Introduction To Social Work

INTRODUCTION TO SOCIAL WORK
Code: CRG116
UNIVERSITY OF JUBA
SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY STUDIES AND RURAL
DEVELOPMENT
DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY STUDIES
FIRST YEAR
SEMESTER ONE
FACE TO FACE LEARNING
By Augustine Lado Kuron Bonda PhD
Specialization of Social Work
September
2020
1- Course Title: Introduction to Social Work

2- Course Code: 116
3- Credit Hours: 3
1 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron
4- Course Description:
This course will familiarize students with the various roles, functions, and tasks
which social workers perform in a variety of settings and acquaint them with the
primary skills and practices of generalist social work. Students will be introduced
to social work and social welfare practice as a multi-level and multi-method
approach to influencing change in problem situations. Students will also be
introduced to the core values and Code of Ethics of social work and be exposed to
issues of diversity, oppression, and social justice. The practice of generalist social
work will be considered from the perspective of a collaborative, strengths-based
model working within complex social service systems. This course will meet the
requirements for the social work foundation course in the BSW program at School
of Community Studies and Rural Development, but is also open to any students
interested in exploring social work as a profession.
5 - Course Objectives:
1- Provide students with the skills and knowledge of generalist social work and
determine action to deal with social problems.
2- To provide the student with concepts, methods and functions of social work as a
profession
3- For student to acquaint themselves with work values and principles, within an
ethical framework.
4- To provide students with the basic understanding of Social Work and Social
Welfare in the context of the development of social work as a profession.
5- To introduce students to understanding of evolution and historical background

of Social Work and Social Welfare.
6- To educate and equip students with skills, principles, methods of Social Work,
and the relationship of Social welfare with other disciplines.
6- Expected Outcome:
Upon completion of the course, students will be able to:
1- Demonstrate knowledge of generalist social work and the social service delivery
system and be able to make an informed decision about entry into the field of
social work.
2- Identify key social work values, knowledge, principles, and skills within an
ethical framework as defined in the NASW Code of Ethics.
3- Define the roles and functions of community-based generalist social work
practice.
4- Identify the multiple methods used by generalist social workers.
5- Demonstrate understanding of the numerous fields of practice in which
generalist social workers perform their functions.
6- Describe the effect of the person, agency, and society on the generalist social
work process.
7- Define the dimensions of diversity and oppression as well as thoroughly
describe social justice issues related to the needs and hurdles of a particular
concern population.
8- Demonstrate understanding of factors related to populations at risk.
9- Identify empowering practices and ways of working collaboratively as
generalist social workers.
10- At the end of the semester, the students would enlarged their competence and
increase their problem-solving abilities.
7- Course Outline (Content)

1- Introduction and Historical Background of Social Work and Social Welfare.
2- Definition of Social Work and Social Welfare.
3- Objectives of Social Welfare.
4- Philosophy (idea) of Social Work.
5- Principles of Social Work.
6- Feature (nature, characteristics) of Social Work.
7- The motives (purpose) of Social Work.
8- Processes of Social Work.
9- Methods of Social Work.
10- Institutions of Social Work
11- The Social Worker, Characteristics and Roles.
12- Overlap of knowledge base of Social Welfare with other disciplines.
13- Other professional groups within the field of Social Welfare.
8- Mode of Delivery
- Home Based Learning Methods

9- Mode of Assessment
- Course work 60%
- Examination 40%
- Total Marks 100%
Section One
Introduction
This course provides a broad overview of the social work profession and the
theoretical basis that guide generalist social work practice and intervention. A

history of social work is presented, with emphasis on the effects of social forces in
shaping the profession today and in the future. The relationship of social work to
other social science and human behavior theories will be presented. The generalist
approach to social work practice will be examined and will provide the framework
for examining social work together with social and economic justice in the major
areas of practice. The important sections for this semester are, but not limited to:
1) Historical background to social work and Social welfare 2) Definitions of social
work and social welfare, and its objectives 3) Philosophical base of social work
and; principle s and values 4) methods and institutions of social work 5) Social
worker characteristics and roles; social welfare relations to other disciplines and
other professional groups within the field of socials welfare. An additional
purpose of this course is to familiarize the student with both the implicit and
explicit values on which professional practice is based. Ethical considerations in
practice and value dilemmas will be presented and addressed throughout the course
as fields of practice, research and policy development, client systems, and
beginning methods of intervention are discussed. Special emphasis will be placed
on sensitizing students to understanding diversity in its many facets (surface)
including gender, race, ethnic background, sexual orientation, age, and spirituality.
The impact of diversity on social functioning and the concepts of non-judgmental
and non-discriminatory practice will be themes throughout the semester. Students
will be expected to examine their values as an integral part of professional
development and in planning for/anticipation of their field experience. The
National Association of Social Workers (NASW).Code of Ethics will be discussed
in order to familiarize students with their professions’ Code and how this impacts
professional practice decisions. Special emphasis will be placed on the sections of
the Code specifically related to standards that address evidenced based practice
within the profession.
The goal of Social welfare is to fulfill the social, financial, health and recreational
requirements of all individuals in a society. Social welfare seeks to enhance the
social functioning of all age groups, both rich and poor. When other institutions in
our society, such as the market economy and the family, fail at times to meet the
basic needs of individuals or groups of people, then social services are needed and
demanded.

In most primitive societies, peoples’ basic needs were fulfilled in more direct and
indirect ways. Even in America, less than 50 years ago, most Americans lived on
farms or in small towns with extended families and relatives close by. If financial
or other needs arose, relatives, the church, and neighbors were there to “lend a
helping hand”. Problems were visible and personal, everyone knew everyone else
in the community. When a need arose, it was taken for granted that those with
resources would do whatever they could to alleviate the difficulties.
Needless to say, we are now living in a different era. Our technology, economic
base, social patterns, and living style have changed dramatically (radically,
fundamentally, significantly). Our commercial, industrial, political, educational,
and religious institutions are considerably larger and more impersonal. We tend to
live in large urban communities, away from families or relives, frequently without
even establishing acquaintance with neighbors. We have become much more
mobile, often having few roots and limited knowledge of the community in which
we live.
1. Historical Background of Social Work and Social Welfare
1.1 Social Work
Social work as a profession is of the recent origin. It is to meet the needs of the
urban people. The first social welfare agencies began in 1800, developed by the
clergy men and religious group known as “Do Gooders”.They had little education;
no formal training and little understanding of human behaviors. They gave basic
needs such as food, shelter, and cure emotional and personal difficulties with
religious admonition (rebuke, reproach).
In1877, Charity Organization Society (COS) was founded in America that

provided services to individuals and families.
In 1920, Sigmund Freud’s theories of personality development and psychiatric

approaches focused on enabling the client to adjust and adapt to their situation.
The depression (despair, hopelessness) of 1930s and the enactment (endorsement)

of Social Security Act of 1935 brought social services and job opportunity for
social workers.

The depression of 1930s has mentioned brought about profound changes in social
welfare. Until this time there was still largely the belief in individualism, that one
is master of one’s fate. The depression sheltered this myth. With an estimated 15
million people unemployed in the middle and upper classes, it became clear that
causes and effects beyond individual control could cause deprivation, misery, and
poverty. In addition, it became obvious that private social work agencies which up
until that time had distributed most of the financial assistance to the poor, did not
have the resources to meet the needs of the larger number who were now
unemployed and poor.
As a result, in 1935 the Social Security Act was passed which formed the basis of
many of our current public social welfare programs. There were three categories
under this act:
1- Social Insurance. This category was set up with an institutional orientation and
provided insurance for unemployment, retirement, or death. There are two main
programs under this category.
(a) Unemployment Compensation which provides weekly benefit for a limited time
for works who become unemployed.
(b) Old Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance which provides monthly
payments for individuals and their families when the worker retires, becomes
disabled or dies. In everyday conversation this program is generally referred to as
Social Security.
2. Public Assistance. This category has many “residual aspects”. To receive

benefits an individual must undergo a “means test” in which one’s assets and
expenses are reviewed to determine if there is a financial need. The program were
Aid to the Blind (people of any age whose vision is 20/200 or less with
correction), Aid to Disabled (people between 18 and 65 yrs who are permanently
disabled), Old Age Assistance (people 65yrs and older) and Aid to Families with
Dependent Children (primarily mothers with children under age 18 where the
father is out of the home)
3. Public Health and Welfare Services. While the first two categories provided
financial benefits, this category established the role of the federal government in

providing social services, for example, adoption, foster care, and services to
crippled children.
Therefore the federal government was called upon to fulfill the new role. In early
1930s some temporary financial relief programs were established which provided
grants-in-aid to states for financial relief.
In 1955, National Association of Social Workers was formed in America.
And in 1977, 22 states of the United States of America passed a legislation to

regulate (legalize or Control) the practice of Social Work.
1.2 Social Welfare
Social Welfare began since the creation of human families or societies. Mutual
help in the family serve as the means of protection. Later on, the priests took up
this responsibility, i.e. giving protection to the helpless widows, orphans, the sick,
the poor and etc. Charity was encouraged by the desire to receive the grace of God.
Here, charity administration was given to bishops, priests, and deacons. Created
were institutions such as Monasteries, Orphanages, and Home for sick,
handicapped, Work houses, Alms houses etc.
With the development of human societies, social welfare developed in its origin,
philosophy, and programs; in which social work grow as a new aspect
(characteristic, feature).
Later, the field of social welfare was taken up by United Nations and its agencies
in development of adequate services for the family, youth, child welfare,
handicapped rehabilitation and housing, and community planning plus the
improvement of physical and mental health, mental and child care, education, rural
welfare, employment security and social insurance.
According to Handel (1982), Social Welfare is a “set of ideas and a set of activities
and organizations for carrying those ideas, all of which have taken shape over
many centuries, to provide people with income and other social benefits in ways
that safeguard their dignity”. Social Welfare serves both ideological (e.g. political
and religious) and practical (e.g. unable to provide for oneself) concerns.
Until modern times, the three major form of social welfare were
charity/philanthropy, public welfare, and mutual aid. Charity/philanthropy refers to
social welfare in which a donor (giver) assists a recipient (taker/receiver). Public

welfare is basically an extension of charity/philanthropy in which the government
assumes the responsibility for the poor.
Charity /Philanthropy and public welfare involve some form of religious ideologue
(e.g. Christian love). An indicator of need is the standard of living or the economic
means of subsistence of an individual. For example, people who are not able to
adequately provide for themselves or their families or both are often considered in
needs of assistance.
1.3- Early European History
One of the problems faced by all societies was to develop ways to meet the needs
of those who are unable to be self sufficient, the orphans, the blind (visually
impaired), the physically disabled, the mentally handicapped and the sick.
Example, alms to the poor were given by the Franciscans (founded by St Francis of
Assisi, and Hospitallers by Guy de Montpelliers) i.e. missionary preaching,
collecting alms, and distributing to the destitute.
Due to the conflict between church and state in Europe, the old church institutions
for charity distribution i.e. monasteries, abbeys, and convents were replaced by
hospitals, orphanages, home for abandoned children and pregnant women.
Before the Industrial Revolution, this responsibility was largely met by the family,
the neighbors and the church.
1.4- Early Charities in England
In Medieval England, giving alms to the blind, destitute, and the disable was a
means of salvation from the threat of divine punishment after death; And the main
motives for alms giving was the salvation of soul of the donor.
In 14thc distinction was made between two classes of the poor:-
1- The able-bodied poor.
2- The important poor.
The able-bodied poor are those who can do something for themselves but because
of poverty they surrender themselves to be poor and poorer.

While the important poor are those who are unable to work i.e. the blind, the lame,
the sick, young children and pregnant women.
Here relief for the poor was first distributed by the priest, with the help of the
church wardens and deans.
Little was done to change the social conditions of the poor although daily
distributions of food were made at the convent gate and shelter was granted to the
homeless.
The “First Poor Laws” in England was based upon a national catastrophe. In 1348
the plaque or “Back Death”, brought in from Levant on ships caring infected rats
killed 2/4 of the English population within two years. It caused shortages of labour
and a rise in wages. King Eduard III then issued the “Statue of Laborers” of 1349.
Here able-bodied poor without means must accept employment from any master
and forbade them to leave their parish.
Citizens were not allowed to give alms to able bodied poor or beggars. This was
introduced to prevent begging and vagrancy (spirit of begging, homelessness), and
to force rural worker to stay on the land. Cruel punishment such as being put into
the stocks, being whipped, branded, or multiplied by cutting off the ears and the
nose, being condemned to the galleys, and finally hanged was ordered for beggars
and vagrant.
1.5 -The Elizabethan Poor Laws of 1601
In the Middle Ages, due to famines, crop failures, recurrence of pestilence (serious
diseases that spread fast and kill many people), and the break down in the Feudal
system (the social system that existed in Europe in the middle ages, in which land
belongs to the powerful, and the people they allow to live on the land had to work
and fight for them), the number of people in need increases. Approaches through
the church and family failed to meet the needs of the people. As a result, many
people turn to begging. To attempt to meet this problem, England passed several
laws between 1300s and 1800s (14-19c), and among them was the Elizabethan
Poor Laws of 1601, enacted (passed, endorsed) during the reign of Queen
Elizabeth I.

The Elizabethan version of the Poor Laws, which was enacted in 1601, is regarded
by many experts as laying the foundation on which modern-day human services
were established. Some expert also perceives it as the beginning of modern,
statutory social security.
Elizabethan Poor Laws was the culmination (conclusion, peak) of a series of earlier
English statutes imposed harsh penalties on those who left their localities in search
of higher wages, they were not very effective. The Elizabethan statute sought to
consolidate (join, combine) these provisions and to provide some relief to the
“deserving poor”, as they were known. The deserving poor were indigent (poverty
stricken, destitute), unable to work and had no relatives who could support them.
Local parishes were required to impose a tax to fund poor relief and to appoint an
official, known as the overseer of the poor, to administer the system. Similar
provisions were introduced in several Protestant Northern Europe, in the Catholic
regions of Europe, religious charity continued to function as the primary means of
helping those in need.
The Elizabethan Poor Laws was of great significance because it institutionalized

the idea of government social welfare responsibility. Initially, this responsibility
was limited to needy people who could not care for themselves or who have no one
to care for them. Work houses were established to accommodate destitute able-
bodied people, and almshouses and other specialized residential institutions were
subsequently build to house orphans, the destitute elderly and disabled. Despite its
limited coverage and punitive (penal) approach, the Poor Laws offered a modicum
(little, small amount) of support and facilitated the subsequent extension of public
welfare provision (de Schweinitz, 1943, Bruce 1961)
By the end of the 19thc, when Europe was experiencing rapid industrialization and
urbanization, the problems of delinquency, child neglect, prostitution, alcohol
abuse, destitute, abandonment and other social problems become widespread.
Although religious and secular charities responded as best they could, these
problems remained endemic and were widely attributed to the family disintegration
and social disorganization that, it was believed, accompanied industrialization.
Government social programs also expanded in the developing countries at this

time. When many of these countries secured independence from European colonial

rules in 1950s and1960s, the health , education and other social programs
introduced during the colonial era were enhanced, and many countries created new
developments of social welfare to extend the limited range of human services
established by the missionaries and colonial authorities (Hardeman and Midgley,
1989)
The Elizabethan Poor Laws established three (3) categories of the relief recipients:
5.1.1-The Able -Bodied Poor
This group of people was given low-grade employment, and the citizens were
prohibited (forbidden) from giving them financial help. Anyone who refuses to
work was placed in jail.
5.1.2-The Imported Poor
These were people unable to work-the elderly, the blind, the deaf, mothers with
young children, and the physically and mentally handicapped; these were placed
together in alms houses.
5.1.3-The Dependent Children
According to the law, children whose parents or grandparents were unable to

support them were given out to other citizens.
Boys were given out and taught the trade of their masters and had to serve until
their 24th birth day. Girls were brought up as domestic servants and were required
to remain until they were 21st or married.
This law continued in Britain for the next 300 years.
Most of the provisions of the Elizabethan Poor Laws were incorporated (integrated
included) into the social welfare polices of colonial America.
5. 6 -The Industrial Revolution.
This flourished in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries in Europe and America. This was
a period of technological development. The revolution was made possible by the
Protestant ethic and the Laisser-faire economical view. The Protestant Ethic
emphasized individualism i.e. “one is master of one’s own fate” (destiny). Hard
work and acting in one’s own interest were highly valued. Here to be poor was
thought to be due to one’s own moral fault.
The Protestant Work Ethic (PWE) is a connection between religious beliefs and
early forms of capitalism, which is seen to underpin (support, strengthen,
emphasize) modern western economic development. The concept is most
associated with the German economist and sociologist Max Weber. Weber argued
that Protestant economic conduct is predicated on a need to gain assurance that the
individual in among the elect, the saints already chosen (according to the Calvinist
doctrine of predestination) as eventually going to heaven. Weber called this “inner
worldly asceticism” and argues that Protestant find assurances through successful
practice in the public world of mundane (ordinary, everyday) economic reality.
Calvinism also believes that each individual has a “calling” (occupation, activity)
that is partly chosen by God and that this calling should be pursued relentlessly and
fully (Weber, 1958). Hence, Calvinist entrepreneurs feel ethically bound to sustain
profitability through relentless, (persistent, insistent) steady and systematic activity
in business. They strive for maximal returns on asserts while abstaining from
immediate enjoyment of the fruits of activity. Hence, capital accumulates through
continuous investment and repression (operation, domination) of feelings of
solidarity towards others.
The “Laisser Faire Economic Theory” declared that the economy and society in
general would best prosper if businesses and industries were permitted to do
whatever they desire to make profit (See Laisser Faire Economic Theory).
However, the process failed to bring about the expected change but instead the vast
poor majority in the poor sector becomes far more impoverished.

5.6.1-The Circle of Poverty
2. Result in
1. Poor family with young
substandard living
children.
condition.
3. Generally leads
Circle is completed- poverty is passed on to another generation.
to disinterest in
school among the
children.
7. If then also have young
children, financial
responsibilities generally
lock them into poverty for 4. Children attempt to escape
the rest of their lives. from substandard living
conditions from school by
dropping out of school and
obtaining a low-pay job and or
getting married.
6. If then marry early,

expenses increase and
severely limit further
educational or
5. Because of low
vocational training.
educational
background, begin to
be locked into poverty.
5.6.2-Causes and Factors that contribute to poverty
1- A high unemployment rate
2- Poor physical health
3- Psychical disability
4- Emotional problems
5- Extensive medical bill

6- Alcoholism
7- Drug addiction
8- Large size families
9- Job displacements due to automation
10- Lack of an employment skill
11- Low level of education
12- Female head of household with young children
13- No cost of living increases for people on fixed income
14- Racial discrimination
15- Having an “ex- convict label”
16- Living in a geographical area where jobs are unavailable
17-Divorce, desertion, or death of a spouse
18- Gambling
19- Budgeting problems and mismanagement of resources
20- Sex discrimination
21- Being a crime victim
22- Having anti-work ethic value
23- Underemployment
24- Low-pay jobs
25- Mental retardation
26- Being beyond the age of retirement
Section Two
2-Definition of Social Work and Social Welfare

2.1- Definition of Social Work.
1-Social work is the professional activities of helping individuals, group or

communities to improve their capacity for social functioning and creating societal
conditions favorable to that goal ( by the National Association for Social Workers,
USA 1956)
2-International Social work Conference held in Paris, 1928, defined social work as
such exerted effort intended to achieve the following objectives:
- To minimize the effort of disasters.
- Provision of medical services and raise the standard of living by provision of

necessary services.
- It serves as a preventive agent in the society.
- Creative mechanism for improving social conditions.
3- The social work profession promotes social change, problem solving in human
relationships and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance well-being.
Utilizing theories of human behaviour and social systems, social work intervenes
at the points where people interact with their environments. Principles of human
rights and social justice are fundamental to social work.
2.2- Definition of Social welfare
1- Social welfare denotes (indicate/tells) the full responsibility of Governmental and

Non-Governmental Organizations that aims at helping individuals, groups and
communities in solving their own problems and satisfying their basic needs, using
tangible and un-tangible resources .
2- Or Social Welfare is an organized structure that consists of social services and
aims at helping individuals, group, and communities in achieving good standard of
living and sound health.
3- Also it aims to promote social relation in developing the talent of individuals. The
goal here is to fulfill social, financial, health and recreational requirement of the
individuals in a society i.e. promotion of economic, social, health and culture.
2.2.3- What is a client?

It is important that the social work profession accurately define and describe the
relationship that exists between those who receive services and those who provide
services (social workers). Over the years many terms have been used to describe
the service-recipient relationship. Many of these terms have been scrutinized as
failing to accurately describe the relationship that exists between the social worker
and the service recipient.
McLaughlin (2008) identified four terms commonly used to describe the social
worker-service user relationship as patients, consumers, and service users. It is
important to explore the language used to conceptualize this relationship because
the social work profession seeks to empower the most disadvantaged and
vulnerable of the population the language we use matters.
Client is the most widely used term to describe the social work relationship.
The meaning and implications of the term “client” have been questioned as it gives
the impression that the social worker is in a position of power over the client. In
this instance a client would be viewed as someone who needs help but does not
have the ability to help themselves, due to some deficiency either a lack of skills or
ability, and therefore requires the knowledge of a social worker (McLaughlin,
2008).
The term “consumer” has been used to describe the relationship of those who use
services the state offers. The meaning and implications of using the term
“consumer” suggests that those receiving services has options and choices and the
social worker is acting as a manager or a monitor of services and/or resources
(Ibid, 2008).
The term “service user” has also been used in various social work settings.
However “service user” may not be appropriate for use in all types of social work
practice. For example social workers working in the arena of children’s protective
services are mandated to respond to child abuse and neglect based on agency and
state law. In this situation the service user would most likely object to the social
worker’s response, therefore the service user would not be officially involved in
the decision making process. Over the years social workers have been given a
major role in the assessment of needs and risks over client groups and this role is
often associated with a policing or surveillance role. In this way the relationship

that exists between the client and social worker may get confusing and ambiguous
(McLaughlin, 2008).
2. 3- Objectives of Social Welfare
The following are the main objectives of social welfare.
1- To find home for parentless children.

2- To rehabilitate people who are addicted to drugs and alcohols.
3- To treat those with emotional problems.
4- To make life more meaningful for the aged.
5- To provide vocational rehabilitation services to the physically handicapped.
6- To provide child care services for the working mothers.
7- Counteract (neutralize, work against) problems and violence in families.
8- To counsel individuals, and groups having a wide variety of personal and social
difficulties.
9- To educate and provide socialization experience to children who are mentally
retarded or mentally disturbed.
Social Work practices most of the above professional activities in its institutions
and organizations.
Section Three
3. Philosophy (idea, viewpoint) of Social Work.
Social work is a professional and academic discipline that seeks to improve the
quality of life and enhance wellbeing of individuals, families, couples, groups, and
communities through research, policy planning, community development, direct
practice, crisis intervention, ensuring social welfare and security for those affected
by social disadvantages such as poverty, psychosocial care to mentally and
physically disabled, and raising voices against social injustice for social reforms,
including social actions against violations of civil liberties and human rights. It is a
progressive profession where one can be actively engaged in helping others to help
themselves. The profession is dedicated to the pursuit of social justice and the
well-being of oppressed and marginalized individuals and communities, a
collective action for combating racism, sexism, classism, heterosexism, ageism,
adultism, mentalism, etc. Social work is a broad profession that encompasses its

activities in fields like Health and Mental Health, Social Service Administration,
Children and Their Families, Social Work Policy Analysis, Social Justice and
Diversity, Forensic and Traumatology, Gerontology, etc.
Research and the practice of social work focuses on areas such as: mental health
and addictions, assessment and diagnosis, human development, sociolegal,
psychosocial, issues related to diversity, marginalization and oppression;
psychotherapy, counseling, social policy, public administration, social program
evaluation, social policy analysis and development, social planning, family and
child welfare, and social and community development.. It is an interdisciplinary
field that incorporates theoretical bases from economics, education, sociology, law,
medicine, philosophy, ecology, politics, anthropology, and psychology.
Social Work is an enabling profession, which empowers people to change the way
of their lives. Social Work is a Professional Activity that aims to assist people in
overcoming serious difficulties in their lives by offering care, protection and
counseling. (C. Henry and Philpot.1994)
Answer these Questions? Do you imagine any society without human sufferings?
Do you imagine any society where all members are young and there is no old-age
problem? All members are healthy and wealthy? All members have their needs
satisfied? A society where there is no stratification? A society where there is no
discrimination and prejudice? A society where there is no poverty? Where
everybody is rich? Where everybody is educated? Definitely, No. Because human
societies are not perfect, social problems emerge in human societies which require
humane solution. And human needs arise that must be satisfied.
Now answer these questions again? Are you offended (upset) when you see poor
picking their food from garbage? When you see poor fighting over a bag of floor or
rice? When you see illness and disease go untreated because health care is not
affordable and efficient (competent)? When you see children addicted to drugs?
When children beg in the streets? When the deserving candidates do not get job?
Are you willing to confront realities of social problems and human needs? Are you
concerned with the plight of the many who experience hardships of poverty and the
tears of hunger and pain? Do you want to be involved in shaping a society that
strives to ensure a high quality of life and social justice for all social members?

Social Work Profession is charged with fulfilling the Social Welfare’s mandate of
promoting well-being and quality of life. Thus, Social work encompasses
professional activities directed towards improving human and social conditions and
alleviating (improving or lessening) human distress and social problems.
Social Work Profession promotes social change, problem-solving in human

relationships, the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance well-being.
Utilizing theories of human behaviour and social system, social work intervenes at
the point where people interact with their environment.
3.1 Philosophical-Base of Social Work
Social Work is said to be a helping profession, but why do we help people? Why
do we social workers care for people? Why do we rehabilitate drug addicts,
alcoholic addicts? Why do we work for poverty alleviation? Why do we promote
social policy and social change? Why do we empower people? Why do we work
for people’s well-being? “Philosophy began with questioning” (Plato)
Answering these questions will lead you to your philosophical base of social work.
Because, what makes us do all what we do as a social worker? What are our
fundamental beliefs and principles which guide our behaviour and make us do
what we do? Why do we strengthen people’s social functioning? Why do we
enhance (improve) social environment?
3.2- Principles and Values of Social Work Profession.
There are basic rules or beliefs about what is right and morally good.
In social work, these principles and values are codes of conduct intended to serve
as a guide to everyday conduct of members of social work profession.
Principles of human rights and social justice are fundamental to social work.
The code represents standards of ethical behavior for social workers in professional
relationships with those served, and the community and society as a whole.
The social work students are therefore ask to thoroughly practice and absorb theses
principles and become part of their lives, as they go about learning in their future

career in this filed. Much of social work practice is dependent upon making
decision based on values.
Pincus and Minahan defined values as: - Values are beliefs, preferences, or
assumptions about what is desirable or good to man.
Value is said to be good or wrong only in relation to the particular belief system or
ethical code being used as a standard.
The values are as follows:-
3.2.1- Respect for the dignity and uniqueness of the individuals
This value or principle has been also called individualization. Individualization

means viewing and treating a person as a unique, worthwhile person. The social
work profession firmly believes that each person has inherent (inborn, natural,
intrinsic) dignity which is to be respected.
In working with a client, a social worker needs to perceive and respect the
uniqueness of the clients’ situation.
Every human being is unique in a variety of ways-value system, personality, goals

in life, financial resources, emotional and physical strength, and personal concerns,
past experiences, peer pressure, emotional reaction, self identity, family
relationships, and deviant behavioral patterns. In working with a client a social
worker needs to perceive and respect the uniqueness of the client’s situation.
3.2.3- Client’s rights to self determination
This principle asserts (emphasizes) that clients has the rights to hold and express
their own opinions and to act upon them, as long as in doing they do not infringe
(violate, break) upon the rights of others.
Client’s self-determination derives logically from the belief in the inherent dignity
of each person. If people have dignity, then it follows that they should be permitted
to determine their own life-styles as far as possible.
In order for people to grow, to mature, to become responsible, people need to make
their own decisions and to take responsibility for the consequences.

Self-determination implies that clients should be made aware that there are
alternatives for resolving the personal or social problems they face. Self-
determination involves having clients make decisions; that is, making a choice
selected from several courses of actions.
Social work believes that making decisions and doing everything for a client is
self-defeating as it leads to increased dependency, rather than self reliance and self-
sufficiency.
Self-determination means that the client, not the worker, is the chief problem
solver.
3.2.3- Confidentiality
This is the agreement between a professional and his/her client to maintain the
private nature of information about the client. That is, the disclosures made to the
professional will not be shared with anyone else, except when authorized by the
client in writing or required by law.
One of the reasons confidentiality is very important is because clients will not be
apt to share their “hidden secrets”, personal concerns, and social thoughts and
actions with a professional if they believe that information will be revealed to
others.
Confidentiality is only absolute when information revealed to professional is never

passed on to anyone or anything in any form.
Confidentiality is a legal matter, and at the present time there is a fair amount of
uncertainty as to what a violation is legally and what is not.
Because of the principle of confidentiality, professionals can be sued to court if

they disclose information which the client is able to document has a damaging
effect upon him/her. A basic principle of counseling is that client must feel
comfortable in fully revealing themselves to the professional without fear that their
secret revelation will be used against them.
3.2.4- Accountability

Federal and state government units, and private funding sources, are requiring that
the effectiveness of service program be measured.
Social workers need to become skilled at evaluating the extent to which they are
being effective in providing services. At the agency level and program level a wide
variety of evaluation techniques are now available to assess effectiveness of
current services, and to identify unmet needs and service gaps.
Social workers need to become skilled at evaluating the extent to which they are
being effective in providing services. At the agency or program level a wide
variety of evaluation techniques are now available to assess effectiveness of
current service gaps.
One of the most useful approaches is management by objectives (MBOs). This

techniques involves identification at program levels what are the objectives of the
program, specifying in measurable terms how and when these objectives will be
met, and then periodically (occasionally, from time to time) measuring the extent to
which the objectives will be met.
If goals are generally not being achieved the worker needs to examine the
underlying reasons.
The summary of the major principles are as follows:-
1-The social worker should maintain high standard of personal conduct in the
capacity or identity as social worker.
2-The social worker’s primary responsibility is to clients.
The social worker should make every effort to foster maximum self determination
on the part of the clients.
3-The social worker should adhere (hold on) to colleagues with respect, courtesy,
fairness, and good faith.
4-The social worker should adhere to commitments made to the employing

organizations.
5-The social worker should assist the profession in making social services
available to the general public.
6-The social worker should take responsibility for identifying, developing, and
fully utilizing knowledge for professional practice.
7-The social worker should promote the general welfare of the society.
8-The social worker should act to prevent practices that are inhuman or
discriminatory against any person or group of persons.
3.3- Feature (nature, characteristics) of Social Work
1- It is a specialized profession.
2- It has scientific approaches and techniques, applied through the methods.
3- It has professional act (requires special skills).
4- Depends on professional workers.
5- It is a multi skilled profession.
6- Provisions of services.
7- It has institutions.
8- It has moral values and principles.
3.4- The motives (purpose, reason) of Social Work
The purpose of social work is to enable children, adults, families, groups and
communities to function, participate and develop in society. Social workers
practice in a society of complexity, change and diversity, and the majority of
people to whom they provide services, are among the most vulnerable and
disadvantaged in that society. Social workers are employed by a range of statutory
(legal, constitutional), voluntary and private organizations, and work in
collaboration with colleagues from allied professions and departments, as part of a
network of welfare, health, housing, education and criminal justice provision.
Social work and criminal justice agencies are given specific responsibilities and
powers through statute, and social workers and probation officers have to practice
within legislative frameworks and organisational policies and procedures. They
have to balance the needs, rights, responsibilities and resources of people with

those of the wider community, and provide appropriate levels of support,
advocacy, care, protection and control.
3.5 Processes (Procedures, practices) of Social Work
Social Work processes or practice begins with the purpose of the social worker.
Understanding of the social work profession starts with an intense appreciation of
the person in which the social worker serves (Sheafor & Horejsi, 2008). The social
worker understands that humans are social beings; these social creature’s growth
and development need the guidance of nurturing and protection provided by others
around them. It’s this inter-connectedness and interdependence of people in the
social environment that is the foundation of practice in social work as a profession.
The environment a person lives in has a lot to do with how a social worker may
apply knowledge and guidance. There are two distinct types of social work practice
that are used according to the type of setting.
3.5 .1- Direct Practice
Direct practice is when the social worker works directly with an individual, family,
or group of people. The first direct meeting can occur in a variety of ways such as
a crisis, voluntary, or involuntary. The first meeting is a critical point in
establishing a good helping relationship. A social worker should prepare for any
type of first contact, so that they may set up the best relationship possible with the
client (Sheafor & Horejsi, 2008).
At the BSW level, direct practice is primarily done as a case worker. The case
worker may meet with the individual daily, weekly, or monthly depending on the
type of work. For example, in short term crisis work, the person may have daily
meetings. For adults with intellectual disabilities, a monthly check in may be more
appropriate and required by the supervising agency. Direct practice is typically
done as a worker at an agency, nonprofit, or government setting. A direct case
worker may be involved in many different areas of practice, including but not
limited to working in adoption, Child Protective Services, in a group home for
individuals with brain injuries, a shelter for abuse survivors, or with Community
Mental Health. The caseworker may be involved in finding resources or providing

support for the client. Meetings may take place at an agency or in the client’s
home.
At the MSW level, direct practice is usually done in the role of the therapist or
counselor. Therapists generally see their clients on a weekly basis, although this
time frame may vary. Therapists often work at the same agencies as BSW level
caseworkers, but in a different role. While the BSW worker is involved with taking
care of the many logistical issues a client may have (housing, food, etc.), the MSW
worker is usually assisting the client with skill building, learning coping strategies,
and focusing on their overall mental health treatment. Sessions may take place at
an agency or in the client’s home.
3.5 .2- Indirect Practice
Indirect practice is generally when the social worker is involved in activities that
consist with facilitating change through programs and policies. This type of
practice is more of behind the scenes and is aimed to help prevent problems from
developing. Also, the social worker may participate in this type of practice by
advocating through agency administrators, legislators, or other powerful people to
effect a change (Sheafor & Horejsi, 2008). You may also hear the
term Macro system practice, which means systems larger than a small group or
single person (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2010). Micro systems are continuously
affected by the Macro systems. The two major Macro systems that impact
individuals the most are communities and organizations.
Community is defined by Merriam-Webster a unified body of individuals: such as

a state or common wealth; the people with common interests living in an area
geographically. Community can also me the individuals are connected in other
ways, such as an activity, job or an identifying ethnic trait (Zastrow & Kirst-
Ashman, 2010). Community Theory, is a theoretical frame work adopted when
working within a community. Community Theory consists of two components; the
nature of the community such as perspectives which may include how it is defined.
The second component is how social workers practice in the community (Zastrow
& Kirst-Ashman, 2010).

An organization is defined by Merriam-Webster as an administrative and
functional structure; this is a group of individuals that come together to work
towards a common goal (as cited in Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2010). Each of the
individuals involved in the organization preform specific duties.
Collaboration with agencies are a vital part of indirect practice. The social
(Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2010) worker can help facilitate change by reaching out
to other agencies that can assist in meeting other needs of the client.
According to an article written by Johnson (1999), indirect social practice has often
referred to environmental intervention in the client’s networks or social aspect. The
belief was to help alleviate challenges in the client’s surroundings. There are two
elements associated with indirect practice. The first one is called concrete
assistance; this is resources available to the client to help with basic needs. For
example, food assistance programs are the most common resource needed for
clients. The second element to indirect social work practice is socio psychological
intervention. Which is the adjustment of attitude or behavior of significant people
within the client’s social environment (Johnson, 1999).
Human behavior occurs within a community, it is ever present and continuous.

Individuals develop through the interactions with others. Behavior is ever
dependent on others in the environment, as well as the individual client’s behavior
affecting those they interact making behavior interdependent (Zastrow & Kirst-
Ashman, 2010). The term community can mean so many various things. As a
social worker, one must figure out in what context the client’s community affects
them. What makes up that person’s community? Do all the community members
suffer the same common problems? Due to the broad nature of the meaning
Community, we can break it down in three categories; A designated group of
people; this group has something in common; and we know that because of a
commonality the individuals in the community, they interact in some way or
possibly will in the future (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2010).
3.5 .3- Rural Communities
Agreement among scholars has leaded the social work profession to use a more
generalist approach in small towns. The generalist approach allows the social
worker to gain skills for working with individuals, families, small groups,
organizations and communities. The rationale for this type of practice is solely
based on the structural normality’s in the majority of rural areas. These areas are
usually characterized by a lack of formal resources which includes the services of
private social entities. The Social workers that serve in these areas often work in
the public service. They are asked to perform in a range of problems that are
presented by those they serve.
There is no set-definition of what defines a rural community, but as such can be

understood as those non-metropolitan areas, including surrounding towns with a
reduced population that have limited to no access to social services (Lohmann,
2012). It is important to note that despite the stereotype that all rural areas are the
same, the reality is that all rural areas differ from one to the next based on
socioeconomics, climate, surrounding culture, present ethnicities, and religious
structures to name just a few. With this in mind, the rural social worker must be
able to work positively within these communities, and take into consideration the
differences that exist within them. These areas are usually characterized by a lack
of formal resources which includes the services of private social entities. The
Social workers that serve in these areas often work in the public service.
Such limited resources in consideration include available locations, trained and

licensed individuals, and monetary founds. Thus, as Lohmann (2011) describes,
social workers must play multiple roles, from community organizers to
caseworkers. As such, these roles are valued for their creativity in how treatment
occurs, and how flexible the social worker is with switching between the individual
and the community. Limited resources also mean that rural social workers often
practice in isolation, without direct supervision and with difficulty accessing
continuing educational materials. As such, it is important that these workers seek
additional opportunities to expand their professional development and continue
advocating for best practices.
Agreement among scholars have lead the social work profession to use a more
generalist approach in small towns (Lohmann, 2012; Waltman, 2013). The
generalist approach allows the social worker to gain skills for working with
individuals, families, small groups, organizations, and communities. The rationale

for generalist practice refers to the limited social resources available for rural
communities that must be substituted by Social Workers. As such, the generalist
approach is best used in rural settings, as it allows the social worker to take on
multiple roles that the community needs.
One notable complication with rural communities is the potential of dual

relationships between the Social Worker and their clientele. These relationships
refer to the proximity of Social Workers living and working in the same
environment, where clients may be neighbors or members of similar social groups.
Pugh (2007) discusses that these situations present ethical problems, such as
maintaining a professional appearance by avoiding invitations for conversations,
but ultimately that the social workers role is defined by how they conduct
themselves in the community. Additionally, Humble, Lewis, Scott, and Herzog
(2013) describe the potential for professional fatigue when the social work is
always “on duty”. Despite the additional transparency, rural social workers must
balance their professional and private lives in order to work effectively in these
areas.
3.5 .4- Urban communities
In contrast to rural communities, urban communities are those settings involving

metropolitan areas with an increase in population density, a decrease in general
size, and an increase in access to social services for its population. The rise of
industrialization has led to a migration from rural communities to urban ones,
resulting in a population shift between the two areas where urban areas hold the
majority of the population. This, in term, leads to an increase in problems, such as
differences in socioeconomic status, an increase in migrant and immigrant
populations, higher crime rates, and differences in health outcomes of residents.
Social workers in urban environments will find considerable job opportunities in

both the public and the private sectors. Publicly, Social Workers may find jobs
with Community Mental Health programs, alliances that work with veteran or
homeless populations, and with educational settings to name a few. Privately,
Social Workers may find opportunities for clinical care roles and job specialties,
such as working with victims of sexual assault. What urban environments offer is

the ability for the social work individual to focus on what area, while allowing
referrals to other qualified individuals.
Unlike rural environments, urban environments allow for a range of continual

educational options, including seminars at meeting halls or college campuses,
specialized opportunities for trainings in issues such as a trauma, and the ability for
social workers to gather in conferences. This, in turn, allows social workers to have
outside supervision, as well as an increase in communication across the profession.
Despite the advantages urban environments offer in terms of networking and job
opportunities, it is important to remember that there are setbacks. As mentioned,
with an increase in population comes a rise in disparities between socioeconomic
status. One of the larger issues faced by clients is the level of healthcare coverage
that they can afford. This often entails poor healthcare outcomes, and a decrease in
mental health care. Social Workers in these environments will often work with the
economically disadvantaged, and must understand the cultural variations that exist
in the area they work. Additionally, it is imperative that Social Workers understand
the local resources available to their clients, such as transportation and food
services, and be able to help their clients with these issues.
Section Four
4. Methods of Social Work (briefly)
These are done briefly because most of the methods of social work are taught in
details in second and third year classes as courses for specialization
There are currently seven (7) main and important methods of social work; and
these are as follows:-
4.1- Case Work Method (Individual Method)
Case work method is defined as that practices aiming at helping individuals to

solve problems that hinders the performance of individual social functioning.
Originally, in 19thc the term case work was, work on individuals situations, work
case by case, and in contrast with the provision of services.

According to this method and perspectives (ideology, view point), first in America
and later in Britain, was the idea of a kind of specialized social therapy i.e.
treatment of mental illness, by counseling or talking to some body (client)
Case work is now seen as one of the methods constituting social work which
includes treatment in its strong sense, in brief described as social work with
individuals.
A majority of social workers spend most of their time working with individuals in
public or private agencies. Social casework is aimed at helping individuals, on a
one- to- one basis, to meet personal and social problems. Social work services are
provided by nearly every social welfare agency that provides direct services to
people. Social casework encompasses a wide variety of activities, such as
counseling run away youth, helping unemployed secure training or employment,
counseling someone who is suicidal, placing a homeless child in an adoptive or
foster home, providing nursing homes for stroke victims who no longer need to be
confined in a hospital, counseling individuals with sexual dysfunctional, helping an
alcoholics to acknowledge they have a drinking problems etc.
4.2- Group Work Method
Social Group Work Method is a process through which groups in social agency
settings are helped by social worker to relate themselves to other people and to
exercise growth and capacities.
Social work believes that group can be helped to grow and change in personality
and attitudes provided that suitable conditions are created.
Groups are increasingly being used in social work. Almost every social service
agency now provides some group services. The focus of social group work has
considerable variation, including social conversation, recreational skill
development, problem solving and decision making, self-help, socialization etc.
4.3- Community Organization Method.

In social work, a community is defined as a group of people living in common
geographical location, are sharing common interest and having a sense of
belonging. The term community organization is used to refer to a process as well
as a field.
Community organization is the process of dealing with individuals and groups who
are concerned with social welfare services or objectives, for the purpose of
influencing such services, improving their quality and distribution.
4.4- Social Action.
Social Action is a logical outgrowth of the fundamental belief of the social work
and as such a fourth method.
Social action can be defined as an organized effort to change or improve social and
economic institutions. Social action conveys movements of political reform,
industrial democracy, social legislation, racial and social justice, religious freedom
and civil (public, national) liberty.
In short, Social Action is a mass approach in most peaceful manner used for
changing or modifying existing social and economic institutions which do not
function properly, and which made social work ineffective.
4.5- Social Administration.
Social Administration is the process we apply professional competence to certain

goals and transform social policy to social action.
In the field of social work, it is necessary to have adequate machinery of social

workers in order to administer social work institutions, through instruments such as
techniques of planning, organizing, staffing, directing, controlling, budgeting,
accounting etc. Thus, effective social welfare services and sound administration
are the heart and head of effective social work profession.
4. 6- Social Research Method.
Social Research Method refers to research conducted by social scientists, which

follows a systematic plan.

The search to understand the world around us and make sense of the confusing
complexity and diversity of human existence in addition to finding and deriving
meaning from life is as old as humanity itself. Indeed, throughout history,
philosophers, thinkers, and seers have meditated on the world around them and
have produced treatises about what they found.
Social research methods may be divided into two broad categories:
4.6.1- Quantitative designs approach: this is social phenomena through

quantifiable evidence, and often rely on statistical analysis of many cases (or
across intentionally designed treatments in an experiment) to create valid and
reliable general claims.
4.6.2- Qualitative designs: This emphasizes understanding of social phenomena

through direct observation, communication with participants, or analysis of texts,
and may stress contextual and subjective accuracy over generality.
Social scientists employ a range of methods in order to analyze a vast breadth of

social phenomena; basis from census survey data derived from millions of
individuals, to the in-depth analysis of a single agents' social experiences; from
monitoring what is happening on contemporary streets, to the investigation of
ancient historical documents. The methods rooted in classical sociology and
statistics have formed the research in other disciplines, such as political science,
media studies, and social work.
4.7- Social Planning.
Social planning is a process to develop policies, plans, and programs for human
services. Practitioners work in public or private settings; in functional areas such as
health, housing, or welfare; and in territories ranging from neighborhood to nation.
Social planning can be applied to community development work by providing a

framework for the interactional role of social workers and community organizers in
applying their knowledge and expertise in developing plans or programs specific to
the community that they are working with. Additionally, social planning provides
community organizers with an approach for mobilizing resources and generating
support for community development projects.

Social planning can be used in an urban planning setting to assess the social
impacts of land use. In this context, social planning would be used more as an
analytical tool with an emphasis more on technical research, objective data
collection and fact finding, as opposed to interactional relationships.
Most social workers are likely to engage in social planning at the agency level
when they design a new program to address client needs or write a funding
proposal. Although many social workers are involved to some degree in agency-
level planning, social planning is generally considered a subfield, separate and
distinct from practice with individuals, groups, and families.
Rothman (1979) and Rothman (1996 ) identify social planning as one of three
primary models of community organization in addition to social action and
community development. Rothman describes the primary goal of social planning
as problem solving. Social planners gather the facts about community problems,
analyze data, and make logical decisions about which of the available planning
options are the most possible or effective. Much of the social work literature on
this topic describes social planning techniques and their application to various
forms of community and administrative practice. For example, Weil (2005)
describes how planning takes place in communities and the skills necessary to
facilitate the planning process. Meenaghan, et al.( 2004) describes how applied
research techniques such as needs assessment and program evaluation are used to
guide social planning and social policy analysis Checkoway (1995) examines how
social planning methods are applied in urban areas. Austin and Solomon (2000)
describe techniques used to plan programs and service delivery systems.
All the above mentioned methods are very essential in social work practices, and
would be dealt with in the future classes of social work discipline.
4.8 Institutions of Social Work
Social Welfare Institutions are composed of social service programs (Foster Care)
and social services organizations (Planned Parenthood).
The purposes of Social Welfare Institutions are to prevent, alleviate, or contribute

to the solution of recognized social problems so as to improve the well being of the
individuals, groups, and community directly. Social Welfare institutions are

established by polices and laws, with programs and services being provided by
voluntary (private) and governmental (public) agencies.
The term Social Welfare Institution may be applied to a single program or

organization (e.g. Day Care Service for the mentally handicapped) or a group of
services or programs (e.g. Social Welfare Institutions for children include
adoption, foster care, juvenile probation etc).
There are both public and private or voluntary organizations in social welfare
settings. And these are:-
1- A public organization (whether at the county, state or federal level) is one

that is established by specific legislation that has been adopted by elected
officials and funded with tax monies.
2- The private or voluntary agency (organization) exists as a nonprofit setting
that is supported primarily with voluntary contributions.
Section Five
5. The Social Worker, Characteristics and Roles
The term social worker is generally applied to graduate (either with bachelors or
master’s degree) of school of social work, and who are employed in the field of
social welfare. A social worker is a” Change Agent”. As a change agent a social
worker is expected to be skilled at working with individuals, groups, and families,
and bringing about community changes. Almost of all social workers are employed
in the field of social welfare.
Social work practice consists of the professional application of social work values,
principles, and techniques to one or more of the following ends: helping people
obtain tangible services; providing counseling and psychotherapy to individuals,
families and groups; helping communities or groups provide or improve social and
health services and participating in relevant legislative processes.

The practice of social work requires knowledge of human development and
behavior; of social, economic, and cultural institutions; and the interaction of all
these factors.
A person who practices social work is called a social worker. In the UK, the title
"Social Worker" is protected by law (under 61 Care Standards Act 2000) and only
those who have undergone approved training at university either through a
Bachelor's or Master's Degree in Social Work and are registered with the
appropriate professional regulatory body (the Health and Care Professions
Council in England, the Scottish Social Services Council in Scotland, the Care
Council for Wales, or the Northern Ireland Social Care Council) may practice
social work and be called a social worker. To do so otherwise is a criminal offence.
Student social workers typically undergo a systematic set of training and
qualifications that are distinct from those of social care workers or care assistants,
who may undertake a social work role but not necessarily have the qualifications or
professional skills of a qualified social worker.
Social workers are organized into local, national, continental, and international
professional bodies.
The main tasks of professional social workers may include a number of services
such as case management (linking clients with agencies and programs that will
meet their psychosocial needs – common in the US and the UK), counseling and
psychotherapy, assessment and diagnosis of mental disorders, child
protection/welfare, human services management, social welfare policy analysis,
policy and practice development, community organizing, international, social and
community development, advocacy, teaching (in schools of social work), and
social and political research.
A historic and defining feature of social work is the profession's focus on
individual well-being in a social context and the well-being of society . Social
workers promote social justice and social change with and on behalf of clients. The
term "client" is used to refer to individuals, families, groups, organizations, or
communities. In the broadening scope of the modern social worker's role, some
practitioners have in recent years traveled to war-torn countries to provide
psychosocial assistance to families and survivors.

Furthermore, as a result of social workers' training in counseling and their
experience in helping their clients with accessing benefits such as unemployment
insurance and disability benefits, they are particularly well-suited to help
individuals and families learn how to become financially self-sufficient. That is to
say, there is a need for additional training for social workers in the financial
household management arena. Under some conditions, a raise may trigger
reductions in several benefits; therefore, it would be beneficial for social workers
to study a financial education curriculum tailored for social workers such as
Financial Social Work to fully understand and explain the possible ramifications
(result, consequence) to clients. In addition, social workers often work with low-
income or low to middle-income people who are either unbanked (do not have a
banking account) or under banked (individuals who have a bank account but tend
to rely on high cost non-bank providers for their financial transactions). Social
workers who have an understanding of financial institutions would be able to guide
individuals and families to use mainstream financial institutions and thereby hold
onto more of their income and spend less on high cost non-bank financial services.
According to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration
(SAMHSA), professional social workers are the nation's largest group of mental
health services providers. There are more clinically trained social workers than
psychiatrists, psychologists, and psychiatric nurses combined. Federal law and the
National Institutes of Health recognize social work as one of five core mental
health professions.
Social workers work with people to achieve the following objectives
1) Helping people enlarge their competence and increase their problems- solving
abilities.
2) Help people obtain recourses.
3) Make organizations responsive to people.
4) Facilitates interaction between individuals and others in their environment.
5) Influence interactions between organizations and institutions.
6) Influence social and environmental policy.
5. 1 - Overlap of Knowledge Base of Social Welfare with other disciplines.

Diagram1 1
7 2
Social welfare
6
3
5
4
Social Welfare overlaps with other social sciences because it is concern with
individuals, groups and communities; and all these sciences have interests in
human beings.
5.1.1- Sociology
Sociology is the scientific study of the social behavior of human beings. It is

concerned with social interaction within and between groups; it takes for analysis
groups ranging in size from two people to whole societies, with one focus being to
examine the effects of these groups on individuals.
A few examples may be useful in illustrating this overlap.
Sociological research on, and conceptualization of, the causes of social problems
(for example, juvenile delinquency, mental illness, poverty, and racial
discrimination or tribalism) may also be considered part of knowledge of social
welfare; only through an understanding of such problems can social welfare
effectively prevent and control such problems.
Sociology also deals with social problems such as deviance, crime, prostitutions,
poverty etc.

5.1.2- Psychology
Using psychology as an example, studies and theory development in such areas as

personality growth, perception and thinking, therapeutic techniques and
experimental investigation would be considered part of the knowledge base of
social welfare as it has direct social welfare applications.
On a different level, a functional level, social welfare overlaps with such

institutions as the family, education, religion, and politics.
One of the functions of the family is raising and caring for children. Social welfare
assist families by providing such services as counseling, day care, foster care and
adoption.
5.1.3- Religion
Religion has been interested in the social well-being of people, and has provided
such social welfare services as counseling using religious advice, financial
assistance, day care, and recreation. Religions build societies and have influence
on population, attitudes, values and morals. It also deals with problems such as
marriages, divorce, and death.
5.1.4- Political System
Political System is the relationship between individuals and the authority in the
government system. This system is very important in social work practice,
especially in community organization method.
The overlap between politics and social welfare occurs primarily at the stage of
development of new social service programs where political leaders must decide
whether expenditures of tax dollars for such program, for example, public
assistance, have long been a controversial political topic.
5.1.5- Economics
Economics deal with social relations in production, distributions and consumption;

individuals, family, and society economy within a country; resource allocation; and
level of standard of living.
5.1.6- Social Statistic

Social Statistic deals with quantitative method; measurement of social
phenomenon and social problems
5.1.7- Biology
In relation to social welfare, biology is very important in these institutions and

deals with physical functions, nutrition, medicine etc.
5. 2- Other Professional Groups within the field of Social Welfare
Diagram 2
Social
Worker 1
8
Ssssss
2
7
Social welfare
6 3
4
5
5.2.1- Psychologist

This deals with human behavior and mental problems in mental hospitals and
recreational places.
5.2.2- Nurses
They work in mental and public hospitals.
5.2.3- Attorneys (advocates).
Provide legal services to the poor and those neglected of their rights.
5.2.4- Recreational Therapist
They work in mental hospitals; institutions for the elderly people; in prisons; and
with those experimented with drugs.
5.2.5- Teachers
Found in university colleges, special welfare institutions and provide residential

treatment facilities for the emotionally disturbed.
5.2.6- Physicians
They deal with physical and nervous function in public health agencies.
5.2.7- Social planners
They are found in social planning agencies.
5.2.8- Psychiatrists
Deals with emotional illnesses in mental health hospitals and clinics
5.3- Common roles of social workers
Over the course of their career, a social worker at any one time may perform
multiple roles to varying degrees. The difficulty for many social workers is that
over time the roles that involve direct case work have lessened; often social
workers will find themselves in a position that involves little client involvement.
One of the most difficult situations social workers will experience in their careers
is the conflict they face while fulfilling some of the following roles often expected
of a social worker at one time.
5.1- Broker
A social worker acting as a broker assists and links people with services or
resources. In this role social workers assess the needs of the individual while also
taking into account the client’s overall capacity and motivation to use available
resources. Once the needs are assessed and potential services identified, the broker
assists the client in choosing the most appropriate service option. The social
worker as a broker role is also concerned with the quality, quantity, and
accessibility of services. This role is expected to be up-to-date on current services
and programs available, as well as familiar with the process for accessing those
resources and programs (Zastrow, 2016).
5.2-Case Manager
A social worker acting as a case manager identifies the needs as well as the barriers
of their clients. Occasionally case managers may also provide direct service to their
clients. Case managers often engage with clients who require multiple services
from a variety of agencies and work with the client to develop goals and
implement interventions based on the identified goals. Social workers acting as
case managers remain actively engaged with clients throughout the process by
identifying and coordinating services, monitoring identified services and providing
support when necessary, and finally providing follow-ups to ensure services are
being utilized (Zastrow, 2016).
5.3- Advocate
A social worker as an advocate seeks to protect client’s rights and ensure access
and utilization of services they are entitled to receive. Social workers may perform
advocacy work by advocating for a single client or by representing groups of
clients with a common problem or identified need. Social workers may advocate
with other organizations/providers and encourage their clients to advocate for
themselves in order to address a need or obtain a service. Advocacy is an integral
and fundamental role in the social work profession as it is necessary to promote
overall wellbeing. The National Association of Social Workers (NASW, 2015) “has
specified social workers’ responsibility to the community and broader society since
its adoption in 1960, and in 1996, strengthened its call to require all social workers

to “engage in social and political action” to “expand choice and opportunity” and
“equity and social justice for all people” (NASW, 2015 pg. 27). Social workers
acting in this capacity may advocate in varying capacities but often times may find
themselves in a position of educating the public in order to garner support to seek
changes in laws that are harming and impacting the wellbeing of clients. Social
workers acting as advocates should always consider whether they are acting and
advocating in a way that maximizes client self-determination (Zastrow, 2016).
5.4- Educator
Social workers acting as a teacher or educator often help in times of crisis for many
clients. In this role social workers help clients develop insight into their behaviors
through providing education aimed at helping clients learn skills to handle difficult
situations and identify alternative life choices. In this role social workers aim to
increase their client’s knowledge of various skills some of which include:
budgeting, parenting, effective communication, and/or violence prevention
(Zastrow, 2016).
5.6- Counselor
A social worker acting as a counselor helps clients express their needs, clarify their
problems, explore resolution strategies, and applies intervention strategies to
develop and expand the capacities of clients to deal with their problems more
effectively. A key function of this role is to empower people by affirming their
personal strengths and their capacities to deal with their problems more effectively
(Zastrow, 2016).
5.7- Risk Assessor
Social workers acting as risk assessors have been given a major role in the
assessment of needs and risks over a variety of client groups. Assessment is a
primary role for social workers and often times is what dictates the services and
resources identified as needs for clients. Often time’s social workers acting in this
role find themselves in precarious situations as the relationship between the client
and social worker may be conflicting, especially when working in the mental
health field. While working as a risk assessor in the mental health field the social

worker may experience conflict between encouraging client self-determination and
addressing safety risks.
5.8- Mediator
It is common that social workers act as mediators and negotiators as conflict is the
root of many areas of social work. Social workers acting in these roles are required
to take a neutral stance in order to find compromises between divided parties. In
this role social workers seek to empower the parties to arrive and their own
solutions in order to reconcile differences and reach a mutually satisfying
agreement (Stoesen, 2006).
5.9- Researcher
A social worker in the role of researcher or program evaluator uses their practice
experience to inform future research. The social worker is aware of current
research and able to integrate their knowledge with the current research. Social
workers acting in this capacity are able to utilize the knowledge they have obtained
through gathering and examining the research to inform their practice interventions
(Grinnell & Unrau, 2010).
5.10- Group Leader
Social workers who play the role of group leader or facilitator can do so with
groups of people gathering for purposes including; task groups, psycho-educational
groups, counseling groups, and psychotherapy groups. Task groups are like the
name infers task oriented and social workers facilitate that process by
understanding group dynamics. Psycho-educational groups are led by social
workers who focus on developing members’ cognitive, affective, and behavioral
skills in an area group members are deficient through integrating and providing
factual information to participants. Social workers who facilitate counseling groups
help participants resolve problems in various areas that can include: personal,
social, educational, or career concerns. In psychotherapy groups social worker
address psychological and interpersonal problems that are negatively impacting
member’s lives (Corey, Corey, & Corey, 2014).

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University of Juba
School of Community Studies and Rural Development
Department of Community Studies
Specialization: Social Work
Subject: Family Counseling

CRS: 315
Class: Third Year
Semester Five (5)

Home base learning method
Prepared by Augustine Lado Kuron Bonda (PhD)
September
2020
1- Course Title: Family Counseling

2- Course Code: CRS 315
3- Credit Hours: 3
4- Course Description:
The course introduces student to methods, theories, and the problems of family
counseling and therapy. It emphasizes on the importance of confidentiality on the
part of the counselor and also faith, hope and trust that people are capable of
change for the better. Students are exposed to the different fundamentals of family
counseling and therapy.
5 - Course Objectives:
1- Provide students with basic concepts, nature, definition, assumptions and

perspective of family counseling
2- To provide the student with, methods, theories, and counseling processes
3- For student to acquaint themselves with problems associated with child, youth
and adult development; and the modern trend of family counseling
6- Expected Outcome:

At the conclusion of the course, students should be able to:
1. Identify the basic concepts, assumptions, perspectives and research regarding

family systems theory.
2. Demonstrate knowledge of family development and transitions across life

span to identify normative issues expressed by families as they progress
through the family life cycle.
3. Develop basic interviewing, assessment, and counseling skills for client’s

presenting issues from a family systems perspective.
4. Understand the structure, functions, roles and goals of families as influenced
by culture, race, ethnicity, gender, age, socioeconomic status, religion,
sexual orientation.
5. Understand multi-cultural and pluralistic trends including characteristics and

concerns of diverse groups as applicable to family counseling.
6. Identify family issues that affect the development of children adolescents and
adults who may impede optimal social functioning and manifest in
symptoms such as learning disabilities, intellectual disability, abuse or
violence, substance abuse, depression, anxiety, eating disorders, etc.
7. Demonstrate skills in using developmental approaches to assist children,

adolescents, parents and adults at points of educational and life transitions.
8. Demonstrate skills for consulting with parents, teachers, and agency

personnel regarding, problems, affecting children and adolescents.
9. Identify preventive strategies for working with couples and families such as
pre-marital counseling, parent education and relationship enhancement.
10. Apply ethical standards to family counseling situations.
11. Analyze their own family-of-origin system’s structure & function and its
impact on individual member’s behavioral patterns.

7- Course Outline (Content)
Content:
1- Introduction (history, and biblical emergence, basic concepts and aims,)
2- Concepts and philosophy of family counseling
3- Family problems.
4- The role of the family in socialization process.
5- The objectives of family counseling.
6- The principles of family counseling
7- Theories of family counseling
8- The role of social worker in the family counseling
9- Family counseling process
10-The main fields of family counseling
11- Children, youth development and adults
12- Modern trends in family counseling
8-Mode of Delivery
- Home Based Learning Methods
9- Mode of Assessment
- Course work 60%
- Examination 40%
- Total Marks 100%

Section One
1. Introduction
The opening chapters of the history of family therapy were written in the late 19th
century. Beginning in 1890 and ending at the start of the Great Depression, this era
in American history known as the Progressive Era was a time marked by the
appearance of a wide range of social and political reform movements. It was
during this period that the United States witnessed a dramatic shift from an
agrarian- based society to an industrialized urban society. Because of this transition
many urban families found themselves coping with an array (range, collection) of
issues stemming from rapid social change resulting from the impact of the
industrial revolution and rapid urbanization.
1.2 History (Progressive Era) and Biblical Emergence of the Family
Social problems such as poverty, increasing social dislocation, immigration,

illiteracy, disease, exploited labor, and slum housing adversely impacted the lives
of increasing numbers of individuals and families. Many of these families often
found themselves living in crowded tenements with more than one family living in
small and rodent-infested quarters. Many individuals, including children, also
found themselves working in the highly dangerous, unsafe, and exploitative
conditions in the emerging factory system. Living in such marginally economic
and otherwise vulnerable conditions these individuals were without the benefit of
health protection and coverage for themselves and their families. These conditions
along with the increasing number of European and Asian immigrants generated
concern among many Americans about the seeming deterioration of the social and
moral fabric of American society.
There were those individuals who viewed these changing social conditions with a
sense of moral concern and social responsibility. These individuals, later to be
labeled as “Progressives,” engaged in an array of efforts to bring about social
reform in such areas as child labor, worker compensation, health care services, and
the responsiveness of local governments to the needs of urban residents.
Many families at the turn of the 20th century were beginning to experience the
impact of the industrial revolution and rapid urbanization.
These reformers, influenced if not inspired by an ideological commitment to the

ideas of the potential for social progress, believed that through their reform efforts
and initiatives the ills of urban society could be ameliorated. Their efforts were a
further expression of a modernist view of society. Modernism was descriptive of a
period in European culture from the late 19th to the mid 20th century. As an
expression of 18th-century European Enlightenment philosophy, modernist
thought emphasized a faith in reason, freedom, and social progress. Imbued
(instilled) with an optimistic spirit there was this sense during the Progressive Era
that through human reason, science, technology, and political initiatives the ills of
society could be understood and ameliorated.
1.2 .1- The Emergence of Professional Social Work
The Progressive Era witnessed the emergence of two organizations or movements

that herald the beginnings of organized efforts to respond to the needs of those
troubled families who became victims of the effects of those rapid social changes
borne by urbanization and industrialization. Through the efforts of the Charity
Organization Society (COS) and the Settlement House Movement, the concerns
about the disruptive influences of urban life on family living became the focus of
public interest and social intervention. Each of these movements gave recognition
that on some level families required some form of organized and sustained

intervention to help them cope with the vicissitudes of urban living. Though both
movements were still held captive by the dominant social value placed on
individualism and “self-reliance,” both the Charity Organization Society and the
Settlement House movement began to indirectly challenge this individualistic
perspective by their belief that individuals experiencing problems in living might
be best understood and helped by being viewed within the context of their family,
community, and social, political, and economic environments (Davis,1973;Janzen,
Harris, Jordan, & Franklin, 2006).
1.2 .2- Charity Organization Society
Armed with the belief in the Progressive ideology, these early Charity
Organization Society staff, called “friendly visitors,” attempted to build help in
relationships with poor urban families. Their goal was to help these families cope
with the stresses of urban living. The focus of help provided by the early friendly
visitors was through the provision of in-home charity support and concrete
assistance. While such services were obviously needed, these helpers were guided
by the belief that a family’s failure to cope with the problems of living was as
much due to individual character defects and moral failures as to environmental or
societal factors.
1. 2. 3. The History of Family Therapy
As the initial work of the friendly visitors was marked by goodwill informed by a
parochial (narrow minded) and moralistic understanding of human behavior, Mary
Richmond, a director of the COS, sought a more systematic method for assessing
and understanding family and individual needs. In giving attention to a more in-
depth assessment or “social diagnosis” of individual or family needs (Richmond,
1917), she also emphasized the need for supportive counseling of the individuals
within their family context. Though Richmond brought the family to the
foreground of attention for early social casework diagnosis, her writings did not
suggest involving family members as a group in the intervention activities. Still the
focus of change remained on the individual though acknowledging that
understanding the individual within the context of his or her family was important
in developing a social diagnosis.

Settlement House Movement Whereas the focus of the Charity Organization
Society was on the individual within the family, the Settlement House Movement
gave attention to the family within the broader environment. The “Hull House”
founded by Jane Addams and Ellen Gates Starr in 1889 viewed family problems
as resulting from debilitating (devastating) environmental conditions. Contrary to
the “moral treatment” orientation of the friendly visitors, those within the
Settlement House Movement sought to change those societal, city, and
neighborhood conditions that had a deleterious impact on family life. As such, this
movement shifted the intervention orientation from a sense of “moral
responsibility” to one of “social responsibility” (Hull & Mather, 2006). In other
words, the concern of the Settlement House workers emphasized increased social
and public responsiveness to family and human need rather than addressing
defective individual moral character. Settlement Houses were often set up in
immigrant neighborhoods. These community-based settings provided a venue for
both individuals and families to learn those life skills that would enable the
participants to support their families. These life skills were taught through
educational programs, recreation activities, and other forms of social and
community involvement. In these various activities the Settlement Houses
provided the opportunity for individuals and families to come together for mutual
support and assistance. It is important to note that the focus of these activities was
more on providing the participants with those life skills that would enable them to
better assimilate into a dominant culture that reflected White middle-class values
and cultural habits (ibid)
1.2 .4 Biblical understanding of the family (God's Design for the Family)
The family is the foundational institution of society ordained (meant, designed) by

God. It is constituted by marriage and is composed of persons related to one
another by marriage, blood or adoption.
1. The family is a fundamental institution of human society.
a. Genesis 2:20-25, 4:1

b. Exodus 20:5-6, Joshua 7:10,15,24-25, 2 Kings 13:23
2. The family is constituted by marriage.

Genesis 2:20-25 A pattern or historical factoid? See v. 24 and Matthew 19:1-12
c. Marriage is ordained by God.

d. Marriage must be between one man and one woman.
e. Marriage is characterized by leaving the authority structure of one's
parents and joining together to form a new authority structure.
f. Marriage is a picture of the relationship of Christ to the church.
Ephesians 5:22-32
g. Marriage is a covenant before God between a man and a woman.
Proverbs 2:17, Malachi 2:14
2. God has commissioned and blessed humanity with the charge to be fruitful
and multiply. Genesis 1:28
a. God has ordained that children be brought into the world only through
the procreative activity of a husband and wife and only to married
parents.
b. The ordinary privilege and responsibility of married people is to have
and rear children. Genesis 1:28, 1 Timothy 2:15
c. The special privilege and responsibility of Christian parents is to bring
them up in the discipline and instruction of the Lord that they may
come to know Christ. Ephesians 6:4
3. Parents have the primary responsibility and God-given authority to teach
their children.
a. Parents are responsible for their children's general education.
Galatians 4:1-2
b. Parents are responsible for their children's spiritual and theological
education. Deuteronomy 6:6-9, Proverbs 1:7
4. In light of the fall, God calls some people to singleness.
a. Matthew 19:9-12
b. I Corinthians 7:1-2,6-9,32-35,39-40
c. In spite of the goodness of the single state in this age, it is still an
incomplete state and requires special grace from God and his people.
1.3 Basic concepts

Formal interventions with families to help individuals and families experiencing
various kinds of problems have been a part of many cultures, probably throughout
history. These interventions have sometimes involved formal procedures or rituals,
and often included the extended family as well as non-kin members of the
community. Following the emergence of specialization in various societies, these
interventions were often conducted by particular members of a community – for
example, a chief, priest, physician, and so on - usually as an additional function.
Family therapy as a distinct professional practice within Western cultures can be
argued to have had its origins in the social work movements of the 19th century in
the United Kingdom and the United States. As a branch of psychotherapy, its roots
can be traced somewhat later to the early 20th century with the emergence of the
child guidance movement and marriage counseling. The formal development of
family therapy dates to the 1940s and early 1950s with the founding in 1942 of the
American Association of Marriage Counselors, and through the work of various
independent clinicians and groups - in the United Kingdom and the United State-
who began seeing family members together for observation or therapy sessions.
There was initially a strong influence from psychoanalysis and social psychiatry,
and later from learning theory and behavior therapy - and significantly, these
clinicians began to articulate various theories about the nature and functioning of
the family as an entity that was more than a mere aggregation of individuals.
From the mid-1980s to the present, the field has been marked by a diversity of
approaches that partly reflect the original schools, but which also draw on other
theories and methods from individual psychotherapy and elsewhere – these
approaches and sources include: brief therapy, structural therapy, constructivist
approaches, solution-focused therapy, narrative therapy, a range of cognitive and
behavioral approaches, psychodynamic and object relations approaches,
attachment and Emotionally Focused Therapy, intergenerational approaches,
network therapy, and multi systemic therapy (MST). Multicultural, intercultural,
and integrative approaches are being developed. Many practitioners claim to be
"eclectic," using techniques from several areas, depending upon their own
inclinations and/or the needs of the client(s), and there is a growing movement
toward a single “generic” family therapy that seeks to incorporate the best of the
accumulated knowledge in the field and which can be adapted to many different

contexts; however, there are still a significant number of therapists who adhere
more or less strictly to a particular, or limited number of, approaches.
1.4 Aims
Family counseling or therapy aims to promote understanding and collaboration

among family members in order to solve the problems of one or more individuals.
For example, if a child is having social and academic problems, therapy will focus
on the family patterns that may contribute to the child's acting out, rather than
evaluating the child's behavior alone. As the family uncovers the source of the
problem, they can learn to support the child and other family members and work
proactively on minimizing or altering the conditions that contribute to the child's
unwanted behavior.
1.2.5 Definitions and philosophy of family counseling
Family is the earliest, most basic, and some say most challenging small group we
experience. It is also probably the most powerful in shaping who we came to be.
For some of us, family means home, safety, and acceptance. For others family
means violence and danger. We may feel important and cherished with family or
never quite good enough or even useless. Most of us probably experience a mix of
feelings in between these. Family is a complicated enterprise, and many of us
harbor some of its tensions on occasion that make us both joyful and troubled.

Because of rapid changes in social rules globally, it has become a reality in recent
years to mourn the demise (end, downfall, failure) of the family.
A traditional vision of the family (especially in the advanced world) portrays a
nuclear family consisting of two heterosexual adults and two or perhaps three
children. The father supports the family economically, and the mother supports it
emotionally. There are clear roles, rules and jobs that each member understand. If
the mother works outside the home, she is still free to participate in the
kindergarten car pool, do the laundry, entertain friends, and be there for her
husband and children.
There is distress about young adults who live together with no permanent
commitment. Single women often chose to become parents and don’t suffer the
social stigma so prevalent only a few generations back. People of nontraditional
orientation especially gays and lesbians, who worked very hard in earliest times to
conceal their sexual identities, are joyfully parenting children, and many are
serving as foster and adoptive parents in conjunction with state child protection
agencies.
The overwhelming divorces rate seems closely related to the ever-growing number
of children living in poverty. The number of unmarried teen parents is
extraordinary etc.
The associated legacies of perpetuated poverty increased family violence,
widening health and mental health problems. There are, in some respect, good
reasons to mourn the family. There are serious issues and many people, often
women and children, are hurt badly by their proliferation.
Family therapy, also referred to as couple and family therapy, marriage and family
therapy, family systems therapy, and family counseling, is a branch of
psychotherapy that works with families and couples in intimate (close)
relationships to nurture change and development. It tends to view change in terms
of the systems of interaction between family members. It emphasizes family
relationships as an important factor in psychological health.
The different schools of family therapy have in common a belief that, regardless of
the origin of the problem, and regardless of whether the clients consider it an
"individual" or "family" issue, involving families in finding solutions often

benefits clients. This involvement of families is commonly accomplished by their
direct participation in the therapy session. The skills of the family therapist thus
include the ability to influence conversations in a way that catalyses the strengths,
wisdom, and support of the wider system.
In the field's early years, many clinicians defined the family in a narrow, traditional
manner usually including parents and children. As the field has evolved, the
concept of the family is more commonly defined in terms of strongly supportive,
long-term roles and relationships between people who may or may not be related
by blood or marriage.
The conceptual frameworks developed by family therapists, especially those of
family systems theorists, have been applied to a wide range of human behaviour,
including organisational dynamics and the study of greatness.
1.3 Family Problems
Are there any ideal families? This is a great question to ask, and in all honesty one
can easily answer such question by saying that there are no ideal families and no
family is without some form of family problems. Nevertheless some families have
much better relationships than others. The fact of the matter is that from time to
time all families experience different types of family problems. Even in families
that seem very normal and healthy, family problems can result from different
issues some of the issues may appear simple in nature, but if unaddressed could
lead to more serious problems. Some of the issues within family members may be
described as communication related, but other more serious family problems also
could be present.
Family problems represent a unique, but common, category of adjustment

difficulty that causes people to seek psychological treatment. Problems can
develop in a couple relationships because of a medical or psychological problem in
either person, or in one of their children. Parent-child problems can also create
distress within a family. Poor communication and discipline problems are very
common. Sometimes there are constant battles between siblings, and the parents
cannot seem to resolve the conflicts. Divorce, and the creation of stepfamilies, can
create difficulties in a family, sometimes for all members of the family. Sometimes
the couple relationship itself is the problem, with poor communication, constant

conflict, lack of closeness, sexual problems, or in-law problems all to be
considered possible concerns.
These problems can lead to the development of adjustment problems in one or

more members of the family. But, because the family relationships are a part of the
problem, it is necessary to change the structure of the family relationships. Dr.
Franklin provides couple and family therapy to address these issues, as well as
helping parents with the development of parenting skills.
Sometimes there are multiple problems, with depression in one family member,
plus marital conflict. Several treatment approaches may be necessary in these
circumstances, depending on the nature of the problems and the willingness of
family members to participate in treatment. Generally, a psychologist will not
provide individual psychotherapy to one member of the family, and see the whole
family for family therapy or the couple for couple therapy at the same time.
However, sometimes family therapy for child behavior problems includes
individual sessions with the parents, designed to help with parenting skills, not to
do individual therapy or marital therapy. It is possible to provide individual
psychotherapy to two family members, but sometimes this creates a problem, and
psychologists always have to evaluate the effectiveness of this approach.
1.3.1 Different kinds of family problems

-Separation
-Divorce
-An alcoholic or drug addicted parent
-An abused parent
-Parents who nag or criticize
-Parents who are overprotective
-Parents who fight
-A parent's remarriage
1.3.2 Separation
Separation can often be a couple’s first step towards trying to improve their
relationship although it can also be the first step towards a breakup or divorce. (to
be added)
1.3.3 Divorce (factors contributing to high rate of divorce)

Divorce and separation matters often pose serious problems for the whole family
and not just for the spouses. Children are often devastated when mother and father
are separated or in divorce courts.
This occurs as result of diverse problems between marital pairs .When we examine
the social factors associated with the rise in the divorce rate, certainly the change in
women’s roles must be acknowledge. Women in the past who were dependent on
males for support might have hesitated to terminate their marriages, but now many
have the ability to become self supporting. Research shows that women of higher
status and better paid occupation are more likely to separate and least likely to
remarry.
Divorce of your parents may leave you feeling anxious, withdrawn or depressed.
These intense feelings may express themselves as shame, anger, grief or poor
performance in school.
Some children describe their parents’ divorce as the most painful experience of
their childhood.
Remember that parents also go through difficult time when divorce occurs.
Throughout human history, the family has been the foundation of society. Within a
strong, well-functioning family we can fulfill our physical and emotional needs.
Strong family ties provide us the love and security we need for a happy life.
Children grow into well-adjusted adults through example, instruction and
discipline. Chores (everyday job) and responsibilities are shared for the good of all.
1.3.4. Marriage and Divorce
But from the beginning of the creation God made them male and female. For this
cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and cleave to his wife; and they
twain shall be one flesh: so then they are no more twain, but one flesh. What
therefore God hath joined together, let not man put asunder. (KJV, Mark 10:6-9)
The family of biblical times had the husband as "lord" of the household and the
wife as his helper. The husband worked diligently to provide material needs and
protection while the wife worked diligently at domestic chores (Ward, pp. 92-94).
In these New Testament passages, the need for a strong, healthy marriage is
expressed in terms of the idealized family of the ancient world:

Wives, in the same way are submissive to your husband’s so that, if any of them do
not believe the word, they may be won over without words by the behavior of their
wives, when they see the purity and reverence of your lives. Your beauty should
not come from outward adornment, such as braided hair and the wearing of gold
jewelry and fine clothes. Instead, it should be that of your inner self, the unfading
beauty of a gentle and quiet spirit, which is of great worth in God's sight.
Husbands, in the same way be considerate as you live with your wives, and treat
them with respect as the weaker partner and as heirs with you of the gracious gift
of life, so that nothing will hinder your prayers. (NIV, 1 Peter 3:1-4, 7)
Contemporary marriages may follow the biblical model or may be quite different.
Regardless of how we divide the roles and responsibilities in our marriages,
though, we must be sure the marriage fulfills its essential family functions and
provides a loving environment for children to grow into responsible adults.
Unselfish love is the "glue" that holds families together. In marriage we must
subdue our own egos and selfish pride for the sake of the family. The Apostle Paul
states it eloquently in this passage from First Corinthians:
Love is patient, love is kind, and is not jealous; love does not brag and is not
arrogant, does not act unbecomingly; it does not seek its own, is not provoked,
does not take into account a wrong suffered, does not rejoice in unrighteousness,
but rejoices with the truth; bears all things, believes all things, hopes all things,
endures all things. (NAS, 1 Corinthians 13:4-7)
Divorce is a genuine tragedy. It often leaves the marriage partners embittered and
disillusioned. It robs the children of the love and security of a healthy family and
denies them a good role model for their own future marriages. The expense of
divorce may consume the family savings. The work and expense of maintaining
separate households means more work and less time for us and our children.
We need to make an effort each and every day to keep our marriages strong and
not let them drift toward divorce. We must put aside our anger, forgive our spouse
a million times over, always be faithful, subdue our own pride and ego (self image,
personality), and always let love guide our actions.

In the Old Testament Law, a man was allowed to divorce his wife at will. (Wives
did not have the same privilege). Jesus saw the injustice and pain of divorce,
though, and said that neither husband nor wife should separate from the other:
Some Pharisees came to him to test him. They asked, "Is it lawful for a man to
divorce his wife for any and every reason?" "Haven't you read," he replied, "that at
the beginning the Creator 'made them male and female,' and said, 'For this reason a
man will leave his father and mother and be united to his wife, and the two will
become one flesh'? So they are no longer two, but one. Therefore what God has
joined together, let man not separate." "Why then," they asked, "did Moses
command that a man give his wife a certificate of divorce and send her away?"
Jesus replied, "Moses permitted you to divorce your wives because your hearts
were hard. But it was not this way from the beginning. I tell you that anyone who
divorces his wife, except for marital unfaithfulness, and marries another woman
commits adultery." (NIV, Matthew 19:3-9)
The Apostle Paul echoed Jesus' sentiment: Now, for those who are married I have a
command, not just a suggestion. And it is not a command from me, for this is what
the Lord himself has said: A wife must not leave her husband. But if she is
separated from him, let her remain single or else go back to him. And the husband
must not divorce his wife. (TLB, 1 Corinthians 7:10-11)
Adultery destroys marriages. The adulterer shows total disregard for the marriage
vows and for his or her spouse. In this passage, Jesus reminds us that not only
should we always be faithful, we should also avoid any actions or situations that
might eventually tempt us into adultery:
"You have heard that it was said, 'You shall not commit adultery'; but I say to you,
that everyone who looks on a woman to lust (yearn, desire, long for) for her has
committed adultery with her already in his heart. (NASV, Matthew 5:27-28)
Unfortunately, some marriages cannot and should not be saved. A viable marriage
is a contract of mutual love and respect, as reiterated (repeated) in Ephesians:
However, each one of you also must love his wife as he loves himself, and the wife
must respect her husband. (NIV, Ephesians 5:33)

When one partner seriously violates the marriage contract, as by emotional,
physical or sexual abuse, the marriage cannot endure. None of us should feel
obligated to endure an abusive relationship.
1.3.6The impact of divorce on adults
Ann Geotting, reviewing the various studies on the impact of divorce, draws the
following conclusion:
1. Problems of household maintenance and of economic and occupational

difficulties may accompany divorce.
2. Social participation may decrease when marriage becomes unsatisfactory and

then increases somewhat after divorce.
3. While at least temporarily divorce may lead to an enhanced sex life, especially
for men.
4. Both physical and mental health is best among the happily married, worst among
the unhappily married, and somewhere between these two extremes among the
divorced.
The medical profession has recently begun to examine the long-term effects on
health, particularly the biological links between emotional stress and the
development of physical illness. The divorced have higher suicide rates, more
alcoholism, and higher rate of admission to psychiatric hospital and outpatient
clinics than married, single or widowed individuals.
1.3.7 The impact of divorce on children.
Within the increase in the divorce rate comes the rise in the number of children
involved. Sixty percent of divorces involve children.
The following generalization can be made regarding the impact of divorce upon
children.
1- High rate of school absence occurs among children from divorced homes.

2- Children from happy marriages may display more positive personality traits
such as self- esteemed than either children from unhappy intact marriages.
3- Adolescents from happy homes appear to have closer relationships with their
parents than adolescents from both unhappy intact homes and homes where the
parents have divorced.
4- Women whose parents have divorced may marry younger and are more likely to
be pregnant at the time of marriage than women from intact homes.
5- Men and women whose parents have divorced are themselves more likely to
divorce.
6- Diabetes may be more common among children of divorce.
7- If there is a positive relationship between parental divorce and delinquency,

divorce alone may be of no greater importance to the incidence of delinquency
than is family discord (conflict, disagreement).
1.3.8 An alcoholic or drug addicted parent.

Alcoholism and drug abuse are serious sources of family problems. Often when
people are under the influence of drugs or other mind altering substances, they
engage in strange acts which may cause serious problems for the family. Substance
abuse and dependency do indeed cause problems for many families.
An alcoholic or drug addicted parent can make children sad or anxious. If they are
struggling with addiction, they are probably not able to care for their children well
or give them much attention. This can be very difficult to deal with.
1.3.9 An abused parent
An abused parent’s low self-esteem may keep them from seeking help to escape
their abusive relationship. They may be anxious and depressed and take it out on
children.
1.3.10An abusive parent (child Abuse).
The general expectations in the society are such that physical force is considered
an acceptable way to control children, with widespread approval for spanking.
Most common are the attacks of siblings to the point that they are not recognised as
anything but” kids being kids”. Such playfulness, however, does result in
substantial bodily harm and contributes to a general acceptance of violent
behavior. Child abuse is against the law. This includes abuse of any minors (under
18).
No parent, step-parent, relative or friend of the family is allowed to abuse –
physically, sexually or emotionally.
1.3.11Parents who harass or criticize

Parents who harass or criticize children can make them frustrated or angry.
Sometimes parents have a hard time realizing that children are growing up and
becoming more independent.
It can help to keep your parents on your side by showing love, appreciation and
interest in them and being as pleasant to them as you want them to be to you.
Show that you listen and understand their criticism by repeating what they say in a
respectful way. Get them to talk about what they did as teenagers – this may
remind them of what you’re going through.
Sometimes parents criticize you too much or even put you down. Try talking to
your parents or writing them a letter about how you feel. If that doesn’t work, talk
to an adult you trust about it.
1.3.12 Parents who are overprotective (controlling)
Parents who are overprotective usually make rules because they love their children
and don't want them to get hurt.
Show them that you understand their fears. For example, “I understand you think
it’s not safe for me to go out late on Saturday night but I promise to tell you where
I’m going and who I’m going with."
If you can’t talk to them without getting upset, write a letter. Let them know you
are thinking about how they feel and then spell out your own point of view.

1.3.13 Parents who fight
Parents who fight can be upsetting or disturbing. This fight can be physical or
mentally. (To be added)
When they are calm, tell your parents that their fighting bothers you. Try to
understand each parent's point of view – don’t feel you have to take sides. If they
are insensitive to your feelings, go for a walk, phone a friend or do something else
to avoid watching them fight.
If their fights are physical, you should talk to an adult you trust like a relative, a
counselor or a family friend before it gets out of control – especially if there is a
danger that you or your siblings will get hurt.
1.3.14 A parent's remarriage

a parent's remarriage can be confusing and stressful to the children. This conflict
could reach even to disagreement and loose relationship with relatives and
especially the extended family or the in-laws.
1.3.15 Non marital birth
The major contributor to the higher proportion to female-headed households is the
incidence of non-marital birth. Further, the role of non-marital births is greater
among teenager. The factors contributing to a high rate of teenage pregnancy are
varied: some of the main reasons are greater sexual activity among teens today,
psychological motivations such as the need for affection or desire to leave the
parental home and inconsistent or nonuse of contraception.
The negative consequences of teenage pregnancy are that young women are more
likely to drop out of school, have low-paying jobs, or be unemployed.
Additionally, infants of adolescent mother are at huger risk health wise.
1.3.16 Violence abuse
“More abuse occurs within the nuclear family than within any other group” (Dr.
Richard Gelles, 1972). For many the family is a battlefield and a training school
for the further violence.
1.3.17 Violence between spouses

The incidence of wife abusing husband is comparable to that of husband abusing
wife, but the wife’s action is frequently retaliation; additionally, in terms of actual
physical harm, women, due to inequities of strength and weight, are more often
injured.
1.3.18 Abuse of the elderly
As individuals live longer, some, especially widows, may be welcomed by adult

children only to have the relationship go sour under daily rounds of demands,
complains, and conflicts. Other elderly are taken in reluctantly to begin with, and
the abuse may be an eventual expression of resentment. Still, for others, abuse of
the elderly parent may be an additional display of the violent responses already
exhibited in the family E.g.by unmarried daughter living with widowed mothers.
Unlike the care of children where constant demands are mitigated by the pleasures
of watching the child develop, the older person faces continuing disabilities and
many raise the level of stress within the family.
1.3.19 Incest
Sexual victimization is the term used to emphasize that a child is victimized

because of age, naivety, and relationship to the older person rather than because of
aggressive intent. The narrow category of incestuous sex includes incidents
between siblings, other relatives, as well as parent-child. In parent-child cases the
pattern is overwhelmingly father-daughter incest; mother-son incest seems to be
rare in the society.
1.3.20 Social factors related to incest. The structural factors

characterizing the family that lend support to incest seem to be a patriarchal unit
where fathers assume they have the right to use female members of the family as
they see fit, first wives, then daughters. Mother in incestuous families have been
found to be weak, incompetent, subservient (obedient), alcoholic, or largely absent
and unable to protect their daughters. Finkelor noted that having stepfather or
stepmother is associated with a higher risk of sexual victimization.

1.3.21 Family Bonding
Families often bond with other family members. Such bonding often means that
each family member relies on one another for all kinds of support. Many people
draw inspiration, love, strength and motivation from their family members. Most
families are devastated when family problems interfere with the normal day to day
relationships with other family members. Once family bond (link, relationship) and
cohesion is broken frustration, stress and anger sets in and ultimately impacts every
member of the family. Issues such as that, if unresolved could develop into more
serious family issues and blended family problems.
1.3.22 Bereavement
Death of a family member at times results in all kinds of family problems,
particularly if the dead family member, is the sole income earner for the family.
The loss of a family member could be devastating to other family members not just
the older adults, but also on the young who may not fully understand what
happened and how to deal with such loss. Other complicated emotional problems
could result from bereavement issues following the loss of a family member.
1.3.23 Money Matters
Money like no other issue is perhaps the number one problem facing many
families. Some family problems originate from lack of enough financial resources,
but sometimes even when families have enough money; other problems may also
originate from what things money should be spent on. Family businesses can
sometimes generate problems for the entire family. When all members of the
family are part of the business often such situation leads to complicated financial
relationship among family members.
1.3.24 Issues related to Personal Behavior
Other behavioral issues may threaten families in one way or the other. Behavioral
problems could also result from other emotional problems which may not be
connected to alcohol or drug dependency. For instance when a spouse engages in
cheating behavior pattern, it could lead to serious problems for the family.
1.3.25 Academic problems
Young family members may have academic problems from school which may
result in unhappiness and sadness for some family members. At times the school

problem may not be academic in nature. Such problem could also result from
behavioral issues which need to be addressed by other family members. Bullying
in schools often leads to unhappiness of the person being bullied, which in turn
could lead to other family problems at home.
1.3.26 Issues related to mental health-Mental health is one major cause of family
problems. Such issues obviously demand professional help. Often family members
seem to be in denial about family member’s mental health condition and may not
seek medical assistance over such problem in a timely manner.
1.3.27 Illness
Other health problems can lead to serious problems for the family. If the ailing
(sick family member) family member is the sole source of financial support, the
family may also experience financial issues as well.
Section Two
2. The role of the family in socialization process
The family role in socialization process can be seen clearly in the agents of
socialization; hence the family is the first agent. But first let us define socialization.
2.1 Socialization
Socialization is the process by which people learn the characteristics of their
group-the knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, norms, and actions thought
appropriate for them. Or Socialization, also spelled socialisation, is a term used by
sociologists, social psychologists, anthropologists, political scientists, and
educationalists to refer to the lifelong process of inheriting and disseminating
norms, customs, values and ideologies, providing an individual with the skills and
habits necessary for participating within their own society. Socialization is thus
"the means by which social and cultural continuity are attained".

2.2 Agents of Socialization
2.2 .1 The family: - The first group to have a major impact on us is the family. Our
experiences in the family are so intense that their influence is life-long. These
experiences establish our initial motivation, values, and beliefs. In the family, we
receive our basic sense of self, ideas about who we are and what we deserve out of
life. It is there that we begin to think of ourselves as strong or weak, smart or
dumb, good-looking or ugly or somewhere in between. The life-long process of
defining ourselves as female or male also begins in the family.
When we relate family and social class, we understand that social class makes a
huge difference in how parents socialize their children. Sociologist Melvin Kohn
(1959-1977) found that working parents are mainly concerned that their children
stay out of trouble. For discipline, they tend to use physical punishment. Middle-
class parents, in contrast, focus more on developing their children’s curiosity, self-
experience, and self control. They are more likely to reason with their children than
to use physical punishment.
The single most important function of the family is the raising of children. The
family provides for the physical needs of children and teaches them how to grow
into well-adjusted, responsible adults.
Schools can teach the knowledge and skills needed to earn a livelihood, but
children learn their values primarily from the example and teaching of their
parents. As parents we must both practice and preach our values. The author of this
proverb speaks as a father would instruct his own son or daughter:
Hear, O sons, the instruction of a father, and give attention that you may gain
understanding, For I give you sound teaching; do not abandon my instruction.
When I was a son to my father, tender and the only son in the sight of my mother,
Then he taught me and said to me, "Let your heart hold fast my words; keep my
commandments and live; Acquire wisdom! Acquire understanding! Do not forget,
nor turn away from the words of my mouth. Do not enter the path of the wicked,
and do not proceed in the way of evil men. Avoid it, do not pass by it; turn away
from it and pass on. For they cannot sleep unless they do evil; and they are robbed
of sleep unless they make someone stumble. For they eat the bread of wickedness,
and drink the wine of violence. But the path of the righteous is like the light of

dawn that shines brighter and brighter until the full day. (NAS, Proverbs 4:1-5, 14-
18)
Of course, the parents' instruction does no good if the child rejects it. Our parents
may not be perfect, but they have loved and cared for us, and they deserve our
respect. The Bible advises children to honor and obey their parents:
Children, obey your parents; this is the right thing to do because God has placed
them in authority over you. Honor your father and mother. This is the first of God's
Ten Commandments that ends with a promise. And this is the promise: that if you
honor your father and mother, yours will be a long life, full of blessing. (TLB,
Ephesians 6:1-3)
Listen to your father's advice and don't despise an old mother's experience. Get the
facts at any price, and hold on tightly to all the good sense you can get. The father
of a godly man has cause for joy-- what pleasure a wise son is! So give your
parents joy! (TLB, Proverbs 23:22-24)
In addition to instruction and a good example, children need discipline to grow into
responsible adults. Through discipline, children learn the consequences of their
actions and learn to control their behavior:
Discipline your son and he will give you happiness and peace of mind. (TLB,
Proverbs 29:17)
Teach a child to choose the right path, and when he is older, he will remain upon it.
(TLB, Proverbs 22:6)
Withhold not correction from the child: for if thou beatest him with the rod, he
shall not die. Thou shalt beat him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from hell.
(KJV, Proverbs 23:13-14)
The verse above, and a few similar ones, is sometimes used to justify a harsh
parenting style based on corporal punishment. However, the dominant theme of the
Bible is not to beat one's children, but rather to "teach a child to choose the right
path" through instruction and discipline. Beating with a rod is an example of how
discipline may have been practiced in Old Testament times. Unfortunately, beating
and spanking embitter the child and teach him or her to control others by physical

force. The child may change his or her behavior out of fear but does not learn self-
control.
Fortunately, modern parenting methods offer us a better alternative. The methods
of natural and logical consequences teach self-control and values without causing
bitterness between parent and child (Dreikurs, Kober). In New Testament times,
the harsh Old Testament teachings about discipline are replaced with verses such
as these:
Fathers, do not embitter your children, or they will become discouraged. (NIV,
Colossians 3:21)
And now a word to you parents. Don't keep on scolding and nagging your children,
making them angry and resentful. Rather, bring them up with the loving discipline
the Lord himself approves, with suggestions and godly advice. (TLB, Ephesians
6:4)
Jesus greatly valued children and the innocence of youth, saying we should humble
ourselves before God the way a child does before an adult. He also placed anyone
who would corrupt a child among the most despicable of sinners:
At that time the disciples came to Jesus and asked, "Who is the greatest in the
kingdom of heaven?" He called a little child and had him stand among them. And
he said: "I tell you the truth, unless you change and become like little children, you
will never enter the kingdom of heaven. Therefore, whoever humbles himself like
this child is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven. "And whoever welcomes a little
child like this in my name welcomes me. But if anyone causes one of these little
ones who believe in me to sin, it would be better for him to have a large millstone
hung around his neck and to be drowned in the depths of the sea. "Woe (despair,
misery) to the world because of the things that cause people to sin! Such things
must come, but woe to the man through whom they come! (NIV, Matthew 18:1-7)
The enthusiasm and idealism of youth can be a potent force. Young adults are
often able to see the simple truth of a complicated matter and are able to work
tirelessly for a good cause. Paul gives this advice to Timothy, his young friend and
associate:

Don't let anyone look down on you because you are young, but set an example for
the believers in speech, in life, in love, in faith and in purity. (NIV, 1 Timothy
4:12)
On the other hand, the temptations of youth may be a trap for those who have not
yet developed a strong sense of right and wrong. Even children must take
responsibility for their own actions. Wrong is wrong and evil is evil. It cannot be
justified because "Everybody does it," or "I won't get caught," or "I won't get
punished," or "I was mad," or "I just felt like it," or "I wanted it," or "I did it to get
back at __________." (Fill in the blank: my parents, teacher, brother, sister; that
bigot (extremist) , bully, cheater, grouch, show-off, hypocrite, etc.:)
Run from anything that gives you the evil thoughts that young men often have, but
stay close to anything that makes you want to do right. Have faith and love, and
enjoy the companionship of those who love the Lord and have pure hearts. (TLB,
2 Timothy 2:22)
Even a child is known by his actions, by whether his conduct is pure and right.
(NIV, Proverbs 20:11)
A strong and supportive family bonds husband and wife in a union of love and
mutual respect. It is our refuge from the pressures and disappointments of the
world and is the instrument for giving our children the things they need most:
protection, love, training and discipline. The more we cultivate strong family ties,
the more fulfilling our lives will be.
2.2 .2- The neighborhood
As all parents know, some neighborhoods are better than others for their children.
Parents try to move to those neighborhoods- if they can effort them. Children from
poor neighborhoods are more likely to get in trouble with the law, to become
pregnant, to drop out of school, and even to have worst mental health in later life
(Brooks-Gunn at al 1997, Yonas at al 2006).
Sociologists have found out that the residents of more affluent neighborhoods keep
a closer eye on the children than do the residents of the poor neighborhoods
(Sampson at al 1999). The basic reason is that the more affluent (rich, well off,
comfortable) neighborhoods have fewer families in transitions, so the adults are

more likely to know the local children and their parents. This better equip them to
help keep the children safe and out of trouble.
2.2 .3 Religion
How is religion important in your life? Why would religion be significant for you?
Religious ideas so pervade (spread through, encompass) our society that they
provide the fundamental of morality for both the religious and the non-religious.
Through our participation in congregational life, we learn doctrine, values and
morality, but the effect on our lives are not limited in these obvious factors. For
example, people who participate in religious services learn not only beliefs about
the hereafter but also ideas about what kinds of clothing, speech, and manners are
appropriate for formal occasions. Life in congregation also provides a sense of
identity for its participants, giving them a feeling of belonging.
2.2 .4 Day Care
Children who spend more time in day care have weaker bonds with their mothers
and are less affectionate (friendly, warms) to them. They are also less cooperative
with others and more likely to fight. By the time they get to kindergarten, they are
more likely to talk back to teachers and to disrupt the classroom. This holds true
regardless of the quality of the daycare, the family’s social class, or whether the
child is a girl or a boy (Belsky 2006).
2.2 .5-The School
At home, children learn attitudes and values that match their family’s situation in
life. At school, they learn a broader perspective that helps prepare them to take a
role in the world beyond the family. At home, a child may have been the almost
exclusive (limited, selective, restricted) focus of doting (loving, caring) parents,
but in school, the child learn universality-that the same rules apply to
everyone ,regardless of who their parents are or how special they may be at home.
Children born to wealthy parents go to private schools, where they learn skills and
values that match their higher position. Children born to middle-and -lower class
parents go to public schools, which further refine the separate worlds of social
class. Middle-class children learn that good jobs, even the professions, beckon
(signal, indicate), while children from blue-collar families learn that not many of

‘their kind” will become professionals or leaders. In short, schools around the
world reflect and reinforce their nation’s social class, economic, and political
systems.
2.2 .6- Peer Groups
As a child’s experiences with agents of socialization broaden, the influence of the

family decreases. Entry into school makes only one of many steps in this transfer
of loyalty (devotion). One of the most aspects of education is that it exposes
children to peer groups that help them resist the efforts of parents and schools to
socialize them.
Children separate themselves by sex and develop separate gender worlds.
You know from your experience how compelling peer groups are. It is almost
impossible to go against a peer group, whose cardinal (key, fundamental) rules
seem to be conformity or rejection. Anyone who doesn’t do what the others want
becomes an “outsider”, a “non member”, an “outcast”.
As a result, the standards of our peer groups tend to dominate our lives.
2.2 .7- The Workplace
Another agent of socialization that comes into play somewhat later in life is the
workplace. From the people we rub shoulders with at work; we learn not only a set
of skills but also perspectives on the world.
Most of us eventually become committed to some particular line of work, often

after trying out many jobs. We may talk to people who work a particular career,
read novels about that type of work, etc. Such activities allow us to gradually
identify with the role, to become aware of what would be expected of us.
An interesting aspect of workplace as a socializing agent is that the more you

participate in a line of work, the more the work becomes a part of your self-
concept.
2.3 The objectives of family counseling
2.3 .1-The objective of family therapy is to help families work through struggles,
challenges, and tough times in a way that doesn’t simply have the problem go
away, but makes the family stronger. Almost all families enter into therapy
because something unpleasant is going on—the illness of a child, addictions,
behavioral problems, or relational problems. These stressors take a toll on
everyone. Family therapy is a means to help cope with these stressors, which is
different than making them go away. Letting go is often a part of family therapy—
whether it is grieving the loss of a child, or letting go of expectations so we can
heal and embrace our present reality while working to a better future. When we try
too hard to change circumstances or people without first accepting the truth of
“what is,” we can inadvertently move in the wrong direction. But, when we learn
to accept what is, and brings intentionality to the processes of how we cope, get
along, and respond to each other, we can change the patterns of the family in good
ways. Family therapy is really about using the power of relationships and love to
support each member to be as healthy and whole as possible, which in turn creates
a healthier family.
2.3 .2- The goal of family therapy is to improve the relationships and functioning
of the members of a family unit. The family unit may include anyone the members
identify as family and/or those who are involved in the issues being addressed.
This may include grandparents, aunt, uncles, foster children, girlfriends or
boyfriends, nannies, babysitters, and more. In family therapy, the family unit is
viewed as a whole. The family unit is often compared to a mobile that is balanced
when all of the individual parts are functioning properly. Remove or damage one
of the individual pieces of a mobile or family, and the unit becomes unstable. In
families, this can happen when one person becomes ill, someone has a problem
with alcohol or drugs or other issues that prohibit him/her from fulfilling his/her
role and purpose in the family. Families frequently come in for therapy when there
is conflict between family members, or when one member has a problem that
impacts the whole family. People with drinking or drug problems and mental
health problems often come to family therapy in addition to their individual
treatment. The goal of the therapy is to help family members identify how specific
behaviors affect others, learn new ways of relating to each other, resolve conflicts,
and open lines of communication between all family members.
2.3 .3 - Family therapy is a form of counseling that specializes in treating family

relationships. While many of us are familiar with individual therapy, family
therapy works with a whole family unit or various relationships within a larger
family system. How these relationships respond to one another is the focus of this
kind of multi-person therapy. Common issues that family therapy addresses
include premarital and marriage therapy; establishing family rules, roles, and
expectations; problems with communication; dealing with family grief, loss, and
transition; working in a family-owned business; managing conflict, parenting
issues, and blended families; and problems in the emotional connection between
family members.
2.4 The principles of family counseling
Family Therapy (Family Counseling) is based on the constructs of the General

System Theory (GST). According to GST, the individual is an active part of an
interpersonal system and its somatic and psychological health depends on the
organization of the system. Mental disorders are a result of distorted family
relations and the psychological treatment of these disorders include the joint
treatment of the whole family in the assumption that only changing family
relationships can heal the patient's symptoms.
Let's turn now to those five basic principles of effective couple’s therapy, which,
according to Benson and colleagues:
2.4.1. Changes the views of the relationship. Throughout the therapeutic

process, the therapist attempts to help both partners see the relationship in a more
objective manner. They learn to stop the "blame game" and instead look at what
happens to them as a process involving each partner. They also can benefit from
seeing that their relationship takes place in a certain context. For example, couples
who struggle financially will be under different kinds of situational stresses than
those who are not. Therapists begin this process by collecting "data" on the
interaction between the partners by watching how they interact. Therapists then
formulate "hypotheses" about what causal factors may be in play to lead to the way
the couples interact. How they share this information with the couple varies by the
therapist's particular theoretical orientation. There's empirical support for a variety
of approaches from behavioral to insight-oriented. Different therapists will use
different strategies, but as long as they focus on altering the way the relationship is
understood, the couple can start to see each other, and their interactions, in more
adaptive ways.

2.4. 2- Modifies dysfunctional behavior.
Effective couples therapists attempt to change the way that the partners actually
behave with each other. This means that in addition to helping them improve their
interactions, therapists also need to ensure that their clients are not engaging in
actions that can cause physical, psychological, or economic harm. In order to do
this, therapists must conduct a careful assessment to determine whether their
clients are, in fact, at risk. If necessary, the therapist may recommend, for
example, that one partner be referred to a domestic violence shelter, to specialized
drug abuse treatment, or to anger management. It is also possible that if the risk is
not sufficiently severe, the couple can benefit from "time-out" procedures to stop
the escalation of conflict.
2.4 .3 Decreases emotional avoidance.
Couples who avoid expressing their private feelings put themselves at greater risk
of becoming emotionally distant and hence grow apart. Effective couples therapists
help their clients bring out the emotions and thoughts that they fear expressing to
the other person. Attachment-based couples therapy allows the partners to feel less
afraid of expressing their needs for closeness. According to this view, some
partners who failed to develop "secure" emotional attachments in childhood have
unmet needs that they carry over into their adult relationships. They fear showing
their partners how much they need them because they are afraid that their partners
will reject them. Behaviorally based therapists, assume that adults may fear
expressing their true feelings because, in the past, they did not receive
"reinforcement." Either way, both theoretical approaches advocate helping their
clients express their true feelings in a way that will eventually draw them closer
together.
2.4 .4 -Improves communication
Being able to communicate is one of the "three C's" of intimacy. All effective
couples therapies focus on helping the partners to communicate more effectively.
Building on principles 2 and 3, this communication should not be abusive, nor
should partners ridicule each other when they do express their true feelings.
Couples may, therefore, require "coaching" to learn how to speak to each other in
more supportive and understanding ways. The therapist may also provide the
couple with didactic (educational or informative) instruction to give them the basis
for knowing what types of communication are effective and what types will only
cause more conflict. They can learn how to listen more actively and empathically,
for example. However, exactly how to accomplish this step requires that therapists
turn back to the assessments they performed early on in treatment. Couples with a
long history of mutual criticism may require a different approach than those who
try to avoid conflict at all costs.
2.4 .5. Promotes strengths. Effective couple’s therapists point out the strengths in
the relationship and build resilience particularly as therapy nears a close. Because
so much of couple’s therapy involves focusing on problem areas, it's easy to lose
sight of the other areas in which couples function effectively. The point of
promoting strength is to help the couple derive more enjoyment out of their
relationship. The behaviorally-oriented therapist may "prescribe" that one partner
do something that pleases the other. Therapists from other orientations that focus
more on emotions instead might help the couple develop a more positive "story" or
narrative about their relationship. In either case, the therapist should avoid trying
to put his or her own spin on what constitutes strength and let this be defined by
the couple.
We can see, then, that people in troubled relationships need not give up in despair
if their situation seems bleak. By the same token, people afraid of entering long-
term relationships can be encouraged by learning that trouble relationships can be
fixed.
Looking at the flip side, these five principles of effective therapy suggest ways that
couples can build and maintain positive close relationships. Take an objective look
at your relationship, to get help to reduce dysfunctional behaviors, feel that you can
share your emotions, communicate effectively, and emphasize what's working.
Most importantly, by remembering that each relationship has its unique challenges
and strengths, you'll be giving yours the best chances for survival
Section Three
3.1 Theories of Family counseling (therapy)
Family systems therapy is represented by a variety of theories and approaches, all

of which focus on the relational aspect of human problems. During the 1950s

systemic family therapy began to take root. During the early years of its evolution,
working with families was considered to be a revolutionary approach to treatment.
3.1. 1The Family Systems Perspective:
Perhaps the most difficult adjustment for counselors and therapists from Western
cultures is the adoption of a “systems” perspective. Our personal experience and
Western culture often tells us that we are autonomous individuals, capable of free
and independent choice. We are born into families – and most of us live our entire
lives attached to one form of family or another. Within these families, we discover
who we are; we develop and change; and we give and receive the support we need
for survival. We create, maintain, and live by often unspoken rules and routines
that we hope will keep the family (and each of its members) functional.
A family systems perspective holds that individuals are best understood through
assessing the interactions between and among family members. The development
and behavior of one family member is inextricably interconnected with others in
the family. Symptoms are often viewed as an expression of a set of habits and
patterns within a family. It is revolutionary to conclude that the identified client’s
problem might be a symptom of how the system functions, not just a symptom of
the individual’s maladjustment, history, and psychosocial development. A client’s
problematic behavior may:
1. serve a function or purpose for the family
2. be unintentionally maintained by family processes
3. be a function of the family’s inability to operate productively, especially during

developmental transitions, or
4. be a symptom of dysfunctional patterns handed down across generations.
The one central principle agreed upon by family therapy practitioners, regardless
of their particular approach, is that the client is connected to living systems.
Attempts to change are best facilitated by working with and considering the family
or relationship as a whole. It is not possible to accurately assess an individual’s
concern without observing the interaction of the other family members, as well as
the broader contexts in which the person and the family live.

The family is viewed as a functioning unit that is more than the sum of the roles of
its various members. The family provides a primary context for understanding
how individuals function in relation to others and how they behave. A system
orientation does not preclude (prevent) dealing with the dynamics within the
family, but that this approach broadens the traditional emphasis on individual
internal dynamics. Systemic therapists do not deny the importance of the
individual in the family system, but they believe an individual’s systemic
affiliations and interactions have more power in the person’s life than a single
therapist could ever hope to have.
3.1.2 The Development of Family Systems Therapy
Adlerian Family Therapy: Alfred Adler was the first psychologist of the modern
era to do family therapy. Adler was the first to notice that the development of
children within the family constellation (his phrase for family system) was heavily
influenced by birth order. He believed it was the interpretations children assign to
their birth positions that counted. Adler also noted that all behavior was
purposeful – and that children often acted in patterns motivated by a desire to
belong, even when these patterns were useless or mistaken.
Rudolf Dreikurs refined Adler’s concepts into a typology of mistaken goals and
created an organized approach to family therapy. A basic assumption of modern
Adlerian family therapy is that both parents and children often become locked in
repetitive, negative interactions based on mistaken goals that motivate all parties
involved.
Some of most basic and important theories are as follows:-
3.1 3 Multigenerational Family Therapy: Murray Bowen was one of the

developers of mainstream family therapy. His family systems theory is sometimes
referred to as multigenerational family therapy.
Bowen’s observations led to his interest in patterns across multiple generations. He

argued that problems manifested in one’s current family will not significantly
change until relationship patterns in one’s family of origin are understood and
directly challenged. His approach operates on the premise that a predictable
pattern of interpersonal relationships connects the functioning of family members

across generations. Within the family unit, unresolved emotional fusion to one’s
family must be addressed if one hopes to achieve a mature and unique personality.
Emotional problems will be transmitted from generation to generation until
unresolved emotional attachments are dealt with effectively. Change must occur
with other family members and cannot be done by an individual in a counseling
room.
One of Bowen’s key concepts is triangulation, a process in which triads result in a

two-against-one experience. A major contribution of Bowen’s theory is the notion
of differentiation of the self. Differentiation of the self involves both the
psychological separation of intellect (mental power, mind) and emotion (sensation,
feeling) and independence of the self from others. In the process of individuation,
individuals acquire a sense of self-identity. This differentiation from the family of
origin enables them to accept personal responsibility for their thoughts, feelings,
perceptions, and actions.
3.1 4 Human Validation Process Model: Virginia Satir began emphasizing

family connection. Satir discovered the power of family therapy, the importance
of communication and meta-communication in family interaction, and the value of
therapeutic validation in the process of change. In her view, techniques were
secondary to the relationship the therapist develops with the family. Her
experiential and humanistic approach came to be called the human validation
process model, but her early work with families was best known as conjoint
family therapy.
3.1 5 Experiential Family Therapy: Carl Whitaker was a pioneer in experiential

family therapy, sometimes known as the experiential-symbolic approach.
Whitaker stressed choice, freedom, self-determination, growth, and actualization.
Whitaker stressed the importance of the relationship between the family and the
therapist.
Whitaker’s freewheeling (unrestrictive), intuitive (sensitive) approach sought to

unmask pretense and create new meaning while liberating family members to be
themselves. Whitaker did not propose a set of methods; rather, it is the personal
involvement of the therapist with a family that makes a difference. When
techniques are employed, they arise from the therapist’s intuitive and spontaneous

reactions to the present situation and are designed to increase clients’ awareness of
their inner potential and to open channels of family interaction.
3.1. 6 Structural-Strategic Family Therapy: The origins of structural family

therapy can be traced to the early 1960s when Salvador Minuchin was conducting
therapy, training, and research with delinquent boys from poor families at the
Wiltwyck School in New York. Minuchin’s central idea was that an individual’s
symptoms are best understood from the vantage point of interactional patterns
within a family and that structural changes must occur in a family before an
individual’s symptoms can be reduced or eliminated. The goals of structural
family therapy are twofold: (1) reduce symptoms of dysfunction and (2) bring
about structural change within the systems by modifying the family’s transactional
rules and developing more appropriate boundaries. Both structural family therapy
and strategic models seek to reorganize dysfunctional or problematic structures in
the families; boundary setting, unbalancing, reframing, ordeals, and enactments all
became part of the family therapeutic process. Neither approach deals much with
exploration or interpretation of the past. Rather, it is the job of structural-strategies
therapists to join with the family, to block stereotyped interactional patterns, to
reorganize family hierarchies or subsystems, and to facilitate the development of
more flexible or useful transactions.
Recent Innovations: In the last decade, feminism, multiculturalism, and

postmodern social constructionism have all entered the family therapy field. These
models are more collaborative, treating clients – individuals, couples, or families –
as experts in their own lives.
Tom Anderson of Norway helped to give birth to the reflecting team, an approach
that has quickly gained wide acceptance in family therapy and in teaching and
supervision of trainees as well. When the reflecting team responds to the family,
the team members are expected to let their imaginations flow, subject only to a
respect for the family. Reflections are most often offered as tentative ideas directly
connected to the verbal and nonverbal information in the preceding dialogue. The
team remains positive in reflecting, reframing stories and parts of stories, looking
for alternative stories, and wondering out loud about the possibility and impact of
implementing these alternative stories. The family and the initial interviewer
listen, and the interviewer monitors family reactions, looking for ways in which the

reflecting team may be expanding the family’s ideas. The session ends with the
initial interviewer seeking the family members’ reactions to what they have
experienced.
3.2 The role of social worker in family counseling
Social workers help families improve relationships and cope with difficult
situations such as divorce, illness or death. They guide families through the
counseling process, by helping them identify problems, set goals and find solutions
to their troubles. In a crisis situation, such as neglect, substance abuse or violence,
they may also recommend legal action, such as having children temporarily
removed while the parents work through their difficulties.
3.2 .1 Facilitating Communication
A social worker often begins by simply encouraging family members to
communicate. Sometimes, families have barely spoken to each other for months by
the time they enter counseling. The social worker acts as a neutral third party,
helping family members share their fears, concerns or disappointments in a non
confrontational way. She/he often asks questions designed to help families to
discover the underlying causes of their problems. For example, if a child is
misbehaving, it may not be because he/she disrespects his/her parents, but rather
because she/he's troubled by tension in his/her parents' marriage. A social worker
would help him articulate these thoughts so the entire family could discuss and
understand them.
3.2 .2 Intervention
Social workers sometimes suggest immediate solutions, even if short-term, to help
families work through problems or defuse potentially volatile situations. A social
worker will often attempt to stabilize the family unit, including addressing
individual members' issues, so that counseling will be more effective. For example,
if one family member has a serious drug or alcohol problem, the social worker may
recommend he/she enter a treatment facility before continuing with therapy. Or, if
one family member has a mental illness such as depression or bipolar disorder, the
social worker may advise him to visit a psychiatrist who can prescribe medications
to help him/her manage his/her condition.

3.2.3 Conflict Resolution
Families often enter family counseling because they have an immediate problem
that's creating stress and conflict within the family. A social worker's first objective
is to help families understand and solve the issue. If trouble in the parents' marriage
is causing discord (disagreement, dispute, conflict) throughout the family, the
social worker will help the couple address their issues with each other so they can
work as a team in caring for their children instead of constantly arguing. He/She'll
also counsel the children to help them understand their parents' problems have
nothing to do with them. If children are acting out because they're upset about their
parents' divorce, or about the death of a parent or other family member, the social
worker will help them find ways to deal with their grief or fear.
3.2.4 Teaching
A social worker's long-term goal is to teach families how to work together to solve
and prevent problems. In addition to helping them resolve their immediate issues,
he/she'll also educate them about family dynamics and how they impact both
individual members and the family as a whole. He/She'll help them understand
how they approach problems and why the way they respond to conflict may make
the situation worse. He/She'll also help them create a plan for more effectively
handling conflict in the future. For example, she/he may recommend they hold
weekly family meetings where they can openly discuss their concerns.
3.2.5 What is a Family Counselor trained for?
As the different types of therapy described above show, a family therapist may be
called upon to take on many different roles. These many roles require a family
therapist to undergo a great deal of training, formal education, and testing to ensure
that the therapist is up to the task.
“In this therapy, the therapist takes responsibility for the outcome of the therapy.
This has nothing to do with good or bad, guilt or innocence, right or wrong. It is
the simple acknowledgement that you make a difference.” – Eileen Bobrow
While therapists may have different methods and preferred treatment techniques,
they must all have at least a minimum level of experience with the treatment of:
1- Child and adolescent behavioral problems;

2- Grieving;
3- Depression and anxiety;
4- LGBTQ issues;
5- Domestic violence;
6- Infertility;
7- Marital conflicts;
8- Substance abuse
In order to treat these and other family issues, therapists must:
1- Observe how people interact within units;
2- Evaluate and resolve relationship problems;
4- Diagnose and treat psychological disorders within a family context;
6- Guide clients through transitional crises such as divorce or death;
7- Highlight problematic relational or behavioral patterns;
8- Help replace dysfunctional behaviors with healthy alternatives;
9- Take a holistic (mind-body) approach to wellness
In order to gain the skills necessary to perform these functions, a family therapist
usually obtains a bachelor’s degree in counseling, psychology, sociology, or social
work, followed by a master’s degree in counseling or marriage and family therapy.
Next, the therapist will most likely need to complete two years of supervised work
after graduation, for a total of 2,000 to 4,000 hours of clinical experience. When
these requirements are met, the therapist will also likely need to pass a state-
sanctioned exam, as well as complete annual continuing education courses.

This education trains therapists for guidance with a wide range of problems,
including:
1- Personal conflicts within couples or families;
2- Unexpected illness, death, or unemployment;
3- Developing or maintaining a healthy romantic relationship at any stage;
4- Behavioral problems in children;
5- Divorce or separation;
6- Substance abuse or addiction;
7- Mental health problems like depression and anxiety
3.2.7 What are the Benefits of Family Therapy?
This more holistic approach to treating problems within a family has proven to be
extremely effective in many cases. In family therapy, families can work on their
problems with the guidance of a mental health professional in a safe and controlled
environment. The benefits of family therapy include:
1. A better understanding of healthy boundaries and family patterns and dynamics;
2. Enhanced communication;
3. Improved problem solving;
4. Deeper empathy;
5. Reduced conflict and better anger management skills
More specifically, family therapy can improve family relationships through:
1. Bringing the family together after a crisis;
2. Creating honesty between family members;

3. Instilling trust in family members;
4. Developing a supportive family environment;
5. Reducing sources of tension and stress within the family;
6. Helping family members forgive each other;
7. Conflict resolution for family members;
8. Bringing back family members who have been isolated
Family therapy enhances the skills required for healthy family functioning,
including communication, conflict resolution, and problem-solving. Improving
these skills also increases the potential for success in overcoming and addressing
family problems.
In family therapy, the focus is on providing all family members with the tools they
need to facilitate healing (Teen Treatment Center, 2014).
3.3 Family Counseling Process
This is the “blueprint (plan. proposal) for therapy” using a family systems
approach. There are four general movements, each with different tasks: forming a
relationship, conducting an assessment, hypothesizing and sharing meaning, and
facilitating change. In rare instances, these four movements might occur within a
single session: in most cases, however, each movement requires multiple sessions.
3.3 .1 Forming a Relationship: therapists (counselor) begin to form a relationship

with clients from the moment of first contact. In most cases, we believe therapists
should make their own appointments, answer initial questions clients may have,
and give clients a sense of what to expect when they come. This is also a time
when counselors can let families know their position on whether all members
should be present. Some family therapists will work with one of those members of
the family who wish to come; others will only see the family if everyone is a part
of the therapy session.
3.3 .2 Conducting an Assessment: There are many forms of assessment procedures

in family therapy. Examples include genograms, circular (rounding) questioning,
or even formal tests and rating scales. Focusing on the meta-issues presented in
content is one way to begin to select lenses that will provide meaning for the
therapist and the family. The therapist might choose to select any one of these
lenses for further inquiry: Internal Family Systems; sequences (chains,
progression); Gender Lens; Developmental Lens.
3.3 .3 Hypothesizing and Sharing Meaning: Families are invited into respectful,
essentially collaborative dialogues in therapeutic work. The different perspectives
discovered in this work tend to coalesce (joint together, combine) into working
hypotheses, and sharing these ideas provides the family with a window into the
heart and mind of the therapist as well as themselves. Sharing hypotheses almost
immediately invites and invokes feedback from various family members. This
feedback allows the therapist and the family to develop a good fit with each other.
The therapist may seek permission for their disclosure:
E.g. I have an idea I would like to share with you. Would you be willing to hear
it?
3.3 .4 Facilitating Change: Two of the most common forms for facilitation of
change are enactments and assignment of tasks. Both of these processes work
best when the family co-constructs them with the therapist. Knowing the goals
and purposes for our behaviors, feelings, and interactions tends to give us
choices about their use. Understanding the patterns we enact in face-to-face
relationships, the ebbs and flows of life, or across generations provide multiple
avenues for challenging patterns and the endorsement of new possibilities.
Section Four
4.1 The main fields of family counseling (pending)

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HOW TO BECOME A MARRIAGE AND FAMILY COUNSELOR

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What Is Marriage and Family

Counseling?
Despite many people looking forward to "happily ever after", this doesn't always happen. Many relationships and
families aren't perfect, by any stretch of the imagination, and some have so many problems that they seem
irreparable. However, contrary to what some may believe, happy marriages and peaceful families are possible. They
just take a little - or, in some cases, a lot - of work.
Marriage and family counseling can help many couples and families work out their differences and difficulties.
Professionals will often see the same types of problems in most of the couples and families that they work with. Some
of the most common problems in many households, for example, often stem from inefficient communication or even a
complete lack of communication. Many married couples also find themselves arguing over such things as finances,
bad habits, schedules, intimacy, and child rearing.
In today's hectic world, it is not uncommon for couples and families to split up over even the most minor issues. In
fact, some studies have shown that the divorce rate in this country is as high as it has ever been. Because of this,
there is an ever growing need for marriage and family counselors.
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Why Do We Need Marriage and Family Counselors?

As mentioned above, the divorce rate in the United States is astounding. Nearly 50% of marriages today end in
divorce. Not only does this have an impact on the married couples in these situations, it also usually has a profound
impact on any children that were the result of the unions. Children involved in a divorce will often be angry, confused,
hurt, and guilty.
Marriage counseling, however, can be used to help save some marriages and patch rifts between family members.
This can help lower divorce rates, making children feel more secure, loved, stable, and comfortable in their homes.
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What Do Marriage and Family Counselors Do?

Marriage and family counselors work with all different types of married couples and families in an attempt to repair
volatile relationships between involved parties. Some of these counselors may specialize in working only with married
couples or certain types of families, while others may work with nearly any family that is having troubles.
During these meetings, a marriage and family counselor will typically act as an unbiased third party. He will let each
individual in a marriage or family state his or her "side", or point of view. While one person is speaking, the others
involved in the counseling are encouraged to let them state their concerns. If they have anything to interject, they are
to wait until it is "their turn" to do so. Also, when speaking, individuals must be courteous and respectful of other
family members. For instance, family members should refrain from name calling, yelling, and blaming. They should
also be ready and willing to admit their own faults as well.
The goal of marriage and family counseling is not necessarily to cease all arguments, but to open the lines of
communication between married couples and other family members. In many cases, this does not usually mean that
families will not argue at all. Instead, they will learn to discuss issues, or even argue more effectively.
Marriage and family counselors will often help couples and families tackle a number of issues. however, in most
cases, abuse is not usually one of these issues. In fact, counselors in many areas are considered to be mandated
reporters of abuse. This means that they are required by law to report suspected cases of abuse, particularly child
abuse, to local law enforcement officials.
Where Do Marriage and Family Counselors Work?

Marriage and family counselors may work in a a few different settings. For instance, they may be part of a social
service office or a community health center.
The majority of marriage and family counselors, however, usually go into business for themselves, opening their own
private practices. In these situations, couples and families seek out the services of the counselors and meet in the
counselors' private offices.
What Are the Education Requirements to Become a Marriage and Family

Counselor?
COUNSELING EDUCATIONAL EDUCATION
EDUCATION REQUIREMENTS AVAILABLE PROGRAMS
TRACK LENGTH

Earn a Bachelor's Degree in
Undergraduate Work 4 Years Online or Campus
Counseling
Graduate Work Earn a Master's Degree in Counseling 5-6 Years Online or Campus
PHD or Doctoral Work Earn a Doctorate in Counseling 7-8 Years Online or Campus
In general, most school counselors begin their careers with a bachelor’s degree in areas
Many individuals pursuing a marriage and family counseling careers will often start by earning a bachelor's degree in
counseling or psychology. While enrolled in a bachelor's degree program, students interested in a marriage and
family counseling career should take courses to help them understand life stages, child development, marriage and
relationships, and family dynamics.
In order to become a licensed marriage and family counselor, you will also usually need to earn a minimum of a
master's degree in marriage and family counseling as well. Some marriage and family counselors will also earn
doctoral degrees in this area. The majority of states also require marriage and family counselors to have at least
3,000 hours of supervised work experience before they can take their licensing examinations. This may vary from
state to state, however, so you should contact your state's licensure board for exact details.
What Is the Average Salary of a Marriage and Family Counselor?

According to the United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, as of May of 2014, marriage and family therapists earned
an annual average salary of $51,730. However salary will range depending on education and employer and
experience. For example, the top 10 percent of marriage and family counselors make an average salary of $78,920
while the bottom 10 percent make just $30,510. New Jersey pays its marriage and family counselors the most of any
state in the country while states like Florida and Virginia pay the counselors much less.
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3 Types of Counseling Specialty Areas and

Careers
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Counselors help people from all walks of life overcome their problems. Couples may
seek out the help of a marriage counselor to help them resolve interpersonal issues,
while students may ask school counselors for help if they’re being bullied.
Professional counselors work with individuals, groups and families to help people
achieve their career, education and wellness goals. Consequently, individuals
interested in pursuing this career path will need to decide which types of counseling
services they’re interested in providing, as there are a myriad of specialty areas and
careers they can choose from. From school and career counseling to mental health
counseling and substance abuse counseling, the opportunities for those considering
pursuing a Master of Arts in Counseling are plentiful.
School and Career Counseling

In an age of cyberbullying and in-school lockdown drills, the role of a school
counselor is more important than ever. Children of all ages are at risk of feeling
overwhelmed, regardless of whether it’s due to problems at home, arguments with
friends or something they’ve seen on the evening news. School counselors do more
than help students have a positive educational experience. In many cases, they’ll be
called upon to provide social-emotional support.
In addition to providing support, counselors who work in a high school setting are
also charged with helping students make career plans and fill out college, scholarship
and trade school applications. Career counselors, on the other hand, focus on helping
job seekers identify their interests and aptitudes as a means of helping them define
their professional goals. They work in a broad range of settings, including high
schools, colleges and government agencies. Some choose to work in private practice.
The primary role of career counselors is to help students and/or private practice clients
develop interviewing, networking and job searching skills, and they may provide
guidance on how to resolve conflicts within the workplace as well.
Data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics projects that the number of jobs for
school and career counselors will grow by 13 percent between the years 2016 and
2026, which is faster than the average projected growth for jobs in all occupations. As
of May 2018, the median annual wage for professionals working in either role was
$56,310, with those earning salaries in the top 10 percent of the range making more
than $94,690.
Mental Health Counseling

Professionals who choose to pursue a career in mental health counseling will be
responsible for providing psychotherapy treatment to individuals, couples, families
and groups. Although some choose to work with specific demographics, such as
children or the elderly, others provide services to people of all backgrounds and age
groups. The primary role of mental health counselors is to promote mental and
emotional health. Specifically, mental health counselors may help patients with issues
relating to marital problems, substance abuse, self-esteem and stress management.
Employment of mental health counselors is projected to grow by 23 percent between
the years 2016 and 2026, which is faster than the projected rate of job growth for all
occupations. As of May 2018, the BLS reported the median annual wage for these
counselors was $44,630, with those earning salaries in the top 10 percent of the range
taking home more than $72,990 each year.
Substance Abuse Counseling

According to the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), in 2017, an
estimated 19.7 million Americans aged 12 or older were battling a substance abuse
disorder. Because of the prevalence of this important issue, a third type of counseling
that master’s degree candidates may be interested in pursuing relates to addiction
support. Substance abuse counselors work with clients individually or in a group
setting, and in some cases, they may also work alongside registered nurses, physicians
or psychiatrists to coordinate care and develop treatment plans. These professionals
may choose to specialize in providing services to specific populations, such as
veterans or teenagers, while others work with clients who have been referred to a
treatment program as part of a court order.
Data from the BLS indicates that employment of substance abuse counselors is
projected to grow by 23 percent between the years 2016 and 2026, which is faster than
the average projected growth rate of all occupations. The May 2018 median annual
salary for addiction counselors was $44,630, with those earning salaries in the top 10
percent of the range making in excess of $72,990.
Essential Skills All Types of Counselors Need

Students who are pursuing a master’s degree in counseling will have a number of
specializations to choose from, yet there are several skills that all counselors need to
develop in order to be effective.
Empathy for the Client

People who seek help from counselors are often feeling stressed and overwhelmed.
Aspiring counselors will need to learn how to show empathy so they can build trust
with their clients. This is important because it can help improve clients’ willingness to
be open and forthcoming about their problems.
Creating a Safe Space for the Client

In order for counseling to be effective, clients need to feel as if their thoughts,
behaviors or feelings aren’t being judged. Clients who feel that their counseling
sessions provide a safe space for them to discuss their problems, without fear of
disapproval, are more likely to share information freely.
Communicating Positive Intentions to the Client

Counselors who understand how to be genuine and authentic with their clients show
they are trustworthy. Authentic communication, which involves speaking to clients

simply, clearly and respectfully, helps encourage clients to express their true thoughts
and feelings.
Inspiring Active Participation

A counselor is not a mec
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C ounselors are practically found in all spheres of human development, transitions, and
caregiving. Peterson and Nesenholz (1987) identified 11 major areas: :
1. Child development and counseling.

Child development and counseling as area of specialization includes parent education,
preschool counseling, early childhood education, elementary school counseling, child
counseling in mental health agencies, and counseling with battered and abused children
and their families
2. Adolescent development and counseling.

Adolescent development and counseling as area of specialization covers middle and high
school counseling, psychological education, career development specialist, adolescent
counseling in mental health agencies, youth work in a residential facility, and youth
probation officer.
3. Gerontology (the aged).

Gerontological counseling (the aged) as area of specialization is considered the fastest
growing field and essentially involves counseling of older citizens. It includes preretirement
counseling, community centers, counseling, nursing home counseling, and hospice work.
4. Marital relationship counseling.

Marital or relationship counseling includes premarital counseling, marriage counseling,
family counseling, sex education, sexual dysfunction counseling, and divorce mediation.
5. Health.
Health as an area of specialization offers possibility for nutrition counseling, exercise and
health education, nurse-counselor, rehabilitation counseling, stress management
counseling, holistic health counseling, anorexia or bulimia counseling, and genetic
counseling.
6. Career/lifestyle.
As an area of specialization, career and lifestyle counseling includes guidance on choices
and decision-making pertaining to career or lifestyle; guidance on career development;
provision of educational and occupational information to clients; conducting education on
career and lifestyle trends; provision of various forms of vocational assessment appropriate
to a setting; addressing the career and life development needs of special populations and
appropriate career services in given settings; facilitation of work-related activities as an
integral part of development and formation across the lifespan; modeling application of
decision-making across the lifespan; information dissemination of current career, vocational,
education, occupational, and labor market information; giving assistance to clients on
developing skills necessary to plan, organize, implement, administer, and evaluate clients
own career development; facilitating understanding of the interrelationships among work,
family, and other life roles and factors including diversity and gender, their influence on
career development and choices; identification of ethical and legal considerations,,
characteristics and behaviors that influence career; and may also include provision of
needed skills in managing or going through job interviews.
7. College and university.

College and university as an area of specialization offer the following opportunities: college
student counseling, student activities, ‘student personnel work, residential hall or dormitory
counselor, and counselor educator.
8. Drugs.

Drugs as an area of specialization has several options such as substance abuse counseling,
alcohol counseling, drug counseling, stop smoking program manager, and crisis
intervention counseling.
9. Consultation.
Consultation as an area of specialization covers agency and corporate consulting,
organizational development director, industrial psychology specialist, and training manager.
10. Business and industry.

Business and industry areas of specialization include training and development personnel,
quality and work-life or quality circles manager, employee assistance programs manager,
employee career development officer, affirmative action, or equal opportunity specialist.
11. Other specialties.

Other specialties may include phobia counseling, agoraphobia, self-management, intra-
personal management, interpersonal relationships management, and grief counseling. In all
specialties, the counselor could be self-employed as a private practitioner or may be
employed by the agency, which may be a government or a non-government organization
(NGO). In any specialty area, additional education and trainings beyond graduate and post-
graduate education are required.
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4.2 Children, youth and adults development
a} Introduction to Adolescent Development

This topic provides a review of theories of child development for children aged 12-
24.
Parents gasp and clap in excitement as they witness their toddlers' first steps, or
hear them babble their first words. Children's first day of school, their first piano
recital, and their first soccer game, can cause parents to beam with pride. However,
similar developmental milestones during their children's transition into adulthood
are much less welcome.

This transitional period, from childhood to adulthood, is called Adolescence and
spans the ages of 12-24 years old. During adolescence the desire for independence
and autonomy increase, and parents usually find themselves much less thrilled with
the developmental indicators of this increasing maturity. Instead of beaming with
pride when their teens question the rules or challenge authority, parents often find
themselves wanting to scream in frustration, "Why are they doing that!?"
While this developmental period certainly presents parents with many challenges,
it also includes many bitter sweet moments that mark their child's increasing
maturity. Some of these developmental milestones may include graduation from
high school or trade school, a teen's first romantic relationship, a first job, or the
first home-away-from-home. But along the way, a teen's normal developmental
process can certainly confound and frustrate even the most patient and
understanding parents.
It may be surprising to learn that the concept of adolescence as a separate and
distinct period of development is a relatively recent phenomenon. Prior to the mid-
twentieth century, children became adults by transitioning directly from school into
the workforce, often beginning their own families at the same time. However, as
the industrial revolution's new wave of digital, electronic, information technology
surged, the transition from child-to-adult became more lengthy and complex. In
today's technological world, it simply takes longer for youth to become adequately
trained, employed, and financially independent.
Similarly, the post-World War II era marked the beginnings of radical social
changes in American and other peoples’ cultures. The advent of the counter-culture
movement during the 60's, the development of reliable birth-control, and the mass
entry of women into the workforce, all exerted a powerful influence on the
fundamental structure of the American and other people’s family. These forces
changed the traditional values about marriage and family, and altered the way in
which children transitioned into adulthood. When youth get married today, they are
generally older than previous generations and usually wait longer to before having
children of their own.
As a result of these changes to the economy and culture, the duration of adolescent
development extends beyond "teenage" years to include development from ages 12
to 24. Because the adolescent developmental period is so lengthy (10-12 years), it

is usually broken down and discussed in terms of early, middle, and late
adolescence. In fact, some developmental theorists even refer to yet another,
separate developmental period between childhood and early teens calling these
youth, "tweens" or "tweeners" (between childhood and adolescence).
Subsequently, today's youth face many challenges that are quite different from
their parents' own teenage years; challenges that their parents simply did not
encounter. Therefore, the parents of today's youth cannot readily draw upon their
own teenage experiences to understand some of the difficulties facing youth in
contemporary society.
In addition to these simple observations of a changing culture and economy, the
validity of a separate and distinct period of adolescent development has been
supported by scientific research. This research provides additional evidence that
adolescents are uniquely different from children and adults in a number of
significant ways. This note will explore these differences, and will discuss the
many facets of adolescent development. We will specifically discuss six
dimensions of development: 1) physical, 2) cognitive, 3) emotional, 4) social, 5)
moral, and 6) sexual development. Our goal is to describe the normal, average,
development of adolescents so that parents and other caregivers can recognize,
understand, and appreciate the important developmental milestones of this
transitional period. With this increased knowledge and understanding, parents are
in a better position to support and guide their teens throughout these amazing, but
often difficult years. While this note is primarily descriptive in nature, we provide
parents with concrete advice and practical solutions for common problems that
often occur during this developmental period.
b] As a society, the closest thing we have to a rite of passage that signals the
beginning of adulthood is graduation from high school and turning 18.
Congratulations, you are now legally responsible for everything you do; you can
now vote, get married, and join the military; but you cannot have a drink for 3
more years, and you cannot rent a car until age 25—so not quite an adult (Sachs,
2010; Settersten and Ray, 2010).
We also used to have societal expectations about the orderly acquisition of adult
roles: complete high school, go to college or get a job or join the military, get

established in the workforce, find a romantic partner, get married, get your own
place to live, and then have children (Mouw, 2005).
Now, however, young adults (YAs) and their parents agree (mostly) that becoming
an adult is not defined by the number of roles you assume, but the experiences and
transitions that signal independence from parents and acceptance of personal
responsibility (Arnett, 2004; Cote, 2000; Nelson et al., 2007).
Indeed, Mouw (2005) found multiple pathways to adulthood based on five
common transitions experienced by American youth: completing education,
leaving home, becoming employed, childbearing, and getting married (see
also Furstenberg, 2008, 2010; Settersten, 2012; Shanahan et al., 2005).
These changing expectations for young adults have also impacted their parents
and families; parents are increasingly expected to provide the knowledge and the
resources to enable their young adult offspring to become established as a self-
supporting, self-reliant, well-functioning adult. In other words, parental
involvement does not end when children leave home, whether it's for college, a
job, or the military. Thus, parents have the task of providing social, emotional,
psychological, and financial support until their children are safely and securely
launched, whenever that may be.
4.2.1 Parenting during the transition to young adulthood
The challenge to parents of young children during this time of change is to provide
support, but to do so without blunting (dull) the development of independence and
self-reliance. A review of the literature (e.g., Aquilino, 2006; Nelson et al.,
2007; Savage, 2003; Settersten and Ray, 2010) revealed five repeated themes
regarding the successful parenting of Young Adult (YA) children: communication,
social support, finances, personal responsibility, and connections to other adults
and resources. Prior research also suggests that these themes and parenting of
young adults have their roots in childhood and adolescence (e.g., Aquilino, 2006).
Other important factors for the parents of the current generation of young adults
(ages 18-29) are that the playing field is uneven and the economy is nearly
unrecognizable compared to what it was like 20-30 years ago, even 5 years ago.
These economic changes increase the challenges faced by parents. Simply put, how

do parents go about advising and assisting their 21st-century children as they move
into the arenas of education, work, relationships, and beyond based on knowledge
and experience parents gained during the 20th century?
Based on what we know about parenting in childhood and adolescence, and to

quote Larry Steinberg (2001), “we know some things,” good parenting of children
and adolescents involves warmth and support, clear expectations and limits, and
reasonable consequences for when children fail to meet expectations for
appropriate behavior, along with the provision of adequate food, health care,
shelter, and clothing. A central question for present purposes involves the degree to
which we can identify similarly effective parental behaviors for young adults. As
we shall see, some behaviors are quite similar across developmental periods, such
as social support; other behaviors change, such as control.
4.2.2 Positive parenting of young adults
There appears to be general agreement that good parenting of young adults is built
on a foundation of communication and contains elements of mutual respect, social
support, financial knowledge and assistance, and recognition of changing
expectations and relationships (e.g., Aquilino, 2006; Nelson et al., 2007; Savage,
2003; Settersten and Ray, 2010). That is, parents and young adults alike need to
acknowledge that their relationship will change on multiple levels and both parties
need to be open to new ways of thinking and talking about the multiple transitions
of young adulthood (see Tsai et al., 2013). In this atmosphere of change, however,
certain dimensions of positive parenting can be identified. We consider these
dimensions by beginning with communication.
1. The Foundation of Communication
Parent–child communication is not new territory for families, but the dynamics of
the parent–child relationship during young adulthood can present new challenges,
especially for parents used to being in charge or in control (Aquilino,
2006; Savage, 2003). For example, reminders about homework assignments
viewed as helpful during high school now may be viewed as unwelcome intrusions
during college. Similarly, reminders to YA children about doctor/dentist
appointments also may be seen as intrusive— even an invasion of privacy by some

—and this view is supported by privacy laws (FERPA and HIPAA1) that do not
allow parents unfettered access to educational and medical records once their
children turn 18. Once children leave the natal home for work or school, there are
no more daily chats over breakfast or in the car that keep parents informed, and
young adults now can more easily control the amount and type of information that
is shared. However, this control of information may be more difficult for those
young adults who are living at home while attending technical school or college, or
who have moved back home for a variety of reasons, and those who co-reside as
they get established in a first job.
Unlike previous cohorts (associates, partners) of college students, many of today's

young adult students want input from their parents on many issues and report
texting or talking with parents frequently (Savage, 2003; Settersten and Ray,
2010). Even with close relationships, parents and young adults readily
acknowledge that these transition years can be challenging from both sides. Based
on communication research, parent–adolescent relationships appear to function
best when communication is reciprocal, respectful, responsive (i.e., sensitive), and
restrained (Laursen and Collins, 2004). Parents and children with positive
relationships during adolescence may have an easier time of tweaking (change)
their communication style to fit the more egalitarian relations that develop during
young adulthood. For young adults who experienced poor parent–child
relationships during adolescence, some separation may provide an opportunity to
reestablish lines of communication and create positive connections during young
adulthood. Some parents and young adults may involve siblings and other family
members to serve as intermediaries to keep lines of communication open and
functional during this time of transition (Conger and Little, 2010).
4.2.3 Parenting and Money:

The economics of parenting during the transition to adulthood is twofold: financial
support and financial socialization. First, parents increasingly are the primary
source of money for college and other training after high school. This expectation
can be problematic if parents do not have the resources to send one or more
children to college (e.g., Chen and Berdan, 2006). Does it make sense for parents
entering middle age to invest heavily in their young adult children with an
uncertain return, or should they invest in their own retirement? Settersten and Ray
(2010) raise the issue of “smart debt” for young adults as they invest in their own
education with the prospect of paying it off; they also suggest that smart debt may
include getting a good degree from a public university instead of a gold-plated
degree from an expensive private school that may compromise the future financial
health of parents and young adults alike. Similarly, for some parents and young
adult children, co-residence during the college years or a first job may set the stage
for a successful transition to independent living in young adulthood
(e.g., Goldscheider et al., 2001; Settersten, 2012).
Researchers also need to keep in mind that most parents have more than one child.
Thus when we consider family economics during young adulthood, we need to
think about siblings (see Conger and Little, 2010). There can be uncomfortable
competition within families for scarce resources for education; parental favoritism
about money issues can promote conflict between siblings, with the potential for
long-lasting effects (e.g., Conley, 2004). For example, older, more established
parents may have more resources to support the education of younger siblings,
which can foster hurt feelings among older siblings who entered the family when
their parents were just getting started (Steelman and Powell, 1989). On the other
hand, young adult siblings who complete a degree can serve as role models and
may even be in a position to provide social and financial support for younger
siblings (Conger and Little, 2010).
A second economic issue concerns parents as providers of financial socialization
for their young adult children. Research in childhood and adolescence focuses
primarily on how parents socialize their children to become socially or
academically competent; however, finances are rarely mentioned. Many young
adults report that an important goal is to be financially independent from parents
(Nelson et al., 2007).
How do young adults go about achieving this independence? How do parents
prepare their children for assuming financial responsibility for themselves and for
obtaining basic financial literacy? Parents also help Young Adult children to gain
an understanding of the implications of short-term decisions for long-term
financial health and well-being. Economic decisions can be particularly important
during times of economic hardship and uncertainty when the consequences of

economic missteps can alter the pathway throughout adulthood (Conger et al.,
2012).
Some of the ways parents socialize their children is through modeling responsible
financial management and decision making and by including adolescents during
discussions of family finances. Thus, while parents are viewed as the primary
source of knowledge with regard to finances, those who have conflict around
finances are more likely to have young adult children who avoid money-related
discussions, thereby decreasing their opportunities to learn about financial decision
making firsthand (see Jorgensen and Salva, 2010).
In addition to the economics of parenting, differences due to social class in
childhood and adolescence can be compounded as young adult children of low-
income/underprivileged parents move into education after high school without the
supports and resources common to young adults with access to financial and social
resources that prepare them for higher education (see Danziger and Rouse,
2007; Swartz, 2008). These social class differences have been exacerbated as the
economic landscape for poor and working-class families has stalled or steadily
declined over the past decades (Redd et al., 2011).
4.2.4 Social Support, Responsibility, and Independence

In addition to financial support, another central task of parenting during the
transition to young adulthood is the provision of social-emotional support. Young
Adult children work on establishing personal autonomy without severing ties with
parents and siblings (except under severe conditions like abuse and neglect,
alcoholism and drug abuse, parental mental illness, etc.) (see Aquilino,
2006; Conger and Little, 2010). Settersten and Ray (2010) suggest that parents and
youth alike need to develop a relationship based on “interdependence” rather than
independence. Ultimately, strong parental social support creates the possibility for
the development of autonomy in conjunction with connectedness.
Furthermore, parents of young adults can encourage the development of personal
responsibility in a framework of “relational maturity” (see Nelson et al., 2007).
That is, parents teach the social norms of adulthood along with the consequences
of violating social norms. Relational maturity also includes becoming less self-
oriented and developing more consideration of others, which are important

attributes when making decisions about social and romantic relationships. These
lessons in societal expectations and consequences of norm violations can be
especially important in the rapidly changing age of social media. In addition,
parents can model and teach planning skills and responsibility. For young adult
children living at home, “good” parenting also includes assigning some adult roles
that contribute to the household. In addition, parents can encourage health-
promoting behaviors and the avoidance of health risk behaviors such as smoking
and excessive use of alcohol (Schulenberg and Zarrett, 2006; Schulenberg et al.,
2005).
4.3.1 Promoting positive parenting
The bookstores and the Internet are full of self-help books for parents from infancy
through adolescence, but when you get to young adulthood, advice seems to be
limited to parents of college-bound youth. Numerous books on the market offer
practical advice on negotiating all aspects of the transition from high school to
college, starting with the application process and moving to parenting long
distance, and from finding a major to helping with the eventual job search and
beyond (e.g., Sachs, 2010; Savage, 2003). Parents of young adults who do not take
the college route are left to make their own way without institutional or cultural
supports (see Aquilino, 2006; Settersten, 2012). What about those young adults
who could benefit from college, but do not have the resources to tackle college
right out of high school (see Aronson, 2008; Mortimer et al., 2008; Settersten and
Ray, 2010)? They are especially vulnerable to truncated (shortened) life
opportunities in an increasingly high-tech world.
What if your parents did not attend college, are non-native English speakers, are
undocumented immigrants, or just don't see the value of higher education? How do
we, as researchers and policy makers, start gathering information that provides
meaning to the aggregate data available from demographers and economists?
Although focused on a college population, Konstam (2007) provides a method for
starting to gain information on understudied populations by using interviews to
gain individual insights on issues important to young adults, their parents, and their
employers from diverse groups and perspectives. One idea that emerged was that
of “thoughtful scaffolding” that provides emerging adults with individual and
systemic support for negotiating the multiple opportunities of early adulthood; this
concept could apply to all parents and social institutions interested in supporting a
successful transition to young adulthood (see also Flanagan and Levine,
2010; Settersten, 2005, 2012).
4.3.2 Barriers and Constraints to Good Parenting

Good parenting faces a number of barriers—from both the perspectives of parents
as well as young adults. First, nearly all parents want the best for their children—
health, wealth, and happiness—but not all of them have the capacity or the
resources to provide the best possible route to health, safety, and well-being of
their young adult offspring. Providing a detailed discussion of all of the barriers
and constraints is beyond the scope of this lecture, but we provide a short list of
factors that may interfere with the capacity to provide good parenting. Barriers and
constraints may include marital conflict, separation and divorce, death of a parent,
physical and mental illness of parents or other family members, incarceration
(imprisonment/confinement), parental unemployment, or poverty, which may
render parents unable to help out financially or emotionally. Furthermore, many
adolescents come to this transitional period either without parents (e.g., homeless
or foster youth) or with parents who are unwilling or unable to provide support due
to their own problems. A number of scholars have written about these issues
(e.g., Aronson, 2008; Courtney and Heruing, 2005; Chapter 6 in Settersten and
Ray, 2010).
Young adults who have limited or no access to a parent and youth who are
members of vulnerable populations may be particularly at risk for experiencing a
bumpy (rough) ride through this transition (see Osgood et al., 2005). These
vulnerable youth include homeless youth, youth aged out of the foster care system,
incarcerated youth, and youth with mental illness and chronic physical illness.
There is no easy answer for young adults in these situations, but researchers have
started to recognize the challenges these youth face and are trying to design
programs that can assist these youth during their often more precarious transition
to adulthood. For example, Dang and colleagues (2013) have interviewed homeless
youth and found those who report having a supportive relationship with a non
parental adult mentor are more willing to seek health care, to talk to shelter staff,
and in some cases to make contact with parents or relatives. Is connecting with and
maintaining a relationship with a caring adult a skill that can be taught? Can youth

with mentors then serve as mentors for other homeless youth? Detailed research
by Whitbeck (2009) illustrates the numerous challenges faced by homeless youth
(e.g., mental and physical health problems) and discusses approaches to working
with this high-risk, transient population, their families, and their social networks.
These types of interventions may prove worthwhile as these youth make the
transition to young adulthood.
Another unique population is sexual minority youth (lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender, and queer/questioning as well as sexual minority parents. Young
adults who are “out” to their family and friends may have support from parents and
family. Those who are not out to parents and family may have a challenging time
negotiating transitions of young adulthood given typical concerns about forming
relationships and navigating new settings of young adulthood, such as school and
work, that may be exacerbated by concerns of sexual prejudice and homophobia
(irrational fear, horror) (Russell et al., 2012). Recent research by Goldberg and
colleagues (2012) also raise the issue of young adults with sexual minority parents:
What happens when they leave home and enter other social networks? These
young adults are viewed as living on the borders of two communities: the
communities of their parents during childhood and adolescence and the
mainstream heterosexual community. They identify some of the difficulties these
young adults face as they negotiate the transition to young adulthood at the same
time they must negotiate the challenges of leaving home, completing their
education, entering the workforce, and establishing their own romantic
relationships.
4.3.3 Final thoughts and future directions
Our review has shown that researchers have been collecting data on the transition
to adulthood during the past three decades. However, conclusions are incomplete
because the research in this area has focused primarily on young adults who are
enrolled in 4-year colleges and universities (for an exception see Osgood et al.,
2005). Research is needed on representative, non college populations to understand
the family dynamics of those young adults not on the college track (i.e., the
“forgotten half” identified by the W.T. Grant Foundation, 1988). Our own
research bears this out; nearly 90 percent of high school seniors in our longitudinal
study of 559 families in Iowa said they were planning to attend college, but by age
27 only about 60 percent had completed a 4-year degree (Conger et al., 2013).
Researchers, clinicians, and policy makers need information from a wide range of
non college young adults and their families to gain insights on the family and
social relationships of youth who are in the workforce, in the military, and taking
on multiple adult roles that affect their health and well-being .. Future research also
needs to consider the experiences of young adults from immigrant families
(see Rumbaut and Komaie, 2010) as well as the roles of race, ethnicity, and culture
in understanding parent and child relationships during the transition to adulthood
(e.g., Mollenkopf et al., 2005). And this is where our class assignment will be
based. Furthermore, we need systematic research on individuals who are making
this transition without the support of family, such as youth aging out of foster care,
homeless youth, or YA with parents who have no resources to help. “As a society,
we pay too little attention to the fates of young people whose parents are unable or
unwilling to provide the guidance and support that they so desperately need,”
wrote Settersten and Ray (2010, p. 143). For more on these issues, see Osgood et
al. (2005) and Goldscheider et al. (2001).
In addition, a discussion of the parenting of young adults, especially during a time
of economic uncertainty, provides an opportunity for all concerned to engage in the
ongoing debate about the competing interests of research, policy development, and
service delivery, and what steps we might take to bridge the gaps among these
three distinct cultures. Shonkoff (2000) summarizes the issues of the debate
succinctly (briefly, in short words): “Science is focused on what we do not know.
Social policy and the delivery of health and human services are focused on what
we should do” (p. 182). Researchers want to take time and gather information on
all of the issues from multiple perspectives; programs and policy makers need
practical, actionable information now—or yesterday. Our challenge then is to
examine what is being done in light of what we think we know, and how the two
inform each other. Bogenschneider and Corbett (2010); Heckman and Krueger
(2005); and Settersten (2005, 2012).
We end by suggesting that we build on what constitutes good parenting of
adolescents and recognize that offspring of all ages benefit from parent– child
relationships that are based on warmth and support, reciprocal communication,
clear expectations, financial advice and support, and a sense of personal
responsibility. Countless studies demonstrate the salutary effects of these
dimensions of positive parenting during adolescence (see reviews by Holmbeck et
al., 1995; Steinberg, 2001). A growing body of research shows that young adults
also benefit from positive parenting during the transition to adulthood
(see Aquilino, 2006; Booth et al., 2012). For example, aspects of positive
parenting have been related to competence in young adult romantic relationships
(Donnellan et al., 2005; Meier and Allen, 2008), to educational attainment
(Swartz, 2008; Wintre and Yaffe, 2000), and to investments in the next generation
(Conger et al., 2012). These dimensions of positive parenting help promote the
health, safety, happiness, and well-being of parents and their young adult children.
The “how” of this supportive relationship changes with age and maturity, but the
fundamental principles remain the same. Although parents may feel that they are
on their own in “launching”(initiation, introducing) their children into the next
young adult age of adulthood, social and public institutions need to recognize that
healthy, happy, successful young adults benefit themselves, their families, and all
of society.
4.3 Modern trends in family counseling
Prospective counselors should be aware of major approaches to counseling so as to

enable them to acquire a sound basis for developing their own personal brand of
counseling. The current trends in this area can be broadly classified into three
approaches. They are:
4.3.1 Cognitive approaches
4.3.2 Affective approaches, and
4.3.3. Behavioral approaches.
It may be observed that the approaches closely parallel the three aspects of
personality viz., cognition, affection and conation (i.e. knowing, feeling and doing
as given by the ancient Philosophers).
3.3.1 Cognitive Approaches
As Feorge and Cristiani (1981) have pointed out, in the cognitive approaches, the
process of counseling is the curing of unreason by reason; i.e., to help clients

eliminate most emotional disturbances by learning to think rationally, to help them
get rid of illogical, irrational ideas and attitudes and substitute logical, rational
ideas and attitudes. It is believed that this process helps the client to attain rational
behavior, happiness, and self-actualization. For example Transactional Analysis
(TA) aims at the internal dialogues of individuals, which occurs between the
various ego states and the struggles between the real parts of their behavior
(whether the same is productive or counterproductive) and the behavior of others
by identifying which ego state is in power at any given time. TA thus gives the
clients information about the various types of transactions that occur among
individuals and to help them identify the kinds of behavior in which they are
involved. The goal of TA is to help clients review their past decisions and make
new decisions about their present behavior. It is assumed that this would change
their life direction into developing an autonomous life style characterized by
awareness, spontaneity. This, it is believed that would; eliminate a life style
characterized by manipulative game – playing a self-defeating neurotic tendencies.
Directive teaching is the core in all the cognitive approaches. For example in
Rational Emotive Therapy (RET) the counselor takes up an active teaching role to
educate clients. The RET counselor makes the client understand that the latter’s
internationalized sentences are quite illogical and especially the current illogical
thinking are self-defeating verbalizations of the client. The success if the counselor
lies in bringing illogical thinking forcefully to the client’s attention. He must also
show to the counselee how these thoughts are maintaining his unhappiness and
how a rethinking and maintenance of logically and rationality make him happy and
contented. In reality therapy, the meaning of reality and the necessity to act
responsibly are taught by the counselor.
4.3.2 Affective Approaches
As the term suggests the affective approaches in counseling focus their attention to
what is going on inside the individual, and particularly what the individual is
experiencing at a given time. That is, the individual emotions, or what touches
him/her inn mostly.

Client-centered counseling of Rogers is perhaps the most well-defined technique in
the affective approaches. It also highlights an issue in counseling; namely, how
much responsibility can be placed on the client for his/her own problem solving?
Rogers believed that when the individual perceived himself as behaving in a
manner consistent with his 'picture' of himself, he generally experiences feelings of
adequacy, security, and worth. If on the other hand, he acts in a manner different
from the way he defines himself, he/she experiences what is known as "threat" and
feels insecure, inadequate, or worthless. Under pressure and with no other
alternative, he may then defend himself against this threat using one or more of the
commonly described "defense mechanisms". Unless counseling eliminates this
defensive chain reaction and strengthens his self-concept, the defensive behavior
would increase vulnerability to further threat, guilt, thereby creating more
distortion and more self-defeating mechanisms. The role of the therapist is not just
eliminating the defense mechanisms. Rogers highlights the importance of
'Congruence'. It means the close 'matching of awareness and experience'. In this
context, the client centered counselors emphasizes the importance of accurate
communication. If a client is aware of communicating a feeling which he is
genuinely experiencing, his behavior is said to be congruent or integrated. In
incongruent communication the awareness and experience of the client are two
different if not opposing things. So also the recipient may experience an awareness
of phony (fake, false) communication. The implication here for the counselor is
that the counselor should help the client to face courageously the incongruence
between awareness and experience so that communication of his real experiences
is in full awareness and not distorted with defense mechanisms and neurotic
constrictions.
The 'self-theory' of Rogers also assumes a perspective called 'phenomenology'.
According to this perspective, people's 'reality' is that which they perceive. The
way to understand individuals is to infer the 'phenomenological field' from their
behavior. In other words, the 'internal frame of reference' of the client is used in
counseling with the implication that counselors must attempt to perceive client's
perceptual worlds as closely as they can. This is known as the empathic skill of the
counselor.

Individual client's need to strive for wholeness is the focus in Gestalt therapy and
counseling. This school of counseling gives importance to the internal world of the
individual. Striving for the gestalt or the wholeness is actually a striving for an
integration of thinking, feeling, and behaving. The key concept here is awareness.
It is believed that the counselors help the clients work toward a total awareness of
his experiences. Gestalt psychologists point out that such awareness permits self-
regulation and self-control in the direction of increased integration and creativity.
Recently, one of the major forces that have come to occupy an important place in
psychology is 'Existentialism'. Unlike Psychoanalysis, existentialism is a
temperamental way of looking at life. It is basically a philosophy of experiences
which need not necessarily be categorized into cognitive compartments. Man is
essentially an emotional being rather than a rational animal! The existence of man
is unique because he is the only being who reacts to the fact of his existence. The
awareness of one's own existence and the possibility of non-existence alter the
inner world or the phenomenology. These new premises create new experiences
and needs that are yet to be known. The predicament of human beings is such that
it includes the individual's capacity for increased self-awareness, the search for
unique meaning in a meaningless world, being alone and being in relation with
others, freedom to choose one's fate, responsibility, anxiety, finiteness and death,
and a basic urge for self-actualization. As a theory existentialism is sound and
appealing, but the practice of counseling on the basis of this theory is difficult.
However, the existential counselor tries to understand the client as 'a being' and as
'a being in the world'. Counselors are supposed to expose his/her own inner reality
and at the same time be human. This according to existentialists enables clients to
become aware of similar conditions and qualities in themselves. It is pointed out
that through this process clients come to recognize their potentialities and achieve
self-growth by accepting it as their responsibility. In a nut shell, it can be said that
making the client accept responsibility for him/her is the aim of existential
counseling.
4.3.3 Behavioral Approaches
While the dynamically oriented theorists try to understand conscious and

unconscious through inference, the behavioral counselors concentrate on objective
study of client behavior and the learning process. As the emphasis is primarily on
overt behavior, the first emphasis is to discover how the behavior was acquired and
how it can be changed. The second emphasis, which is a later addition, is on
precondition for behavior change. This approach is characterized by (1) a focus on
overt (clear, open or obvious behavior) and specified behavior; (2) a precise and
well spelt out target behaviors called goals; (3) a formulation of a specific and
objective treatment procedure to the problem at hand; and (4) an objective
assessment of the outcome of counseling in terms of the degree of approximation
to the target behavior.
In the behavioral approaches well defined counseling goals are of central
importance. The much talked about counselor-counselee relationship in other
approaches is of secondary importance only. The main aim of this relationship to
the behaviorist counselor is to facilitate greater understanding of the client's view
of the problem. This helps to formulate a more successful behavioral plan for
bringing about change in the client's maladaptive behavior to one of adaptive
behavior (target behavior).
As the behavioral approaches base their understanding of human behavior through
the theories of learning, they use very specific techniques like behavior contracts,
social modeling, systematic desensitization and assertive training. All these
techniques are well known to counselors.

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University of Juba
School of Community Studies and Rural Development
Department of Community Studies
Specialization: Social Work.
Subject: Social Policy and Social Change
Code: CRS 411
Semester 7

Handout for 4th Year Students
Prepared by Augustine Lado Kuron Bonda (PhD)
2019
Course Content:
1-Introduction and definition of Social Policy
2- Means of implementing and evaluating follow-up polices.
3- Issues and requirements of policies.
4- Examples from various countries as regards to their social policies.

(Assignment)
5- Relationship between social policy and social development plans.
6- The link between social policy and social work.
7- General discussion and analysis of South Sudan Social Development Plans in

the context of national development polices.
8- The concept and causes of social change.
9- Theories of social change.
10- Processes of social change.
11- Patterns of problems associated with rapid social change.
12- Social, economic and political changes in African countries.
13- Social change and future studies.

1. Introduction, Definition and Concept of Social Policy
First, the concept of social policy refers to a number of distinct program types and
policy areas that perform several interrelated tasks, ranging from poverty
alleviation and risk pooling to de-commoditization and citizenship inclusion.
Second, any analysis of the welfare state must consider two major form of policy
fragmentation: 1- The development of the private social benefits and 2- The
territorial logic of federalism.
Third, to understand social policy, we need to gain historical, comparative, and

political perspectives on welfare state development and restructuring. The welfare
state is a social and political construction, the empirical content of which varies
from one country to another. More important, the way in which political decisions
about social programs unfold over time can help explain differences between
countries and between policy areas within the same country.
Forth, in developed countries, recent changes in social policy follow several major
patterns, such as “activation” and the push for facial control that is present across
the development world.
Fifth, we should remain open-minded about what the future may look like, because
studies on the history of social policy suggest that change is largely the product of
the contingent interaction between the causal factors.
Finally, the welfare state is a political realty that can both reflect and challenge
existing forms of inequality. In the early post World War II era, most social

scientists interested in the welfare state were white males who focused mainly on
class politics and on people who looked like them. What is certain at this point is
that, in our world, social policy debates are related to identity issues and the
politics of inequality surrounding them.
Among other things, the welfare state is about redistribution, and it features lager
fiscal (financial, economic) transfer.
1.2 Social Policy and the Welfare State
In different stages of our life, many of us rely on social programs in one way or
another. For example, when we lose our job, we can access unemployment
insurance benefits that provide some financial support while we look for a new job.
Without these benefits, we could have no other choice but sell our home or perhaps
even fall into destitution. During the recession that struck the United States in
2008/2009, many people who had never thought they could suddenly lose their
jobs ended up unemployed, and officials scrambled to improve unemployment
insurance benefits as millions of American struggled to provide for their families
during hard times. When a major economic crisis strikes, however, we suddenly
realize that we could be much more vulnerable to a job loss than we had previously
thought.
Social Policy is an institutionalized response to social and economic problems,

ranging from economic insecurity to inequality and poverty.
Why Social Policy?
In some countries, social policy refers both to a set of social programs and to
autonomous field of research and teaching, with its own degrees, departments and
schools. In the United Kingdom, for example, Social Policy is an interdisciplinary
field that bridges disciplines like sociology and political science while remaining
distinct from social work, which focuses more on counseling than on policy and
administration. In the United States, however, social policy is seldom considered to
be an autonomous academic field and, as in other nations, people from disciplines

such as economics, political science, sociology, and social work study the role of
social programs and explore social policy issues in ways that reflect their
disciplinary traditions.
1.3 Types of Social Programs:
1.3 1- Social Assistance.
The oldest type of social program is social assistance, which only targets the poor
citizens.
Two ways to determine who is eligible to receive social assistance transfers and
services are:-
I- Means-tested programs are only accessible to unemployed or low-income people

who asset fall under a specific threshold. Example: - In some jurisdictions, people
who own their house or have significant personal savings are not eligible for social
assistance benefits; only people considered truly needy would qualify. In USA, a
well-known example of means-tested program is the Temporary Aid to Needy
Families (TANF).
II-pure income-tested programs do not consider assert when determining

eligibility. The principle eligibility condition is low-income. Example of this is
Canada’s Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS).
2- Social Insurance:
Most income programs that operate according to social insurance principles are not
meant to maintain people’s standard of living after retirement or during periods of
disability or unemployment, and a relationship exists between the wage people
earn and the level of cash benefits they receive once they qualify for benefits. In
case of old age insurance programs such as social security, full benefits are only
available after a certain age (E.g. 66 years), while for health insurance schemes,
coverage stems from payroll contributions.
3- Universal Transfer and Services:
In some countries, a number of social programs are universal, in the sense that all
citizens and even permanent residents are automatically entitled to certain income

transfers and social services as a matter of right. The term “universal” is
paradoxical, however, because rational social programs, including universal
transfers and services, typically exclude outsiders –people who do not live in or do
not belong to the particular country- from receiving benefits. Thus, many social
programs are about political membership.
Universal transfers and services differ from social insurance systems in that they
are exclusively or largely financed through general revenues.
There are two main types of universal transfers and services: demo-grants and
universal provisions.
a) Demo-grants are policies that are available to people of certain age who meet
specific citizenship and residency criteria. For example, from 1944 to 1980s
Canadian parents received family allowances for each of their children, from birth
to adulthood. Another Canadian demo-grant is Old Age Security (OAS), a modest,
flat old age pension, which was adopted in 1951 and is formally available to all
people aged sixty-five and older who meet certain residency criteria.
b) In contrast Universal provisions are available to all people regardless of age as

long as they meet similar citizenship and residency criteria. In Canada, public
health care is universal, which means that any citizen or permanent resident is
entitled to a wide range of health services anywhere in the country ( Note:
compare this with United Kingdom, Sweden, USA, Libya, South Sudan, Uganda,
Kenya, Tanzania etc).
A type of social benefit directly related to the citizenship, but not a demo-grant in
the strict sense of the term, are programs to assist current and former military
personnel and their families. From pensions to health care to educational
provisions, social policies for the military are a major aspect of the modern welfare
state (see USA and other countries). Example: The GI Bill (Servicemen’s
Readjustment Act), which was enacted in 1944, provided returning American
Veterans with unemployment benefits, low- interest home loan, tuition assistance,
and vocational training , among other things.

Beyond veterans, it is important to keep in mind that, in the US like in most other
countries, the army provides health, housing and social benefits to military
personnel in active service.
2. Means of Implementing and Evaluating Follow-Up Polices. (to be reviewed)
It is easiest to implement policies and procedures if they are well designed and
relevant to the needs and goals of your organization and your employees. Truly
effective policies and procedures address genuine needs within an organization,
making employees willing and even eager to implement them because they make
operations smoother and give the organization added credibility. Management
staffs are in the best position to implement new policies and procedures do so if
they have already demonstrated that they have a history of making intelligent
changes that are in the best interest of everyone involved.
Prepare a written document detailing the policies and procedures that you wish to
implement. Include information about their purpose and the objectives they are
intended to accomplish. Provide step-by-step instructions regarding how to
implement them, as well as criteria for assessing whether they are achieving their
intended results.
Hold meetings at which you introduce your staff to the policies and procedures
that you wish to implement. Start with a general staff meeting at which you
provide an overview. Proceed to smaller meetings among different departments
with more specific instructions regarding how the policies and procedures apply
to them, as well as any special responsibilities and instructions that they need to
know. Explain why you are implementing these policies and procedures, and how
they will benefit both the organization as a whole as well as individual
departments and employees. Allow plenty of time for questions and feedback
and, if possible, provide hands-on demonstrations.
Schedule assessments of your policies and procedures at regular intervals.

Evaluate how your staff is implementing them and they are the right measures to
take to achieve your stated goals. Make changes as necessary, and provide your
employees with honest feedback regarding their performances. Use clear,
measurable criteria to assess their implementation of the policies and procedures,

such as keeping a checklist tracking the number of times that a certain action was
performed and keeping quantifiable data as to its outcome.
2.1
How to implement effective policies and procedures
PPA 670 POLICY ANALYSIS

IMPLEMENTATION, MONITORING, & EVALUATION
Implementation Analysis
Policy Monitoring
Policy Evaluation
Formative Evaluation
Summative Evaluation
Evaluation Design

IMPLEMENTATION ANALYSIS
The full policy process is often described by the following steps:
1) problem definition
2) alternative generation
3) analysis of alternatives
4) policy adoption
5) policy implementation
6) policy evaluation
While this course has focused on the first three steps, the last three steps are equally
important. A thorough policy analysis will include some consideration of policy
implementation, monitoring, and evaluation.

The policy analyst can sketch out an implementation plan for the most highly ranked
alternative(s) that considers:
1) relevant actors and their interests
2) required resources and who might provide them
3) facilitators and barriers likely to be encountered
4) reasonable time frame
Implementation analysis might involve writing a "best-case" scenario and a "worst-
case" scenario for each policy alternative, as well as the "most likely" outcome. The
idea is to think systematically through the implementation process, identify potential
problems, and develop actions that can be taken to either avert catastrophes or reduce
losses.

POLICY MONITORING
Policy maintenance refers to keeping the policy or program going after it is adopted.
Policy monitoring refers to the process of detecting how the policy is doing.
To monitor a policy, some data about the policy must be obtained. A good
implementation plan will suggest some ways in which ongoing data about the policy
can be generated in the regular course of policy maintenance, for example, from
records, documents, feedback from program clients, diary entries of staff, ratings by
peers, tests, observation, and physical evidence.

POLICY EVALUATION
Policy evaluation is the last step in the policy process. It may ask deep and wide-
ranging questions, such as:
1) was the problem correctly identified, or was the correct problem identified?
2) were any important aspects overlooked?
3) were any important data left out of the analysis? did this influence the
analysis?
4) were recommendations properly implemented?
5) is the policy having the desired effect?
6) are there any needs for modification, change, or re-design? what should be
done differently next time?

When policies fail to have the intended effect, it is usually due to one of two types of
failure: theory failure, or program failure.
A theory failure occurs when the policy was implemented as intended, but failed to
have the desired effect. This may occur when, for example, a school adopts school
uniforms to curb violence in the school, but the violence remains at the same level.
The policy was implemented (uniforms were adopted) but the expected change did not
occur. The theory that violence occurs due to style of dress is wrong. There must be
some other cause of school violence, which would require a different policy to
address.
An implementation failure occurs when the policy is not implemented as intended.
For example, the school may adopt a uniform policy, but the majority of the students
ignore it. The level of violence in the school does not change. We still do not know
whether adopting school uniforms would lower the level of violence in the schools;
we only know that uniforms were not adopted.

FORMATIVE EVALUATION
If adequate monitoring processes are in effect, it should be fairly easy to detect
whether a policy has been implemented as intended. This type of policy monitoring
has been referred to as formative evaluation. Formative evaluation documents and
analyzes how a policy is implemented, with the objective of making improvements as
the implementation process unfolds.

SUMMATIVE EVALUATION
Summative evaluation is conducted after a program has been fully implemented. It
looks at whether the program is meeting its objectives, and why or why not.

Evaluations may be unpopular for many reasons:
1) the program is controversial;
2) there are strong political interests in seeing it succeed or fail;
3) there are difficulties in measuring program accomplishments;
4) those involved may be uncooperative;

5) program effects may be influenced by outside developments.
To decide whether an evaluation will be helpful, the answer to the following

questions should be "yes":
1) will the evaluation be accepted by politicians, administrators, and/or

participants?
2) has an evaluator been involved from the beginning?
3) are there measurable objectives?
4) are data available?
5) are multiple evaluation methods plausible?
6) has the program remained stable over time?
7) can program staff become involved in the evaluation?
8) will the findings be made widely available?
EVALUATION DESIGN
Policy evaluation applies accepted social science research methods to public
programs. The same research designs used in laboratory experiments are not always
practicable in the field, but the same principles can guide the planning and execution
of policy evaluation.
Before-and-After Evaluation: a policy is evaluated for the changes it has produced

since its implementation; the situation is controlled to exclude other possible
influences on the outcome.
With-and-Without Evaluation: a policy is evaluated for producing changes in the
target population, compared to another population without the policy.
After-Only Evaluation: the extent to which the policy goals were achieved, compared
to the state of affairs before the policy was implemented; but the situation is not
controlled to exclude other possible influences on the outcome.
Time-Series Evaluation: the changes produced by the policy, tracked over a long time
period.

To implement effective policies and procedures at your organization or agency
(workplace), follow these steps to get the best results.
Step 1: Consultation
When developing your policies and procedures, you must consult with all relevant
stakeholders, (particularly those who work with you regularly), and of course your
employees.
Consultation should ensure that every person in your workplace understands the
importance of state or organization policies and procedures and why they need to
be implemented effectively.
It will also ensure that the policies and procedures are realistic and actionable on a
daily basis.
Tip: Consultation helps to achieve more effective policies and procedures, and is
a greater motivation for employees to follow them.
Step 2: Modify the policy to your organization
The policies and procedures you adopt need to be tailored or modified to the needs
of your organization, not just lifted straight from a generic manual.
If you use policies and procedures from another source, it is essential that you
adapt them to your organization and your workplace operations.
Step 3: Define obligations clearly – be specific!
All policies should be short and succinct or to the point.
All procedural steps should be set out in clear and plain English.
This will create an ‘auditable standard’, meaning that you create a standard that
can be used to measure whether your workplace health and safety obligations are
being met or not.
The obligations outlined in an auditable standard should be defined in enough
detail that persons in your workplace understand exactly what is expected of them.
Specifically state what actions should be taken.
Step 4: Make the policy realistic
Make sure your organization has the time, resources and personnel to implement
the policy.
There is no point in adopting a policy which aspires to the best practice possible if
your organization or institution cannot realistically adopt the procedures set out.
This is the development stage of the policy and procedure done. Once you have
completed these steps, you will have the policies and procedures your organization
needs to maintain a healthy and safe workplace.
Don’t get too excited that you have developed the policies and procedures because
without implementing them correctly, they won’t be of any use to you.
Step 5: Publicize the policies and procedures
Put your policies and procedures in writing and make them available to your entire
workforce.
If possible, keep all your policies and procedures in a single manual, and make
copies readily available to all employees.
Tip: Safety documents should also be published on the organization’s intranet if
you have one.
Step 6: Train all employees in policies and procedures
You have an obligation to provide adequate information, instruction, supervision
and training to your employees.
Ensure that new employees are trained and familiar with organization policies and
procedures, and that existing staff receive appropriate training.
Policies and procedures should also be reiterated and discussed with staff regularly
at team meetings to ensure that employees remain aware of the importance of the
policies and procedures.
Tip: It is a good idea to have all employees sign off after they have read,
understood and agree to comply with your organization policies. You should also
keep records of training and induction. Make sure that you record attendees and
details of training content in case an employee fails to sign a training record.
Step 7: Be consistent in your policy implementation

Supervision of your organization to ensure that the policies and procedures are
being properly implemented by all employees is essential.
Follow-up to ensure that any failure to follow the policy or procedure is addressed.
Specify that full compliance with the stated requirements is needed to ensure a safe
organization.
After this, any deliberate breaches of policies or procedures must be treated
seriously, and dealt with immediately and consistently.
All supervisors and managers must ‘lead by example’ in implementing policies and
procedures. It is crucial that all expectations are demonstrated through modeling
and leadership at all levels of management.
If managers condone (ignore) practices which do not fall within the policy, it could
be argued that disciplinary action against an employee who fails to follow the
policy is unfair. The consequence of any deliberate breach should be appropriate to
the severity of the breach, whether it be:
 counseling;
 disciplinary action (e.g. a warning); or
 in serious circumstances, dismissal.
Step 8: Review all policies and procedures regularly

Policies and procedures must be reviewed periodically.
When any changes occur, ensure your policies and procedures remain relevant and
effective.
Tip: The review cycle will depend on the circumstances and document type, but it
is a good idea to review policies at least every 2 years.
Implement a document management system that:
 triggers reviews;
 notes the dates of change; and
 involves interactive revision.

All employees need to be made aware of the changes to policy and procedure when
they occur.
Step 9: Enforce the policies and procedures
Once your policies and procedures have been implemented, they need to be
enforced. Make sure that you approach this consistently as this is an important
factor in being able to discipline a worker for a break of policy.
Tip: The simpler the system, the easier it is for workers to understand and for
employers to enforce health and safety policies and procedures.
3. Issues and Requirements of Policies.
3.1 Policy Areas: (issues)
To give you a good idea of the substantial diversity on the field of social policy,
this section or topic compares and contrast five policy areas at the center of the
modern welfare state. These are:
3.1.1- Work, Unemployment, and Welfare.
Being out of work or earning low wages is a primary source of poverty and
economic insecurity in capitalist societies, and it is why governments enact social
insurance programs for the unemployed and the poor. Programs can provide cash
benefits, job training and educational opportunities or in-kind provisions such as
Food Stamps and federal social assistance scheme that helps eligible poor people
buy food using a special debit card (provisional stamps).
From historical standpoint, unemployment is a relatively new policy concept,

which crystallized in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Topalor,
2000).unemployment is not only about being jobless-it is about being jobless while
actively looking for work. Thus, in general, jobless people who are not seeking
employment are not officially considered unemployed.
As a welfare state program, unemployment insurance provides temporary support

to the unemployment while looking for work. It is at least partly financed through
contributions paid by works and/or employers, depending on the nature of the
scheme (see the US system).

In most developed countries, including the United States, access to unemployment
insurance is restricted, and many unemployed individuals do not qualify for
benefits. Moreover, people are entitled to benefits typically receive them for a
limited period of time, depending on their work history and the program’s
eligibility criteria, and some unemployed people end up on social assistance rolls
after they run out of insurance benefits.
3.1. 2- Pensions.
Although retirement had existed among privileged occupational groups for some
time, it was only during the 20th century that it gradually became a widespread
social institution that shapes the life course of most individuals. Public systems
rely on different types of pension’s policy. In developed countries, social insurance
pensions financed though employer and/or worker contributions are a prominent
type of pension policy (see countries like Germany, Belgium and France)
Pension programs are long-term commitments that are affected by slow-moving

demographic transformations. In the United States, actuarial forecasts for social
security extend over a seventy-five year period, which is quite long by most
public-policy standards.
3.1. 3-Health Care:
Compared to cash benefit programs like social security, modern health care
systems are extremely complex (Beland; 2010), which makes it typically harder to
assess the possible impact on available policy alterations. This feature of
contemporary health care systems is particularly striking in the United States,
where various public and private insurance scheme and state regulations have long
interacted to create highly intricate institutions. Moreover, in the United States as
elsewhere, the role of technological innovation in health-care further increases the
complexity of the policy area.
Like other components of the welfare state, health care policies vary from
considerably from one country to another (Street, 2008). Take health-care
financing, for example. One influential form of financing is the Single-Payer
Model, in which the state plays the dominant fiscal role (i.e. it pays for most of the

basic health care costs). The United Kingdom and Canada are examples of a
single- payer health-care system.
In the United States, private insurance coverage remains dominant, as both

employers and insurance companies provide converge to most workers and their
families in a fragmented private system that is both subsidized by regulated by the
state-increasing its complexity.
3.1. 4- Housing:
One of the most basic needs in access to adequate housing, which is why, in
developed societies and beyond, homelessness is considered a radical form of
insecurity and deprivation. As well as being more exposed to violence and criminal
activities, many homeless people in northern cities die every winter from the cold,
despite the availability of a limited number of emergency shelters. Beyond
homelessness, even in developed countries like the United States, many low-
income individuals and families struggle every month to pay their rent or their
mortgage (advance, credit), or they live in unsanitary homes and apartments. These
problems can push poor people to the streets, increasing the homeless population.
Developed countries have responded by creating housing policies to support low-

income tenant (renter or occupant) and by stimulating the construction of
affordable housing units, among other things. (See United Kingdom and France,
which heave large public-housing system). As for the Netherlands it has created a
massive public housing system where more than a third of the population lives. In
the year following World War II, public housing policy targeted only the poorest
citizens, and as a result, it became increasingly associated with deprived, minority-
dominated, inner-city neighborhoods. (See United States housing system). Another
contemporary trend in housing policy is the development of voucher (ticker,
receipt) programs aimed at helping poorer Americans to afford a place to live. For
example, the federal housing choice voucher program provides cash assistance to
vulnerable social categories like the disabled, the elderly and low-income families;
the program is administered by local public housing agencies (US department of
Housing and Urban Development, 2009).
3.1. 5- Family Benefits:

Family benefits constitute a broad policy area that includes provisions designed to
increase the well-being and economic security of parents and their children, as well
as other objectives, such as helping parents find a better balance between their
domestic and their professional lives. Such benefits are closely related to gender
relations and how they evolve over time.
Family benefits include policies such as children program, family allowances, and
parental leaves.
At the broadest level, family benefits are a significant aspect of the American
welfare state. In the first decades of the 20 th century, mothers’ pensions became
one of the first components of its modern social policy system.
Parental leave is another key form of family benefits. Because of the increasing
number of women in the job market, parental leave has become a serious social
policy issues across the developed world.
Child care is yet another important from of the family benefit in most developed
countries. The growing number of women in the formal labor market and the
political mobilization of feminist groups have each played a significant role in the
expansion of public child-care programs around the world.
6- The Link between Social Policy and Social Work.
Social workers aim to protect vulnerable people from abuse, neglect or self-harm
and to help to enhance their well-being and quality of life. Drawing upon a rich
knowledge base and theoretical perspectives derived from the social and
psychological sciences, social workers aim to promote positive individual and
social change.
Social workers operate within legal frameworks for protecting and supporting
vulnerable people. For example, local authority social workers working with
children and families use child protection policies and procedures to intervene in
families to protect vulnerable children and provide support, while those working
with adults aim to ensure that their needs for care and protection are met.
Social workers practicing in statutory (constitutional or legal) contexts such as
local authorities commonly assess the need for care, support and protection of

individuals or families, develop care plans and provide or manage the provision of
care. They are also responsible for implementing policies which aim to safeguard
vulnerable children or adults and ensure that people have as much choice and
control over services they use as possible.
Social workers work closely with other professionals, often known as 'inter-
professional working'. Mental health social workers, for example, often work in
teams along side community mental health nurses, occupational therapists,
psychologists and psychiatrists. However, inter-professional working is common
for all social workers.
6.1 What is social policy? Is it like social work?
Social policy helps us to understand social problems in our society or world and
their causes, which affects every individual and how the governments have or are
implementing policies to solve these social problems. These social problems may
include issues with the education, housing, poverty, crime, environmental,
unemployment, and migration.
Social work on the other hand, involves working directly with people, to bring
about social change to help improve their standard of living (from a young child to
an adult, or the elderly). The key purpose of social work is to support and protect
people who are considered vulnerable in society. They may support people with
issues such as drug and alcohol problems, mental distress, family and conflict
problems or children in care.
Social policy deals with social problems in society and social work deals with
social problems people experience in society. Both work hand in hand to bring
about a social change but in different context and settings.
Social policy should not be taken lightly or for granted because, it is through
learning and understanding about social policy, we understand the world and
society we live in.
Social policy helps you to be become more involved with society and to find
practical means, with the influence of the government, to solve these social issues,
for society and the world to become a better place. By removing social problems in

the society, we also remove the chances of us as individuals experiencing these
social problems, big or small.
6.2 Relationship between Social Work Practice and Social Policy

An understanding of contemporary social work practice is not possible without
knowledge of social policy.
To gain an understanding of social work practice and whether it is or is not
possible to do so without the knowledge of social policy, it is necessary to discuss
certain aspects of this topic.
The first place to start is to define what social work means which can be put as
simply as social work is there to empower individuals who may be in a state of
vulnerability at a point in their lives, to support engagement and participation in
society, as well as, ensure their human rights and well-being are protected (Horner,
2012). For social workers to help people live better lives, social policies enable
development, implementation of services and influence the social situations of
individuals who may be marginalized, such as people with mental health issues and
in poverty.
However, it is worth noting that some social policies may hinder social workers
ability to effectively deliver a service to users (Adams, 2002). Lymbery (1998)
states that social workers and changes in society can influence law and social
policy to allow a better service to individuals who need support, this can be seen in
mental health, poverty, domestic violence and many more situations faced by
society.
The influence of social work during the change from one to another can be seen in
the changes in law and social policy as practitioners became able to provide help
and support to those who had left institutions and enable better treatment and
services to individuals suffering from mental health. For example, when
individuals were marginalized and placed within an institution under the 1890
Lunacy Act, they were dealt with by psychiatrists and viewed as having an illness
which needed treating in a clinical way (Prior, 1992). This meant that a social
worker would not be supporting this individual whilst incarcerated; instead they
would only become involved once the individual had been released from the
asylum by supporting the individuals in housing, finances and health care.

However, by the mid-20th century, there was a considerable shift towards mental
health being allocated to community care rather than institutions which were
supported by the Mental Health Act 1959. (Killaspy, 2006).
7- General discussion and analysis of South Sudan Social Development Plans
in the context of national development polices. (Assailment and class
discussion)
8. The concept and causes of social change.
The word “change” denotes a difference in anything observed over some period of
time. Social change, therefore, would mean observable differences in any social
phenomena over any period of time.
8.1-The following are some of its definitions:

(i) Jones. “Social change is a term used to describe variations in, or modifications
of, any aspect of social processes, social patterns, social interaction or social
organisation.”
(ii) Mazumdar, H. T. “Social change may be defined as a new fashion or mode,
either modifying or replacing the old, in the life of a people, or in the operation of a
society.”
(iii) Gillin and Gillin. “Social changes are variations from the accepted modes of
life; whether due to alteration in geographical conditions, in cultural equipment,
composition of the population or ideologies and whether brought about by
diffusion or inventions within the group.”
(iv) Davis. By “Social change is meant only such alterations as occur in social
organisation, that is, structure and functions of society.”
(v) Merrill and Eldredge. “Social change means that large number of persons is
engaging in activities that differ from those which they or their immediate
forefathers engaged in some time before.”
(vi) MacIver and Page. “…Our direct concern as sociologists is with social
relationships. It is the change in these relationships which alone we shall regard as
social change.”

(vii) M. D. Jenson. “Social change may be defined as modification in ways of
doing and thinking of people.”
(viii) Koenig, S. “Social change refers to the modifications which occur in the life
patterns of a people.”
(ix) Lundberg and others. “Social change refers to any modification in established
patterns of inter human relationships and standards of conduct.”
(x) Anderson and Parker. “Social change involves alteration in the structure or
functioning of social forms or processes themselves.”
(xi) Ginsberg, M. “By social change, I understand a change in social structure e.g.,
the size of a society, the composition or balance of its parts or the type of its
organisation.”
On the basis of these definitions it may be concluded that social change refers to
the modifications which take place in the life patterns of people. It does not refer to
all the changes going on in the society. The changes in art, language, technology;
philosophy etc may not be included in the term ‘Social change’ which should be
interpreted in a narrow sense to mean alterations in the field of social relationships.
Social relationships are social processes, social patterns and social interactions.
Thus social change will mean variations of any aspect of social processes, social
patterns, social interactions or social organisation. It is a change in the institutional
and normative structure of society.
8.2 Nature of Social Change:

8.2.1 The main characteristics of the nature of social change are as follows:
(i) Social change is a universal phenomenon:

Social change occurs in all societies. No society remains completely static. This is
true of all societies, primitive as well as civilized. Society exists in a universe of
dynamic influences.
The population changes, technologies expand, material equipment changes,
ideologies and values take on new components and institutional structures and
functions undergo reshaping. The speed and extent of change may differ from
society to society. Some change rapidly, others change slowly.

(ii) Social change is community change:
Social change does not refer to the change in the life of an individual or the life
patterns of several individuals. It is a change which occurs in the life of the entire
community. In other words, only that change can be called social change whose
influence can be felt in a community form. Social change is social and not
individual.
(iii) Speed of social change is not uniform:

While social change occurs in all societies, its speed is not uniform in every
society. In most societies it occurs so slowly that it is often not noticed by those
who live in them. Even in modern societies there seems to be little or no change in
many areas. Social change in urban areas is faster than in rural areas.
(iv) Nature and speed of social change is affected by and related to time factor:
The speed of social change is not uniform in each age or period in the same
society. In modern times the speed of social change is faster today than before
1947. Thus, the speed of social change differs from age to age.
The reason is that the factors which cause social change do not remain uniform
with the change in times. Before 1947 there was less industrialization in India,
after 1947 India has become more industrialized. Therefore, the speed of social
change after 1947 is faster than before 1947.
(v) Social change occurs as an essential law:

Change is the law of nature. Social change also is natural. It may occur either in
the natural course or as a result of planned efforts. By nature we desire change. Our
needs keep on changing. To satisfy our desire for change and our changing needs
social change becomes a necessity. The truth is that we are anxiously waiting for a
change. According to Green, ‘The enthusiastic response of change has become
almost a way of life.”
(vi) Definite prediction of social change is not possible:

It is difficult to make any prediction about the exact forms of social change. There
is no inherent law of social change according to which it would assume definite
forms. We may say that on account of the social reform movement untouchability
will be abolished from the Indian society; that the basis and ideals of marriage will
change due to the marriage laws passed by the government; that industrialization

will increase the speed of urbanization but we cannot predict the exact forms which
social relationships will assume in future. Likewise it cannot be predicted as to
what shall be our attitudes, ideas, norms and values in future.
(vii) Social change shows chain-reaction sequence:

A society’s pattern of living is a dynamic system of inter-related parts. Therefore,
change in one of these parts usually reacts on others and those on additional ones
until they bring a change in the whole mode of life of many people. For example,
industrialism has destroyed the domestic system of production.
The destruction of domestic system of production brought women from the home
to the factory and the office. The employment of women meant their independence
from the bondage of man. It brought a change in their attitudes and idea. It meant a
new social life for women. It consequent affected every part of the family life.
(viii) Social change results from the interaction of a number of factors:

Generally, it is thought that a particular factor like changes in technology,
economic development or climatic conditions causes social change. This is called
monistic theory which seeks to interpret social change in terms of one single
factor.
But the monistic theory does not provide an adequate explanation of the complex
phenomenon of social change. As a matter of fact, social change is the
consequence of a number of factors. A special factor may trigger a change but it is
always associated with other factors that make the triggering possible.
The reason is that social phenomena are mutually interdependent. None stand out
as isolated forces that bring about change of themselves. Rather each is an element
in a system. Modification of vale part influences the other parts and these
influences the rest, until the whole is involved.
(ix) Social changes are chiefly those of modification or of replacement:

Social changes may be broadly categorized as modifications or replacements. It
may be modification of physical goods or social relationships. For example, the
form of our breakfast food has changed. Though we eat the same basic materials
which we ate earlier, wheat, eggs, corn, but their form is changed. Ready-to-eat-
cornflakes, breads, omelets are substituted for the form in which these same
materials were consumed in yester years.

There may also be modifications of social relationships. The old authoritarian
family has become the small equalitarian family; the one room school has become
a centralized school. Our ideas about women’s rights, religion, government and co-
education stand modified today.
Change also takes the form of replacement. A new material or non-material form
supplants an old one Horses have been replaced by automobiles. Similarly, old
ideas have been replaced by new ideas. The germ theory of medicine has replaced
older views of the cause of disease. Democracy has replaced aristocracy.
9. Theories of Social Change
Among the theories of social change we shall study the theories regarding:
(i) The direction of social change and (ii) The causes of social change
(i)The Direction of Social Change:

Early sociologists viewed the culture of primitive peoples as completely static, but
this was abandoned with the appearance of scientific studies of preliterate cultures.
Anthropologists now agree that primitive cultures have undergone changes
although at such a slow pace as to give the impression of being stationary.
In recent years the social change has proceeded at a very rapid rate. Since World
War I numerous countries have passed through profound changes not only in their
political institutions but in their class structures, their economic systems, and their
modes of living. Various theories have been advanced to explain the direction of
social change. We take a brief consideration of each of them.
1-Theory of Deterioration:
Some thinkers have identified social change with deterioration. According to them,
man originally lived in a perfect state of happiness in a golden age. Subsequently,
however, deterioration began to take place with the result that man reached an age
of comparative degeneration (disintegration). This was the notion in the ancient
Orient.
It was expressed in the epic (Classic, heroic) poems of India, Persia and Sumeria.
Thus, according to Indian mythology man has passed through four ages—Satyug,
Treta, Dwapar and Kaliyug. The Satyug was the best age in which man was honest,
truthful and perfectly happy.
Thereafter degeneration began to take place. The modern age is the age of Kaliyug
wherein man is deceitful, treacherous (disloyal, unfaithful), false, dishonest, selfish
and consequently unhappy. That such should be the concept of history in early
times is understandable, since we observe deterioration in every walk of life today.
2- Cyclic Theory:
Another ancient notion of social change found side by side with the afore-
mentioned one, is that human society goes through certain cycles. Looking to the
cyclic changes of days and nights and of climates some sociologists like Spengler
believe that society has a predetermined life cycle and has birth, growth, maturity,
and decline.
Modern society is in the last stage. It is in its old age. But since history repeats
itself, society after passing through all the stages, returns to the original stage,
whence the cycle again begins. This concept is found in Hindu mythology, a
cording to which Satyug will again start after Kaliyug is over. J.B. Bury in his The
Idea of Progress pointed out that this concept is also found in the teachings of stoic
philosophers of Greece as well as in those of some of the Roman philosophers,
particularly Marcus Aurelius.
The view that change takes place in a cyclical way has been accepted by some
modern thinkers also who have given different versions of the cyclical theory. The
French anthropologist and biologist Vacher de Lapouge held that race is the most
important determinant of culture. Civilization, he maintained, develops and
progresses when a society is composed of individuals belonging to superior races
and declines when racially inferior people are absorbed into it.
Western civilization, according to him, is doomed to extinction because of the
constant infiltration of foreign inferior elements and their increasing control over
it. The German anthropologist Otto Ammon, the Englishman Houston Stewart
Chamberlain and American Madison Grant arid Lothrop Stoddard also agreed with
the view of Lapouge which may be called the theory of biological cycle.
Spengler developed another version of cyclical theory of social change. He
analyzed the history of various civilizations including the Egyptian, Greek and
Roman and concluded that all civilizations pass through a similar cycle of birth,

maturity and death. The western civilization is now on its decline which is
unavoidable.
Vilfredo Pareto propounded the theory that societies pass through the periods of
political vigor (drive, force) and decline which repeat themselves in cyclical
fashion. The society according to him, consists of two types of people—one, who
like to follow traditional ways whom he called rentiers, and those who like to take
chances for attaining their ends whom he called as Speculators.
Political change is initiated (started) by a strong aristocracy (nobility, upper
classes), the speculators who later lose their energy and become incapable of
vigorous (energetic, forceful) role. Thus ruling class eventually resort to tricks or
to clever manipulations and they come to possess individuals characterized by the
rentier mentality. The society declines, but at the same time speculators arises from
among the subjugated (conquered, dominated) to become the new ruling class and
overthrow the old group. Then the cycle begins.
F. Stuart Chapin gave another version of cyclical change. He made the concept of
accumulation the basis for his theory of social change. According to him, cultural
change is “selectively accumulative in time.” He wrote, “The most hopeful
approach to the concept of cultural change would seen to be to regard the process
as selectively accumulative in time and cyclical or oscillatory in character.” Thus,
according to Chapin, cultural change is both selectively accumulative and cyclical
in character. He postulated a hypothesis of synchronous cyclical change.
According to him, the different parts of culture go through a cycle of growth, vigor
(energy, dynamism) and decay.
If the cycles of the major parts, such as government and the family, coincide or
synchronize, the whole culture will be in a state of integration. If they do not
synchronize (agree, correspond), the culture will be in a disintegrated condition.
Growth and decay, according to Chapin, in cultural forms are as inescapable as
they are in all living things.
Relying upon data drawn from the history of various civilizations, Sorokin
concluded that civilizations fall into three major types namely, the ideational, the
idealistic and the sensate. In the ideational type of civilization’ reality and value
are conceived of in terms of a “supersensory and super-rational God”, while the
sensory world appears as illusory.
In a word, ideational culture is god-ridden. In the idealistic type of culture, reality
and value are regarded sensory as well as supersensory. This is a synthesis of
ideational and the sensate. The thought and behaviour of man are partly anchored
in the materialistic and are partly anchored with the other world.
In the sensate type of culture the whole way of life is characterized by a
positivistic, materialistic outlook. Reality and value are merely what the senses
perceive and beyond sense perception there is no reality. The western civilization,
according to Sorokin, is now in an “overripe” sensate phase that must be
supplanted by a new ideational system.
In recent times Arnold J. Toynbee, the noted English historian, has also
propounded a cyclical theory of the history of world civilization. He maintained
that civilizations pass through three stages, corresponding to youth, maturity and
decline. The first is marked by a “response to challenge”, the second is a “time of
troubles,” and the third is characterized by gradual degeneration.
He was also of the view that our civilization, although in the state of final
downfall, can still ‘be saved by means of proper guidance by the “creative
minority” by which he meant a select group of leaders who withdraw from the
corrupting influences, commune with God, become spiritually regenerated and
then return to inspire (motivate, encourage) the masses.
The above concepts of the cyclical nature of social change may be called theories
of cultural cycles. They are as a matter of fact the result of philosophical rather
than scientific studies. The authors of these concepts begin with presumptions
which they try to substantiate by marshalling a mass of data from history.
They are philosophical doctrines, spun from the whole cloth, however heavily
documented and illustrated by distorted historical evidences. Barnes, while
appraising Toynbee’s work, wrote, “It is not objective or even interpretative
history. It is theology, employing selected facts of history to illustrate the will of
God as the medieval bestiaries utilized biological fantasies to achieve the same
results…. Toynbee s vast materials throw far more light upon the processes of
Toynbee’s mind than upon the actual process of history….. He writes history as he
thinks it should be to further the cause of salvation, rather than as it has really
been.”

3- Linear Theory:
Some thinkers subscribe to the linear theory of social change. According to them,
society gradually moves to an even higher state of civilization and that it advances
in a linear fashion and in the direction of improvement. Auguste Comte postulated
three stages of social change: the Theological, the Metaphysical and the Positive.
Man has passed through the first two stages, even though in some aspects of life
they still prevail, and is gradually reaching the Positive stage. In the first stage man
believed that supernatural powers controlled and designed the world. He advanced
gradually from belief in fetishes (obsession, things, and fixation) and deities
(divinity, gods, goddess, and idol) to monotheism.
This stage gave way to the Metaphysical stage, during which man tries to explain
phenomena by resorting to abstractions.
On the positive stage man considers the search for ultimate causes hopeless and
seeks the explanatory facts that can be empirically observed. This implies progress
which according to Comte will be assured if man adopts a positive attitude in the
understanding of natural and social phenomena.
Herbert Spencer, who likened society to an organism, maintained that human
society has been gradually progressing towards a better state. In its primitive state,
the state of militarism, society was characterized by warring groups, by a merciless
struggle for existence. From militarism society moved towards a state of
industrialism. Society in the stage of industrialism is marked by greater
differentiation and integration of its parts. The establishment of an integrated
system makes it possible for the different groups—social, economic and racial, to
live in peace.
Some Russian sociologists also subscribed to the linear theory of social change.
Nikolai K. Mikhailovsky argued that human society passes through three stages;
(1) the objective anthropocentric, (2) the eccentric, and (3) the subjective
anthropocentric. In the first stage, men consider they are the centre of the universe
and are preoccupied with mystic beliefs in the supernatural. In the second stage,
man is given over to abstractions; the abstract is more “real” to him than the actual.
In the third stage, man comes to rely upon empirical (experiential, observable,
pragmatic) knowledge by means of which he exercises more and more control over

nature for his own benefit. Solo-view conceived of the three stages as the tribal, the
national governmental, and the period of universal brotherhood.
Pritirim Sorokin in his concept of variable recurrence has attempted to include both
cyclical and linear change. In his view culture may proceed in a given direction for
a time and thus appear to conform to a linear formula. But eventually, as a result of
forces that are internal within the culture itself, there will be a shift of direction and
a new period of development will be ushered in. Perhaps the new trend is also
linear, perhaps it is oscillating (swing, move to and fro), and perhaps it conforms to
some particular type of curve. At any rate, it also reaches limits and still another
trend takes its place.
The description given by Sorokin makes room for almost any possibility,
deterioration, progress or cyclical change and, therefore, sociologists find little
quarrel with his description. But at any rate, Sorokin’s variable occurrence is an
admission that the present state of sociological knowledge does not warrant the
construction of theories regarding the long-run trend or character of social change.
Whether contemporary civilization is headed for the scrap-heap via internal
disintegration or atomic warfare, or is destined to be replaced by some stable and
idealistic system of social relationships cannot be predicted on other than grounds
of faith. The factual evidence which is available to us can only lead us to remark
that whatever direction social change takes in future, that direction will be
determined by man himself.
(ii)The Causes of Social Change:

Above we have discussed the direction in which social change has taken place
according to the writers. But none of the above theories strikes the central question
of causation of change. Among the causal theories of social change the
deterministic theory is the most popular. Now we take a brief review of this theory.
1-Deterministic Theories of Social Change:

The deterministic theory of social change is a widely accepted theory of social
change among contemporary sociologists. According to this theory there are
certain forces, social or natural or both, which bring about social change. It is not
reason or intellect but the presence of certain forces and circumstances which
determine the course of social change.

Sumner and Keller insisted that social change is automatically determined by
economic factors. Keller maintained that conscious effort and rational planning
have very little chance to effect change unless and until the folkways and mores
are ready for it.
Social change is an essentially irrational (illogical) and unconscious process.
Variation in the folkways which occurs in response to a need is not planned. Man
can at most only assist or retard (slow down, hold-up, delay) the change that is
under way. It was Karl Marx who, deeply impressed by the German philosopher
Hegel’s metaphysical idealism, held that material conditions of life are the
determining factors of social change. His theory is known as the theory of
economic determinism or “the materialist interpretation of history”.
Briefly put Marx held that human society passes through various stages (the
traditional stage, the slave stage, the feudal stage, the capitalist and the socialist
stage), each with its own well-defined organisational system. Each successive
stage comes into existence as a result of conflict with the one preceding it. Change
from one stage to another is due to changes in the economic factors, namely, the
methods of production and distribution.
The material forces of production are subject to change, and thus a rift arises
between the underlying factors and the relationships built upon them. A change in
the material conditions of life brings changes in all social institutions, such as state,
religion and family.
It alters the primary socio-economic relationships. To put in his own words, “Legal
relations as well as forms of state could neither be understood by themselves, nor
explained by the so- called general progress of the human mind, but they are rooted
in the material conditions of life. The mode of production in material life
determines the general character of the social, political and spiritual process of life.
It is not the consciousness of man that determines their existence, but on the
contrary, their social existence determines their consciousness.” Thus the economic
factor is a primary one in society, for all social phases of life are dependent upon it
and are almost entirely determined by it.
According to Engels, a close associate of Marx, ‘The ultimate causes of all social
changes and political revolutions are to be sought not in the minds of men, in their

increasing insight into the eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the mode of
production and exchange.” According to Marx, the social order has passed through
five phases called the oriental, the ancient, the feudal, the capitalistic, and the
communistic.
The modern capitalistic system has been moving towards its doom (destiny)
because the conditions it produced and the forces it unloosed make its
disintegration inevitable (predictable, expected). In it the class struggle is
simplified, revealing itself more and more into the clear-cut conflict of two great
classes, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
As Marx puts it…, ‘The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to
the ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. But not only has the
bourgeoisie forged, the weapons that bring death to itself, it has called into
existence the men who are to wield those weapons—the modern working class, the
proletarian.”
Coker has beautifully summed up the tendencies of capitalism in the following
words. “Thus the capitalist system enlarges the number of workers, brings them
together into compact groups, makes them class conscious, supplies them with
means of inter-communication and co-operation on a worldwide scale, reduces
their purchasing power, and by increasingly exploiting them arouses them to
organized resistance. Capitalists acting persistently in pursuit of their natural needs
and in vindication of a system dependent upon the maintenance of profits, are all
the time creating conditions which stimulate and strengthen the natural efforts of
workers in preparing for a system that will fit the needs of working men’s society,”
The resulting social order will not reach its full development at once but will go
through two stages. In the first, there will be a dictatorship of the proletariat during
which the proletariat will rule despotically and crush out all the remnants of
capitalism. In the second, there will be real communism, during which there shall
be no state, no class, no conflict, and no exploitation. Marx visualized a society in
which the social order will have reached a state of perfection. In that society the
prevailing principle will be “from each according to his capacities, to each
according to his needs.”
Marx’s theory of determinism contains a great element of truth but it cannot be
said to contain the whole truth. Few deny that economic factors influence social
conditions of life but few hold that economic factors are the only activating forces
in human history. There are other causes obviously also at work.
There is no scientific proof that human society is going through the stages
visualized by Marx. His claim that man is destined to attain an ideal stage of
existence is little more than visionary. His theory of value and its corollary of
surplus value, his theory of the sole productivity of labour as such, and his law of
the accumulation of capital are derived from an outmoded, abstract and narrow
doctrine of the equivalence of price and cost which has been now rejected by
modern economists.
Moreover, Marx’s thesis of the relation between social change and economic
process is based upon an inadequate psychology. In a way it may be said that an
inadequate psychology is perhaps the fatal weakness of all determinisms. He does
not tell us as how change is reproduced in the modes of production. He speaks as
though the changing technique of production explained itself and was a first cause.
He gives a simple explanation of social change and ignores the complexities of
habituation on the one hand and of revulsion on the other. He simplifies the
attitudes that gather around institution; the solidarities and loyalties of family,
occupation and nation are subjected to those of economic class. He as a matter of
fact has not squarely faced the intricate question of social causation. That the
economic changes and social changes are correlated, none may deny. But to say
that the superstructure of social relationships is determined by the economic
structure is going too far.
10- Processes (development, progression or procedure) of Social Change: (to

be reviewed)
The term “Social change” it suggests nothing as far as its direction is concerned. It
is a generic term describing one of the categorical processes. It only suggests a
difference through time in the object to which it is applied. Social changes are of
various types and can be explained by different terms such as Growth, Progress,
Evolution, Revolution, Adaptation, and Accommodation, etc. Here we shall
consider only two terms, i.e. Progress and Evolution

10.1-The Meaning of Evolution:
Evolution is a process of differentiation and integration. The term ‘evolution’
comes from the Latin word ‘evolvere’ which means ‘to develop’ or ‘to unfold’. It
is equivalent to the Sanskrit word ‘vikas’. It means more than growth. The word
‘growth’ connotes a direction of change but only of a quantitative character, e.g.,
we say population grows.
Evolution involves something more intrinsic, change not merely in size but at least
in structure also, for example when we speak of biological evolution, we refer to
the emergence of certain organisms from others in a kind of succession.
Evolution describes a series of related changes in a system of some kind. It is a
process in which hidden or latent characters of a thing reveal themselves. It is an
order of change which unfolds the variety of aspects belonging to the nature of the
changing object. We cannot speak of evolution when an object or system is
changed by forces acting on it from without.
The change must occur within the changing unity as the manifestation of forces
operative within it. But since nothing is independent of the universe, evolution also
involves a changing adaptation of the object to its environment, and after
adaptation a further manifestation of its own nature. Thus, evolution is a
continuous process of differentiation-cum-integration.
The concept of evolution as a process of differentiation-cum integration was first
developed by the German sociologist Von Bae and subsequently by Darwin,
Spencer and many others. Spence writes, “Societies show integration, both by
simple increase of mass and by coalescence and re-coalescence of masses. The
changes from homogeneity to heterogeneity are multitudinously exemplified; from
the simple tribe, to the civilized nation full of structural and functional unlikeness
in all parts. With progressive integration and heterogeneity goes increasing
coherence…… simultaneously comes increasing definiteness.
Social organisation is at first vague; advance brings settled arrangement which
grow slowly more precise; customs pass into laws, which while gaining fixity, also
become more specific in their application to variety of actions, and all institutions,
at first confused, intermingled, slowly separated at the same time that each within
itself marks off more distinctly its component structures. Thus in all respects is

fulfilled the formula of evolution. There is progress towards greater size,
coherence, multi-formity and definiteness (certainty).”
Herbert Spencer thus prescribes four principles of evolution and these are:
(i) Social evolution is one cultural or human aspect of the law of cosmic evolution;
(ii) Social evolution takes place in the same way in which cosmic evolution takes
place:
(iii) Social evolution is gradual;
(iv) Social evolution is progressive.
Social evolution does not always proceed by differentiation:
But the point at issue is whether this process of differentiation-cum-integration is
sufficient to explain the general march of society excluding thereby any other kind
of interpretation. Ginsberg writes, “The notion that evolution is a movement from
the simple to the complex can be, and has been, seriously disputed.” In every field
where we find the forces of differentiation at work, there the opposite trends are
also manifest.
Thus, in the development of languages where the process of differentiation has
been stressed we have many disconcerting facts. The modern languages derived
from Sanskrit like Bengali or Gujrati cannot be compared in their structure with the
richness and diversity of their origin. Here the process is not towards
differentiation but towards simplification.
In the development of religion too the transition from fusion to differentiation is
difficult to see. The state has made inroads into the institutions once administered
by the church. Many of the functions once performed by the church are now being
absorbed by the state. Instead of differentiation there is fusion between state and
religion.
In the economic system too we find the state controlling more and more the
economic activities of the people, the period of laissez-faire being over. On the
whole we find that social evolution does not always proceed by differentiation, but
also by simplification and synthesis.

To define, social evolution is the process by which individuals are detached from
or fail to be attached to an old group norm so that ultimately a new norm is
achieved. According to Hob house, “Social evolution is development, planned and
unplanned of culture and forms of social relationships or social interaction.”
Looking to the difficulties about the version of social evolution the French
sociologist, Claude-Levi-Strauss was of the opinion that “sociology should
relinquish every attempt at discovering origins and forms of evolution.” However,
in spite of the various difficulties the concept of evolution still retains its
usefulness.
MacIver to has angry supported the principle of social evolution. He has Criticized
the practice of believing social evolution to be imaginary. Social evolution is a
reality. Nadel writes: “We need the concept of evolution as it were, to satisfy our
philosophical conscience; but the ‘law’ of evolution is of too huge a scale to help
us in understanding the behaviour of Toms, Dicks and Harrys among societies and
culture, which after all is our main concern. Perhaps indeed there are no particular
‘laws’ of evolution, but only one law’, or postulate if you like, that there is
evolution.”
8.2-The Idea of Progress:

In the earlier theories of biological evolution the idea of progress was closely
associated with that of evolution. For the social evolutionists of the nineteenth
century social evolution was in effect social progress. The technological advance
of the same century led many philosophers and sociologists to conclude that the
major trends of social phenomena made for social progress. But from what has
been discussed in these pages it is clear that the idea of progress is different from
that of evolution.
Differentiation between evolution and progress:
What, in fact, do we mean by progress is “a development or evolution in a
direction which satisfies rational criteria of value” According to Ogburn, progress
“is a movement towards an objective, thought to be desirable by the general group,
for the visible future. According to MacIver, “By progress we simply not merely
direction, but direction towards some final goal, some destination determined
ideally not simply by the objective consideration at work.” According to Burgess,

“Any change or adaptation to an existent environment that makes it easier for a
person or group of persons or other organized form of life to live may be said to
represent progress.” According to Lumley, “progress is change, but it is change in
a desired or approved direction, not any direction.”
The nature of progress depends on two factors: the nature of the end and the
distance at which we are from it. Thus, when we say that we are progressing, we
mean that society is flourishing both materially and morally. Evolution is merely
change; the change may be for the better or the worse. When we speak of social
evolution we refer to the emergence of certain institution. The emergence of the
institution may or may not be welcomed by the people. The reference is to an
objective condition which is not evaluated as good or bad.
But when we speak of progress, we imply not merely direction, but direction
towards some final goal, some destination determined ideally. Progress means
change for the better, and hence implies a value judgment. It is not possible to
speak of progress without reference to standards. Hobhouse writes. “By evolution I
mean any sort of growth, by social progress the growth of social life in respect of
those qualities to which human being can attach or can ration ably attach values.”
According to Mazumdar, H.T. progress must at least contain six ingredients:
(1) enhancement of the dignity of man, (2) respect for each human personality, (3)
ever increasing freedom for spiritual quest and for investigation of truth, (4)
freedom for creativity and for aesthetic enjoyment of the works of nature as well as
of man, (5) a social order that promotes the first four values, and (6) promotes life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness, with justice and equity to all.
Now it is easy to see why evolution cannot be progress. It is not logically
necessary that evolutionary process should always move in the direction of
progress. That society has evolved, all agree. That society has progressed, all
would not agree because we cannot speak of progress” without reference to
standards, and standards, as we know, are eminently subjective. If the process of
evolution satisfies also our sense of values and if it brings a fuller realization of the
values we cherish then for us it is also progress.
Different people may look differently on the same social changes and to some they
may spell progress, to others decadence. Evolutionary changes are welcomed by

some and are opposed by outers. Civil marriages, divorce, women’s participation
in public life, free mixing of young boys and girls may appear to some to be in line
with progress while; to others it may seem retrogression because they have
different values.
Primitivism has always had its champions and it still has them today. Many of the
conditions on which important human values such as contentment, economic
security, honesty and freedom depend are not often realized more adequately in the
more evolved society. Industrialization led to urbanization and urbanization led to
congestion, epidemics, poor health, and more accidents on the road. Similarly,
competition, rivalry, corruption and dishonesty are the other effects of
industrialization.
In fact, strong indictments have been drawn against civilization on the basis of
social and moral values. Clearly, therefore, we cannot associate progress with
evolution. In short, no single criterion can be used as a test of progress. Societies
are complexes made up of many important elements. Progress is achieved if, in a
society, all aspects of social life move in a coordinated manner towards desired
ends.
To briefly put the characteristics of progress are the following:
(i) Progress is change — a change in some direction:
(ii) Change can be called progress only when it fulfills the desired aim:
(iii) Progress is communal i.e., related to social system,
(iv) Progress is volitional. It requires desire and volition
(v) The concept of progress is variable. What is considered today the symbol of
progress may tomorrow be regarded as sign of regress.
(vi) There are no limits to human progress
To the question whether we are progressing or not or whether we are more cultured
than our ancestors, no absolute answer can be given. Comte, it may be recalled,
believed in the perfectibility of society, although he considered that perfection was
something that men would have via science. Marx also advanced the thesis that
progress was a law of society. Nothing could prevent the coming of communism

where all men would share alike and all would be content. In those days progress
was regarded as a ‘cultural compulsion.’
Of recent, the social philosophers have changed their mood. They consider the
modern civilization as a failure or as an experiment doomed to failure. Standards
of morality are no respecters of technical achievement. However, the answer to
whether we have progressed or not, depends upon our standards of moral value.
Our parents do not share many of our moral standards, for standards are not
objective. In the near past, progress was taken for granted; now in some circles, the
very idea arouses indignation, and the multitudinous deficiencies in human social
conduct are pointed to with something approaching triumph.
The national wealth of the county has gone up, but is the acquisition of wealth
progress? We have invented aero-planes and other fast-moving mobiles, but does it
bring more security of life? Our country is on the way to industrialization but does
this bring health, happiness or peace of mind? Some people marvel at our material
achievement but often question whether it really represents progress.
Thus, there can be much difference of opinion about whether we have progressed
or not. Progress in science is possible but no one is obliged to regard progress in
science as a good thing in itself. Evidence of progress in morality from preliterate
society to modern civilization is simply lacking. In spite of the many technological
achievements, big industries and imposing dams the fact remains that in India the
evils of unemployment, crime, violence and disease have not lessened.
The family bonds have loosened. More marriages break now than yesterday. The
social evils like drug-addiction, dowry system, prostitution, alcoholism, child
exploitation and delinquency have increased manifold. We are politically
hypocrites, economically corrupt, socially dishonest and morally unfaithful. In the
face of these multitudinous defects in our social conduct it would be hard to
maintain that we have progressed.
Thinkers like Mahatma Gandhi and Aurobindo Ghose have warned mankind
against moral degeneration.
No universal standards of progress. But as stated above it is all a question of one’s
standard of moral value and outlook, if we think that increased scope for personal
development is really better than opportunity for only a few, if we think that

education makes for more enlightened judgment and further if we believe that in
India more people have now scope for development than before, then we may
justly say that we have progressed. Nobody would deny that we have progressed in
the case of technology. Tools have become more varied and efficient.
Whether the influence of tools on society has been for human happiness or not is a
question to which no definite answer can be given for there are different standards
for different people to measure human happiness. Conceptions of happiness differ
as to ideals of what is good for a people. In a word it is difficult to find clear and
definite standards that all people would accept and to formulate definite
conceptions of progress which may apply to all time and to all cultures.
While general principles do serve as tools to be used in thinking out the course of
action we wish to pursue, they do not afford specific guidance. While considering
social progress, it is well to note the time and place qualifications. Thus, abolition
of female labour at night may be deemed a step in the direction of progress but
may not be so deemed a hundred years hence.
It may be interesting to speculate on the probability of change in the future. Some
thinkers are of the opinion that men have all what they need in material goods and
that there is no need for further invention. However, it would be unwise to assert
that further inventions be stopped because mankind has all the material goods it
needs. Man’s wants are limitless. Changes will continue in future also.
11. Patterns of problems associated with rapid social change
11.1 Causes of Global Social Change

The causes of social change below affect or characterize every aspect of society
across the world. On a macro scale, they shape all of our major social institutions
(economics, politics, religion, family, education, science/technology, military,
legal system, and so on). On a micro scale, they shape our values, attitudes, beliefs
and behaviors. In sum, they influence our ways of life.
11.2 Technological and Economic Changes
a) Agricultural advancements

Examples include irrigation, the plow, cotton gin. Lead to surplus food, which lead
to population growth and urbanization. People were able to work outside of the
farm.
b) Industrialization
The process of moving from an agrarian based economy in which the primary
product is food to an industrial or post industrial economy in which the primary
product is goods, services and information.
The process of changing from a manual labor force to a technology driven labor
force in which machines play a large role. Lead to changes in:
a. Work – people work outside of the home/community, which lead to changes in

gender (value of, child care, value of labor).
b. Work became centered and organized around machines. Alienation
c. Weapons production – guns, nuclear weapons.
d. Information Society. Information overload
Characteristics of industrialized societies:
1- Smaller percentage of workforce employed in agriculture
2- Increased division of labor, specialization of occupations
3- Increase in education of workforce
4- Increase in economic organizations (businesses)
5- Stronger link between government and economy – interdependent
6- Technological change – new goods and services produced and new occupations
result; control of environment and the need to do so.
7- Geographical mobility
8- Occupational mobility
9- Population change:

10- Demographic transition; move from (1) high birth rates and high death rates
(with smaller population sizes) to (2) high birth rates and low death rates (with
extreme population growth) to (3) low birth rates and low death rates (with
populations maintenance).
11- People have fewer children as society industrialized because role of family

changes and technological advancements allow control of reproduction.
12- Families change from extended to nuclear families due to geographic and
occupational mobility. Family is no longer mainly seen as an economic unit.
All of the major causes of global social change below are tied to changes in
technology and economics.
2. Modernization: The process of moving from an agrarian to industrial society
Characteristics of modern societies
1- Larger role of government in society and bureaucracy to run governments
2- Large, formal organizations and division of labor based on specialization of

skills and abilities into occupations. Bureaucracy plays in again here.
3- Forming of social institutions to regulate behavior.
4- Laws and sanctions to regulate behavior.
5- Control over and management of environmental resources: oil, water, land,
animals, etc... The ability to mass produce food, energy, etc...
6- Larger role of science in society to produce knowledge to advance

society. Larger role of education and universities.
7- Improved quality of life – higher per capita GDP, ability to buy goods and
services, more recreational time, better public health, housing
8- Self-efficacy
9- Ability to adapt, expect, and desire continuous change. Example: change of

governments; replacing goods and services such as cars, phone service, marriages;
change in occupations and careers.

3. Urbanization: When large populations live in urban areas rather than rural
areas.
Usually results from economic opportunities: either people move to a city for jobs,
or rural areas become the sites of large businesses which lead to population
growth.
75% of the US population lives in urban areas. 43% of world population lives in

urban areas.
Cities offer social benefits as well as economic benefits: transportation, schools,

diffusion of new products and services, and health care, cultural resources.
Characteristics of urban populations:
1- More diversity
2- Independence
3- Weaker social attachments – higher crime
4- Secularization
5- Mass communication systems
If urbanization occurs to fast, infrastructure cannot support population

(transportation, public health issues, housing, schools, emergency services, jobs).
This can result in poverty and class conflict. Class conflict and poverty may also
result if large urban areas experience loss of jobs.
4. Bureaucratization: Process by which most formal organizations in a society

(businesses, government, non-profits) run their organizations via the use of
extreme rational and impersonal thinking, an extreme division of labor, and record
keeping.
All tasks and functions broken down into small parts which become positions in
the organizational hierarchy. Roles attached to positions. Pay and benefits
attached to positions not persons.
People can rotate in and out of positions but organization survives with little
change.

Although bureaucratization allows us to be highly efficient and effective and
produce surpluses of goods and services, it also can lead to extreme inefficiencies:
1- People in the organization become machine like – just performing the specific
aspects of their role; no more, no less. People interactions with the organizations
become machine like – example, voice systems.
2- Wasting of workforce skills.
3- Inefficient transactions – have to speak to 10 different people before you get to

the right person.
4- Mass amounts of paperwork –jobs become largely processing paperwork.
5- Miscommunication
6- Power is held by a few at the top of the hierarchy which can become
problematic if they seek to protect their individual power in the
organization. Bureaucrats
7- Temptation to cheat – corporate crimes. Often because of a lack of checks and

balances which gets lost in the maze of offices, departments, positions, supervisors,
managers, administrators, etc… or because of extreme power/position in the
organization and ability to exploit it.
8- Goal of departments becomes to survive in the organization and protect their
own resources, rather than work together to provide a product.
5. Conflicts and Competition
Examples:
War: due to religion, ethnic tensions, competition for resources
Gender and Women’s Movement: equal pay, property: Today; day

care, occupational segregation
Race and Civil Rights Movement: collective political power, ownership of

production: Today – prejudice. % who will vote for black candidate. Chris Rock.
Class: Unions – minimum wage, 40 hour work week, overtime. Today -- health
insurance, education vouchers

Sexuality: Homosexuality becoming less stigmatized, but still denied civil and
human rights.
Positive Outcomes: solidarity, safety valve (control device), social change,

“welfare enhancing”
Negative Outcomes: inequality, violence
6. Political and Legal Power

a) Elected officials:
Redistribution of wealth: income and property taxes. Today: Sales tax, tax “relief”
Pass laws: affirmative action, ability to sue insurance companies, increase

minimum wage (leads to change in unemployment, part-time employment, health
insurance premiums and coverage)
b) Unelected officials corporate power (jobs, goods and services and cost of,
culture, donations to political campaigns, interlocking directorates, inner
circle/power elite
7. Ideology
a) Religious beliefs.
Rise of capitalism in U.S. due to religious beliefs and Protestant work ethic.

Religious beliefs sometimes lead to revolution and civil wars which lead to new
countries.
b) Gender: names, jobs, welfare
c) Ideology often legitimizes inequality.
a) Religion legitimizes gender and sexual inequality.
b) Meritocracy legitimizes class inequality. For example, Americans tend not

to problematize social class due to idea of meritocracy and institutionalization of
meritocracy.
8. Diffusion: Rate at which populations adopt new goods and services.
Much of the material in this notes can be applied to marketing (celebrity drink milk
campaigns), public health (birth control in less developed countries)
9. Acculturation
Examples: Asian Americans, American Indians (Lumbee vs. Cherokee)
Can prevent social change by preventing acculturation – example, China and the

CulturalRevolution; Afghanistan, Iraq
10. Evolution:
11.3 What is Social Change?

Social change is way human interactions and relationships transform cultural and
social institutions over time, having a profound impact of society.
Social change is a concept many of us take for granted or don't really even
understand. No society has ever remained the same. Change is always happening.
We accept change as inevitable.
Sociologists define social change as changes in human interactions and
relationships that transform cultural and social institutions. These changes occur
over time and often have profound and long-term consequences for society. Well
known examples of such change have resulted from social movements in civil
rights, women's rights, and other rights, to name just a few. Relationships have
changed, institutions have changed, and cultural norms have changed as a result of
these social change movements.
What interests me, and what I hope interests you, is our collective power to
influence social change. While we accept that change is constant, we do not have
to accept that we are powerless in its wake. It is the extent to which we care about
the direction of social change that we can try to shape it and help to create the kind
of "change we wish to see in the world." Whether or not Gandhi actually uttered
these words doesn't matter. What matters is that the phrase begs the question, what
kind of change do we wish to see in the world?
Change Begins With How and When We Interact With Others

When we listen respectfully to others who have different opinions and life
experiences than our own, we take the first step in listening; we accept that there
are myriad perspectives and points of view on most issues of concern. If we truly

want to be a participant in real change, we cannot stop at acceptance, but we must
have conversations that push and pull, that asks us to give and take. And if we are
willing to do that, we can find those points of agreement and come together on
them. We needn't concede those points that define our values but find ways to
work together towards positive change that reflects our shared values. It is the art
of principled compromise that has the power to create a more lasting change.
Global Citizens Circle has for over four decades brought together diverse groups
of people for challenging discussions on issues ranging from conflict resolution
and reconciliation to education reform and economic equality. We've seen
Catholics and Protestants from Northern Ireland sit down together and discuss their
shared hope for peace. We've hosted South African exiles who were once labeled
"terrorists" in their own country and who later became leaders of that country. At
our discussion circles, we've seated powerful business people next to the homeless
and disenfranchised, and activists next to academics, and we have born witness to
the change that has occurred.
11.3 The impact of social change

Society has moved from an emphasis on social support to one of individualism,
which has widened the gap between the mobility rich and poor and exacerbated
problems arising from ‘mobility poverty’. New trends in active and social mobility
are expected to positively impact social development. If mobility freedoms are
socially desirable outcomes, how interlinked are social and mobility futures?
1• At a community level, mobility deprivation exacerbates social tensions.
2• Social and mobility futures will be inseparable, mixing physical and virtual
environments in the new age of competition and success in the free market.
3• The gap between mobility rich and poor widened as society placed more
emphasis on the individual.
4• Social forces play the major role in determining mobility patterns and the way
people mould their identities and form values.
11.4 Social forces in mobility futures

Much of the work in MIND-SETS has focused on the interplay between mobility
and society. It has underlined that social forces play the major role in determining
mobility patterns and the way people mould their identities and form values. The
social dynamic is strongly entwined with people’s mobile lives – in thinking and in
action – physical and virtual – physical and mental.
Society has moved from an emphasis on social support to one of individual
responsibility. This has served to widen the gap in society between the mobility
rich and poor. Mobility has an important impact on the primary mental and
physical problems facing society – loneliness, fear of abandonment, agoraphobia,
obesity, sedentary behaviour etc. Expanded to whole communities, mobility
deprivation exacerbates social tensions and continues to provoke social disorder.
Conversely, we can see that mobility initiatives can work to achieve positive social
change and improved health conditions. New trends in active mobility,
personalized mobility services to meet the specific needs of minority groups, the
new mobility sharing culture will all have positive impacts on social development;
harnessing the benefits of information technology.
In the current enthusiasm to investigate those mobility innovations popular with
the new digital generations, the importance of an ageing society can easily be
forgotten. While the ‘older’ generation is more mobile than ever (‘Baby
bloomers’), the ‘oldest’ generation requires social support for their mobility needs.
Ironically the characteristic features of personalized, customized mobility
developed for this group over the last 50 years are now the same mobility features
popular with the digital generations.
Social change has been rapid in recent decades, with new family and kinship
networks, changing roles of individuals within society. The pace of technological
innovation is faster and faster. A mobility rich population, unwilling to forego the
mobility freedoms with age and with young digital generations with different value
sets which demand new types of mobility – a new world where transport modes
become attachments to smart phones; and the whole locus of mobility control and
seamless movement transfers to the user.
Social futures and mobile futures will be inseparable; mixing physical and virtual
environments in the new age of competition and (personal and social) success in
the free market. Mobility freedoms are socially desirable provided, they are well

managed, show moderation and self-control, respect the principle of sustainability
and are available to all – for future society in Europe, this is the challenge.
12. Social change in African countries.
12.1 African Economic Development and Colonial Legacies

This note reviews how colonial rule and African actions during the colonial period
affected the resources and institutional settings for subsequent economic
development south of the Sahara. The issue is seen from the perspective of the
dynamics of development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly land-abundant
region characterised by shortages of labour and capital, by perhaps surprisingly
extensive indigenous market activities and by varying but often low levels of
political centralization. The differential impact of French and British rule is
explored, but it is argued that a bigger determinant of the differential evolution of
poverty, welfare and structural change was the contrast between “settler” and
“peasant” economies.
12.1 .1. Introduction
This article asks how the legacies of European rule, both generally and in
particular categories of colony, have affected post-colonial economic development
in Sub-Saharan Africa. The year 1960 is conventionally used as the “stylized date”
of independence, for the good reason that it saw the end of colonial rule in most of
the French colonies south of the Sahara as well as in the most populous British and
Belgian ones (Nigeria and Congo respectively). Half a century is a reasonable
period over which to review the economic impact of legacies because it allows us
to consider the issue in the context of different phases of post-colonial policy and
performance.
The causal significance of legacies varies, in that they affect subsequent freedom
of maneuver to different extents and in different directions. At its strongest, legacy
takes the form of “path determination”, implying that colonial choices determined
post-colonial ones, or at least conditioned them, such that departure from the
colonial pattern was, and perhaps remains, difficult and costly. Besides asking
about the strength of the influence of the past on the future, we need to consider the
nature of that influence. Did colonial rule put African countries on a higher or
lower path of economic and social change? It will be argued here that the “path(s)”

on which African economies were (to a greater or lesser extent) set by the time of
independence are most usefully seen not as necessarily initiated in the colonial
period, but often rather as continuations and adjustments from paths of change
established before the European partition of the continent.
The following discussion has three preliminary sections. Thus, section one first
attempts a summary of the economic record since independence in order to define
the pattern for which colonial legacies may have been partly responsible. Section
two outlines contending views of those legacies. Section three tries to define the
economic and political structures and trends within Africa on the eve of the
European partition of the continent. It identifies an emerging African comparative
advantage in land-extensive forms of production, which West Africans in
particular were already exploiting and, by their investments and initiatives,
deepening.
In this framework, section five then introduces the colonial regimes, highlighting
their fiscal constraints and comparing different national styles of colonial rule,
focusing on the largest empires, those of Britain and France. It is a theme of this
essay, however, that another kind of variation between colonies was more
important, i.e. that defined by the extent and form of European appropriation and
use of land: “settler”, “plantation” and “peasant” colonies. Section six considers
how far colonial rule (and the actions of European companies that it facilitated)
reinforced the emergence of a comparative advantage in land-extensive primary
exports and looks at the consequences of this for the welfare of the population.
Section seven explores colonial contributions, and their limits, for the very long-
term shift of African factor endowments from labour scarcity towards labour
abundance and a relatively high level of human capital formation, such as helped
Tokugawa Japan, and more recently other parts of Asia, to achieve “labour-
intensive industrialization” (Sugihara 2007). Section eight assesses the impact of
different kinds of European regime on African entrepreneurship and on institutions
facilitating, hindering or channeling African participation in markets. Section nine
completes the substantive discussion by commenting on the long-term effects of
the colonial intrusion on the capacity of the State in Africa for facilitating and
promoting economic development.

12.1 .2. Post-colonial change and variation
Notoriously, output per head in Sub-Saharan Africa is the lowest of any major
world region and has, on average, expanded slowly and haltingly since 1960. But
there have been important changes and variations over space, in policy and
performance. In policy, structural adjustment in the 1980s marked a watershed: a
fundamental shift from administrative to market means of resource allocation. The
change, however, was less dramatic in most of the former French colonies, where
(except in Guinea) the maintenance of a convertible currency had enabled
governments to avoid some of the supplementary price and quantity controls which
had increasingly been imposed in the mostly former British colonies outside the
franc zone. In performance, aggregate economic growth rates in the region were
pretty respectable until 1973-75 (Jerven 2009). Ironically, in the decade or so
following the adoption of structural adjustment they were stagnant or negative,
before the Chinese-led boom in world commodity prices eased the region into 12
years of gross domestic product (GDP) growth at an average of 5% a year before
the crises of 2007 (rising fuel and food prices, then the beginning of the
international financial crisis) and 2008 brought about a “great recession” in 2009
(IMF 2009).
There were notable exceptions to the general growth trends, both before and after
the turning-point in the early to mid-1970s. Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana made a
particularly interesting contrast: similarly-sized neighbors with relatively similar
factor endowments and geographical features, but with different colonial heritages.
Côte d’Ivoire underwent what might loosely be described as a magnified version of
the standard growth trajectory. It averaged an annual GDP growth of 9.5% from
1960 to 1978 (Berthélemy and Söderling 2001, 324-5) but then had several years
of stagnation followed by civil war. Meanwhile, Ghana did almost the opposite.
Ghanaian GDP per capita was barely higher in 1983, when it began structural
adjustment, than at independence in 1957. However, as one of the two most
successful cases of structural adjustment in Africa (the other being Uganda),
Ghana averaged nearly 5% annual growth during the quarter-century after 1983.
Thus, roughly, while Côte d’Ivoire was rising Ghana was falling, and vice versa.
Only one Sub-Saharan economy, Botswana, sustained growth over three, indeed

four, decades since its independence, which was in 1966. Botswana averaged 9.3%
annual growth (Ibid).
12.1. 3 Contrasting perspectives on the colonial legacy
A feature of the theoretical and ideological debate about the history of economic
and social development in Africa is that it is possible to reach rather similar
conclusions from very different scholarly and political starting-points. Regarding
the colonial impact, the case for the prosecution, which a generation ago was urged
most strongly by dependency theorists and radical nationalists (Amin 1972;
Rodney 1972), is now championed by “rational choice” growth economists. Daron
Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson (2001; 2002) have argued that
Africa’s relative poverty at the end of the 20th century was primarily the result of
the form taken by European colonialism on the continent: Europeans settling for
extraction rather than settling themselves in overwhelming numbers and thereby
introducing the kinds of institution (private property rights and systems of
government that would support them) that, according to Acemoglu, Johnson and
Robinson, was responsible for economic development in Europe and the colonies
of European settlement in North America and Australasia.
Colonial extraction in Africa could be seen most decisively in the appropriation of

land for European settlers or plantations, a strategy used not only to provide
European investors and settlers with cheap and secure control of land, but also to
oblige Africans to sell their labour to European farmers, planters or mine-owners
(Palmer and Parsons 1977). Even in the “peasant” colonies, i.e. where the land
remained overwhelmingly in African ownership, we will see that major parts of the
services sector were effectively monopolized by Europeans. Then there was
coercive recruitment of labour by colonial administrations, whether to work for the
State or for European private enterprise (Fall 1993; Northrup 1988). Of potentially
great long-term importance was the unwillingness of colonial governments to
accept, still less promote, the emergence of markets in land rights on land occupied
by Africans, whether in “settler” or “peasant” colonies (Phillips 1989). From the
perspectives of both dependency theory and “rational choice” institutionalism, the
original sin of colonialism in Africa was that it did not introduce a full-blooded
capitalist system, based upon private property and thereby generating the pressures

towards competition and accumulation necessary to drive self-sustained economic
growth.
A narrower but important argument was made by the then small group of liberal
development economists between the 1950s and 1970s. At a time when
development economists (especially but not exclusively those writing in French)
tended to favour a leading role for the State in the search for development in mixed
economies (Hugon 1993; Killick 1978) P. T. Bauer (1953; 1972) attacked the late
colonial State for introducing statutory marketing boards and thereby laying the
foundation of what he considered to be deadening State interventionism.
Explicitly positive overviews of colonial rule in Africa are rare (Duignan and
Gann 1975). Many studies, though, mention the suppression of intra-African
warfare, the abolition of internal slave trading and slavery, the introduction of
mechanized transport and investment in infrastructure, and the development of
modern manufacturing in the “settler” economies and in the Belgian Congo.
Excited by the late 20th century wave of economic “globalization”, some
economic liberals have argued that the British Empire pioneered the process
through its general opposition to tariff protection (1846-1931) and by other pro-
market measures (Ferguson 2003; Lal 2004). With respect to tariffs, this case
would apply less strongly to French colonies because of the protectionism of the
French empire. It is also much less true of the final 30 years of British rule in
Africa, which saw not only tariffs but also the creation of marketing boards. From
the perspective of institutional change, a fundamental observation applicable to the
region generally was highlighted by John Sender and Sheila Smith (1986). Writing
in the “tragic optimist” tradition of Marx’s writings on British rule in India, they
emphasized that wage labour was rare at the beginning of colonial rule and
increasingly common by the end of it. For them, as for Bill Warren (1980),
imperialism was the “pioneer of capitalism”.
Besides optimism and pessimism, a third view of colonial rule, and by implication
of its legacy, is that its importance has been over-rated. There are different routes
to this conclusion. Many historians are struck by the brevity of colonial rule south
of the Sahara, i.e. about 60 years in most of tropical Africa (Ajayi 1969), and by
the weakness of the colonial State (Herbst 2000). In this setting it can plausibly be
argued that whatever went well in the “peasant” economies (and cash crop
economies expanded greatly) was mainly the responsibility of Africans, through
their economic rationality and entrepreneurship, a position epitomized by Polly
Hill (1997). More ambivalent are the arguments of Jean-François Bayart (1989;
2000). Building on the familiar observation that rulers in Africa have usually found
it hard to raise large revenues from domestic sources, Bayart argues that, during
colonial rule and since, African elites became clients of colonial or overseas States.
Thereby they forged relations which, though unequal, benefited themselves as well
as the foreigners. Whereas dependency theory emphasized the primacy of foreign
agency in determining historical outcomes, Bayart insists that African elites played
a calculating and key role in establishing the “extraverted” pattern of African
political economy.
12.1.4. A pre-colonial perspective on colonial legacies
To evaluate the colonial legacy, we need to distinguish it from the situation and
trends at the beginning of colonial rule, which in most of Sub-Saharan Africa
occurred during the European “Scramble”, from 1879 to circa
(approximately) 1905. At that time the region was, as before, characterised
generally (not everywhere all the time) by an abundance of cultivable land in
relation to the labour available to till it (Hopkins 1973; Austin 2008a). This did not
mean “resource abundance” as much of Africa’s mineral endowment was either
unknown or inaccessible with pre-industrial technology or was not yet valuable
even overseas. For example, many of the major discoveries (notably of oil in
Nigeria and diamonds in Botswana) were to occur only during the period of
decolonization. Moreover, the fertility of much of the land was relatively low or at
least fragile, making it costly or difficult to pursue intensive cultivation, especially
in the absence of animal manure. Sleeping sickness prevented the use of large
animals, whether for ploughing or transport, in the forest zones and much of the
savannas. The extreme seasonality of the annual distribution of rainfall rendered
much of the dry season effectively unavailable for farm work. The consequent low
opportunity cost of dry-season labour reduced the incentive to raise labour
productivity in craft production. Conversely, the characteristic choices of farming
techniques were land-extensive and labour-saving; but the thinness of the soils
constrained the returns on labour (Austin 2008a). All this helps to explain why the
productivity of African labour was apparently higher outside Africa over several

centuries, cf. the underlying economic logic of the external slave trades which in
turn, ironically, aggravated the scarcity of labour within Africa itself (Austin
2008b; Manning 1990).
Within Africa, the structure of incentives encouraged a high degree of self-

sufficiency, and by the middle of the 20th century it was widely assumed that pre-
colonial economies had necessarily been overwhelmingly subsistence-oriented.
The last half-century of research has progressively changed this assessment,
especially for West Africa where a strong tendency towards extra-subsistence
production was evident in the 16th and 17th centuries. While damaged by the
aggravated “Dutch disease” effects of the Atlantic slave trade (Inikori 2007;
Austin, forthcoming), this tendency was strongly resumed from the first decade of
the 19th century when that trade began to be abolished, with West Africans
producing on a wider and larger scale for internal as well as overseas markets.
Given the relative scarcity of labour, and in the absence (generally) of significant
economies of scale in production, it was rare for the reservation wage (the
minimum wage rate sufficient to persuade people to sell their labour rather than
work for themselves) to be low enough for a would-be employer to afford to pay it.
Hence the labour markets of pre-colonial Africa mainly took the form of slave
trading (Austin 2005, chapters 6, 8; Austin 2008a).
The same abundance of land made political centralization difficult to achieve and
sustain (Herbst, 2000). Political fragmentation had facilitated the Atlantic slave
trade, in that larger States would have had stronger incentives and capacities for
rejecting participation in it (Inikori 2003). This fragmentation later facilitated the
European conquest. Ethiopia was the exception that proved the rule, with its fertile
central provinces and large agricultural surplus supporting a long-established and
modernizing State that, alone in Africa, had the economic base to resist the
“Scramble” successfully.
By no coincidence, most of Sub-Saharan Africa was colonized at a time when the

industrialization of Europe was creating or expanding markets for various
commodities that could profitably be produced in Africa. The land-labour ratio, the
environmental constraints on intensive agriculture and also the specific qualities of
particular kinds of land in various parts of the continent gave Africa at least a
potential comparative advantage in land-extensive primary production. By the time
of colonization, especially in West Africa, the indigenous populations were
increasingly taking advantage of the combination of these supply-side features and
of access to expanding overseas markets. From Senegal to Cameroon thousands of
tons of groundnuts and palm oil, and from the 1880s rubber, were being produced
for sale to European merchants (Law 1995).
12.1 .5. Colonial regimes: similarities and variations
Colonial rule in Africa was intended to be cheap, for taxpayers in Europe. The

British doctrine was that each colony should be fiscally (financially) self-
supporting. Thus, any growth in government expenditure was supposed to be
financed from higher revenues, as it was in Ghana in the 1920s when Governor
Guggisberg was able to fund the creation of what became the country’s best-
known hospital and school, as well as a new harbor and more railways and roads,
from customs proceeds that had been fuelled by the colony’s increasing exports of
cocoa beans. In practice the French were equally committed to covering costs. In
French West Africa too there was a major programme of public works in the
1920s, although, as also in Ghana, within a few years expenditure had to be
curtailed when export prices fell and the growth of revenue ended (Hopkins 1973,
190).
After retrenchment (reduction of the expenditure) during the 1930s Depression,

and especially during the Second World War, colonial administrations found
themselves (for a variety of reasons) entering the post-war era with a new public
commitment to be seen to promote actively the development of the economies over
which they presided. “Developmental” language was partly redeemed by greater
spending. In principle this came partly from the metropolitan taxpayer. However,
in the French case Patrick Manning (1998, 123-5) has calculated that the
government continued to receive more in tax from Africa than it spent in Africa. In
British West Africa the new statutory export marketing boards accrued substantial
surpluses by keeping a large margin between the price paid to producers and the
price that the boards received for the crop on the world market. The surpluses were
kept in London, in British government bonds, as forced savings from African
farmers (Rimmer 1992, 41-2), which assisted the British metropolitan economy to
recover from the post-war dollar shortage.

The particular identity of the colonial power made some difference to the lives of
those subjected to European rule. Contrasts between the two largest empires in
Africa are traditionally made with reference to greater British reliance on African
chiefs as intermediaries (“indirect rule”) and the French doctrine of assimilating a
small minority of Africans into French culture and citizenship. On the whole it is
arguable that, in economic terms, the similarities were much greater than the
differences, except when the latter arose from the composition of their respective
African empires. French rule, like British, relied on African intermediaries,
including chiefs, even though France was much more insistent on abolishing
African monarchies (as in Dahomey, in contrast to the British treatment of the
structures and dynasties of the States of Buganda, Botswana, Lesotho and, after an
abortive attempt at abolition, Ashanti). In West Africa the French made much
greater use of forced labour, but that was primarily because the French territories
were, from the start, relatively lacking in cash-earning and therefore wage-paying
potential. That specific policy, Corvée and its use to benefit white planters rather
than African farmers, made a difference to the colonial legacy in Ghana and Côte
d’Ivoire. It meant that African cocoa farming took off much more quickly and
dramatically in the former, so that Ghana was much wealthier at independence,
when Côte d’Ivoire was in the process of catching up (and overtaking) after a late
start (Hopkins 1973, 218-9), which it proceeded to do by the 1980s.
This is also the case for Madagascar, which is to be discussed later by the students.
The contention (argument) here that the differences between the legacies of British
and French rule in Africa are primarily attributable to variations in the composition
of the African empires concerned may need to be qualified in the light of valuable
recent research by Thomas Bossuroy and Denis Cogneau (2009). They examined
social mobility in five African countries and found that in the former British
colonies in their sample, Ghana and Uganda, “the links between origin, migration,
education and occupational achievement appear much looser” than in the former
French colonies they examined, i.e. Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea (Bossuroy and
Cogneau 2009, 2). In explanation, they emphasize the importance of greater
investment in education in the British colonies than the French colonies in their
sample. This is a novel and important line of inquiry. It was suspected that the
favorable conclusion about the former British colonies also partly reflects the fact

that Ghana and Uganda, for reasons that are only partly and indirectly connected to
their respective British legacies, were the two major growth successes of structural
adjustment in Africa, therefore perhaps offering greater opportunities for
educational, physical and occupational mobility from the mid-1980s, which was
early enough to be partly reflected in the data and which coincided with economic
stagnation and then civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. Finally, the contrast may also partly
reflect the legacy of the era of Corvée and “settler” agriculture in Côte d’Ivoire,
before the economy took off in the 1950s and 1960s. As of 1990, helped by the
legacy of the Ivorian “miracle”, in a sample of 26 former British and French It is
colonies in tropical Africa (so excluding southern Africa) it was the former French
colonies that had the higher per capita incomes in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP)
terms, by over 30% (Bossuroy and Cogneau 2009, 45, citing World Bank data).
12.1 .6. Colonial rule and Africa’s specialization in primary product exports
The “extraversion” and “monoculture” of African economies is widely lamented

and condemned as a victory of colonial interests over African interests. The risks
entailed in extreme specialization, however, need to be set against the long-run
income gain to be expected from the exploitation of comparative advantage. But
again, although the location of a colonial economy’s comparative advantage could
be identified, sooner or later the task of capitalizing on it raised the question of
what investments might profitably deepen that advantage and, above all, of how
the costs and benefits would be distributed. Conflicts of ideology, and especially
the balance of power between different interest groups, worked out variously
across the range of African colonies. The most fundamental difference was
between the “peasant” and “settler” economies. Let us consider the contrasting
cases of export agriculture in the former, notably in West Africa, and mining in the
latter, most obviously in South Africa.
We have noted that, by the eve of the European partition of the continent, Africa
had already revealed an emerging comparative advantage in export agriculture. In
West Africa in particular it was in the joint interests of the population, European
merchants and the colonial administrations to further this. In Ghana British
planters were initially allowed to enter to grow cocoa beans. But lacking the
discriminatory support from the government that their counterparts enjoyed in
Kenya and southern Africa, they failed in commercial competition with African
producers (Austin 1996a), just as French planters were later to be eclipsed by
African ones in Côte d’Ivoire following the abolition of Corvée. Colonial reliance
on the efforts of African small capitalists and peasants in the growing and local
marketing of export crops paid off in what became Ghana and Nigeria, with more
than 20-fold increases in the real value of foreign trade between 1897 and 1960
(Austin 2008a, 612), benefiting British commercial interests as well as (via
customs duties) the colonial treasury. The efforts of W. H. Lever, the soap
manufacturer, to win government permission, along with the necessary coercive
support, to establish huge oil palm plantations in Nigeria continued from 1906 to
1925, but they were always rebuffed in favour of continued African occupation of
virtually all agricultural land. Ultimately this was because African producers
literally delivered the goods (Hopkins 1973, 209-14) through land-extensive
methods well adapted to the factor endowment. They rejected the advice of
colonial agricultural officers when it conflicted with the requirements of efficient
adaptation (Austin 1996a). The positive contribution of the administrations was to
reinforce and permit the exploitation of these economies’ comparative advantage
in export agriculture. They did this partly by investment in transport infrastructure,
investment to which African entrepreneurs also contributed (Austin 2007). Equally
important, although the colonial administration never really established a system of
land titling, in Ghana (for example) it upheld the indigenous customary right of
farmers to ownership of trees they had planted, irrespective of the outcome of any
later litigation about the ownership of the land the trees stood upon. Thus, African
producers enjoyed sufficient security of tenure to feel safe in investing in tree crops
on a scale sufficient to create, in the case of Ghana, what became for nearly 70
years the world’s largest cocoa economy (Austin 2005, chapters 14, 17).
South Africa had gold and diamonds, but their profitable exploitation required that
the cost of labour be reduced far below what the physical labour-land ratio implied.
C. H. Feinstein’s quantitative exercise indicates that without such coercive
intervention in the labour market, most of South Africa’s mines would have been
unprofitable until the end of the gold standard era in 1932 (Feinstein 2005, 109-
12). If South Africa eventually obtained a “free market” comparative advantage in
mining, it was only after several decades of using extra-market means to repress
black wages, notably through land appropriation and measures to stop Africans
from working on European-owned land except as labourers rather than tenants.

Comparison of the economic legacies of European rule for poverty in “settler” and
“peasant” economies is complicated by the many variations between individual
colonies. However, some generalizations are possible. It is clear that the
distribution of wealth and income was, and has remained, much more unequal in
the “settler” economies than in the “peasant” ones. Preliminary findings by Sue
Bowden, Blessing Chiripanhura and Paul Mosley (2008) support the proposition
that possession of land put a floor under real wages in the “peasant” colonies,
enabling labourers migrating into export-crop growing areas to share in the gains
from exports that were otherwise divided between European firms, African and
Asian middlemen and African farm-owners (see also Austin 2005). Bowden,
Chiripanhura and Mosley find real wages beginning to rise from the 1920s and
1930s in the “peasant” colonies of Ghana and Uganda respectively and not falling
back afterwards to the 1914 floor. In contrast, it was only in the 1970s that the real
wages of black gold-miners in South Africa began a sustained rise above their
early 20th century level (Lipton 1986, 410). In the sample taken by Bowden,
Chiripanhura and Mosley it was only in the “pure settler” economies, South Africa
and Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia), not in the “peasant” colonies of Ghana or
Uganda nor even in the intermediate case of Kenya, that there were declines in
rural African living standards over periods of longer than 15 years within the 20th
century. This pattern in real wages, together with the long-term expansion of
African export agriculture which underpinned the growth of real wages in the
“peasant” colonies, was reflected in the earlier onset of falling infant mortality in
Ghana and Uganda compared to Southern Rhodesia and South Africa.
It should be added that many African colonies were short of both known mineral
deposits and the kinds of land suitable for profitable export agriculture. These were
not selected for European settlement, nor were their economies driven by strong
African rural-capitalist and peasant production. They had to rely on seasonal
exports of male wage labourers, and on growing the less lucrative cash crops such
as cotton, the timing of whose labour requirements conflicted with those of food
crops, thereby creating risks to food security (Tosh 1980). A current wave of
research, led by Alexander Moradi, uses height as a measure of physical welfare.
The average height of African populations rose during the colonial period in Ghana
and even in the “semi-settler” economy of Kenya (Moradi 2008; 2009). When this
research is extended to poorer colonies such as southern Sudan, Tanganyika

(mainland Tanzania) or those in the West African Sahel, it would be no surprise if
welfare improvements there are found to have been smaller than in the better-
endowed economies studied so far. It was particularly in (selected areas of) the
less favorably-endowed economies that colonial governments sought to raise
productivity through very large-scale, capital-intensive and authoritarian projects,
notably the massive irrigation scheme of the Office du Niger in Mali and the
mechanization campaign of the East African Groundnut Project in Tanganyika.
Both were spectacular failures in their own output and productivity terms, not least
because they were inefficient in relation to the prevailing factor ratios and physical
environments (Hogendorn and Scott 1981; Roberts 1996, 223-48; Van Beusekom
2002).
Poor as was the record of “settler” colonialism for the living standards of the
indigenous population, it was in colonies where Europeans appropriated land on a
large scale, for settlers or for companies, that the earlier and larger beginnings were
made in modern manufacturing.
12.1 .7. Towards manufacturing ?
Where industrialization has occurred in Asia, it has tended to follow a more

labour-intensive route than in Europe and North America, substituting longer
working hours for additional machinery where possible (Sugihara 2007) and
generally having a higher proportion of labour to capital at any given level of
output. A region in which labour as well as capital was scarce in relation to land,
such as Sub-Saharan Africa, was not well suited to follow either route in the early
20th century.
Example in Katanga, in contrast to South Africa, the black labour force was
“stabilized” from the 1920s
Yet, South Africa, followed on a smaller scale by Southern Rhodesia, acquired a

substantial manufacturing sector by the time most of the rest of Africa achieved
independence. The “artificially” low cost of black labour helped, but only in
unskilled jobs because the skilled ones were anyway reserved for whites and the
choice of technique was generally capital-intensive. Manufacturing growth was
made possible by tariff (duty, tax) protection, where locational advantage (as with

brewing and cement manufacture) did not suffice. Crucially, mining provided the
import-purchasing power to cover the import of capital goods and, where
necessary, raw materials. It was also the direct or indirect source of much of the
revenue used by governments to invest in manufacturing, whether directly or
through the provision of infrastructure. The large European populations were a
source of both educated workers and capital, but arguably their most important
contribution to industrialization was the political commitment to support it even at
the cost of consumer prices that were often above world market levels (Austen
1987, 181-7; Kilby 1975; Wood and Jordan 2000). Moving up the value chain
became an ambition of substantial proportions of white voters where they
controlled governments, as in South Africa after 1910 and to a large extent in
Southern Rhodesia from 1923, as well as of African voters since independence. In
South Africa the “Pact” government of the National and Labour parties, elected in
1924, embarked on a policy of promoting import-substituting industrialization
through tariffs and State investment in electricity and steel (Feinstein 2005, 113-
35). Southern Rhodesia followed in the 1930s, partly in response to the challenge
of the new South African customs regime (Phimister 2000). Besides these “settler”
colonies, there was a third case of precocious growth of modern manufacturing, i.e.
the Belgian Congo. This was absolutely not a case of settler independence or
autonomy. As in southern Africa, however, mines provided a favorable context for
import-substituting industry, providing infrastructure, import-purchasing power
and part of the market.
South Africa remained the flagship of manufacturing in the region, but the scope
for further expansion was increasingly restricted by the high price of skilled labour
in an economy where only a minority of the population had access to secondary
education and by the limited market for mass-produced goods that resulted from
the low level of black wages. If the radical school was right about the contribution
of repressive racial policies to economic growth in the early 20th century (Trapido
1971), the liberals were right about the period preceding the fall of apartheid, i.e.
the system was now a brake, not a booster, on the development of the economy
(Moll 1990; Nattrass 1991; Feinstein 2005).
Back in 1960 modern manufacturing in South Africa was large but not very
competitive internationally. In the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa it was much smaller.

There were only two countries in which manufacturing accounted for more than
10% of recorded or officially-estimated GDP, i.e. Southern Rhodesia (16%) and
the Belgian Congo (14%). Next, on 9.5%, the “semi-settler” economy of Kenya
tied with Senegal (Kilby 1975, 472). The latter was a “peasant” colony but, as the
administrative and commercial centre of French West Africa, had an exceptionally
large resident European population, which increased the supply of people with
managerial experience, technical expertise and access to capital (Kilby 1975, 473,
488-90). In West Africa even these low 1960 levels of manufacturing represented a
very late surge, propelled by post-war developmentalism (government subsidies
for manufacturing in the case of Senegal) and decolonization, which led European
firms to establish local factories to protect their existing markets (Kilby 1975, 475,
490-507; Boone 1992, 65-77).
Given the relative scarcity of labour and the small markets, together with the
comparative advantage in land-extensive primary production, it is not surprising
that there was not much more manufacturing by the end of the colonial period.
Where there were opportunities, colonial governments were rarely interested in
upsetting the status quo in which colonial markets for manufactured goods were
supplied largely by monopolistic European merchants, selling goods
disproportionately produced in the European metropolitan economy concerned
(Brett 1973, 266-82; Kilby 1975). But given that, despite rising population, the
factor endowments of even the larger African economies were not suited to
industrialization in 1960, the more important question is perhaps whether colonial
rule, directly or indirectly, laid foundations on which Africa might later develop
the conditions for a much larger growth of manufacturing.
Example: As of 1950 Dakar’s electricity was the most expensive in the world
(Boone 1992, 66, 67n).
Asian experience suggests that this would most plausibly take a labour-intensive
form. In the long term the most fundamental change of the colonial period was
probably the start of sustained population growth, which in aggregate can be dated
from the end of the 1918 influenza pandemic, although local timing varied. How
far the demographic breakthrough was the result of colonial actions, such as the
suppression of slave raiding, the post-1918 peace within Africa and public health

measures that reduced crisis mortality is difficult to determine (Iliffe 1995, 238-
41). The Sub-Saharan population is estimated to have doubled to about 200 million
between 1900 and 1960 (Austin 2008a, 591). So the demographic conditions for
cheaper labour were beginning, but only beginning, to be established. But labour-
intensive industrialization also requires investment in energy supply and labour
quality. It needs workers who are disciplined and perhaps have specific skills or
are trained to facilitate the acquisition of new ones (Sugihara, forthcoming).
School enrolment rates rose during the colonial era from low or non-existent levels
and in many countries doubled or tripled between 1950 and 1960. This was
especially helped by African politicians gaining control of domestic budgets during
the transition to independence, such as in Nigeria where primary enrolment was
raised from 971,000 to 2,913,000 and secondary enrolment was raised from 28,000
to 135,000 (Sender and Smith 1986, 62). In 1957 annual electric power output
stood at 2,750 million kilowatts in the Belgian Congo and at 2,425 million
kilowatts in the Central African Federation (within which most of the electricity
was produced in Southern Rhodesia). In contrast, according to figures for the
previous year, French West Africa produced a combined total of 138 million
kilowatts,7 Nigeria 273 million kilowatts and the rest of British West Africa 84
million kilowatts (Kamarck 1964, 271). Hence, despite the popularity of
industrialization with nationalists, the newly-independent countries were not well
equipped to embark on labour-intensive industrialization in the 1960s. Those that
sought to industrialize opted for capital-intensive methods (subsidizing capital,
protective tariffs) and the factories tended to became creators of economic rents
rather than of profits from competitive success (Boone 1992).
12.1 .8. Markets and African entrepreneurship
African entrepreneurship has driven changes in the choice of products and in the
means and organisation of production in various contexts before, during and since
colonial rule. This has been particularly conspicuous in West Africa, whose 19th
century pre-colonial economies tended to be regarded as more market-oriented
than those of the other major regions of Sub-Saharan Africa (Austin, forthcoming).
The colonial impact on African entrepreneurship and on the markets in which they
operated again turned to a large extent on whether there were large-scale

appropriations of land for the use of Europeans, be they individual settlers or
corporations.
This familiar division between “settler” and “plantation” colonies, on one hand,
and “peasant” (and rural capitalist) colonies, on the other, was far from purely
exogenous to African economic history. Where African producers were able to
enter export markets early and on a wide scale, before European exporters really
got going, their success was sufficient to tip the balance of the argument among
colonial policy-makers in favour of those who thought it economically as well as
politically wisest to leave agricultural production in African hands. As we saw in
section 6, British West Africa was the major example of this. In South Africa,
Southern Rhodesia and Kenya African farmers responded quickly to opportunities
to grow additional grain to supply internal markets. But the governments reacted
by trying to drive Africans out of the produce market and into the labour market by
reserving land for Europeans, while either prohibiting Africans from leasing it
back or (as in inter-war Kenya) limiting the time that African “squatters” could
work for themselves rather than for their European landlords (Palmer and Parsons
1977; Kanogo 1987). African production for the market proved resilient, however,
and the governments eventually accepted this and shifted to imposing controls on
agricultural marketing that favored European producers rather than trying to
displace African ones. In Kenya it was only in the mid-1950s, during the Mau Mau
revolt, that the government lifted restrictions on African production of high-value
cash crops (Mosley 1983). Thus, to the extent that African production for the
market in the late 19th century was greater in what became the “peasant”
agricultural-export economies than in what became the “settler” economies, that
contrast was reinforced by government actions in the latter over the following
decades.
Not that the maintenance of African ownership of land necessarily entailed support
for African capitalism. Admittedly, we have seen that the colonial State in Ghana
protected the property of agricultural investors, in the sense of preserving the
ownership of a farmer over trees or crops that he or she had planted, irrespective of
the outcome of legal disputes about the ownership of the land on which they stood.
But in “settler” and “peasant” colonies alike colonial governments were hesitant
and usually hostile to the emergence of land markets in areas controlled by

Africans. This policy eventually changed in Southern Rhodesia and Kenya, with
selective promotion of land registration, in response to the de facto emergence of
land sales and individual proprietorship (cultivable land having become
increasingly scarce in the areas left to Africans) and with African land-owners
being seen as a politically conservative force in the context of Mau Mau (Mosley
1983, 27-8; Kanogo 1987). In West Africa, without the settler pressure on African
access to land, and given the expansion of cash crops that occurred early in the
colonial period and again in the 1950s, neither the political case nor the economic
case for compulsory land titling was as yet compelling (Austin 2005).
African entrepreneurs, like European ones, needed to be able to hire labour. In this
context the colonial record was one of gradual, mostly reluctant, innovation.
Sooner or (often) later, they legislated against slavery. But in West Africa, the
region with evidently the largest slave population at the start of the 20th century,
the replacement of the slave market by a wage labour market depended very much
on the progress of African cash crop agriculture (Austin 2009). During the inter-
war decades the continued use of forced labour by colonial administrations came
under sustained pressure from the International Labour Office in Geneva. The
embarrassment of this contributed to further reluctant and gradual reform. By the
end of the Second World War, as Frederick Cooper (1996) has shown, British and
French authorities had accepted that wage labour had become a regular occupation
for Africans, rather than a seasonal sideline from farming. Indeed, Cooper went on
to show that in London and Paris the long-run fiscal implications of having to give
workers in Africa the same rights as workers in Europe contributed to the decisions
to withdraw from tropical Africa. For African societies the end of slavery and the
rise of wage labour was arguably a condition of continued large-scale participation
in international trade. As early as 1907 the chocolate manufacturer Cadbury had
moved its cocoa-buying to Ghana following bad publicity about “slave-grown”
cocoa in the Portuguese colony of Sao Tome, where it had been buying before
(Southall 1975, 39-49). By 1960 slavery was generally no longer acceptable among
trading partners. In this way colonial abolitionism, however gradual, contributed to
the “modernization” of labour institutions in Africa.
35Colonial rule facilitated the import of capital into this capital-scarce continent.
But only in mining, and to some extent in “settler” and “plantation” agriculture, did

this happen on a large scale. The survey by Herbert S. Frankel (1938) of external
capital investment in white-ruled Africa remains the only comprehensive study for
the colonial period. According to Frankel, in gross and nominal terms, during
1870-1936 such investment totaled GBP 1,221 million, of which 42.8% was in
South Africa. This meant GBP 55.8 per head in South Africa, but only GBP 3.3 in
the French colonies and GBP 4.8 in British West Africa. Public investment
constituted 44.7% of the grand total and almost 46% of the non-South Africa total
(Frankel 1938, 158-60, 169-70). Governments, and to some extent mining and
plantation companies, invested in the transport infrastructure required for the
development of, mainly, the export-import trade. In Nigeria and Ghana Africans
also took a leading role in building motor roads and pioneering lorry services
(Heap 1990). In institutional terms the colonial period saw the eventual abolition of
human pawning, with its replacement by promissory notes and, in those areas of
West Africa where it was possible, by loans on the security of cocoa farms. It also
saw the introduction of modern banking, but the banks were much more willing to
accept Africans’ savings than to offer them loans, partly because of the colonial
governments’ non-introduction of compulsory land titling (Cowen and Shenton
1991).
Like shipping and the export-import trade, banking in colonial West Africa had a
strong tendency towards cartelization (Olukoju 2001-02; Austin and Uche 2007).
The initial imposition of colonial rule and boundaries itself disrupted intra-African
networks of exchange, and the increasing presence of European merchants in the
interior relegated many African traders further down the chain of intermediation
between shippers and farmers (Goerg 1980; Nwabughuogu 1982). Organized
resistance to European cartels (alliance, interest group) mostly emerged later and
was largely confined to particular colonies, given the tradition of cocoa “hold-ups”
with which African farmers and brokers confronted successive European merchant
cartels in Ghana and the indigenous banking movement in Nigeria (Miles 1978;
Hopkins 1966). Until the advent of independence it remained the case in the
“peasant” colonies that the markets dominated by Europeans were cartelistic,
whereas the markets populated by Africans were characterised by extreme
competition (Hopkins 1978, 95). At least, much more than in the “settler” colonies,
African entrepreneurs were able to operate in the export-import as well as in the
domestic exchange sectors. Though largely confined to the lower levels of the

commercial pyramids, they benefited from the overall expansion of the economies,
especially in West Africa (Hopkins 1995, 44). The monopolistic arrangements
were shaken a bit by decolonization (Austin and Uche 2007), but the old African
sector became the “informal” sector, the old European sector the “formal” one
(Austin 1993). At independence, new governments were faced with the familiar
problems of this financial dualism, notably lack of cheap credit from the formal
sector for informal enterprises.
Despite asymmetric competition, the more economically successful “peasant”

colonies saw the continuation of a tradition of entrepreneurship and mostly (but not
always) small-scale accumulation in agriculture, crafts and trade. The result, as
John Iliffe (1983, 67) noted, was “a strong contrast between West Africa, with its
long-established capitalistic sector and its entrepreneurs from artisanship and trade,
and eastern and southern Africa, where entrepreneurs had emerged chiefly through
Western education and modern sector employment”. Early post-colonial policy did
not always build on this, for example in the case of Ghana, with high taxation of
export agriculture and the creation of State monopolies in certain sectors (Austin
1996b).
12.1.9. State capacity
It is widely accepted that States have a critical role in economic development, at

least in enforcing the rules of economic activity and providing physical public
goods. Therefore, we should ask how colonial rule affected the historic constraint
on political centralization in Africa, namely the difficulty of raising revenue.
Beyond this we need to consider the size of the State and the nature of authority
and legitimacy, i.e. whether colonization was responsible for fragmenting Africa,
as is often said, or whether, as the colonial rulers themselves claimed, they were a
modernizing force, bringing the State to the “Stateless” and replacing patrimonial
authority by bureaucratic authority.
Colonial administrations themselves suffered acute budgetary constraints.

Although European empires introduced to Africa the possibility of raising loan
finance (at least in an impersonal, law-governed though undemocratic way), the
colonial administrations were restricted in their resort to money markets by the
metropolitan insistence that each colony be fiscally self-sufficient and balance its

budget. The introduction in each colony of a single currency as legal tender
probably reduced net transaction costs (although in some cases the demonetization
of existing currencies hurt Africans holding them). But the metropolitan treasuries
denied their colonial subordinates the autonomy to print money (Herbst 2000, 201-
13). The French colonies used the French franc. In British West Africa a colonial
pound was issued, but the rules ensured that it was always convertible at par with
(by means of, through) the metropolitan pound. It was only at independence that
the new African governments had the option of creating national currencies, an
option the former French colonies mostly declined while the former British
colonies soon accepted.
Given that they faced much the same practical constraints as the African States that
had preceded them, colonial governments generally continued the reliance of pre-
colonial kingdoms upon taxes on trade and people, rather than on land or
agriculture. It was the above-mentioned discovery, during the Second World War,
that the export marketing board could be a major revenue-raiser, which was the
major fiscal innovation of colonial rule. As independence approached, this
unintended consequence of a wartime expedient offered African politicians
unprecedented opportunities to, for example, transform educational opportunities
for their populations. The marketing board as a fiscal instrument was an important
colonial legacy, and its possibilities and implications were only beginning to be
understood. By the 1980s the limits of the device had become clear, as ordinary
traders and producers could evade it by trading on parallel markets (Azarya and
Chazan 1987).
Smuggling brings us to one of the more notorious legacies of the colonial partition
of Africa: the imposition of boundaries dividing people of shared culture, the
delineation of some States so small as to be of questionable economic viability and
the creation of some States so large as to be potentially ungovernable. There is
much in these criticisms, but recent research has shown that the borders were not
necessarily so arbitrary (random, by chance) in their origin and that at least some
of them have subsequently acquired social reality and even popular legitimacy
(Nugent 2002). Again, while the colonial legacy includes several very small States,
most colonies (even the small ones) were larger than the pre-colonial polities on
which or in place of which they were imposed; and some of them formed parts of

larger regional units (notably French West Africa). While the colonial borders have
been largely preserved, colonial attempts to introduce Weberian bureaucracy has
proved much less durable (Bayart 1989). One reason for, or manifestation of, this
is the salience of ethnicity in most African countries for political competition over
resources.
From the late 1970s onwards a generation of historians and anthropologists tended
to argue that ethnicity in Africa, far from being “primordial”, (prehistoric) was
created, or at least greatly entrenched, by colonial strategies of “divide and rule”
( Iliffe 1979, 318-41, and Ranger 1983). Recent historiography has shown that the
emphasis on the capacity of colonial States to invent and manipulate traditions,
including those relating to ethnicity and chieftaincy, was partly justified, but it
underestimated the capacity of African elites and peoples to influence the
outcomes themselves (Spear 2003). By no means all ethnic divisions originated in
the colonial period (Vansina 2001), although they were usually deepened and
reified by the interaction of colonial and African elites (Prunier 1995). Whatever
the precise division of responsibility in this interaction, there is general agreement
among scholars that ethnicity has been a more important organising principle of
political association and conflict since colonial rule than before it. This matters for
economic development because ethnic divisions are often seen, by public opinion
and by some economists (notably Easterly and Levine 1997), as primarily
responsible for rent-seeking rather than growth-promoting policies in post-colonial
Africa. However, that approach has been criticized on various grounds (Arcand,
Guillaumont and Jeanneney 2000), and it is arguable that the salience of ethnicity
in African political and economic life is as much a response to as a cause of the
difficulties of enlarging the economic cake in African conditions and of the
continued weakness of State capacity.
Amidst the varying and/or poor growth records of post-colonial African

economies, Botswana has stood out. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James
Robinson (2002a) argue that it is an exception that proves the rule, i.e. that while
Botswana did not have the beneficial institutional legacy characteristic of the “full
settler” colonies like Australia, it was exceptionally lightly ruled by Britain and as
a result escaped the worst of the extractive propensities that they see as generally
characteristic of non-“settler” colonialism. In my view two considerations point to

a different conclusion. First, without the discovery of diamonds, it is hard to see
how post-colonial Botswana could have grown dramatically faster than colonial
Bechuanaland. Indeed, during the first three decades of independence the non-
diamond mining sector of Botswana did no better than Zambia (Jerven 2008).
Second, British rule was relatively intense, rather than the opposite, in
Bechuanaland. By the criterion of the number of Africans per
administrator, circa 1937 it was fifth out of 33 African colonies.
The limited revenue-generating potential of African colonies (especially before

some of the more spectacular mineral discoveries) helps to explain the decisions of
the French and British governments, faced with rising popular expectations
channeled into growing nationalist movements, to accept early decolonization.
Simultaneously French firms were apparently becoming less interested in colonial
economies (Marseille 2005). If so, it is ironic that the French government remained
closely involved with its former colonies after their independence, not least
through the franc zone. Again, in the 1950s British firms on the spot expressed
concern about their future under independent African governments, but they failed
to attract much notice from the decolonizing authorities (Tignor 1998; Stockwell
2000). The irony of the latter case is that a few years later the British government’s
attitude to the Biafran secession was influenced by the interests of British oil
companies (Uche 2008).
12.1 .10. Conclusion
This notes has considered the issue of colonial legacies in relation to the longer-
term dynamics of economic development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly
land-abundant region, characterised by simultaneous shortages of labour and
capital, by perhaps surprisingly extensive indigenous market exchanges, especially
in West Africa, and by varying but often low levels of political centralization.
Colonial governments and European firms invested in both infrastructure and
(especially in southern Africa) in institutions designed to develop African
economies as primary-product exporters. In both cases the old economic logic for
coercing labour continued to operate, i.e. the continued existence of slavery in
early colonial tropical Africa and the use of large-scale land grabs to promote
migrant labour flows in “settler” economies. But there were changes and
variations. While we have noted differences between French and British policy, for
example in West Africa, the bigger contrasts were between “peasant” and “settler”
colonies.
In British West Africa in particular there was a genuine coincidence of interest

between African farmers, European merchants and colonial governments in
enlarging and exploiting West Africa’s comparative advantage in land-extensive
agriculture. The resultant income at least enabled many of the slave-owners to
become employers instead. In these cases the British government (and the French
in Côte d’Ivoire after 1945) correctly recognised where their own self-interest lay
when they supported African investment in export agriculture. It was in those
“peasant” colonies that were best endowed with lands suitable for producing the
more lucrative crops that African populations experienced significant
improvements in purchasing power and had the most improvement in physical
welfare. In the same countries, however, colonial rulers, partly because of fiscal
constraints as well as a probably realistic assessment of the short-term economic
prospects did little directly to prepare the economies to move “up the value chain”.
Thus, the first generation of post-colonial rulers presided over economies which
were as yet too short of educated (and cheap) labour and sufficient (and
sufficiently cheap) electricity to embark successfully on industrialization. It has
taken post-colonial investment in education and other public goods to move West
African economies, and tropical Africa generally, closer to the prospect (view,
vision) of a substantial growth of labour-intensive manufacturing, if international
competition permits it.
“Settler” colonies had a worse record for poverty reduction, especially considering
the mineral resources of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, but they had a better
one for structural change. The large-scale use of coercion was the basis for the
construction of white-ruled economies that, especially in South Africa, eventually
became profitable enough for a partly politically-impelled policy of import-
substituting industrialization to achieve some success. Thus, the rents extracted
from African labourers were channeled into structural change, although the process
became self-defeating as it progressed, contributing to the fall of apartheid.
As promoters of market institutions, the colonial regimes had a very mixed record;
but probably in all Sub-Saharan countries there was far more wage labour, and a
lot more land sales, and a lot more people more deeply dependent on markets, by
1960 than there had been in 1890 or 1900. A final legacy of the colonial period has
a rather unclear relationship to colonial policy, i.e. the sustained growth of (total)
population since 1918 has progressively transformed the factor ratios and, on the
whole, increased the long-term economic potential of the continent.
13. Social Change and Future Studies
Many of us tend to see our long term future both individual and collective, as
largely uncertain. Facing so much uncertainty, we may fear that the social
programs we have today could become unsustainable or irrelevant.
Today, developed countries face significant social policy challenges, ranging from
population aging and growing health-care insecurity.
13. 1- Social Demographic and Economic Changes.
Century later, a new wave of academics, policy experts and public intellectuals are
learning from the current changing economic and social circumstance in order to
design social policies adapted to our times.
Thus, new social risks are related to the shift from an industrial to a post industrial
society, where the service sector is increasingly central to the economy. Although
industrial work remains a primary source of employment in today’s developed
societies, the service sector has expanded dramatically over the last four decades,
and this shift is a significant aspect of contemporary social policy.
The key factors associated with new social risks include changing family patterns,
shifts in labor-market conditions, and the increasing demographic weight of the
elderly population. These factors are at the root of social risks that range from
single parenthood and having to care for sick relatives to possessing obsolete
(outdated) technical skills and lacking adequate social policy coverage because of
one’s precarious (uncertain, unstable) employment status. Although these social
risks have long existed, the demographic and economic factors noted here make
them more central today than they were during the post world war II era, for
example. At the same time, it is fair to say that these social risks have not displace
more traditional sources of inequality and insecurity like unemployment, which
remains a prominent policy issues in developed societies. Consequently, we face
older and newer challenges that may require major state actions to improve
existing programs and create new policies capable of adapting modern welfare
states to changing social, demographic, and economic circumstances.
13. 2- Changing labour markets and rising economic insecurity
Since the post-war era/ developed countries have undergone economic insecurity.
The declining economic status of low-skilled workers is one of the most
encouraging trends of our time. Giuliano Bonoli (2005) offers an excellent
description of the decline in the economic status of these workers, experienced
during the shifts from an industrial to a post industrial order:
Low skilled individuals have obviously always existed. However, during the
postwar years, low skilled workers were predominantly employed in the
manufacturing industry. They were able to benefit from productivity increases due
to technological advances, so that their wages rose together with those of the rest
of their wages rose together with those of the rest of the population. The strong
mobilizing capacity of the trade unions among industrial workers further sustained
their wages, which came to constitute the guarantee of a poverty–free existence.
Today, low- skilled industrials are mostly employed in the low value-added service
sector or unemployed. Low-valued-added services such as retail sales, cleaning,
catering and so forth are known for providing very little scope for productivity
increases. In countries where wage determination is essentially based on market
mechanism, this means that low-skilled individuals are seriously exposed to the
risk of being paid a poverty wages. (Pg, 434)
13. 3- Gender and Family –Work Balance.
The shift in family relations is another key social issue of our time. In recent
decades, family relations have change at an accelerated pace. One prominent
feature of this transformation is the rise in divorce rates, which in itself, is not a
new phenomenon. In general, higher divorce rates create major challenges in terms
of child support. Moreover, such divorce rates and the substantial number of single
parents increase the likelihood that these parents occupy a paramount and central
place in the contemporary social landscape. The economic status of single parents
is a major policy concern, in part because single mothers, who form the majority of
this social category, are far more likely than the average population to be poor
and/or jobless; in fact, fewer than half of American single mothers work full time

(Rodgers 2006;49). Historically, the status of single mothers is tied to the welfare
debate but, today access to affordable childcare and training opportunities must be
addressed if more single parents are to find better job and escape poverty. Dealing
with these problems is one of the best ways to fight child poverty, as poor children
are typically over represented in families headed by single mother.
Besides new child-care demands, the growing involvement of mothers in the

formal labour market has created the need for better, more extensive maternal
leaves. At the same time, given the slow transformation of parental roles related to
changing gender relations and mothers expanding participation in the labour
market, fathers are increasingly called upon to play a greater role in child-rearing.
Thus, more comprehensive “parental leave” not just “maternal leave” – are needed.
For mothers who work full-time, performing most of the traditional housekeeping
and childrearing tasks on top of their labor market obligations is frequently a major
source of fatigue and stress, which could push them to work part time and/ or
abandon their socially legitimate career ambition.
13. 4 Demographic Aging and Population Change
Demographic Aging is a new phenomenon and in the United States and other
developed countries, factors such as higher life expectancies explain why the
percentage of elderly people ( those sixty-five years and older) has long been
increasing. Example, throughout the 20th century in the United States, this
percentage progressively increased from barely 4% to more than 12%, and is
expected to reach 21% by 2050. However, the basic reality is that, in the decades
to come, demographic aging should have concrete consequences for the welfare
state.
As far as the welfare state is concerned, demographic aging is significant for at

least two (2) major reasons
First it can increase the number of those having to care for a frail (perhaps disabled
but ore typically elderly) related with insufficient pressing challenges in
contemporary societies. The growing number of dependent and frail elderly
persons is also likely to both increase health care costs and creates significant
pressures on existing long- term care facilities. In turn, the need for more
comprehensive long-term- care facilities is related to changes in family trends and

parents of labour-market participation that make it more difficult for adult children,
especially women, to care for their elderly parents on a full –time basis.
From a long policy perspective, a second major reason why demographic aging is
significant is that the growing number and portion of elderly citizens in developed
societies is already increasing the fiscal pressure of public and private pension and
schemes. In the long run, recent and future cuts in pension benefits aimed at
reducing these fiscal pressures could negatively impact the future well-being of the
elderly. Because the post-war expansion of public pension systems contributed to
the reduction of poverty among the elderly, it is undeniable that direct or even
indirect benefit cuts, such as an increase in the retirement age, could aggravate the
situation. Part –time and low-skilled workers who have more limited access to
private pensions and personal retirement savings tan better-off workers would be
especially at risk. Because elderly people constitute a growing segment of the
population, higher rates of (elderly) poverty could affect millions of people
13. 5 Health Converge and Spending
The future of health care is a major issue in the developed welfare states, which
struggle to control costs and maintain access to care. In the United States, this issue
is particularly crucial. For example, with the current increase in medical costs,
those without health care insurance face the prospect of unbearable personal debt if
they ever need a long hospital stay. Infect, “high medical debt is the leading cause
of personal bankrupt, the most common reason people lose their homes or cannot
get mortgage or rental property, and makes them unwilling to seek additional
health services”.
Overall, the lack of insurance coverage results in social insecurity, personal debt,
and restricted access to health services, especially preventive care. This is why
other developed countries as different as the UK, Canada, France, Germany, and
Sweden have adopted universal health coverage as the principle component of their
welfare states. The United States spends more on health care as a percentage of the
GDP tan other country.
13. 6- Democracy and Inequality

Reducing inequality and fostering a more equal citizenry have long been described
as defining aspects of modern social policy. The first challenge involves the
persistence of wide spread gender, ethnic, and racial inequalities.
As for gender inequality, although the wage gap between women and men declined
over the last few decades, it remains significant.
The second challenge concerns social class. Income inequality between the rich
and the poor (example in America) population is on the rise. Related to the
changing market conditions and, over the last three decades, the ideological
prevalence of conservative economic and fiscal ideas, this increase in income
inequality is related to the strengthening of business power. Writing about the
American situation, Larry Bartels (2008) illustrates that, since the mid 1970s, the
rich have truly become richer. During the same period, low-income families faced
economic stagnation, as their real income barely increased over the last three
decades (Bartels, 2008:9). Consider, for example, this comparison between Britain,
France, and the USA.
For Bartels (2008), this growing income inequality in the United States is directly
related to democratic issues, such as the limited political participation of the poor
and the fact that, in a political system where money plays such key role, elected
officials tend to pay much more attention to the grievances of wealthier citizens.
The fact that the poor citizens are not equally represented in the political arena
creates conditions for increasing regressive fiscal decisions such as the massive
federal tax cuts enacted in 2001 and 3003, which disproportionally favored the
wealthy.
13. 7.1Defining Globalization
Globalization is a broad sociological concept that refers not only to global trade
and finance, but also to issues ranging from immigration to the development of the
internet and other communication technologies. According to Mauro Guillen
(2001) globalization is a “process fueled by, and resulting in, increasing cross
border flows of goods, services, money, people ,information, and culture”, flows
that favor the “shrinking of the world”. Although it is clear that globalization is an
influential process, global relationships have spread unevenly across regions and
social sectors and globalization is thoroughly political question, significantly

overpowering some and disempowering others.( Scholte 2002:4). For example, in
the field of social policy, it is possible to argue that economic globalization has
increased business power, partly because the threat of relocation and /or financial
withdrawal can impact the decisions of national social policy actors. Despite this, it
is clear that, in developed societies at least, the national state remains the most
crucial source of social protection (Beland 2007). Around the world, national
actors remain central to welfare state polices.
This remark particularly applies to the United States, the most powerful country on
earth, where domestic actors and forces like federalism, electoral polices, and
interest group mobilization remains more central to the politics of the welfare state
than global economic and fiscal pressures.
13.7. 2- Global Challenges.
The first global challenge we will discuss is the enduring nature of the inequalities
between developed and developing countries. Scholars are divided over the nature
of recent changes in global economics disparities. For example, according to expert
David Dollar(2007), growth rates of developing economies have accelerated and
are higher than those of the industrialized countries; the number of extremely poor
people(those living with less than $1 a day) has declined for the first time in
history. But other scholars argue that, in the 1980s, and 1990s, instead of declining,
global inequality increased significantly (Milanovic 2005). Beyond this major
debate on the direction of change, the scope of global income inequality remains
massive by any standard.
For our purpose, the goal is not to explain global inequalities but to understand
their consequences for the welfare state in developed countries such as the United
States. One consequence is that debates on global trade, especially trade between
developed and developing countries, increasingly involve labor and social policy
issues.
A second consequence of global inequalities is that, just like wars and human
rights violations, global economic disparities are key force behind migrations of
people from the” global south” who are attempting to find a better life for
themselves and their children in wealthier, developed countries such as the United
States.

Beyond the issues of illegal immigrants, social policy and immigration are
connected in part because the state must determine who is eligible to receive
welfare and other types of benefits, a question that relates to citizenship and
national identity.
A third consequence of global inequalities concerns foreign aid that wealthier

countries provide to developing nations, partly for domestic reasons that influence
their own polices and partly to help those nations modernize their economic,
address large humanitarian crisis, and improve the well being of their population.
To a certain extern, foreign aid is the international extension of the welfare state, as
it highlights the commitment of developed countries to support poorer countries.
Finally, with the help of academics, think tanks, and international organizations
such as the European Union and the World Bank, policy ideas can rapidly spread
from one country to another (Beland, 2010). Even in developing countries, under
more circumstances, international organizations collaborate with national
bureaucrats and politicians to secure the adoption and the successful
implementation of the policy ides they promote.
Policy diffusion is a two-way street and policy ideas travel in and out of particular
countries with the help actors who must translate theses ideas into their own
national –cultural and political language. With the development of modern
communication technologies like the internet, the transnational diffusion of policy
ideas is much easier to achieve today than in the past. Yet, in general national
cultures and institutions tend to mediate the implementation of these ideas by
forcing national actors to adapt them. Thus, although the role of transnational
factors is impossible to deny, the welfare state remains a territorial construction
tied to national actors, borders, cultures and institutions.
13.2 Elements for an Alternative Interpretation of Political Change in Africa
13.2.1 Introduction
In seeking alternative interpretative frames for understanding the new patterns of

politics in Africa, it is important, as a starting point, to keep in mind that change is
a continuous process. Change is also not always radical – indeed, in most cases, it
is gradual, often incomplete, certainly far from being total, and is sometimes even

imperceptible but nevertheless occurring. It is precisely because of the permanence
of change that much of the processes integral to politics, economy and society
across the world constitute pieces of work in progress, arenas where, whether it be
the management of diversity, the construction of the state, the negotiation of
citizenship, etc., the best models which are available or which correspond to the
social equilibrium of the moment still represent, in a historical perspective, an
unfinished business. That is why, wherever there is change, elements of continuity
also abound: change is more often than not unfolded in the womb of one form or
another of continuity. The forces that serve as the bearers of change are the makers
of history but they may sometimes be so immersed in the tasks at hand or the
demands of the moment as not to be fully aware of the epoch-making nature of
their actions or omissions. In other words, change is not always the product of a
consciously defined project and even where an element of deliberation and
planning is involved, outcomes are not as predictable as might be imagined. What
all of these calls for is a historical perspective and methodology which is able to
locate isolated events and episodes in their proper place in the flow of a welter of
events. Only such an approach can enable us fully to grasp the significance of
change that is occurring and to develop a process based understanding of history.
As noted earlier, the process of change is, by definition, a contradictory one;
assessing the process cannot be helped by intellectual swings from pessimism to
optimism and back according to the pressures and contradictions thrown up at
different moments.
13.2.2 Political Change in Africa
African politics, as indeed politics elsewhere in the world, is in a permanent state

of evolution. The current phase of the process of change in the politics of the
continent is one which is by definition contradictory and far from being unilinear
or unidirectional. Indeed, considering that it is a process of change that is occurring
at a time of a massive decomposition and re-composition of social relations, it can
be rightly argued that the continent is in a state of flux that is, at once, both
confusing and ordered – often an admixture of both at one and the same time. The
immediate context of the change that is taking place can be located in the collapse
at the end of the 1970s/beginning of the 1980s of the post-colonial framework of
accumulation on the basis of which various players within the polity constituted

themselves and/or were constituted. It was a framework in which the state took a
frontline role in the key socio-economic and political processes of the polity; it was
also organic to the social contract on the basis of which the nationalist anti-colonial
coalition that ushered African countries to independence was constructed.
Furthermore, it was critical to the intensive re-composition of social relations and
politics that included the acceleration of the process of class formation and class
differentiation. The ideological slogan that underpinned the framework was that of
nation-building. Governments, therefore, invested heavily in the promotion of
national unity, although in most cases, ethno-regional identities remained strong
and overlapped with class and religious identities.
The reasons for the collapse of the post-colonial model of accumulation are already
well-established in the literature to bear repeating here. What is important to note
for now is that the collapse of the framework produced a rupture that called for a
re-definition of state-society relations, as well as relations within society and the
state themselves. The quest for this all-round definition of relations was inevitably
tied to the competition for re-positioning by the various contending interests in the
political system and the struggle for power, opportunity and advantage among
them. In this struggle, all the resources that are critical to the acquisition and
retention of power have been mobilized, whether these be class-based or simply
ethnic, religious and regional. The struggle also served as the context for critical
stock-taking as manifested in the (sovereign) national conferences that were
convened, the constitutional review exercises that took place and the truth and
reconciliation exercises that were launched. These different activities provided the
occasion for the discontents of the postcolonial framework of accumulation and the
politics that corresponded to them to be played out in the open. Their outcome,
almost uniformly, comprised of the formal abandonment of the authoritarian
political systems, hitherto established in the form of single party, military rule,
and/or a military-civilian diarchy. In place of the old systems of political
governance, multiparty regimes were introduced almost as the new complement of
the economic liberalization exercises associated with the IMF/World Bank
structural adjustment programmes that were introduced at the onset of the crisis of
the post-colonial model of accumulation.

If the crisis of the post-colonial model of accumulation translated into a crisis for
the established political order in most African countries, the struggle for the
preservation of interests became an important feature of the transition from
political authoritarianism to political liberalization, a struggle made all the more
critical for the key social players by the continuing environment of prolonged
economic crises and structural adjustment that under-girded the transition. A
process of re-alignment of interests was also launched, including the forging of
new identities and alliances. In this process – and in a classic demonstration of the
dialectics of change and continuity, yesterdays single party barons and military
oligarchs became part of the movement for political pluralism and the expansion of
the public space by setting up or taking an active role in new political parties, non-
governmental organisations, the religious associations that proliferated, and the
numerous ethno-regional networks that were revived. Similarly, popular social
movements, including trade unions rediscovered their voices in the framework of
the political liberalization process. The inter-generational politics that mushroomed
around the collapse of the post-colonial model of accumulation and the deep-seated
socio-economic crises associated with it also threw up various youth groups and
associations which openly staked claims on power and resources in the name of a
younger generation of Africans. Their campaigns were bolstered by the
demographic shifts that had occurred in Africa in favour of the younger generation.
Women’s groups also joined in the politics of voice and alliance-building in the bid
to secure a better representation in the evolving new political system. As the old
middle class that was nurtured in the framework of the post-colonial model of
accumulation saw its ranks thinned out and gradually faded into decline, a new
middle class thrown-up by the market liberalization reforms that were introduced
began to emerge as part of a broader process of social re-composition and
transformation. In the politics of re-alignment that was unleashed, no sector of
society was left untouched and the massive mobilization that was embarked upon
by the forces of change and the vested interests which remained around the ancient
regime constituted the stuff of which transitional politics was made in the 1990s.
That period was also easily one of the more exciting in post-independence African
politics prompting some to suggest, rather hastily and prematurely, that the
continent was in the throes of a second liberation.

Amidst the politics of change associated with the end of the post-colonial model of
development and the search for a new model, a new social equilibrium seemed to
be in the making. But it was one whose emergence, in many parts of Africa, was
both tortured and conflicted-ridden, sometimes taking on unimaginably violent
dimensions. Part of the reason for this is the heightened uncertainty that was
associated with the transitional process as the political liberalization project was
born in the context of the most prolonged and deep-seated socio-economic crises in
the contemporary history of the continent. This state of uncertainty was heightened
by a severe loss of confidence in the public institutions of government, especially
in terms of their capacity to respond to basic citizen needs. Matters were not helped
in this regard by the fact that the state which once played a pivotal role in the polity
had, thanks to the single-minded antistatism of IMF/World Bank structural
adjustment, been weakened, hobbled and reduced to a shadow of itself. And yet,
with the context of economic decline and structural adjustment having equally
undermined and weakened a broad cross-section of social groups, the state, even in
its situation of decline, still remained an important point of focus in the articulation
of livelihood strategies, the (re)definition of interests and the promotion of
alternative social projects. This was as true for groups which were closely
connected to the post-colonial model of development and many of which were
hardest hit by the collapse of the framework – as for those that were generally less
inserted into the state-led developmentalism. It is also true for the emerging new
interests thrown up by the market reform process. It is for this reason that the
politics of transition has been characterised by an admixture of resistance,
adaptation, alliance-building and transformation.
The transition in African politics is also taking place at a time of the expansion of
the boundaries of informalisation. On account of the prolonged economic crises to
which African countries were exposed, many formal processes and institutions
went into decline and decay; informal sector activities were boosted by the
adoption of multiple modes of livelihood by the working poor and the erstwhile
middle class. The intensification of the process of urbanization also added to the
pressures for the expansion of the informal sector. With the extension of the
coverage and reach of the informal sector went the intensification of straddling
with all the accompanying implications. Furthermore, the social reshuffling that is
still underway in most countries produces both an element of ad hocism in the

actions of interest groups and an unusual rapidity in the turnover of alliances. For
these reasons, transitional politics has not associated with sharp ideological
cleavages even if the contestation for power has been intense and a range of critical
issues centering on the restructuring of the state and state society relations are
being articulated in the public domain. If anything, the pursuit of multiple modes
of livelihood within the context of an expanding informal sector has contributed to
the emergence and/or revival of «traditional» social networks and a generalized
religious fervor.
13.2.3 Conclusion
Overall, the transitional process has registered important new shifts in African
politics which ought to be acknowledged for their significance in Africa’s post-
independence history. Of these shifts, perhaps the most important is the embrace
by most of the key players of a multi-party liberal constitutional framework for
managing political competition, the expansion and pluralisation of the public
space, the open discussion of strategies for governing national diversities, and the
emergence into prominence of non-state actors. But these changes have also been
tempered by the deepening socio-economic inequalities occurring in most
countries, the continuing toll exacted by the prolonged economic crises on the
continent, the narrowing of opportunities for social advancement by the
deflationary macro-economic framework promoted by the international financial
institutions, the stagnation of national economies, and the continuing incapacitation
of the state as a public institution. With the investments which have been made by
various groups in the project of democratic reform failing to yield some of the
socio-economic dividends that could have been expected, it should not be
surprising that across Africa, the citizenship question has emerged as perhaps the
single most important issue around which the struggle for change has crystallized.
Within this broad question, the issue of youth disaffection has come to the fore. It
is a question which speaks to the fact that although the old, post-colonial model of
accumulation and the social contract that was built on it may have exhausted
themselves, the new market-based model of development whose basic blueprints
were laid in the structural adjustment model of the IMF and the World Bank
amidst popular opposition, is yet to serve as an acceptable or workable framework
for the constitution of a new social contract. The question which arises now is that

given the failure of two decades of structural adjustment to stem the decline in
African economies – indeed, the adjustment programme became part and parcel of
the dynamics of the continent’s economic crises – is it capable of being a basis for
the construction of a new social contract or must the continent now simply count
the costs of its maladjustment and develop an alternative framework for its
development? This is both a research and policy question and it is one which
scholars like Mkandawire have recently been addressing through their arguments
for a project of developmental democracy as a framework for restoring Africa to a
path of economic growth that is also by definition socially inclusive and
democratic. It is an issue to which students should be encouraged to pay closer
attention through the investment of theoretical and empirical effort in the hope that
such an investment can enable us to go beyond the morass (mess ,chaos) into
which African Studies finds itself.

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at https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/politics/tory-benefit-cuts-today-disability-10144250 (Accesse
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Policy and Administration, 33(3). pp. 227-244.
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THEORIES
BEHAVIORAL PSYCHOLOGY
Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs

By
Kendra Cherry
Updated on February 14, 2022
Medically reviewed by
David Susman, PhD
Print

Bettmann Archive / Getty Images
Table of Contents
 Hierarchy of Needs
 How It Works
 Different Types of Needs
 Criticisms
 Impact
 Frequently Asked Questions
Abraham Maslow's hierarchy of needs is one of the best-known theories of
motivation. Maslow's theory states that our actions are motivated by certain
physiological and psychological needs that progress from basic to complex.
Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs Theory

Abraham Maslow first introduced the concept of a hierarchy of needs in his
1943 paper, titled "A Theory of Human Motivation," and again in his
subsequent book, "Motivation and Personality." This hierarchy suggests that
people are motivated to fulfill basic needs before moving on to other, more
advanced needs.
While some of the existing schools of thought at the time—such
as psychoanalysis and behaviorism—tended to focus on problematic
behaviors, Maslow was more interested in learning about what makes people
happy and what they do to achieve that aim.
As a humanist, Maslow believed that people have an inborn desire to be self-
actualized, that is, to be all they can be. To achieve this ultimate goal,
however, a number of more basic needs must be met. This includes the
need for food, safety, love, and self-esteem.1
Maslow believed that these needs are similar to instincts and play a major
role in motivating behavior.2 There are five different levels of Maslow’s
hierarchy of needs, starting at the lowest level known as physiological
needs.
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Physiological Needs
The physiological needs include those that are vital to survival. Some
examples of physiological needs include:

 Food
 Water
 Breathing
 Homeostasis
In addition to the basic requirements of nutrition, air, and temperature

regulation, physiological needs also include shelter and clothing. Maslow
included sexual reproduction in this level of the hierarchy as well, since it is
essential to the survival and propagation of the species.
Security and Safety Needs

At the second level of Maslow’s hierarchy, the needs start to become a bit
more complex. At this level, the needs for security and safety become
primary.
People want control and order in their lives. Some of the basic security and
safety needs include:
 Financial security
 Health and wellness
 Safety against accidents and injury
Finding a job, obtaining health insurance and health care, contributing

money to a savings account, and moving to a safer neighborhood are all
examples of actions motivated by security and safety needs.
Together, the safety and physiological levels of Maslow's hierarchy of needs
make up what is often referred to as "basic needs."
Social Needs
The social needs in Maslow’s hierarchy include love, acceptance,
and belonging. At this level, the need for emotional relationships drives
human behavior. Some of the things that satisfy this need include:
 Friendships
 Romantic attachments
 Family relationships
 Social groups
 Community groups
 Churches and religious organizations
In order to avoid loneliness, depression, and anxiety, it is important for

people to feel loved and accepted by others. Personal relationships with
friends, family, and lovers play an important role, as does involvement in

groups—such as religious groups, sports teams, book clubs, and other group
activities.
Esteem Needs
At the fourth level in Maslow’s hierarchy is the need for appreciation
and respect. Once the needs at the bottom three levels have been satisfied,
the esteem needs begin to play a more prominent role in motivating
behavior.
At this level, it becomes increasingly important to gain the respect and
appreciation of others. People have a need to accomplish things, then have
their efforts recognized. In addition to the need for feelings of
accomplishment and prestige, esteem needs include such things as self-
esteem and personal worth.
People need to sense that they are valued by others and feel that they are
making a contribution to the world. Participation in professional activities,
academic accomplishments, athletic or team participation, and personal
hobbies can all play a role in fulfilling the esteem needs.
People who are able to satisfy esteem needs by achieving good self-esteem
and the recognition of others tend to feel confident in their
abilities.3 Conversely, those who lack self-esteem and the respect of others
can develop feelings of inferiority.
Together, the esteem and social levels make up what is known as the
"psychological needs" of the hierarchy.
Self-Actualization Needs
At the very peak of Maslow’s hierarchy are the self-actualization needs. Self-
actualizing people are self-aware, concerned with personal growth, less
concerned with the opinions of others, and interested in fulfilling their
potential.
"What a man can be, he must be," Maslow explained, referring to the need
people have to achieve their full potential as human beings.
Maslow’s said of self-actualization: "It may be loosely described as the full

use and exploitation of talents, capabilities, potentialities, etc. Such people
seem to be fulfilling themselves and to be doing the best that they are
capable of doing. They are people who have developed or are developing to
the full stature of which they capable."
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Progressing Through the Pyramid of

Needs

Joshua Seong / Verywell
Maslow's hierarchy of needs is often displayed as a pyramid. The lowest

levels of the pyramid of needs are made up of the most basic needs while
the most complex needs are at the top.
Once lower-level needs have been met, people can move on to the next
level of needs. As people progress up the pyramid, needs become
increasingly psychological and social.
At the top of the pyramid, the need for personal esteem and feelings of
accomplishment take priority. Like Carl Rogers, Maslow emphasized the
importance of self-actualization, which is a process of growing and
developing as a person in order to achieve individual potential.
Different Types of Needs

Maslow's hierarchy of needs can be separated into two types of needs:
deficiency needs and growth needs.4
 Deficiency needs: Physiological, security, social, and esteem needs are

deficiency needs, which arise due to deprivation. Satisfying these lower-level
needs is important to avoid unpleasant feelings or consequences.
 Growth needs: Maslow called the needs at the top of the pyramid growth
needs. These needs don't stem from a lack of something, but rather from a
desire to grow as a person.
While the theory is generally portrayed as a fairly rigid hierarchy, Maslow

noted that the order in which these needs are fulfilled does not always follow
this standard progression.
For example, he noted that for some individuals, the need for self-esteem is

more important than the need for love. For others, the need for creative
fulfillment may supersede even the most basic needs.
How to Shift from a Scarcity Mindset to an Abundance Mindset
Criticisms of Maslow’s Theory

Maslow's theory has become wildly popular both in and out of psychology.
The fields of education and business have been particularly influenced by the
theory. But Maslow's concept has not been without criticism. Chief among
the long-held objections are:
 Needs don't follow a hierarchy: While some research has shown support
for Maslow's theories, most of the research has not been able to substantiate
the idea of a needs hierarchy. Wahba and Bridwell (researchers from Baruch

College) reported that there was little evidence for Maslow's ranking of these
needs and even less evidence that these needs are in a hierarchical order.5
 The theory is difficult to test: Other critics of Maslow's theory note that
his definition of self-actualization is difficult to test scientifically.6 His research
on self-actualization was also based on a very limited sample of individuals,
including people he knew as well as biographies of famous individuals who
Maslow believed to be self-actualized.
Some of the more recent critiques suggest that Maslow was inspired by the
belief systems of the Blackfoot nation, but neglected to acknowledge
this.7 Maslow's studied the Northern Blackfoot tribe as an anthropologist.
However, this foundational basis disappeared over time, causing him to
misuse the concepts he was originally there to assess.8
Impact of Maslow's Hierarchy

Regardless of these criticisms, Maslow’s hierarchy of needs represented part
of an important shift in psychology. Rather than focusing on abnormal
behavior and development, Maslow's humanistic psychology was focused on
the development of healthy individuals.
There has been relatively little research supporting Maslow's theory, yet
the hierarchy of needs is well-known and popular both in and out of
psychology. And in a study published in 2011, researchers from the
University of Illinois set out to put this hierarchy to the test.9
What they discovered is that, while the fulfillment of the needs was strongly
correlated with happiness, people from cultures all over the world reported
that self-actualization and social needs were important even when many of
the most basic needs were unfulfilled.
Such results suggest that while these needs can be powerful motivators of
human behavior, they do not necessarily take the hierarchical form that
Maslow described.
A Word From Verywell

Whether you accept Maslow's hierarchy of needs or not, his theory shines a
light on the many needs we have as human beings. And even if we don't all
place these needs in the same order, keeping them in mind when interacting
with others can help make our interactions more caring and respectful.
FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS

 Why is Maslow's hierarchy of needs important?

The basis of Maslow's theory is that we are motivated by our
needs as human beings. Additionally, if some of our most
important needs are unmet, we may be unable to progress and
meet our other needs. This can help explain why we might feel
"stuck" or unmotivated. It's possible that our most critical
needs aren't being met, preventing us from being the best
version of ourselves possible. Changing this requires looking at
what we need, then finding a way to get it.
 What is at the top of Maslow's hierarchy of needs?
Self-actualization is at the top of Maslow's hierarchy of needs.

This need refers to the desire to reach our full potential.
According to Maslow, this need can only be met once all of the
other needs are satisfied. Thus, it comes after physiological
needs, safety needs, the need for love and belonging, and
esteem needs.
 What are some of the weaknesses of Maslow's theory?
Some criticize Maslow's hierarchy of needs on the basis that

our needs don't always exist in a pyramid format, or that one
need is more important than another. There's also a concern
that his idea of self-actualization cannot be tested. Others
suggest that Maslow's theory is weak because it was based on
research that was misattributed or lost the original concept
being studied.
 How many levels are there in Maslow's pyramid of needs?
There are five levels in Maslow's pyramid. The bottom two

levels are physiological needs and safety needs which,
together, make up basic needs. Next are social and esteem
needs—also referred to as psychological needs. Self-
actualization needs are at the top level of Maslow's pyramid.
Someone who is self-actualized is said to be at (or in the
pursuit of) their full potential.
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INTRODUCTION TO SOCIAL WORK

SCHOOL OF COMMUNITY STUDIES AND RURAL

DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNITY STUDIES

FACE TO FACE LEARNING

By Augustine Lado Kuron Bonda PhD

Specialization of Social Work

1- Course Title: Introduction to Social Work

5- To introduce students to understanding of evolution and historical background

7- Course Outline (Content)

- Home Based Learning Methods

3 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

- Course work 60%

- Total Marks 100%

4 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

5 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

1. Historical Background of Social Work and Social Welfare

1.1 Social Work

In1877, Charity Organization Society (COS) was founded in America that

In 1920, Sigmund Freud’s theories of personality development and psychiatric

The depression (despair, hopelessness) of 1930s and the enactment (endorsement)

6 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

2. Public Assistance. This category has many “residual aspects”. To receive

7 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

In 1955, National Association of Social Workers was formed in America.

And in 1977, 22 states of the United States of America passed a legislation to

1.2 Social Welfare

8 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

1.3- Early European History

1.4- Early Charities in England

In 14thc distinction was made between two classes of the poor:-

1- The able-bodied poor.

2- The important poor.

9 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

1.5 -The Elizabethan Poor Laws of 1601

10 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

The Elizabethan Poor Laws was of great significance because it institutionalized

Government social programs also expanded in the developing countries at this

11 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

5.1.1-The Able -Bodied Poor

5.1.2-The Imported Poor

5.1.3-The Dependent Children

According to the law, children whose parents or grandparents were unable to

This law continued in Britain for the next 300 years.

5. 6 -The Industrial Revolution.

13 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

6. If then marry early,

5.6.2-Causes and Factors that contribute to poverty

1- A high unemployment rate

2- Poor physical health

5- Extensive medical bill

14 Notes prepared by Dr. Augustine Lado Kuron

8- Large size families

9- Job displacements due to automation

10- Lack of an employment skill

11- Low level of education

12- Female head of household with young children

13- No cost of living increases for people on fixed income

14- Racial discrimination

15- Having an “ex- convict label”

16- Living in a geographical area where jobs are unavailable

17-Divorce, desertion, or death of a spouse

19- Budgeting problems and mismanagement of resources

20- Sex discrimination