaching math- cal question, and the methodological question. The three
ematics for social justice, subsequently discussed). It is questions are interconnected “because the answer given
important to note, however, that a specific ground-level to any one question, taken in any order, [more times than
theory is only possible through the set of philosophical not] constrains how the others may be answered” (p. 108).
and theoretical assumptions, beliefs, values, and per- Much has been written in the past 50 years or so about
spectives operating in the context of the high- and mid- the beginning (early 1960s), the aftermath (late 1980s),
level theories taken up by the researcher (E. A. St. Pierre, and the resurgence (early 2000s) of the paradigm wars
personal communication, June 2014). The danger in too (see Lather, 2006; St. Pierre, 2006). It is also impor-
much of the existing mathematics education research, tant to note that these wars have not only been between
however, is that researchers often do not acknowledge quantitative and qualitative paradigms but also among
the philosophical assumptions present in the high- and competing paradigms in qualitative inquiry (e.g., Guba
mid-level theories that make the ground-level theories & Lincoln, 1994). Writing in 1989, in a futuristic account
they develop or use possible. of education research at the turn of the 21st century,
In this chapter, our focus is on high- and mid-level theo- Gage proposed (and hoped for) an armistice of sorts as
ries, or what taken together could be called the paradigm “researchers came to a new realization that paradigm
of inquiry in which the researcher resides. That is, when differences do not require paradigm conflict” (p. 7). But
using the word theory or the phrase theoretical tradition rather than an armistice, paradigm conflicts have seen a
we are concerned about the epistemological stance of the resurgence as both experimental and quasi-experimental
researcher as she or he conducts research within a set of research have been hailed as the “gold” standard in edu-
assumptions about truth, certainty, and logical consis- cational research (see, e.g., National Research Council,
tency, being mindful that science, social or otherwise, 2002). St. Pierre (2006), underscoring the gravity of the
is always already entangled with and in these broader resurgence, has argued—
concerns of philosophy (St. Pierre, 2011). Furthermore,
although some of the theoretical traditions we highlight The stakes are high because the very nature of science and sci-
are new to the research domain of mathematics educa- entific evidence and therefore the nature of knowledge itself
tion, we specifically use the term different rather than is being contested by scholars and researchers who think and
132 ◆ foundations

work from different epistemological, ontological, and meth- (2) the interpretivist–constructivist moment (beginning
odological positions as well as by those postmodernists who in the 1980s); (3) the social-turn moment (beginning in
challenge the metaphysical project altogether. If one believes the mid-1980s); and (4) the sociopolitical-turn moment
that different theoretical frameworks are grounded in and (beginning in the 2000s). These moments of mathemat-
structured by different and, perhaps, incommensurable
ics education research are not intended to suggest that
assumptions about the nature of knowledge, truth, real-
movement among the moments occurs in some linear
ity, reason, power, science, evidence, and so forth, then one
fashion, arriving at a “best” or “better” place across a
can see why educators are taking sides in this debate that is
already organizing the limits and possibilities of what we can continuum. Rather, the moments are merely arranged in
think and know and, thus, how we can live in the complex and loose historical chronological order. As a case in point,
tangled world of educational theory, research, policy, and Frankenstein (1983) and Skovsmose (1985) began explor-
practice. (pp. 239–240) ing the sociopolitical implications of critical mathematics
education several years before the sociopolitical-turn
moment identified as beginning in the 2000s. In relation
Within the complex and tangled world of U.S. math-
to historical change, Lerman, Xu, and Tsatsaroni (2002)
ematics education research, this resurgence of paradigm
have cautioned—
conflicts is visible within the pages of Foundations of
Success: The Final Report of the National Mathematics
Advisory Panel (NMAP; 2008) and in a special issue of To talk about changes over time in a field of research in terms
of changes in the priorities, understandings and interpreta-
the Educational Researcher (Kelly, 2008) published in
tions given by people in positions of power is, at the same time,
response. Throughout the pages of both the final report
to acknowledge a number of other aspects: the structures and
and the response special issue it is often noted, explic- social relations constituting the field as well as, perhaps, the
itly and implicitly, that supporting certain theoretical changing strength of the boundary separating this sub-field
and methodological traditions does not mean complete from other research subfields within education research;
abandonment of others. The authoring committee of the changes in the relations between education research and
NMAP final report, however, included only experimen- other fields within the overall arena of research production;
tal and quasi-experimental research to make eviden- the wider picture of power and control relations which affect
tial knowledge claims about mathematics teaching and the (relative) autonomy of the intellectual field of knowledge
production, establishing certain forms of social relations
learning. So as politics took the place of scientific inquiry
between, on the one hand, the official policy agencies and,
(Boaler, 2008), the authoring committee took direct aim
on the other, agencies and agents in the field (in our case
at some epistemological possibilities, and thus theoreti- of mathematics education) of knowledge transmission, dis-
cal and methodological possibilities. For instance, they semination, use and reproduction. (p. 24)
erased “race” from the conversation on mathematics
teaching and learning altogether (D. B. Martin, 2008).
Mindful of the machinery that sits behind change,
In the end, as a proliferation of paradigms to think about
Table 6.1 maps the four moments of mathematics
and do science in became possible within the decades
education research—process–product, interpretivist–
of the 1980s and 1990s (Lather, 2006), both education
constructivist, social-turn, and sociopolitical-turn—
research in general and mathematics education research
onto one and, in some cases, two paradigms of inquiry.
in particular experienced a backlash in the early 2000s
Representing an adaptation of a conceptualization offered
and beyond. The war rages on as the battles over the by Lather and St. Pierre (see Lather, 2006), four broad par-
nature of knowledge, truth, reality, reason, power, sci- adigms are singularly worded by their general intentions:
ence, evidence, and so forth, continue. prediction, understanding, emancipation, and deconstruc-
tion (Stinson & Bullock, 2015)
Mapping Moments to Paradigms of Inquiry The purpose in mapping the moments to larger
inquiry paradigms is to illustrate the different theo-
In an attempt to make sense of the proliferation of retical and methodological possibilities within each
theoretical traditions used in mathematics education moment. Although the table does not exhaust all pos-
research since the 1970s, Stinson and Bullock (2012) sibilities, it does provide an expansive list of the kinds of
have identified four distinct yet overlapping and sim­ research that might be undertaken within mathematics
ultaneously operating shifts or historical moments: education. For instance, Table 6.1 illustrates that research
(1) the process–product moment (beginning in the 1970s); in the process–product moment (beginning in the 1970s)
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 133

Table 6.1. Mapping Moments of Mathematics Education Research to Paradigms of Inquiry


●  Process–Product Moment (1970s–)→Predict
●  Interpretivist–Constructivist Moment (1980s–)→Understand
● Social-Turn Moment (mid 1980s–)→Understand (albeit, contextualized understanding) or Emancipate (or oscillate
between the two)
●  Sociopolitical-Turn Moment (2000s–)→Emancipate or Deconstruct (or oscillate between the two)

Paradigms of Inquiry
Predict Understand Emancipate Deconstruct
*Positivist *Interpretivist *Critical *Poststructural/
Experimental Social Constructivist <Feminist> Postmodern
Quasi-experimental Radical Constructivist Critical Race Theory> Postcritical

BREAK
Mixed Methods> Sociocultural> Latino/a Critical Race Theory> Postcolonial
Phenomenological Critical Theories of Race> Posthumanist
Ethnographic <Participatory Action Research Post-Freudian
Symbolic Interaction Critical Ethnography <Discourse Analysis

Note. *Indicates the term most commonly used; < or > indicates cross-paradigm movement. The BREAK in the
original Lather and St. Pierre table indicated a shift from the Enlightenment humanist paradigms on the left to
the post-Enlightenment, posthumanist paradigm on the right. Here it indicates a hybrid, in-between space where
the researcher might adopt a critical postmodern theoretical tradition (see Stinson & Bullock, 2012, 2015).
Paradigms of inquiry adapted from table by P. A. Lather and B. St. Pierre, 2005, found in “Paradigm Proliferation
as a Good Thing to Think With: Teaching Research in Education as a Wild Profusion,” by P. A. Lather, 2006,
International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 19(1), p. 37.

is marked by attempts to predict “good” mathematics theories are the primary traditions (e.g., Gutstein, 2003;
teaching by linking mathematics teachers’ classroom prac- Walshaw, 2001).
tices (process) to student outcomes (product). Grounded
both theoretically and methodologically in positivist Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers
inferential statistics, cognitive and behavioral theories
derived from experimental psychology and behavior- Given our charge to provide an introduction to theoreti-
ism are the primary theoretical traditions (e.g., Good & cal traditions that are being used to challenge the sta-
Grouws, 1979). The interpretivist–constructivist moment tus quo and provide new parts of the conversation and
(beginning in the 1980s) attempts to understand math- new ways of understanding things, in this section we
ematics teaching and learning rather than to predict it; focus on some of the theoretical traditions located in the
interpretivist and constructivist theories derived prin- emancipate and deconstruct paradigms of inquiry (see
cipally out of sociology and developmental psychology Table 6.1). Specifically, four theoretical traditions that
are the primary theoretical traditions (e.g., Steffe & are located in the sociopolitical-turn moment of math-
Tzur, 1994; Thompson, 1984). The acknowledgement ematics education are explored in depth: critical theory,
that meaning, thinking, and reasoning are products of poststructural theory, critical race theory, and feminist
social activity in contexts marks the social-turn moment theory. As each tradition is discussed, we provide histori-
(beginning in the mid-1980s; see Lerman, 2000b); theo- cal context for its development, highlight some of the
ries drawn from disciplines such as cultural and social key theoretical tools or concepts that are derived from
psychology, anthropology, and cultural sociology are the the tradition, and note examples (or exemplars) of edu-
primary theoretical traditions (e.g., Boaler, 1999; Roth & cation and mathematics education research situated in
Radford, 2011; Zevenbergen, 2000). And a shift toward the tradition. Although each of the traditions discussed
recognizing knowledge, power, and identity as interwo- attempts to “write against Othering” (Fine, 1994, p. 75),
ven and arising from and constituted with and in socio- it is important to note that collectively they still privilege,
cultural and sociopolitical discourses distinguishes the for the most part, “academic” Western ways of know-
sociopolitical-turn moment (beginning in the 2000s; ing and being as opposed to ethnic or indigenous ways
see R. Gutiérrez, 2013); here critical and poststructural (see K. Martin, 2003; Stanfield, 1994). Nonetheless, as
134 ◆ foundations

Table 6.1 illustrates, there are several theoretical tradi- fantasies and plays of power inherent in mathematics
tions encompassed within the emancipate or deconstruct education” (Walkerdine, 2004, p. viii) as they challenge
paradigms that we might choose to highlight. We have cho- the taken-for-granted assumptions that underlie much
sen critical theory and poststructural theory as these could of mainstream mathematics education research, most
be considered umbrella traditions under their respective often located in the predict or understand paradigms.
category. Both of these traditions certainly disrupt the As we focus on theoretical traditions located in the
status quo, albeit in different ways. The choice of critical emancipate or deconstruct paradigms, it is important
race theory and feminist theory was more deliberate. to reiterate two points. First, we use the term different
These theoretical traditions have been slow to make their rather than new to remind readers that the theoretical
way from wider social science research into mathematics traditions discussed are neither new to the social sci-
education research. ences generally nor to education social science specifi-
cally. They are, however, somewhat new to the research
The Sociopolitical-Turn Moment domain of mathematics education. Second, we are not
suggesting that the theoretical traditions that we high-
The sociopolitical-turn moment, which began chiefly light here lead to a better or best way of conducting math-
in the 2000s as previously noted, is characterized as ematics education research. They do, however, disrupt
using theoretical traditions that recognize knowledge, the status quo by providing different (and uncertain) pos-
power, and identity as interwoven and constituted in sibilities for producing different knowledge and produc-
and through sociocultural and sociopolitical discourses ing knowledge differently (St. Pierre, 1997). Moreover, it
(R. Gutiérrez, 2013; also see de Freitas & Nolan, 2008; is also important to note that each paradigm of inquiry
Valero & Zevenbergen, 2004). Discourses here, however, comes with its own set of (subjective) assumptions of a
are not mere words that might be heard or read but rather philosophical type regarding truth, certainty, and logical
discursive practices that systematically form the pos- consistency. As Valero (2004) has explained:
sibilities (and impossibilities) of knowledge discourses,
which, in turn, produce and reproduce régimes of truth
What we choose to research and the ways in which we carry
(Foucault, 1969/1972, 1977/1980). Researchers whose
out that research are constructions determined, among other
work might be characterized as being in the sociopolitical- factors, by who we are and how we choose to engage in aca-
turn moment adopt a degree of social consciousness and demic inquiry. . . . There are considerable ‘subjective’ and
responsibility in their attempts to both understand and ‘ideological’ grounds—rather than ‘objective’ reasons—to
expose the wider social and political picture of math- engage in particular ways of conceiving and conducting
ematics and mathematics teaching and learning (Gates research in mathematics education. (p. 6)
& Vistro-Yu, 2003; see Jablonka, Wagner, & Walshaw,
2013, for a survey of theories for studying social, politi-
cal, and cultural dimensions of mathematics education). Therefore, as we discuss different theoretical tradi-
Acknowledging that no research is agenda free, political tions located under the emancipate or deconstruct para-
or otherwise, these researchers do not rally around some digms, our aim is not to “tell others what they must do”
common political agenda but rather understand that but rather “to shake up habitual ways of working and
education itself is political (cf. Freire, 1985). And today, thinking, to dissipate conventional familiarities, [and]
few disciplines are as politicized as (school) mathematics to re-evaluate rules and institutions,” what Foucault
(see Skovsmose & Greer, 2012). (1984/1996) aptly characterized as “the role of an intel-
Researchers who work in the sociopolitical-turn lectual” (pp. 462–463).
moment pull from a variety of theoretical perspectives Moreover, although theory and methodology are
and tools most often located in the emancipate or decon- inextricably linked (Crotty, 1998; LeCompte, Preissle,
struct paradigms of inquiry (see Table 6.1). Although & Tesch, 1993), given the limitation of space, we discuss
these paradigms of inquiry operate from different and, methodological possibilities only tangentially. Suffice it
often argued, incommensurable philosophical assump- to say, however, that as the theories highlighted here are
tions (see Hill, McLaren, Cole, & Rikowski, 2002), both disruptive to the status quo so too are the methodologies,
paradigms seek to open up the research text (de Freitas as traditional methods of data collection, analysis, and
& Nolan, 2008) using theory as a vehicle for exposing representation are destabilized and opened up to differ-
different productive possibilities within mathematics ent possibilities (e.g., de Freitas & Nolan, 2008; Valero &
education (Brown & Walshaw, 2012). In forging these dif- Zevenbergen, 2004). To illustrate these different possi-
ferent frontiers, researchers aim to open up “the fictions, bilities, we provide detailed sketches of four studies rep-
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 135

resentative of the highlighted traditions pulled from the The numerous philosophical, theoretical, and meth-
pages of the Journal for Research in Mathematics Education odological approaches to sociopolitical critique found in
(JRME). (For a full discussion on qualitative methodolo- critical theory are as varied as the scholars and disciplines
gies see de Freitas, Lerman, and Parks, 2017, this volume.) that have contributed to its development. Nevertheless,
in the most general sense, critical theory maintains socio-
Critical Theory political critiques on social practices and ideology that
mask “systematically distorted accounts of reality which
There are several theoretical traditions that fall under attempt to conceal and legitimate asymmetrical power
the emancipate paradigm of inquiry, with critical theory relations” (Bottomore, 2001, p. 209). Critical theorists
being the most commonly used term. It also is the tradi- contend that as marginalized individuals and groups
tion discussed here that is most likely familiar to math- become critically aware of their “true” situation, inter-
ematics education researchers. Applications of critical vene in its reality, and thus take charge of their destiny,
theory to the disciplines of mathematics and mathemat- they will exercise their human right to participate with
ics education began to appear in the research literature a critical consciousness in the sociocultural and socio-
in the 1980s, in the early work of Frankenstein (1983) political transformation of their society (Crotty, 1998).
and Skovsmose (1985), and are increasingly visible today Bronner (2011), in providing a definition of sorts of critical
(see A. Powell, 2012, for a brief history of the develop- theory, wrote—
ment of critical mathematics). As Frankenstein (2005),
Skovsmose (2005, 2009), and others (see Alrø, Ravn, &
Valero, 2010) continue to refine theoretically just what Critical theory refuses to identify freedom with any institu-
tional arrangement or fixed system of thought. It questions
critical mathematics might mean, others have begun to
the hidden assumptions and purposes of competing theories
experiment with curricula and pedagogical strategies for
and existing forms of practice. . . . Critical theory insists that
teaching critical mathematics or, what has become the
thought must respond to the new problems and the new pos-
more commonly used phrase, teaching mathematics for sibilities for liberation that arise from changing historical
social justice (e.g., Gutstein 2003, 2006). This social jus- circumstances. Interdisciplinary and uniquely experimen-
tice mathematics movement, if you will, has motivated a tal in character, deeply skeptical of tradition and all absolute
number of edited volumes (e.g., Burton, 2003; Gutstein & claims, critical theory . . . [is] concerned not merely with how
Peterson, 2013; Wager & Stinson, 2012) and special issues things [are] but how they might be and should be. (pp. 1–2)
of mathematics education journals (e.g., Ernest, 2007;
Gates & Jorgensen, 2009; Sriraman, 2009) that explore,
In the context of education, critical theory in the
both in theory and in practice, the possibilities of teach-
mid-20th century and beyond has provided different
ing and learning mathematics for social change, which
has its genesis in critical theory. theoretical tools of inquiry to examine schools and their
The origin of critical theory is most often associated functions and to explore and expose the persistent ineq-
with the Institute for Social Research Frankfurt School uities and injustices too often found in schools. Early
(circa 1920), which holds a Marxist theoretical perspec- influential studies in the context of U.S. education include
tive: to critique and subvert domination in all its forms critical inquires that exposed the function of capital-
(Bottomore, 2001; see Crotty, 1998, for a history of the ism in producing and reproducing inequities in schools
development of critical theory and inquiry). Derived (Bowles, 1971); that uncovered the hidden curriculum
from the disciplines of philosophy, sociology, psychology, in creating socioeconomically stratified opportunities
and others, as these critiques evolved they became known to learn (Anyon, 1980); and that revealed the resistance
collectively as critical theory sometime in the mid-20th to equitable school reform through the policies of “aca-
century. And although the Frankfurt School and the for- demic” tracking (Oakes, 1985). Recent critical inquires
mative works of Karl Marx (and Friedrich Engels) are often include analyses of market influences within the
foundational in its development, it is important to keep neoconservative and neoliberal agenda around the pri-
in mind that critical theory is neither coextensive with vatization of public education (e.g., Anyon, 2005; Apple,
either of these or with both of them together (Crotty, 2014; Lipman, 2011). Critical inquiries of the past and
1998). That is to say, critical theory has extended beyond present act as catalysts to bring about an awakening of
its initial critiques of capitalism, positivism, material- false consciousness and an awareness of social injustices,
ism, determinism, and so forth, as it pushes against the which, in turn, motivate self-empowerment and social
idea of some unifying approach to social and political transformation—two fundamental concepts of critical
critique (see Bronner, 2011). theory. It is important to note that early critical inquiries
136 ◆ foundations

often stayed true to the Marxist critique on social class. But beyond critical inquiries into the persistent injus-
The philosophical and theoretical foundations of critical tices epidemically embedded in the structures of schools,
theory, however, have been expanded to include explicit the significant theoretical contribution of critical theory
inquiries on the social inequities and injustices of race to education has been the ongoing development of criti-
(e.g., Dixson & Rousseau, 2006) and gender (e.g., Hesse- cal pedagogy (e.g., hooks, 2003; Leistyna, Woodrum, &
Biber & Yaiser, 2004), with many critical inquires exam- Sherblom, 1996; McLaren & Kincheloe, 2007). Rooted in
ining the intersectionality of race, class, and gender as a democratic project of justice and freedom, critical peda-
well as sexual orientation, dis/ability, religion, and so on gogy advances theories and practices that push teachers
(e.g., Rosenblum & Travis, 2008). and students alike to critically examine the intercon-
On the whole, critical inquiry “keeps the spotlight necting relationships among ideology, power, and culture
on power relations within society so as to expose the and the social structures and discursive practices that
forces of hegemony and injustice” (Crotty, 1998, p. 157). produce and reproduce knowledge (Leistyna & Woodrum,
Hegemony constructs people as objects—those who are 1996). Critical pedagogy, however, is not a one-size-fits-all
acted upon, rather than subjects, those who act—who pedagogy, but rather a humanizing pedagogy that values
become so entrenched in their own oppressive condition and builds on students’ and teachers’ individual and col-
that they do not realize their own subjugation or com- lective background knowledge, culture, and lived experi-
plicity in the perpetuation of unjust social and economic ences (Bartolomé, 1994).
systems (Freire, 1970/2000). (See Greer & Mukhopadhyay, The tenets of critical pedagogy are found, in vary-
2012, for a discussion on the hegemony of mathematics.) ing degrees, “in a historical and continuing legacy of
Critical inquiry creates an ethical burden of responsibility educators—from the early twentieth century (e.g., John
for the researcher because with every action taken the Dewey and W. E. B Du Bois) to the twenty-first century
context changes and the researcher must critique her or (e.g., Michael Apple and bell hooks)—who have labored to
his assumptions again and again (Crotty, 1998). Critical advance democratic ideals within education” (Stinson &
theorists therefore call for all efforts to produce and dis- Wager, 2012, p. 8). As a pedagogical movement, however,
seminate knowledge to be accompanied by an investiga- critical pedagogy is argued to have its beginnings in the
tion of not only its relation to ideology and power but also scholarship of the Brazilian educationalist Paulo Freire,
the subjectivities of its producers (Leistyna & Woodrum, the “inaugural philosopher of critical pedagogy” (McLaren
1996). Kincheloe, McLaren, and Steinberg (2011) have 1999, p. 49). Consistent with critical theory, the concepts
outlined (cautiously) seven basic assumptions that a of self-empowerment and social transformation are recur-
critical researcher often holds: ring themes found throughout Freire’s prolific writings
(e.g., 1970/2000, 1985, 2005). Vehemently opposed to
• All thought is fundamentally mediated by power rela- the “‘banking’ concept of education” (1970/2000, p. 72)
tions that are social and historically constituted; where students are passive, empty depositories awaiting
• Facts can never be isolated from the domain of values the teacher’s deposits, Freire’s pedagogical theories and
or removed from some form of ideological inscription; practices promote a problem-posing pedagogy where
• The relationship between concept and object and between teachers and students “develop their power to perceive
signifier and signified is never stable or fixed and is often
critically the way they exist in the world with which and in
mediated by the social relations of capitalist production
which they find themselves” (1970/2000, p. 83, emphasis
and consumption;
• Language is central to the formation of subjectivity (con- in original). Here the teacher-of-the-students and the
scious and unconscious awareness); students-of-the-teacher cease to exist and a more human
• Certain groups in any society and particular societies are possibility emerges: teacher-students with students-
privileged over others and, although the reasons for this teachers. In short, critical pedagogy advances a critical,
privileging may vary widely, the oppression that charac- dialectical reading of the word and world so as to write
terizes contemporary societies is most forcefully repro- the word to rewrite the world (Freire, 1970/2000). (See
duced when subordinates accept their social status as Freire, 1997, for critiques of critical pedagogy from leading
natural, necessary, or inevitable;
education scholars and his responses to those critiques.)
• Oppression has many faces and that focusing on only one
Within mathematics education, critical theory and
form of oppression at the expense of others (e.g., class
oppression versus racism) often eludes the interconnec- critical pedagogy have been chiefly manifested in the
tions among them; and finally ongoing development of critical mathematics and teach-
• Mainstream research practices are generally, although ing mathematics for social justice (TMfSJ; see Wager &
most often unwittingly, implicated in the reproduction Stinson, 2012, for candid discussions about the origins
of systems of class, race, and gender oppression. (p. 164) and ongoing development of critical and social justice
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 137

mathematics from some of the leading critical mathemat- mathematics, and developing positive cultural and social
ics educators). Critical mathematics recognizes students identities. Reading the world with mathematics uses math-
(and teachers) as members of a society rife with hege- ematics to understand power relations; resource inequi-
monic power as it builds mathematics in and around ties; disparate opportunities; and explicit and implicit
students’ cultural identities in such a way that doing discrimination based on race, class, gender, language, and
mathematics necessarily takes up social and political other differences (Gutstein, 2003). Writing the world with
issues (Gutiérrez, 2002). As a tool for sociopolitical cri- mathematics uses mathematics to rewrite the world—
tique, critical mathematics is characterized as providing that is, to change the world in and through mathematics
an investigation into the sources of knowledge, identify- (Gutstein, 2006). Developing positive cultural and social
ing social problems and plausible solutions, and reacting identities grounds mathematics instruction in the stu-
to social injustices (Skovsmose, 1994). Skovsmose and dents’ languages, cultures, and communities while provid-
Nielsen (1996) have described critical mathematics in ing them with the mathematical knowledge needed to sur-
terms of the following “concerns”: vive and thrive in the dominant culture (Gutstein, 2006).
Gutstein’s (2006) mathematics pedagogical goals are
reading the mathematical word, succeeding academi-
• Citizenship identifies schooling as including the prepa-
ration of students to be an active part of a political life. cally in the traditional sense, and changing students’
• Mathematics may serve as a tool for identifying and and teachers’ orientation to mathematics. Reading the
analysing critical features of society, which may be glob- mathematical word develops students and teachers math-
al as well as having to do with the local environment of ematical power: defined as deducing mathematical gen-
students. eralizations, constructing creative solution methods to
• The students’ interest emphasises that the main focus of nonroutine problems, and perceiving mathematics as a
education cannot be the transformation of (pure) knowl- tool for sociopolitical critique (Gutstein, 2003). Succeed-
edge; instead educational practice must be understood ing academically in the traditional sense means students
in terms of acting persons. achieve on standardized tests, graduate from high school,
• Culture and conflicts raise basic questions about dis- succeed in college, have access to advanced mathematics
crimination. Does mathematics education reproduce
courses, and pursue mathematics-related careers, if they
inequalities which might be established by factors out-
so choose. Succeeding academically, however, is coupled
side education but, nevertheless, are reinforced by edu-
cational practice?
with challenging the sociopolitical structures (including
• Mathematics itself might be problematic because of the schools and mathematics classrooms) that often act as
future of mathematics as part of modern technology, obstacles to success for different groups of people (e.g.,
which no longer can be reviewed with optimism. Math- students of color, women, and working-class students;
ematics is not only a tool for critique but also an object Gutstein, 2006). Changing students’ and teachers’ orien-
of critique. tation to mathematics means to understand mathematics
• Critical mathematics education concentrates on life not as a series of disconnected, rote rules to memorize
in the classroom to the extent that the communica- and regurgitate, but rather as a powerful and relevant ana-
tion between teachers and students can reflect power lytical tool for understanding complicated, “real-world”
relations. (p. 1261; also see Frankenstein, Volmink, and phenomena (Gutstein, 2006). In short, TMfSJ establishes
Powell, as cited in A. B. Powell, 2012, pp. 26–27)
mathematics as an essential tool for understanding and
changing the world; connects mathematics with students’
These concerns of what mathematics is or could be cultural and community histories; and assists students
or should be are clearly reflected in the previously noted and teachers in understanding the power of an active,
growing body of research on TMfSJ. For example, Gutstein democratic citizenry, while, in turn, motivating students
(2006), in his book Reading and Writing the World With to engage in learning significant mathematics (Gutstein &
Mathematics: Toward a Pedagogy for Social Justice, provided Peterson, 2013).
an accessible model of what it might mean to teach math- In his JRME article “Teaching and Learning Math-
ematics for social justice. According to Gutstein, TMfSJ ematics for Social Justice in an Urban, Latino School,”
has two dialectically related sets of pedagogical goals: Gutstein (2003) provided an example of how critical ped-
one set focuses on social justice and the other set focuses agogy can be put to work both as a method of instruction
on mathematics and as a theory for research. Reporting on a 2-year study
Building from the scholarship of Freire (and others), in which he was both teacher and researcher, Gutstein
Gutstein’s (2006) social justice pedagogical goals are read- and his students explored just what TMfSJ might look
ing the world with mathematics, writing the world with like in the context of a Latino/a, urban middle school.
138 ◆ foundations

During the 2 years, Gutstein was the seventh- and eighth- Gregson, 2013), including accounts provided by class-
grade mathematics teacher of 24 Latino/a students from room teachers (e.g., Peterson, 2012; G. C. Powell, 2012;
immigrant, working class families (out of a total of 28 stu- Stocker, 2012; Wamsted, 2012). But for the most part,
dents). As the classroom teacher, Gutstein integrated 17 recent TMfSJ literature has focused on how preservice
real-world, social justice projects into standards-based and in-service teachers might learn to teach mathe-
mathematics curricula. His aim was to assist students matics for social justice (e.g., Bartell, 2013; Esmonde &
in developing a sociopolitical consciousness, a sense of Caswell, 2010; Gonzales, 2009; Leonard, Brooks, Barnes-
agency, and positive social and cultural identities as they Johnson, & Berry, 2010; Stinson, Bidwell, & Powell,
collectively engaged in learning rigorous mathematics. 2012; also see the two volume special issue of the Journal
In general, both the research project and the instruc- of Mathematics Teacher Education, edited by Gates and
tional practices were grounded in the Freirian dialect of Jorgensen, 2009).
reading the word and world so to write and rewrite the Other growing bodies of mathematics education
world (Freire, 1970/2000). research that draw heavily on the tenets of critical
Using a form of participative inquiry (see Reason, 1994), theory include ethnomathematics (e.g., D’Ambrosio,
Gutstein (2003) methodologically positioned himself as 1985; Powell & Frankenstein, 1997) and culturally spe-
an active and subjective insider rather than as a passive cific and responsive mathematics pedagogy (e.g., Greer
and “objective” outsider. He collected data from several et al., 2009; Leonard, 2008). These traditions, similar to
sources, such as participant observations, student and critical and social justice mathematics, aim toward an
teacher/researcher journals, open-ended surveys, student empowering mathematics education that expands access
demographic data (i.e., race, ethnic, and class data as well to and opportunities for learning meaningful mathe-
as standardized test scores), student work from 16 of the matics for all students. And here it is important to note
17 social justice projects, and informal conversations with that empowering mathematics is understood as having
students (both inside and outside of school). three domains: mathematical, social, and epistemologi-
Data analysis included traditional qualitative meth- cal (Ernest, 2002). Mathematical empowerment relates
ods of data triangulation as Gutstein (2003) engaged in to gaining proficiency in the language, skills, and prac-
the iterative process of reading and rereading and cod- tices of using (school) mathematics; social empowerment
ing and recoding multiple data sources in search of con- relates to using mathematics as a tool for sociopolitical
nections and themes. Different in his analysis, however, critique; and epistemological empowerment relates to
was the continued recycling back to and through con- acquiring a sense of ownership over the creation and vali-
cepts from critical theory such as self-empowerment and dation of mathematical knowledge (Ernest, 2002). In the
social transformation. Data representation comprised end, critical inquiries in mathematics education research
extended quotations and reflections from the students aim toward transforming mathematics from an instru-
(and Gutstein himself), as well as extended excerpts from ment too often used for social stratification into an instru-
the students’ individual and group work on the social ment for self-empowerment for all (Stinson, 2004).
justice projects. These data representations illustrated
how the students advanced over time as they began to Poststructural Theory
read their world through mathematics, to develop their
mathematical power, and to change their orientations Poststructuralism is an intellectual movement informing
toward mathematics. The students also showed growth a cluster of theoretical positions ranging from phenome-
and achievement on conventional methods of assessments nology to deconstruction. Emerging around 50 years ago,
(e.g., standardized tests). Gutstein concluded that the its overall objective is to trouble traditional understand-
primary condition that contributed to his students’ (and ings (see Seidman, 1994). Located in Table 6.1 under
his) growth through the 2 years was how he and his stu- the paradigm of inquiry with the expressed purpose of
dents “cocreated a classroom environment in which they deconstruction, poststructural (or postmodern) theory
discussed meaningful and important issues of justice and challenges our “safe” and “true” understandings, offer-
equity” (p. 67) in and through mathematics. ing critical interrogations of familiar ideas of knowing,
There are other critical accounts of exploring teach- description, and the rational subject (see Agger, 1991, for
ing and learning mathematics for social justice in the a discussion on the differences between poststructural and
classroom that highlight the challenges, promises, and post­modern). Through poststructural interrogations, we
tensions of implementing critical mathematics curri- become exposed to the limits of knowing and become skep-
cula and instructional practices (e.g., Brantlinger, 2013; tical about the possibility of absolute truth and meaning.
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 139

Poststructural theory became accessible to educa- of specific approach, poststructuralists maintain that
tion in the 1980s with the publication of the book Chang- the “grand narratives” of Western history have broken
ing the Subject (Henriques, Holloway, Urwin, Venn, & down. Each work is a reaction to structuralism, claiming
Walkerdine, 1984). The stated aim of this book was to pry that the necessary relations in language between “word”
apart meanings and assumptions “in order to see them and “thing” that structuralists seek to establish do not
as historically specific products rather than timeless account for the historical and contingent nature of all
and incontrovertible facts” (Henriques et al., 1984, p. 2). linguistic expression.
Although Walkerdine had contributed a chapter to this Poststructural approaches problematize long-held
book, her major contribution to mathematics education understandings. In addition to troubling the notion that
appeared with her single-authored volume The Mastery of language is transparent, they trouble the idea that reality
Reason: Cognitive Development and the Production of Ratio- is “out there” waiting to be observed, regardless of who is
nality (Walkerdine, 1988). In this book, working with the observing. They trouble the understanding that meaning
ideas of a number of poststructuralists, she developed a is absolute. They also trouble the idea that knowing is an
different approach to language and thinking within ele- outcome of human consciousness and interpretation and
mentary school mathematics. In particular, she tackled that individuals are autonomous and stable with agency
the issues of context and transfer, later explaining that to choose what kind of individual they might become.
the problem of grafting context “onto a single model of The alternatives poststructuralists provide are built
cognitive development . . . lay within the theory itself” around a number of key tenets: language is fragile and
(Walkerdine, 1990a, p. 51). problematic and constitutes rather than reflects an already
Tracking the movement of poststructural thought given reality. Because reality, like meaning, is in a con-
within mathematics education also leads to Popkewitz stant process of construction, no one has access to an
(1988). In the same year that Walkerdine published her independent reality. Individuals are decentered and are
book, Popkewitz drew on poststructural theory to analyze constantly in process. Knowers are not interchangeable
knowledge, power, and curriculum. When in 1997 Brown spectators, abstracted from the particularities of their
published his book Mathematics Education and Language: circumstances. More specifically, there is no universal,
Interpreting Hermeneutics and Post-Structuralism (Brown, homogenous, and “essential” human nature that allows
1997), the uptake of poststructural ideas was beginning one to put oneself in another’s place and know his or her
to become more widespread (e.g., Black, Mendick, & circumstances and interests in exactly the same way as
Solomon, 2009; Brown, 2008; Brown & McNamara, 2011; she or he would know them. Because there is no “view
de Freitas & Nolan, 2008; Fitzsimmons, 2002; R. Gutiér- from nowhere” (Haraway, 1988), representation can no
rez, 2008b; Mendick, 2006; Popkewitz, 2004; Stinson, longer be considered a politically neutral and theoreti-
2008, 2013b; Walshaw, 2001, 2004, 2010). Journals began cally innocent activity.
to accept poststructural analyses, and as a result, different These key tenets do not promise total vision. They do
kinds of analyses began to appear. For example, a special not enable researchers to produce the “truth” about the
issue of JRME published in 2013, with an expressed focus work of teachers, students, educators, and policy mak-
on identity and power, and publications within the Journal ers involved with mathematics education. Rather, they
of Urban Mathematics Education have both included a num- make it possible for researchers to investigate, for exam-
ber of articles with poststructural sensibilities. Confer- ple, whose meanings and values are legitimated and
ences (e.g., ICMI, PME, MES [Mathematics Education and whose knowledge and interests are privileged, margin-
Society]) became receptive to poststructural papers, and alized, or silenced. They also make it possible to inves-
many of the papers presented at the Mathematics Educa- tigate how investments are sustained. They provide the
tion and Contemporary Theory conference held in 2011, tools to explore how practices of subjectivity are lived
2013, and 2016 were informed by poststructural theory. by individuals in relation to familiar and repetitive
Poststructural theory, in many ways, developed in the practices, as well as in relation to contradictory math-
space created within Western academia as a result of pro- ematics processes and structures. They do not deny the
found political and social crises of legitimation following existence of the subject but open up questions about its
two global wars. As a critical and self-reflective theory, origin and explore the ways in which individual agency is
poststructuralism developed from the work of a group an effect of the ways in which the subject is constituted.
of mainly French thinkers (e.g., Derrida, 1976; Foucault, These explorations are able to identify the changing
1969/1972; Kristeva, 1984; Lyotard, 1979/1984), who practices and processes that produce different kinds of
aspired to a new way of seeing and working. Irrespective subjects over time.
140 ◆ foundations

To be more specific, analyses drawing on poststruc- tigation of the discourses operating in two mathematics
tural tools are focused on understanding, explaining, and classrooms, de Freitas showed how classroom discourses
analyzing the practices and processes within mathemat- shaped the production of particular mathematical identi-
ics education. Researchers unpack the ways in which ties in senior high school students. In analyzing teacher
the classroom, the school, and policies create specific talk through the narrative sequences presented in a series
conditions and forms of control that shape students’ and of lessons of the two classroom teachers, she showed
teachers’ knowledge and sense of themselves as math- how the students’ identities were formed, differentially,
ematics students and teachers, respectively. The analy- within the two classrooms. More important, de Freitas
ses chart teaching and learning and the way in which unearthed the ways in which the teachers’ talk provided
identities and proficiencies evolve: tracking reflections; students with differential access to mathematics as well
investigating everyday classroom planning, activities, as differential access to mathematical thinking.
and tools; analyzing discussions with principals, math- Differences that are created through discourses have
ematics teachers, students, and educators; and mapping garnered the attention of a number of poststructural
out the regulating and normalizing effects of practices, researchers (e.g., Bibby, 2009; Hardy, 2009; Lerman,
processes, and structures. In the process of deconstruct- 2009). In explaining how official documents name differ-
ing taken-for-granted understandings, poststructural ence and how by doing so influence the development of
analyses reveal how identities are constructed within mathematical identities, Mendick, Moreau, and Epstein
discourses, demonstrating how everyday decisions are (2009) argued: “A position of mathematically able con-
shaped by dispositions and tendencies formed through fers an identity as different and special. This has con-
prior events. They also provide insights about the way in sequences for mathematics and society: it excludes
which language produces meanings and how it positions many people from mathematics and disproportionately
people in relations of power. excludes particular groups” (p. 72). Hardy (2009) has also
Discursive approaches, situated under the banner drawn attention to the way in which “difference” is estab-
of poststructural theory, offer tools and an alternative lished. Reporting on her study of elementary preservice
language for looking at, interpreting, and explaining teachers’ confidence in mathematics, Hardy argued: “It
practice and process within mathematics education. is the very conceptualising of primary teachers’ profes-
Researchers using these approaches typically draw on sional knowledge of maths which, in its articulation, gen-
the work of Foucault (e.g., 1969/1972, 1981), for whom erates and condemns teachers to having faulty knowl-
discourse is a central concept. In Foucault’s under- edge. That is, it is the attempt at better description . . .
standing, discourses map out for teachers, students, and that produces the problem” (p. 195).
others, ways of living in the classroom and ways of being Policy directives, as Hanley (2010) has noted, are
within other institutions of mathematics education. They designed to initiate thinking, speaking, and acting in the
produce particular kinds of students and teachers, as terms offered within the official document. Similarly,
effects of discursive relations, by systematically consti- Morgan (2009) has argued that “the concepts, values,
tuting specific versions of the social and natural worlds and positions of the official discourse . . . have particular
for them, all the while obscuring other possibilities from force because of the roles they play in regulating school
their vision. Foucault (1981) argued that discourses are practices and, hence, the extent to which they are inte-
“not about objects; they do not identify objects, they grated into the actual experience of teachers and stu-
constitute them and in the practice of doing so conceal dents” (p. 105). Brown and McNamara (2011), along with
their own invention” (p. 49). That is to say, discourses are Popkewitz (2004), have shown that policy announce-
not simply a way of organizing what people say and do; ments in relation to what teachers and students do and
they are also ways of organizing actual people and their say in mathematics classrooms are part of a regulatory
systems. As a consequence, “truths” about mathematics apparatus that governs teaching and the “moral develop-
education emerge through the operation of discursive ment and liberation of the individual” (Popkewitz, 2004,
systems. p. 13). This regulatory governing results in teachers
Understood in the Foucauldian meaning, the notion of coming to view teaching only in terms of the practices
discourse compels poststructural researchers who have and language promoted within curriculum documents
an interest in identity to shift the focus from examining (Brown & McNamara). In effect, the practice of teach-
the “nature” of mathematical identity to examining how ing, and the teachers and students involved in that
identity is discursively created. Such an examination has practice, are entangled within régimes of truth, power,
been provided by de Freitas (2010). Through her inves- discourses, meanings, and significations that “have
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 141

already been confirmed in the a priori world of school- tiple positionings and self-understandings, relevant to
ing and mathematics education research” (Popkewitz, context and time. This psychoanalytic understanding
2004, p. 21). is crucial, for example, for explaining how teachers and
In poststructural understanding, power invades all students (among others) negotiate their way through
social structures and “reaches into the very grain of indi- the rough seas of multiple discourses relating to what a
viduals” (Foucault, 1977/1980, p. 39). With Foucault’s “good” teacher or “good” student looks like.
work it became possible to construct plausible explana- Investment in one discourse rather than another is
tions of how power operates even at the mundane and explained in psychoanalytic theory through the notion
routine pedagogical levels of everyday classroom life. of affect. Affect pertaining to a classroom student or
Power seeps through all classrooms. Importantly, a class- teacher, in psychoanalysis, is not a factor or measure
room environment that provides equitable and inclusive of personality. Rather, it is a pervasive and constitutive
pedagogical arrangements is not exempt. As a number of quality of classroom life. Elaborating further, Walshaw
researchers (e.g., Knijnik, 2012; Mendick, 2006; Walshaw, and Brown (2012) have noted that typically within math-
2001) have shown, power is ever-present through the ematics education, affect is an add-on, and affect and
classroom social structure, systematically creating ways thinking are opposed to each other: the cognitive and the
of being and thinking in relation to mathematics. Walshaw emotional are on vastly different planes. On the other
(2013) has claimed— hand, in the psychoanalytic assessment the cognitive and
the affective are two sides of the same coin and cannot
be conceived of as mutually exclusive. On the basis of
In the classroom strands of power entangle everyone, gov-
erning, regulating, and disciplining teachers as well as their investigation into two mathematics classrooms and
students. Power does its work through the classroom’s tra- drawing on theoretical tools developed from Spinoza’s
ditions; through its material, discursive, and technological (2000) work, Walshaw and Brown have argued that think-
forms; through its mathematical enactments; and through ing and affect are not separate. Cognition cannot stand
its discourses that relate to categories of class, gender, eth- alone without affect precisely because affect initiates
nicity, and other social determinations. (p. 103) the purpose of thinking. Because it is not possible, in the
final analysis, to separate one from the other, it follows
Post-Freudian theory or, more generally, psycho­ that affective dimensions cannot simply be grafted onto
analysis is also situated under the banner of post­ a model of human cognition, predicated on a unitary and
structuralism; it presents complex and well-developed fixed human subject.
theories of subjectivity, enabling an analysis of the part Psychoanalytic tools are particularly sharp instru-
that power plays as the self is enacted into being. In ments for exploring uncertainty within the mathemat-
mathematics education psychoanalytic work is heavily ics classroom. Appelbaum (2008), for example, has used
influenced by the work of Lacan (e.g., 1977) and Žižek’s psychoanalytic tools to “shift our focus away from either
(e.g., 1998) development of that work. For Žižek, “there the position of the teacher or the learner” (p. 52). He has
are no identities as such. There are just identifications with maintained that neither student-centered nor teacher-
particular ways of making sense of the world that shape centered pedagogies fully capture the teacher–student
that person’s sense of his self and his actions” (Brown & relation. Drawing on psychoanalytic theory, Appelbaum
McNamara, 2011, p. 26, emphasis in original). The identi- has proposed a move “toward the relationality of the
ties we have of ourselves are, in a very real sense, “com- teaching/learning encounter” (p. 52). This new expres-
promised,” made in and through the activities, desires, sion of teaching is no longer focused on the teacher or
interests, and investments of others. Compromises, con- the student but on the relation between them. In this
flict, and division are difficult to theorize within tradi- understanding, pedagogy crystallizes within the space
tional frameworks, but with psychoanalytic theory tools and relation between the teacher and the student. As
are provided for investigating such experiences. Appelbaum explained, “mathematical ideas, objects, strat-
Psychoanalytic theory provides a language that is egies, interpretations, and so on, become the objects of the
useful for revealing how identities develop through dis- students’ and teacher’s intentionality and the basis for
courses and networks of power that constantly shift and their ability to communicate and understand each other,
change as alliances are formed and reformed. Hanley to be together in the world” (p. 57; emphasis in ori­ginal).
(2010) has demonstrated that identities emerge, within A psychoanalysis exploring the relationality of the
given contexts and time, as fragmented rather than stable. teaching/learning encounter would, of necessity, need
As a result, the individual comes to identify with mul- to explore the mathematical ideas, objects, strategies,
142 ◆ foundations

interpretations, and so on, that are shared between teacher negotiated broad sociocultural discourses and discursive
and student. practices that too often constituted them as academically
In his JRME article “Negotiating the ‘White Male Math deficient and socially dangerous. Data representation
Myth’: African American Male Students and Success incorporated participants’ textual and interview data
in School Mathematics,” Stinson (2013b) described an interwoven with poststructural reinscriptions of con-
example of how poststructural approaches and tools cepts; here theory was being brought to the field rather
can reconstitute “a problem” (Du Bois, 1903/1989, p. 2). than waiting for it to “emerge” (Stinson, 2009). Consis-
Drawing on poststructural reinscriptions of the concepts tent with a poststructural sensibility, Stinson (2013b)
discourse, identity, and power, Stinson illustrated how concluded not with “answers” but rather with disruptive
four academically and mathematically successful African questions intended to refute closure and encourage an
American male students accommodated, reconfigured, awareness of and tolerance toward difference, ambigu-
or resisted (i.e., negotiated) the “White male math myth” ity, and conflict in regards to the mathematical identities
discourse. The aim of the project was twofold: (1) to decon- of African American male students.
struct (cf. Derrida, 1976) the discourses and discursive Overall, analyses by mathematics education research-
practices that most often constitute African American ers who draw on poststructural theory resist closure as
male students as academically and mathematically defi- they invite the “unknown,” the “fluid,” and the “becom-
cient and (2) to demonstrate that discursive formations ing.” Paying attention to these aspects allows research-
(cf. Foucault, 1969/1972) such as the White male math ers to explore areas of interest that are not commonplace
myth are opened to reconfiguration because they are within the field of mathematics education. In doing so,
produced and reproduced culturally and historically poststructuralists open up the possibility of more inclu-
with and in discursive practices and power relations sive, equitable, and transformative forms of research
(cf. Foucault, 1969/72). practice. To that end, poststructural theory aligns with
Methodologically, Stinson (2013b) chose to do research the goals of transformation characteristic of critical the-
with rather than on the study’s participants. Participative ory. Stinson and Bullock (2012) have proposed creating a
inquiry (see Reason, 1994), with its emphasis on test- hybrid of the two theoretical positions that would “offer
ing theory, experiential knowing, and engagement with a praxis of uncertainty for reconceptualizing and con-
others, aligned with this goal as well as with the post- ducting mathematics education research” (p. 41). The
structural underpinnings of the project. Data collection praxis would, in Radford’s (2012) words, represent a space
included a combination of written artifacts and inter- “where we come to recognize ourselves as historical and
views. Each participant completed a demographic and political beings and where we critically labor together to
schooling survey, wrote a brief autobiography and math- make this collective space better for all” (p. 111).
ematics autobiography, and completed four interviews.
Prior to the second and third interviews, the participants Critical Race Theory
were asked to read, reflect on, and respond to three manu-
scripts (six manuscripts in total) that discussed historical Over three decades ago, a number of mathematics edu-
and current theories regarding African American chil- cation researchers in the United States began to link
dren’s schooling experiences (e.g., the theory of “acting the goals of equity and reform in mathematics teaching
White”; Fordham, 2008; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). and learning to issues of “race” (e.g., W. Matthews, 1984;
The purpose of having the participants read literature Reyes & Stanic, 1988; Secada, 1992; Tate, 1994). Race
prior to the interviews was to bring the participants into and racism, however, continue to be undertheorized and
the project, blurring (or prying apart) the researcher/ underresearched in mathematics education (Lubienski
participant binary. This blurring of the binary motivated & Bowen, 2000; Parks & Schmeichel, 2012; D. B. Martin,
a different, more active engagement from the partici- 2009c; Stinson, 2011a). Nevertheless, the past 20 years
pants as they began to theorize how discourses in exis- or so have witnessed a growing group of critical math-
tent literature constituted African American male youth ematics education researchers who clearly understand
in conjunction with their own lived experiences. A post- that “even within the euphoric ‘post-racial’ sentiments sur-
structural extension of D. B. Martin’s (2000) multilevel rounding the Obama presidency . . . race still matters . . .
framework of socialization and identity among African if we wish to hope that democracy still matters” (Stinson,
American youth was used throughout data analysis. This 2011a, p. 2). Situating their work in the sociopolitical-turn
extension depicted the participants’ robust mathemat- moment, these researchers have motivated a number of
ics identities as multiplicitous and fragmented as they edited volumes (e.g., Leonard & Martin, 2013; D. B. Martin,
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 143

2009b; Malloy & Brader-Araje, 1998; Ortiz-Franco, In the field of education, Ladson-Billings (1998) has
Hernandez, & de la Cruz, 1999; Strutchens, Johnson, identified four central principles of CRT. The first prin-
& Tate, 2000; Téllez, Moschkovich, & Civil, 2011) and, in ciple is that race is a permanent and endemic component
large part, the creation of the Journal of Urban Mathemat- of U.S. society and culture: “Black people will never gain
ics Education (L. E. Matthews, 2008; Stinson, 2010). full equality in this country. . . . This is a hard-to-accept
On the whole, these researchers push against the fact that all history verifies. We must acknowledge it,
mathematics education “gap-gazing fetish” (R. Gutiérrez, not as a sign of submission, but as an act of ultimate defi-
2008a, p. 357) in research that most often conceptualizes ance” (Bell, 1992, p. 12). The second principle of CRT
race as an easily defined (or often not-defined-at-all) cate­ is that the “storytelling” of the individual experience
gory to which a person belongs and to which particular should be allowed and valued (scientifically); specifically
traits or achievement outcomes can be assigned (Parks “counterstories” of raced people whose experiences are
& Schmeichel, 2011). This one-dimensional perspective often not told, stories that expose, analyze, and challenge
of race as a category has resulted in decades of research the majoritarian stories of racial privilege (Solórzano
in which Black and Brown children and Black and Brown & Yosso, 2002). Third, those involved in CRT research
cultures (and most other non-White, non-European chil- maintain a critique on liberalism and argue for radical
dren and cultures) are positioned as somehow deficient solutions. And fourth: “Whites have been the primary
(R. Gutiérrez, 2008a). In explicitly rejecting the dis- beneficiaries of civil rights legislation” (Ladson-Billings,
course of deficiency (Stinson, 2006), mathematics edu- 1998, p. 12). Although CRT researchers and scholars are
cation researchers who explore the complexities of race, not united through a set of static doctrines or methodolo-
racism, and White supremacy have begun to recognize gies, they are united in two common goals: to understand
(some explicitly and others implicitly) mathematics edu- the construction and perpetuation of the hegemonic
cation as a White institutional space (D. B. Martin, 2010, White ideology of the United States and to radically dis-
2011) and mathematics teaching and learning as racial- rupt the bond between law and racial power (Ladson-
ized forms of experience for all children (e.g., White and Billings, 1998).
Asian children’s racialized experiences most often posi- In foregrounding issues of race, racism, and White
tion them as competent doers of mathematics and others supremacy, critical race theorists and researchers recon-
as less competent; D. B. Martin, 2006, 2009a). To fore- figure the debates and critiques of education. They even
ground students’ (and teachers’) racialized experiences, often critique reform efforts such as multicultural and
mathematics education researchers often pull theoretical critical education, highlighting their shortcomings in
traditions and tools derived from the emancipate or decon- addressing the White hegemony of U.S. schooling (see
struct paradigms of inquiry, such as critical race theory Hilliard, 2001). For example, Tate (1997) provided edu-
(e.g., Berry, 2008; Jett, 2012, Terry, 2011), Latino/a criti- cators with the following questions: How do federalism,
cal race theory (e.g., M. V. Gutiérrez, Willey, & Khisty, standards, and traditional values serve to reify the White
2011; Oppland-Cordell, 2014), or other critical theories of hegemony of schools, while limiting and binding the edu-
race (e.g., D. B. Martin, 2006, 2009a, 2009c, 2010, 2013). cation opportunities of students of color? Does multi-
Developed in the United States, critical race theory cultural and critical education ensure the best teaching
(CRT) examines how the discourses of race, racism, and practices for students of color? How can multiculturalism
White supremacy function within U.S. sociocultural and critical theory be reinterpreted to serve students of
and sociopolitical structures (e.g., Delgado & Stefancic, color? Do multicultural and critical education programs
2012; Dixson & Rousseau, 2006; Ladson-Billings, 1998; in school uncover the fallacy of the color-blindness and
Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Tate, 1997). CRT grew objective meritocracy of schools? Do educators question
out of the critical legal studies movement of the 1970s, the ahistorical treatment of education, equity, and stu-
a small group of lawyers, activists, and legal scholars dents of color? The common theme of these questions:
who were concerned about and reacting to the erosion the troubling of the hegemonic White ideology that per-
of the advances made during the civil rights movement sistently and unjustly prevails in U.S. schools. Overall,
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). Providing for a more com- CRT provides innovative and disruptive ways to explore
plete and complex analysis of “raced” people and their educational policy, research, and practice as it relates to
(schooling) experiences, critical race theorists borrow race, racism, equity, and social justice.
theoretical and methodological traditions from liberalism, In his JRME article “Access to Upper-Level Math-
law and society, feminism, Marxism, and poststructural- ematics: The Stories of Successful African American
ism (Tate, 1997). Middle School Boys,” Berry (2008) provided an example
144 ◆ foundations

of how critical race theorists bring the issues of race, among educators, parents, and the public of the distinc-
racism, and White supremacy to the foreground. Focusing tive experiences of African American boys.
on academic and mathematics success, Berry explored Other theoretical traditions that critically examine
the life and (mathematics) schooling experiences of how the hegemony of White supremacy and racism func-
eight African American boys. The focus on success was tion include Latino/a critical race theory (LatCrit) and
as unique as it is counter to the vast majority of exis- race criticality. Mindful that Latino does not refer to a
tent research on Black boys and male youth, which his- racial category per se (i.e., Latinos/as can be of any race),
torically has reported only their “failures” in academics LatCrit extends the central principles of CRT (Lynn
generally and in mathematics specifically (i.e., the math- & Parker, 2006; Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001;
ematics achievement gap). The aim throughout the study Solórzano & Yosso, 2002). Specifically, it addresses the
was to expose the racialized (mathematics) experiences layers of racialized subordination based on immigration
(see D. B. Martin, 2009a) of the eight boys and how they status, sexuality, culture, language, phenotype, accent, and
achieved and persisted in school mathematics in spite surname that are uniquely experienced by Chicanos/as
of these experiences. Two research questions guided and Latinos/as (and/or Hispanics) in the United States
the inquiry: “(1) What factors do African American boys (Yosso, 2005). (See Yosso, 2005, for an “intellectual gene-
enrolled in Algebra I encounter when gaining access to alogy of critical race theory” that includes AsianCrit,
high-level mathematics courses? (2) How do they compen- FemCrit, LatCrit, TribalCrit, and WhiteCrit.)
sate or overcome those factors that (potentially) delimit Race criticality is an emerging theoretical tradition in
access to high-level mathematics courses?” (p. 469) which doing race work is seen as exploring “the dialec-
Berry (2008) positioned the study as a phenomenolog- tic between explaining racial oppression and projecting
ical project because, in his words, “it recognizes under- racial utopia” (Leonardo, 2014 p. 247). Race criticality
standing one’s subjective interpretation of individuals’ draws from CRT as well as critical theory of race (Outlaw,
lived experiences” (p. 469). Phenomenology, as a method- 1990/2013) and race critical theory (Goldberg & Essed,
ology, “is a reflective enterprise, and in its reflection it is 2002). Both of the latter theories differ from CRT. Criti-
critical” (M. J. Larrabee, as cited in Crotty, 1998, p. 82); cal theory of race is global in its analyses and draws from
the critique here was aimed toward racialized (mathe- the philosophical and theoretical assumptions of the
matics) experiences. Data collection consisted of student Frankfort School; race critical theory recognizes race as
interviews, questionnaires, mathematics autobiographies, a discursive formation and draws from the philosophi-
and documents (e.g., grade reports and standardized test cal and theoretical assumptions of poststructuralism
scores), as well as parent and teacher interviews and (Leonardo, 2014). (For a full discussion on race see D. B.
classroom observations. Martin, Rousseau Anderson, and Shah, 2017, this volume.)
Throughout the iterative reading and rereading and All of these traditions—CRT, LatCrit, race critical-
coding and recoding data analysis process, Berry (2008) ity, critical theory of race, and race critical theory—
placed the discourses and discursive practices of rac- maintain issues of race, racism, and White supremacy
ism at the center. He identified five major themes that in the foreground and have their genesis in the extensive
assisted in explaining the boys’ mathematics achieve- scholarship of Black scholars of the early 20th century,
ment and persistence: (1) preschool experiences, (2) rec- such as W. E. B. Du Bois and Carter G. Woodson. Collec-
ognition of abilities and advocacy by parents and caring tively, those involved in these traditions have a goal of
adults, (3) family and extended family support systems, a transformative education and research practice for
(4) positive mathematical and academic identities, and raced people from “a nonlinear overlapping polycentric
(5) alternative identities through participation in school approach with simultaneous, multiple centers of activity
and church activities. Data included extended narra- that, like jazz music, combine discipline, improvisation,
tives or counterstories of success from two of the boys and individuality” (King, 2005, p. 16).
as well as from their parents. These counterstories were
foregrounded by and representative of the racialized Feminist Theory
(and gendered) lived experiences of all eight boys. To
conclude, Berry argued for increasing the opportunities Feminist theory, as drawn upon by mathematics educa-
for African American boys to enroll in afterschool and tion researchers through the decades, falls under a num-
summer education programs; for changing teachers’ ber of paradigms of inquiry (see Table 6.1), including
perceptions of African American boys through explicit understanding, emancipating, and deconstructing. In
professional development; and for raising awareness each of these paradigms, theory has played an important
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 145

role. Traditional research focused on predicting or under- preferred to work in a traditional competitive envi-
standing gender difference. Researchers then aimed ronment (Fox & Soller, 2001; Leder & Forgasz, 2003).
at giving “voice” to females (or males) in mathematics. Undergirding these studies was the theory of “gender
More recently, researchers have sought to explain how role socialization,” which, in time, came to be viewed as
gender inequalities are reproduced. Positivist, interpre- simplistic. Taking up this point, Fennema (1993), in her
tivist, critical, and poststructural theories all have had address to the International Commission on Mathemat-
something important to say about gender and its relation ics Instruction (ICMI) Conference—“Gender and Math-
to mathematics teaching and learning. ematics Education”—argued: “There is still no sufficient
Feminist researchers have provided evidence that evidence to allow us to conclude that interacting more or
gender is a key organizing principle in many aspects of differently with girls and boys is a major contributor to
education. They note that policies such as the No Child the development of gender differences in mathematics”
Left Behind Act (U.S. Department of Education, 2001) (pp. 6–7). Fennema went on to elaborate: “Perhaps we have
use gender (along with other social categories) as a legiti- been asking the wrong questions as we have studied gen-
mate basis for social organization. Such policies make der and mathematics. . . . Is there a female way of thinking
distinctions between the student population to target about mathematics?” (pp. 26–27).
educational provision and resourcing. The principles Fennema’s (1993) query initiated a shift in mathemat-
behind these policies are gender equality and inclusion; ics education research toward radical feminist values and
that is, an understanding that educational opportuni- goals. This shift received a clear expression in the work of
ties are open to both female and male students equally Damarin (1995), J. R. Becker (1995), and Burton (1995),
and that both categories of students have the capac- all of whom recognize and celebrate girls’ and women’s
ity to achieve success in school. Mathematics education difference from boys and men. Validating women’s expe-
researchers who have focused on emancipation and change riences cleared a space for new interventions on behalf of
(e.g., Burton, 1995; Leder & Forgasz, 2003) propose gender girls in mathematics, based on an interest in more equita-
equity as a means to create a more socially just and equal ble practices. Feminists in other disciplines (e.g., Butler,
society. 1990 [philosophy]; Collins, 1990 [sociology]; hooks, 1983
Early research efforts were conducted within a social [literature]; Mohanty & Alexander, 1996 [gender studies]),
context in which the representation of girls and women however, began to question the assumptions under­
had become a key issue. As a consequence, a key focus pinning analyses that celebrated girls’ experiences. They
revolved around efforts to name differences between boys argued that the presumption of an underlying common-
and girls. For example, early findings reported that girls ality between all women and girls shuts out the experi-
asked fewer and, in particular, more lower-level thinking ences of women and girls who are not White, Western,
questions in class than did boys, and that they received middle class, or heterosexual. Collins and hooks, for
less attention and less praise and criticism than the boys example, were deeply critical of this tendency, arguing
in their mathematics classes (Sherman & Fennema, that generalized categories of gender had the effect of
1977). Girls were shown to be less confident in their math- delegitimizing the experiences and knowledge of Black
ematical ability and did not perceive mathematics to be women. To date, while the experiences and knowledge of
as useful as did boys (Fennema & Peterson, 1985). These Black and “Latina” girls have not been theorized about
findings also showed that girls attributed any good results and researched extensively within mathematics edu-
to hard work and effort, whereas boys claimed that their cation, the discussion is beginning to take place (e.g.,
good results came from intellectual expertise. Gholson & Martin, 2014; Guerra & Lim, 2014). Similarly,
As a consequence, researchers began to pose critical research has begun to address the problem associated
questions about the role of education in reproducing gen- with universalizing gender as a category and the impact
der inequities (see Skelton & Francis, 2003). The focus of that tendency on male African Americans (e.g., Stinson,
of many studies then moved toward the gendered envi- 2011b, 2013a).
ronment and focused on uncovering gender blindness as Poststructural theory has offered a way of thinking
well as gender biases (e.g., J. R. Becker, 1995). For exam- about gender that is not linked to the humanist subject; it
ple, Lucey, Brown, Denvir, Askew, and Rhodes (2003) has allowed researchers to think differently about the divi-
showed that girls “seem to be more concerned than boys sion between females and males. Tools from poststruc-
in trying to remember what the teacher has said and fol- tural theory, particularly from the work of Foucault (e.g.,
lowing her instructions” (p. 53). It was also shown that 1966/1994, 1969/1972, 1981), have provided the means for
girls preferred cooperative activities, whereas boys revealing how gender inequalities are reproduced within
146 ◆ foundations

mathematics education and also the means for explain- competing discourses, Walshaw (2001) used a system-
ing how social relations of gender might be transformed atic process of documenting, over a time period, how the
(see Walshaw, 2001, 2005). Specifically, poststructural student was positioned in each discourse as powerful,
theories of gender are concerned with “breaking down the subordinate, or otherwise. Details of two specific dis-
female/male binary that is seen to influence how we courses are in the article. In the first excerpt, the student
think about the world, and to constrain the possibilities is positioned as an “authority” of differentiating rational
for males and females” (Alton-Lee & Praat, 2000, p. 43). functions containing surds. She is shown to have learned
Such theories require a shift from understanding gender the relevant rules of calculus differentiation and is able
as essential difference toward understanding gender as to teach those same rules to the male student who sits
emerging from social contexts, processes, and actions next to her. In the second excerpt, the student is no longer
that are always relational. These theories recognize that constituted as a powerful female learner in the classroom
other categories such as class, race, and ethnicity are also context but rather as, in her own words, “blonde.”
important dimensions of difference. Foucault’s ideas proved helpful in revealing the con-
Poststructural theories on gender endeavor to blur tradictory discourses that operated on the student within
the distinctions between male and female. They maintain the classroom. They were useful too for showing how
that, overlaid by structures and processes, social catego- she lived out those contradictions. Walshaw (2001) con-
ries like male and female are constantly negotiated by
cluded that it is within this space of contradictions that
individuals (see Butler, 1990; Davies, 1989; Walkerdine,
transformation and new positionings for girls and math-
1990b) as various modes of gendered subjectivity become
ematics can occur.
available. Pink (2001) has elaborated that “it is only in
In the end, poststructural formulations reconstitute
specific social interactions that the gender identity of any
the status of gender from unalterable sexual difference to
individual comes in to being in relation to the negotiations
negotiable discursive relation. With this reconstitution,
that it undertakes with other individuals” (p. 21; empha-
the research focus is no longer on understanding (or mak-
sis in original). Those relations, Ernest (1995) has pointed
ing meaning of) gender differences but rather on under-
out, may be contradictory.
standing how particular material and discursive social
In her JRME article “A Foucauldian Gaze on Gender
structures and processes create the conditions for gen-
Research: What Do You Do When Confronted With the
Tunnel at the End of the Light?” Walshaw (2001) pro- der to exist as difference. Using this theorizing, Mendick
vided an example of a poststructural feminist analysis (2003) has explored why a “disproportionate number of
of girls’ participation in mathematics. Engaging post- girls opt out of powerful areas of curriculum” (p. 169). In
structural debates over knowledge and power, Walshaw a similar way, Damarin (1995) built on the poststructural
explored how female subjectivity is lived within the idea that discourses constitute individuals as thinking,
mathematics classroom. Her aim was to produce a differ- feeling, and acting subjects to argue that “regardless of
ent kind of story about girls and school mathematics. how mathematically competent a woman becomes she
Walshaw (2001) focused on one female student who can never escape discursive practices that reify the idea
was enrolled in a senior secondary school introductory that mathematics is, indeed, a male domain” (p. 250).
calculus class. In listening to the recordings of the stu-
dent, Walshaw used the poststructural strategy of “hear- Theoretical Considerations for the Future
ing between the words”: listening for both what was said
and what was not said. Mindful of the poststructural In 1992, Grouws noted that there has been sufficient
claim that there is no “view from nowhere” (Haraway, progress in mathematics education research over the
1988); she sought to represent gender as an effect of spe- past two decades (the 1970s and 1980s) “to character-
cific relations of power. Two key terms—discourse and ize research on mathematics education as a research
power—were employed to both analyze and represent field and to identify those conducting these studies as
gendered subjectivity throughout the study. the mathematics education research community” (p. ix).
Poststructural analyses, generally speaking, cannot Later in the decade, in the foreword to Mathematics Educa-
be described as functional and atomistic (Britzman, tion as a Research Domain: A Search for Identity, Sierpinska
1995). For example, in the case of the student’s record- and Kilpatrick (1998) wrote—
ings, discourses changed moment by moment. Impor-
tantly, the student’s identity changed, in parallel with The theme of the ICMI Study reported in this book was for-
her involvement and emotional investments within those mulated as a question: ‘What Is Research in Mathematics
discourses. Accounting for those changes as well as for Education and What Are Its Results?’ No single agreed-upon
Exploring Different Theoretical Frontiers for Different (and Uncertain) Possibilities in Mathematics Education Research ◆ 147

and definite answer to the question, however, is to be found in from current discussions concerning subjectivity, iden-
these pages. What the reader will find instead is a multitude of tity, and culture. The affective turn in social theory is not
answers, various analyses of the actual directions of research undergirded by a conception of affect and emotion as felt
in mathematics education in different countries, and a num- states of a conscious interior experience. Rather, affect is
ber of visions for the future of that research. (p. x)
formulated as constitutive of and relational to our being
in the world. Identities, practices, and processes of math-
These multiple answers and various analyses are ematics education are not static but are always affected
clearly visible within the moments of mathematics edu- and hence always emergent. The significance of the affec-
cation research as depicted in Table 6.1 presented earlier. tive turn for mathematics education is that it allows a
Indeed, similar to researchers in education generally, shift from the negatively fueled purposes of critique or
researchers in mathematics education have experienced a deconstruction to one invested in a positive dialectic.
proliferation of paradigms to think with when conducting However, we wonder if the political context of our
research on the teaching and learning of mathematics. times will permit the take up of new paradigms. Given
Similar to Lather (2006), we believe that this prolifera- the resurgence of the paradigm wars at the turn of the
tion of paradigms is a good thing. Is it possible, then, to 21st century, we wonder if the battles over the nature
characterize mathematics education research? What of knowledge, truth, reality, reason, power, science, evi-
can we say about its identity? In response, we turn to cul- dence, and so forth, will continue indefinitely. Or might
tural and social psychologists (e.g., Downey et al., 2005) the battles wane, as mathematics education researchers,
and their understanding of identity as multidimensional funding agencies, and policy makers come to a different
and dynamic, highly context dependent, and constantly understanding of “what works”? How do we, the commu-
transforming. In our view, an identity for mathematics nity of mathematics education researchers, learn to eval-
education research is one that is fragmented, incom- uate science across paradigms? How do we learn to use
plete, and continually reconstituted within sociopoliti- science that produces different knowledge differently? If
cal relations of power. Such a perspective refutes closure we acknowledge that the search for a single identity for
and keeps the possibilities for mathematics teaching and mathematics education research is not particularly help-
learning open to multiple and uncertain interpretations ful, how do we prepare future mathematics education
and analyses. researchers? How do we learn to talk across paradigms?
Our objective in this chapter was to provide an intro- How do we learn that embracing different paradigms
duction to different theoretical frontiers that disrupt the does not have to lead to conflict?
status quo. Along the way we showed that theoretical Perhaps the answers to these questions can be found
traditions are embedded in larger paradigms of inquiry. by going back to the question that is the foundation
Each paradigm of inquiry is underpinned by its own set of stone of mathematics education: What is mathematics?
assumptions of a philosophical type regarding truth, cer- (Higginson, 1980). As Higginson suggested, answers to
tainty, and logical consistency. Irrespective of paradigm, this question should be informed by four interrelated
mathematics education research cannot escape entan- disciplines: mathematics, psychology, sociology, and phi-
glement with and in these larger philosophical issues. For losophy. But do we provide future mathematics education
example, the most recent theoretical traditions depicted researchers opportunities to engage with philosophy? We
in Table 6.1 represent the sociopolitical-turn moment of may require future researchers to take multiple advanced
mathematics education research aimed at emancipation mathematics courses, but do we require a course (or
or deconstruction. We have shown that researchers who courses) in the philosophy of mathematics? We may require
draw on these theoretical traditions disrupt the status future researchers to take multiple courses in psychology
quo by providing critical or poststructural approaches to and sociology, but do we require multiple courses in the
understanding the complexities of mathematics teach- philosophy of knowing and being? Furthermore, who owns
ing and learning. But if the conduct of research in mathe- the question, what is mathematics? Is it only mathemati-
matics education is left open, what will research look like cians and mathematics educators, or do other disciplin-
next? What traditions are emerging that will enable new ary professionals such as computer scientists, engineers,
productive possibilities? biologists, and so forth, have a say? In our search for an
In wider social science research, while there has been identity, have we limited and simplified the uncertainty
a growing sense of the value of the different paradigms of of mathematics and mathematics teaching and learning
inquiry, there has also been an acknowledgement of the as we (attempt to) disentangle mathematics education
limitations of each. A new moment is emerging—one that research from philosophy? Rota (1981/1988), in the intro-
embraces the affective dimensions in a way that is absent duction to Davis and Hersh’s classic text The Mathematical
148 ◆ foundations

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