Professional Documents
Culture Documents
from the
Soviet
Archives
VOLUME V
SECRET REVIEWS 1925
Documents from the ʺTop Secret” collections;
Lubyanka to Stalin on the Situation in Country
Compiled by
Svitlana M & Erdogan A
ʺTop Secretʺ: Lubyanka to Stalin on the situation in the country (1922‐
1934), v. 3 1925, Moscow, 2002
The simple derive has been; “since we have gathered it, benefited and
will keep on benefiting from the data, let’s share and give chance to
others to benefit from”.
We believe that all the (actual ‐not fabricated, not falsified) data related
to Soviets and its history, ML theoretical works should be made
available to and accessible by anyone – not only to those who can afford
or has the means and capability.
Contents
Review of the political state of the USSR in January 1925
Review of the political state of the USSR in February 1925 – P127
Review of the political state of the USSR in March 1925 – P222
Review of the political state of the USSR in April 1925 – P302
Review of the political state of the USSR in May 1925 ‐ P397
Review of the political state of the USSR in June 1925 (not Inc)
Review of the political state of the USSR in July 1925 (not Inc)
Review of the political state of the USSR in August 1925 (not Inc)
Review of the political state of the USSR in September 1925 (not Inc)
Review of the political state of the USSR in October 1925 (not Inc)
Review of the political state of the USSR in November 1925 (not Inc)
Review of the political state of the USSR in December 1925 – P521
1
Review of the political state of the USSR in January 1925
An overview of the political state of the USSR for the month of January
1925 is being transmitted. The review was compiled on the basis of data
from the state information of the OGPU Inform Department,
supplemented by materials from the OGPU: Secret (anti‐Soviet parties
and groups), Special (Red Army) and Counterintelligence (banditry).
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with
the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
The heads of the OGPU and PP OGPU gubernial departments can give
an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional committees,
provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the
Central Committee of the RCP, as well as the chairmen of the executive
committees and CECs of the autonomous republics.
When reviewing 12 applications and 7 tables.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
WORKERS
In January, the number of strikes is less than in December (in January,
according to incomplete information, it was 17 against 23 in
December). However, there is still a significant number of cases of
fermentation due to higher production rates and lower prices, mainly
in the metallurgical and textile industries. One of the main reasons for
this is insufficient informing of workers about the state of factories and
the separation of the administration, and in some places the trade union
organizers from the workers (this was especially manifested in the
strikes at the Bryansk state plant ʺProfinternʺ and at the Kurlovsky glass
plant in Ryazan province.).
Along with this, there were still many conflicts caused by the long delay
in wages in the industries ‐ mining, sugar and timber.
Metallurgical industry. In the metallurgical industry, delayed wages
are no longer the main cause of conflicts.
2
The delay in wages in Moscow was noted at the enterprises of
Elektrostroy 1, covering more than 2,500 workers, and at some small
enterprises in the provinces. A significant number of conflicts were
caused by an increase in production rates and a decrease in prices,
mainly due to the failure of the administration and trade union
organizations to take the necessary campaigning measures. Discontent
on this basis resulted in a series of strikes (Bryansk state‐owned plant
ʺProfinternʺ, ʺRed shipbuilderʺ in Leningrad, ʺRed shipbuilderʺ in the
Black Sea region, Kramatorsk plant in Donbass, Mariupol plants ʺAʺ
and ʺBʺ Yugostal) 2... Particularly characteristic is the strike at the
Bryansk state‐owned plant ʺProfinternʺ, caused by an increase in rates
and a slight delay in wages, which lasted up to 5 days and covered 5
workshops with a total of 2000 workers. The administration, having
reduced prices by 20%, did nothing to explain the reasons for this
(shortage of the plant) to 3 workers. At the end of January, in connection
with rumors about a new cut in February wages, there was another
strike mood (see Appendix No. 1).
Textile industry. The most pressing issue in the textile industry is the
3‐sided campaign. On this basis, 3 strikes took place and many conflicts
were noted. The sabotage of the transition to 3 machines by female
workers and foremen is noted, and a number of cases of refusal to work
on the new system are noted. The campaign was carried out without
sufficient training of the workers and therefore caused a strong
deterioration in their mood. At Likinskaya f‐ke (Orekhovo‐Zuevsky
heats 4) a meeting dedicated to the anniversary of the death of
Comrade Lenin, and there were calls to beat the speakers and the
factory committee. There are speeches by workers indicating that the
factory regime is currently worse than the capitalist one. In many
factories, workers deliberately do not work out their quota. Some textile
factories in the province still experience long wage arrears (see
Appendix 2).
Mining. Most conflicts in the mining industry are caused by delayed
wages. Particularly strong discontent on this basis in the Donbass
(mines ʺParizhskaya Kommunaʺ, Schegolovskoye Ore Administration,
etc.). At the Italia mine of the Makeyevka Combine, due to the delay in
wages, an “Italian” strike 5 took place, and in the Iron Ore region of the
Yekaterinoslavskaya province. for this reason, up to 40% of the workers
3
at the Manganese mine do not go to work. A particularly long delay in
wages is observed in the coal industry in Siberia (see Appendix No. 3).
Other industries. The sugar industry still has a long delay in wages (2‐
3 months or more). There are a number of acute conflicts with seasonal
workers and peasants, whose debt at certain factories reaches a very
impressive figure (180 thousand rubles and more for individual
factories in Ukraine).
In the chemical industry, salaries have been delayed by up to two
months at a number of glass factories. Two strikes took place in January
on the basis of higher production rates and lower wages. Attention is
drawn to the strike at the Kurlovsky glass factory named
after Volodarsky Ryazan province., Caused exclusively by the
inattention of the administration to the demands of the workers.
The administration was warned about the strike two weeks in advance
when the workers were demanding higher wages. Neither the cell nor
the factory 6 considered the application, and the administration refused
the request, without even indicating the reasons. The Komsomol
members also took part in the strike, which lasted 4 days.
There is still a long delay in wages (up to 2‐3 months) in the timber
industry (see Appendix No. 4).
The political mood of the workers. The mood of the workers, in
addition to the ongoing increase in production rates and lower prices,
was significantly influenced by the separation from the workersʹ trade
union organizations and the administration. On this basis, in a number
of enterprises, antagonism is observed between the workers on the one
hand and the factory committee and the administration on the other.
4
at the Sevastopol Marine Plant up to 200%) 7. The existence of higher
wages for employees, especially in various hidden forms (overtime,
percentage allowances, unnecessary travel, etc.), is one of the most
serious reasons for workersʹ dissatisfaction with the campaign to raise
labor productivity. Advance payments to administration and
employees are very common, which leads to the diversion of the
necessary working capital from enterprises 8...
PEASANTRY
The past month has passed under the sign of the intensified growth of
anti‐Soviet sentiments of the peasantry and the political activity of the
kulaks. What has emerged in recent months in the form of rumors and
vague tendencies finds its vivid expression in January in the form of a
series of open speeches at peasant meetings and congresses. The
immediate basis for this is the process of class differentiation of the
countryside, which, as noted in recent reviews, has gone very far.
5
In areas of crop failure, the process of economic stratification in the
countryside is intensified by the aggravation of the food crisis noted in
January in connection with the exhaustion of grain and fodder among
the poor and partly among the middle peasants. At the Center in
Voronezh province. low‐power farms sell outbuildings for bread (a
new chopped barn is sold for 28 poods of rye, a hut with double
windows and a pine floor for 45 poods of rye); in the same place the
best cattle are exchanged for the worst with the addition of bread or
money.
Begging is developing among the poorest part of the population. In the
Volga region in the Tsaritsyn province. low‐powered middle peasants
and poor peasants dismantle the thatched roofs of barns 9 and huts for
livestock feed. In the Volga region and in the South‐East, in a number
of provinces, 40% of the peasantry feed on surrogates (in the German
Republic, in 10 places, 90%) and hunger is increasing.
Impact of the tax campaign. The tax campaign continues to exert a
significant influence on the process of class differentiation in the
countryside. In some districts, it is noted that the campaign by the
reporting period has come to the point when the fulfillment of all 100%
of the tax should ruin low‐capacity farms (Center, areas of crop
failure). As a result, there is a massive sale of livestock, increasing the
number of horseless, and middle peasant farms leave only one horse
and one cow. The situation of small‐scale farms is especially aggravated
by the shortening of the tax execution period; there are statements that
the tax would have been easily fulfilled if some delay had been given,
otherwise the last cattle would have to be sold. On the basis of the
hopeless situation created by the pressure to collect the tax, there have
been cases of suicide of the poor (see materials in Appendix No. 5, p.
3). An attempt to organize demonstrations by taxpayers of one village,
who were going to leave for a neighboring city on carts with hay, cattle
and bread and with posters from canvas of 30 yards: “We are going to
sell our belongings for agricultural tax for the USSR, no matter what,”
is extremely characteristic. The system of repression and high fines (up
to 25 rubles and more) often completely ruins poor farms. At the same
time, repressions are in the nature of sheer arbitrariness. So, in the
Tambov province. by the decision of the visiting session of the
provincial court, the debtors ʺwere fully and partially dismantled
6
outbuildings (see Appendix No. 5, p. 7). The materials indicate the
absence of a class line in the distribution of taxes (no benefits are
provided to families of the Red Army soldiers, in some places benefits
are given toʺ horseless ʺtraders and etc.).12, then insurance, then for
spring seeds issued 3 years ago ʺ).
Struggle on the basis of land management. The lack of latrine trades
and the presence of a large surplus of labor in the countryside enhances
the desire of the poor to obtain land in the countryside. There is a
growing desire of the poor to equalize land use, which is due to the
presence in the kulak farms of significant allotments (for the reporting
period, there are materials on the Nizhny Novgorod province. 80‐100
dessiatines of surplus were taken from the kulaks in land
management). Among the poorest strata of the village, there is an
increased desire for land management (especially in the Center and the
North‐West), and the main goal of this should be considered the desire
to expand their allotments at the expense of the wealthy peasantry,
although formally there is a desire to switch to improved forms of land
use. The high cost of land management works13 and the lack of land
surveyors ‐ all this hinders the transition of the village to improved
forms of land use. In addition, in many cases, due to the abuse and
bribery of land workers, redistributions are sometimes carried out in
favor of the kulaks (in the Leningrad province, the former whites are
returned to their lands transferred to the poor; in the South‐East, the
poor are allotted lands far from the villages, the kulaks are assigned to
the kulaks, bought from the poor land, etc.). Refusing to participate in
the expenditure on land management, the kulaks, in fact, disrupt land
management work, thereby retarding the growth of
agriculture. Characteristically, the kulaks spread rumors that the state
will carry out land management at its own expense in order to delay
land management. Partly under pressure kulaks still continues to cut
out 14 (Vyatka and Leningrad provinces). The craving of the poor to
expand their allotments, finally, determines the growth of
dissatisfaction with state farms (it is especially strong in Kursk
province, where attempts have been made to burn and destroy state
farm fields) (see Appendix No. 6).
Grassroots Soviet apparatus. The increase in the salaries of the VIK
employees did not affect the village councils, and the situation there
7
continues to remain the same. In addition, there is a noticeable
contamination of the lower apparatus by the kulak and anti‐Soviet
elements, which managed to penetrate the Soviets after the autumn
elections. Therefore, the connection of the grassroots co‐apparatus with
the kulaks is a common phenomenon in all regions of the Union (the
same is noted in relation to the KKOV 15). In a number of cases, there
are former police officials in the lower ranks. n. items. The fugitive
apparatus often protects the kulaks, providing them with various kinds
of privileges, dragging out land affairs in their favor, preferential loans
through the KKOV, etc. The most hideous manifestations of
arbitrariness continue to be noted. In the Voronezh province. pre‐
village council sl. Dmitrovka deprived of civil rights and brought to
responsibility ʺfor insulting the Constitution of the RSFSRʺ one poor
peasant, a member of the Audit Commission, who demanded an
explanation from him about the embezzlement he had made. In
Ostrogozhsky u. of the same province, the peasants filed a complaint
with VIC 16 against the pre‐village council, which raped women and
took bribes, and as a result, those who filed a complaint were sentenced
to three months of forced labor for disobeying the authorities. Beatings
of peasants, bribes and other abuses on the part of grassroots co‐
workers are quite often noted in all regions of the Union. In addition to
cases of gross arbitrariness, the waste of public money by grassroots
workers has become more frequent (see Appendix No. 7). Drunkenness
among the grassroots Soviet apparatus is an everyday phenomenon
and is often noted by all the workers of the volost, from the VIC and the
head of the volmilitia to the agricultural contractor; no fight against
moonshine is being conducted.
Kulak influence in cooperation. Numerous materials on the state of all
types of grassroots cooperation indicate an exceptionally great
contamination by kulak elements and a significant use of it by private
capital. Mismanagement and abuse, constituting a mass phenomenon
in grassroots cooperatives (Appendix No. 8 shows the most
characteristic materials from a large number of them received in
January), lead to the fact that the effect of the price reduction produced
by industry is almost not reflected in the countryside. The influence of
the kulaks is especially strong in agricultural credit
cooperatives. Agricultural credit is actually used exclusively by the
kulaks, since the conditions of agricultural credit and high share
8
contributions make it impossible for the poor to use agricultural credit
‐ for example, to get 2 rubles. 50 kopecks. for the purchase of seeds, you
must give a receipt for 15 rubles. (see materials in Appendix No. 8).
The mood of the broad strata of the peasantry. Against the
background of the ongoing stratification of the countryside,
accompanied by the rapid ruin of low‐power farms that are becoming
economically dependent on the kulak, and the very significant
shortcomings of the Soviet apparatus noted above, anti‐Soviet
sentiments are rapidly growing among broad strata of the poor and the
part of the middle peasantry adjacent to them.
These sentiments find expression in a number of performances at non‐
party conferences of peasants 17, electoral meetings, district, volost and
county congresses of Soviets, etc. The main tone of these speeches boils
down to the fact that the government “has become bureaucratic,” “it
costs the peasantry too much,” “the government has given too little
useful to the peasant” (factory products are expensive, bridges are not
being repaired, schools are expensive, medical care is paid, etc.), ʺTaxes
are too high, much higher than the tsaristʺ (see Appendix No. 9 ʺThe
thought of a non‐party peasantʺ), ʺthe government treats the peasants
atrociouslyʺ (the speech of a demobilized Red Army soldier in Belarus,
see Appendix No. 9), ʺwhich has forgotten the peasants and Leninʹs
precepts. the government has been condemned by us” (resolution on
the report “A Year Without Ilyich”, adopted by the general meeting of
peasants in the village of Dubinskaya, Orekhovo‐Zuevsky district,
Moscow province), etc. On the basis of tax pressure, there are a number
of statements that if there is a war, then “letʹs go beat our stewards”,
“you again force us to pick up the pitchfork and defend our cause”,
“climbed into power, forgot our slogans and did not pay attention to
the peasants; before the October Revolution, the first slogan was ʺAll
Power to the Sovietsʺ18, and now the party has taken power and is doing
what it wants. ʺ A letter to the Red Army is extremely characteristic, in
which the father of a Red Army soldier writes to his son: ʺIf you are
expelled to pacify the peasants or to take property, do not raise your
hands against your fathers and brothers.ʺ
Such speeches are accompanied by appeals: ʺIf the Communist Party
does not change its policy towards the peasant, then the younger
9
generation will point out all the shortcomings and, possibly, replace the
Communist Party with cheaper, non‐party workersʺ (see Appendix No.
4, p. 1). In the resolution adopted at the electoral meeting of peasants
with. Krasnoe Kolyadino of Chernigov Gubernia, noting the severity of
taxes, abuse of local power, abnormalities in land management and
other peasant needs, states: “The peasantry will not allow such a
phenomenon that some people go hungry, while others collect taxes
and live on a grand scale. He will not allow the misfortune of the
peasants, the ruin of farms, to build their personal happiness and
prosperity ‐ this is a crime before the Revolution” (see Appendix No.
10).
Creation of a united front by the kulaks in the countryside. It is quite
natural that the kulaks strive to use these sentiments in order to create
a united front with the middle peasants and the poor against Soviet
power. It indicates to the poor peasants that the Soviet government did
not give her anything (“your power was in 1918, when we were pulled
from the barns; now the power is ours”; “your government is pulling
the last skin off you”; cutlets, commissars have moved far from the
peasants ‐ new communists are needed ʺ). In Vladimir Gubernia,
speaking at a gathering, the kulak calls on: ʺYouth, stay farther from the
party, consolidate around the peasantry, defending its interests.ʺ The
kulaks are especially striving to exacerbate the antagonism of the
peasants towards the workers (“the peasants live as slaves to the
workers who work 8 hours a day, and 16 hours a day”; “the worker
raised labor productivity by 40%, and the peasant by 100%, and as a
result 100%, but the peasant has nothing to eat, and besides, they take
tax”). A typical case took place in Ulyanovsk province, where the
peasants, under the influence of kulak agitation, refused to help the
Leningrad workers who suffered from the floods, on the grounds that
ʺthe workers give the peasants nothingʺ (see Appendix No. 4, p. 2).
Cassation of re‐elections to the Soviets. The holding of new elections
by way of cassation arouses particular revival on the part of the
kulaks. The materials received from some provinces indicate the desire
of the kulaks and elements in solidarity with them to interpret the
elections as a political concession to Soviet power. They strive to
actively use the re‐elections, understanding them as granting them the
rights of a broad democracy, and express thoughts that boil down to
10
the slogan ʺSoviets without Communistsʺ 19 (Moscow Gubernia). In
Ryazan lips. the re‐election of the Soviets is interpreted as the
establishment of a special non‐party government for the village, which
supposedly will exist in parallel with the co‐government (see Appendix
No. 4, p. 3).
11
party peasantry”. In Siberia, the desire to organize a cross‐union was
noted in the Tomsk province. (see Appendix No. 4, item 4, table No. 4).
Terror of the kulaks. The number of cases of kulak terror in the
reporting month continues to grow steadily. In January 1925, the
number of terror cases reached 127 (of which 37 were murders); the
number of terror cases in January of the current year was over 25% of
all terror cases for the whole of 1924. The largest number of cases
occurred in the Western Territory (30 cases), Ukraine (27 cases), in the
Center (24 cases) and Siberia (21 cases). In the rest of the Republic, the
number of cases of terror does not exceed five in each. In the first 4
regions, and especially in the West, terror is becoming more systematic
and organized and is directed against the lower apparatus, communists
and other Soviet elements in the countryside. It is quite characteristic
that over the past month there have been several cases of mass
organized attacks by kulaks,
The ideological influence of the kulaks on the youth. The mood of
antagonism towards the workers and sharp anti‐Soviet tendencies are
also noted among rural youth. These sentiments are especially strong
among pre‐conscripts and soldiers of the army (as noted above, the
tendency to organize a ʺunion of changemenʺ and ʺunion of grain
growersʺ was noted among the soldiers in the Don and Armavir
districts). In the Tula province. at a ceremonial meeting of the
Komsomol with the pre‐conscripts of the Odoyevsky district, a note
was submitted to the presidium, which said that the Soviet government
ʺfights in three skins, saturating its wombʺ; the note ended with a threat
that in the event of war, the pre‐conscripts ʺwill speak to the authorities
differently.ʺ In the Kostroma province. among the pre‐conscripts there
is talk that in case of war they will not go to war, but will scatter. In the
Kiev province. a Petliura youth group was created, recruiting its
supporters from neighboring villages, collecting information about
people who have weapons in order to purchase rifles. In a number of
cases, kulak youth disrupt cultural work in the countryside (see
Appendix No. 4, p. 6).
12
countryside. Together with the clergy, it wages a systematic struggle
against the Komsomol and pioneer organizations, against reading
rooms, clubs and, finally, against Soviet schools due to the lack of
teaching the law of God in them (see Appendix No. 4, p. 7).
RED ARMY
Economic condition
The reasons for this are mainly the poor work of the economic
apparatus of the army, which is filled with inadequate personnel.
The unsatisfactory power supply is also increased by the scantiness of
the welding salary 21, for example, in OKA the welding salary was
reduced to 1.68 kopecks. on the Red Army.
Mismanagement. Mismanagement is massive in parts of OKA, SVO,
JIBO, ZVO. It is expressed in the chaotic state of property, lack of proper
13
care and savings, and generally in its unsatisfactory condition, neglect
of reporting, theft, shortages, etc.
Political condition. The political state of the Red Army for this period
is characterized by the reflection of pressure on the Red Army soldiers
to collect taxes in the countryside. The main conductor of peasant
sentiments, stirring up discontent and anti‐Soviet activation of the Red
Army masses, are letters from the countryside.
Kulak groups. Anti‐Soviet sentiments are kindled due to the presence
of the kulaks, the intelligentsia and other unreliable elements in the
units. In some cases, these elements try to wake up the Red Army
soldiers. A typical case took place in the 9th Terdivision of the North
Caucasus Military District, when a Red Army soldier said to the
military commander: “Look, you’ll finish it, read in the newspapers
how worker correspondents and village correspondents are
spanked”. In the 20th Terdivision of the LBO, a group of Red Army men
sought to create their own ʺcommitteeʺ. The latter in an organized
manner prevented the removal of the Red Army soldier to be
demobilized. In the 26th division of the SVO, a group of 7 Red Army
men was formed, led by a kulak, trying to introduce indiscipline into
the Red Army mass. So, on January 26, on the order given to go to
political classes without short fur coats, this group began to incite the
Red Army soldiers to disobey the order, which was achieved. In the
OKA, in all units, there are from 2 to 8% of the kulak element. This part
is demagogic, anti‐Soviet, using every opportunity to incite the rest of
the Red Army mass against the political composition and the existing
system in general. In the 5th corps of the Western Military District, a
group of Red Army men was noted, which assumed the formation of a
detachment with the aim of joining with the Polish fascists to fight
against Soviet power.
In the communication units of the SVO, the intelligentsia (university
students), who arrived in the fall, are trying to undermine the authority
of the compolitist staff.
Fall of discipline. During the reporting period, there is a decline in
discipline, an increase in cases of sole violation of discipline, laxity,
sleeping on posts, inattention, unauthorized absences,
drunkenness. Moreover, it is characteristic that violations of discipline
are ... a fuss was raised and curses were rained down at the command
staff: “You feel good, parasites, give orders, I can also dispose of no
worse than you, you are dressed, well fed, sleep softly ‐ we are hungry
and sleep on the naked boards, only promise us, and devour yourself,
we pay 200 rubles. tax, and you, idlers, eat it up, rub in the army, you
have to drive you. ʺ
The mood of the command staff. The issue of one‐man command in
the army is viewed by 22 part of the non‐partisan commanders as
15
getting rid of political supervision and control of the commissars. ʺThis
party is losing ground.ʺ The introduction of one‐man command by this
category of commanders is approved. One can observe open statements
by some commanders about the uselessness of political workers (in the
1st Cavalry Division of the UVO ‐ friction on this basis between the
commander and the military commissar of the division; in the 2nd
cavalry division there is no unity in the work of the command
personnel and political personnel. Such cases occur in the North
Caucasus Military District, OKA, ZVO, SVO).
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES AND GROUPS
Anarchists 23
The revival among the anarchists continues, especially in Moscow and
the Center, the North‐West region, Ukraine and the Volga region. Some
of them work in the countryside (Novgorod, Ulyanovsk, Nizhny
Novgorod provinces). Work is underway among the workers in the
Vladimir province. (funds are collected for the publishing] fund),
Yaroslavskaya (among transport workers) and in Kharkov (an
underground circle of workers is organized). Work among students is
celebrated in Poltava and Severo‐Dvinskaya province. Attempts to
organize exs among the Vladimir and Tambov anarchists are noted. In
the Ulyanovsk province. the anarchists took 1800 rubles under the
ex. In the Nizhny Novgorod province. leaflets were distributed. An
illegal magazine is published in Saratov.
Mensheviks 24
Right SR 25
16
In the Altai province. the Socialist‐Revolutionary‐kulak organization
was liquidated, which set itself the goal of: 1) seizing grass‐roots
cooperatives and inhibiting their struggle against private traders, 2)
conducting anti‐tax agitation, 3) helping the kulaks in the struggle
against the measures of Soviet power. Participation in the organization
took the old Social Revolutionary opinion, a former member of the
Constituent Assembly in Samara 26. The exit from the AKP of the former
Deputy Minister of Labor under Kolchak ‐ Tretyak.
Foreign delegation
In November, a meeting of 27 representatives of the AKP and the State
Border Service was held in Czechoslovakia, which issued a resolution
on the organization of a united socialist front against the USSR and the
RCP. PSS 28 pledged through the Polish government to provide
financial support to the Social Revolutionaries.
The Polish government agreed to the formation of a ʺcenterʺ on Polish
territory, apparently, the issue of financial support has been
resolved. Days 29 moves to Warsaw. Consent to join the ʺcenterʺ 30 was
given by the Mensheviks, UPSR 31, USDRP 32 and USF 33.
Left SR 34
The Information Bureau maintains no work and contacts with foreign
countries, fearing arrest, failure 35. The Moscow student organization
maintains regular correspondence with Steinberg (Foreign delegation)
and provincial groups (Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Orel and Kaluga
provinces).
Monarchists 36
The sending of monarchist literature and leaflets from abroad by mail
increased. In January, 9299 newspapers and magazines and 369 leaflets
were detained at the Moscow post office.
17
[SPIRITUALITY, INTELLIGENCE AND BANDITISM]
Orthodox clergy
Renovators 38. The transition of a number of church communities in the
Kursk, Novoiikolaevskaya, Samara, Nizhny Novgorod and Tver
provinces (67 communities in total) to the Gikhonovschina, as well as
the increasing influence of the Tikhonov movement along the Kuban
and Don, forced the Renovationists to pay more attention to the fight
against Tikhonovism. A number of provincial and district congresses
and an all‐Russian conference were convened (see Appendix No. 12).
Intelligentsia
City intelligentsia. There is an increase in the social and political
activity of the intelligentsia, striving to join the Soviets, trade unions
and other public organizations. In connection with the international
position of the Union, the awakening of political activity is intensified
by the expectation of political NEP 39 and is taking the form of various
public associations and circles, which are essentially closed caste
associations. Outwardly loyal, such societies are an attempt to self‐
organize in order to put pressure on the Soviet apparatus and trade
unions (the Pirogov Society 40 set itself the task of fighting
Vsemedikosantrud, the Agricultural Society 41 ‐ the fight against
Vserabotzemles, the Russian Theater Society 42 ‐ with Vserabis, etc.).
Rural intelligentsia. The process of class stratification also affected the
rural intelligentsia. On the one hand, this leads to Sovietization of wide
circles of the intelligentsia, in particular, teachers; on the other hand,
the growth of the economic power of the kulaks, given the extremely
difficult material situation of the intelligentsia, sometimes leads the
18
latter to economic dependence and ideological subordination to the
kulaks.
The youth. The growth of political activity is also noted among
students. They were especially excited by the last academic purge 43,
which was not successful everywhere (Ukraine). Along with political
groupings among the student community, there are illegal unions of
theosophists and Christians 44 infected with fascist ideology and setting
the task of combating the ideological influence of the Komsomol on
youth.
Recently liquidated youth organizations (the Russian Organization of
Peopleʹs Socialists 45 and a number of illegal scout organizations 46)
testify to the growing political activity of petty‐bourgeois youth who
are trying to create their own organizations to counterbalance the
Komsomol (see Appendix 11).
Banditry
In most of the interior regions of the USSR (Center, Ukraine, North‐
West, Volga region, Ural), banditry is of an exclusively small‐scale
nature, showing an upward trend. The successful fight against criminal
banditry in Ukraine was noted (over 20 gangs were liquidated in
January). In the West, there is a transfer from abroad of individual
gangs (Slutsk and Mozyr districts of Belarus), which have committed a
number of murders and robberies. In the areas where poly‐banditry is
developing (South‐East, Far East Military District), there is a sharp
drop‐in gang activity. In the South‐East, after the operations of the last
months, the gangs hardly show themselves. In the Far Eastern Military
District, the voluntary appearance of gang leaders and groups of
ordinary bandits is noted, mainly due to the difficulty of hiding in the
taiga in winter. In Siberia, gangs, along with criminal activities,
terrorize local co‐workers and carry‐on anti‐Soviet agitation.
19
gangs were arrested for robbery and murder by the Turkish
authorities. There is a lull in political banditry and an increase in
criminality in Armenia. Earlier, the activity of the Atajanov gang,
connected with the Tavriz Dashnak organization, was noted 48. In
Turkestan, a gang of Mustafa Kum bek defeated our detachment of the
10th cavalry regiment, on our side there were killed; weapons and
machine gun are captured by the gang. In Central Bukhara, along with
the decomposition of Basmachism 49 and the surrender of individual
kurbashs 50 and groups of ordinary bandits, the Basmachi grouping in
the Talimarjan region is noted. Ibrahim‐bek conducts organizational
work among the kurbashs, he convened a wide meeting, at which it was
decided to intensify work among the population.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
With genuine true: INFO Secretary Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
ECONOMIC SITUATION AND POLITICAL MOOD OF WORKERS
1. Metallurgical industry
The main reason for the strike was the failure of the administration to
inform the workers about the reduction in prices by 20% (the reduction
in prices is a measure taken to cover the estimated deficit of 6,000,000
rubles in the coming operational year). When the reason for the decline
was subsequently explained to some of the workers, they fully
agreed. In addition, a few days before the strike, the workers were
outraged by the absurd order to arm the watchman at the gate; on this
basis there were even attempts to beat him up with a crowd of workers
who finished their work and wanted to leave a few minutes before the
20
beep. The workers say: ʺTo what they have lived, they began to arm the
watchmen against the workers.ʺ
In early February, workersʹ discontent was again aggravated by rumors
that 40% of the February salary would be withheld. The possibility of a
secondary strike is not excluded.
Raising production rates and lowering wages. Leningrad province. At
the Krasny Sudostroitel plant, upon the announcement of new prices
introduced from February 1 (rates reduced by 20%), 150 workers in the
foundry “Italian” 1 ʹ/ year. Dissatisfaction with low prices is noted at
the Northern Shipyard and at the Nevsky Shipyard. Lenin.
At the Krasny Putilovets plant, in the forging and crucible workshop,
in connection with the increase in production rates and a decrease in
prices, there were calls for a strike. At the meeting of the workers of the
hot shop, there were even threats of deliberate damage to tools and
equipment, for some unknown reason, the steam and electric hammers
stopped working.
Donetsk province. In the open‐hearth shop at the Mariupol factories ʺAʺ
and ʺBʺ, in connection with the increase in norms, signatures were
collected under a statement in which the administration was warned of
the possibility of a strike.
At the Kramatorsk Metallurgical Plant in Donbass, in connection with
the lowering rates and the decrease in extra earnings, there is
fermentation among the workers. On January 23 and 26, the workers of
the rolling shop sent their representatives to the RKK with a request to
raise the rates, but from there they were sent to the manager of the plant
‐ the workers did not go to him. On January 27, about 100 workers in
coke ovens quit their jobs and went to the plant management to
demand a raise. The plant manager told the workersʹ representatives
that “if they don’t like the new rates, then they can go outside the gate”
and get paid, and today he will recruit twice as many workers. The
bagpipe has been liquidated. The mood remains tense.
At the Toretsk plant of Yuzhmashtrest (Artyomovsk district), workersʹ
discontent over the reduction in wages results in scandals and conflicts
with RKK. In particular, the workers are unhappy with the actions of
the plant manager in this area.
21
In the middle of January, fermentation took place at the Mariupol state‐
owned plants ʺAʺ and ʺBʺ of Yugo‐steel. The dissatisfaction of the
workers of the muftoreznaya department, the pipe shop with the
increase in production rates and the reduction in prices resulted in an
ʺItalianʺ strike.
Black Sea District. At the Krasny Sudostal plant, due to a decrease in
prices from 30 to 80%, the foundry workers “Italian” for two days, the
conflict was settled by the union.
Kuban. Among the workers of the Kubanol plant (Yugkraymetalltrest),
there is discontent with the reduction in payment for piecework by
15%. 96 machine shop workers submitted a collective application to
RKK.
Due to low wages, 5 highly skilled workers left the plant in
November. There are 267 people at the plant.
Kaluga lips. At the Petrovsky Mechanical Plant in Kaluga, the salary for
2.5 months has not been issued. At the Selmash plant, on account of the
December salary, advances of 3‐6 rubles were issued.
2. Textile industry
Raising production rates and lowering wages. Moscow province. The
dyeing and finishing factory ʺOktyabrʺ of the Worsted Trust, due to an
increase in production rates and a decrease in prices for work,
warehouses (3 people) and pressmen (7 people) deliberately do not
work out the rate, demanding an increase in prices for work, for which
22
the trust and the union disagrees. Decrease in labor productivity of
warehouses and balers affects the work of the entire factory.
In the spinning department of Trekhgornaya m‐ry (150 workers), on the
basis of the transition to three machines, the workers raised a noise, not
wanting to allow the workers who wanted to work on three sides, and,
leaving work, attacked the pom. director of the factory and prezavkom,
almost beating pom. director. It was not possible to introduce work on
three sides. The workers are in agitated mood. The total number of
workers is 7400 people.
The meetings at the Paper Spinning Mills No. 1 and 2, Weaving No. 2
and Likinskaya Factories on the basis of the introduction of work for
weavers on three looms and for drivers at four looms were
excited. There were attempts to disrupt the meetings. At the Likinskaya
factory there were calls to beat the speakers and the factory. In view of
the introduction of the work of weavers on three looms, a strike is
possible (Orekhovo‐Zuevsky Trust).
Kostroma lips. At the 2nd and 3rd Republican factories (textile) in
Kostroma, water‐women and weavers refuse to work on two looms and
three sides; dissatisfaction is exacerbated by wage cuts.
23
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. At the factories of the Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk Textile Trust, workersʹ dissatisfaction is caused by the
transition to 3 machines, to 6 and collectively to 42
machines. Particularly strong discontent of the workers is observed in
the Bolshoi Kokhomskaya field, where workers at meetings say that at
present the factory regime is no different from the capitalist one.
Leningrad province. At the Krasny Mayak factory in Leningrad, workers
are dissatisfied with low wages and a high production rate (the average
wages of a female worker in 2 weeks are 18‐23 rubles, auxiliary workers
from 12 to 15 rubles). In this regard, in the weaving department, a
group of apprentices in the amount of 30 people left work an hour
earlier than the set time, demanding an increase in the percentage of
output, reduced in October, and the issuance of the difference during
this time.
Delayed wages. Moscow province. At the Wool Spinning Factory, the
former Bakhrushin, ʺRenewed Fiberʺ, there is an unsatisfactory mood
with a delay in salaries for the second half of December. There are 356
workers.
Oryol lips. At the Shpagatnaya plant in Orel, no additional earnings
have been paid for October last year.
3. Mining industry
Delayed wages. Donetsk province. At the Italia mine of the Makeevka
Combine, an ʺItalianʺ strike took place on the basis of delayed wages.
On January 17, at the Shcheglovsky mining administration in the Stalin
district, only the debt for November was paid off and an advance
payment of 50% of earnings for December was issued, after which the
mood of the workers subsided somewhat.
24
Ekaterinoslavskaya lips. In the Iron Ore region in the
Yekaterinoslavskaya province. 40% of the workers at the Manganese
mine do not go to work due to salary delays.
In December, salaries were issued for October and 70% for November.
Yenisei province. Among the workers of the Montenegrin mines, there
is dissatisfaction with the untimely payment of wages for October and
November, the salary has not been paid, and the debt of the
management of the mines to the workers is expressed in the amount of
17,500 rubles. 96 kopecks
Transbaikal lips. At the Nikolaev mines (Novo‐Meisky), no money was
paid to workers for the month of November. The administration
motivates the refusal by the lack of small money. Mine workers are
forced to take food on credit in the entrepreneurʹs barn, where prices
are higher than cooperative ones.
Increase in production rates. Donetsk province. Among the workers of
the Bryansk mining department of Donugol, there is dissatisfaction
with the increase in production rates and lower prices. The workers
accuse the trade union of not protecting their interests for low wages
(25‐30 rubles per month).
25
there is strong dissatisfaction with the staff cuts. Most of those who
were laid off were left without any means of subsistence.
4. Other industries
a) Chemical industry
At the Misheron Glass Factory (Steklofarfortrest), Orekhovo‐Zuevsky
u. there is a strong murmur of workers on the basis of the transition to
4 shifts, which results in under‐production of 3000 bottles per day. On
this basis, on January 8, a handwritten proclamation was discovered on
the fence of the plant, which speaks of the burden of the workers, which
will bring the workers to the grave. A strike is possible.
Vladimirskaya lips. At the Glass Factory. Comrade Vorovsky has a debt
of 15,000 rubles to the workers for the October and November months.
26
Nizhny Novgorod province. To the workers of the Glass Factory. Stenki
Razin in the Nizhny Novgorod province. not paid salary for 2 ʹ/ 2
months.
Belarus. At the Novka glass factory in the Vitebsk district, salaries are
paid inaccurately. The total wage arrears reach two months.
b) Food industry
Delayed wages. Kursk lips. Workers of the Burynsk sand state plant in
Kursk province. on the basis of late payment of wages, they staged a
strike, categorically demanding payment.
Poltava province. At Poltava sugar factories, salaries are delayed up to
2‐3 months. At the Suurovsky sugar plant, in view of the large debt, a
group of 60 workers filed an application for immediate payment,
threatening to strike.
Kiev province. At the Ilyinets sugar plant of the Berdichev district, the
debt to workers reaches 184,000 rubles. At the Luchansky sugar plant
of the Shevchenko district, strong discontent of the workers was caused
by the delay in wages for 2 months. At this plant there are 13 workers
of the gas furnace, due to the rough treatment of the pom. directors
went on strike.
At the Luchansky sugar plant of the Shevchenkovsky district, workers
express sharp dissatisfaction with the delay in wages (the total debt to
workers and peasants reaches 100,000 rubles). A particular sharpness
of discontent is manifested in connection with the fact that the
administration of the plant buys carts, English harness, etc. for some
money.
Astrakhan lips. Workers of the 7th district of the Gosrybtrest in the
Astrakhan province. salaries have not been received since September
1. Workers of the 6th district ‐ from October 1.
Chernihiv province. There is strong discontent with low wages in sugar
factories. At the Mikhailovsky State Refinery, the average wage of a
27
worker is 13 rubles. 50 kopecks, as a result of which desertion of
workers is observed.
c) Timber industry
Delayed wages. Tverskaya lips. At sawmills in the Tver province. the
salary is delayed by 2 months. Due to the colossal debt of EPO 54,
foodstuffs are not available on credit, and most workers with their
families are forced to look for bread in the countryside by collecting
alms.
Ulyanovsk province. Debts of Sawmills No. 47 and 48 of Ulyanovsk
province. before the workers is expressed in the amount of 6,000
rubles. The workers of the Altyshevsky sawmill No. 54 are very
unhappy with the delay in the payment of wages, which has not been
received for three months.
d) Construction work
Omsk lips. Among the workers of the State Construction Office of the
Omsk province. there is dissatisfaction with the late payment of
wages. One painter said: ʺYou need to disperse the whole office, throw
your whole head out the window, otherwise they are completely
bureaucratic and do not want to think about us.ʺ
28
e) Workersʹ dissatisfaction with trade unions
At the ʺOktyabrskyʺ mine of the Iron Ore District, the secretary of the
party collective has become detached from the mass of the workers, and
the workers look at him as if he were a stranger. Tearing himself away
from the workers, the secretary of the party collective has made a close
friendship with the administration of the mines, which makes the
workers unhappy. The secretary of the KSM cell at the same mine,
when admitted to the Union, gives preference to the kulak element, in
every possible way wiping honest workers into the background.
Chernihiv province. The workers of the Nosovskiy sugar plant continue
to express their dissatisfaction with the cell and the factory due to the
separation of the latter from the working mass. The lump, breaking
away from the workers, is not popular. The same is observed at the
Parafievsky, Novo‐Bykovsky and Dobrovitsky sugar factories.
Ural region At the Bilimbaevsky plant of the Sverdlovsk district of the
pre‐zavkom Bezsonov was promoted to the mentioned position against
the wishes of the workers. The workers say: ʺWe do not need
appointees, and we will not listen to them.ʺ
f) Peasant sentiments among workers
29
Moscow province. At the leather factory ʺTruzhenikʺ in Moscow, in
connection with the performance of a worker from the wealthy
peasants, some workers at a general meeting asked questions about
why peasant unions were not organized.
At the factory of the Vysokovskaya congregation, following a report on
the work of the gubernial congress of textile workers, the stoker of the
mechanical department indicated that the peasants were not able to
defend their interests, since they were not allowed to organize peasant
trade unions.
Penza lips. At the meetings of the workers of the railway junction
st. Ruzaevo, which was attended by 600 people, after a report by the
representative of the Central Committee of the MOPR 57 on the
international situation and the tasks of the MOPR, one worker spoke
and said: “Why should we clouder our heads when a peasant brother
walks naked under our noses. All these campaigns boil down to
deductions; what to take from us when we ourselves get pennies; add
your salary, then we will expel”. This speech was supported by a small
part of the meeting.
g) Religiosity
Soloviev
APPENDIX # 2
30
INDUSTRIAL LOSS AND ABUSE IN THE INDUSTRY
1. Bloated staffs of administration and employees
Centre. Moscow province. At the Goznak factory # 2, each department
for about 30 people has about 4‐6 different specialists and craftsmen
who receive high rates and loads of 50%. There are 1450 workers in
total.
At the factory ʺKrasny obuvshchikʺ the staff of the top administrative
personnel is great. The factory has a director, his assistant and a
technologist. There are 229 workers.
Kaluga lips. At the Petrovsky Mechanical Plant, during the reduction,
the workers pointed to the bloated staff of employees. One clerk from
the merchants, together with the travel workers, received 450 rubles in
December, there are 28 clerks for 170 workers.
Transcaucasia. Azerbaijan. Azmedprom. The bloatedness of the staff is
noted: a large number of machine tools work at each plant, meanwhile
each of them has its own manager, mechanic, accountant, etc. The
salary to the aforementioned persons reaches 43,862 rubles. plus 30%
social insurance vacation.
Volga region. Samara lips. The yeast plant in Samara, despite the pre‐
war yeast production, is operating with a 4% deficit. According to the
31
factory committee and workers, the staff can be painlessly reduced by
2 foremen, 5 people from the office, 2 clerks and one timekeeper.
Ural. Tagil district. In the N. Tagil plant, he is in the service of the
Tombas, an aged specialist who brings little benefit to the plant. The
workers believe that they are paying him money in vain.
Perm district. Despite the fact that an 8‐hour day has been set for the
employees of Artpriemnaya (Perm Gun Plant), they actually work no
more than 4‐5 hours. The administration asked for an increase in the
staff at the expense of the plant by 2 people. The question of increasing
the staff was put to the plant management as an ultimatum, and
therefore this demand was satisfied.
V. Kamsky district. At the Aleksandrovsky brick factory, overhead costs
reach up to 30%. There are 4 employees for 20 workers. The rate is 30‐
40 rubles, while the average wage of a worker does not exceed 14 rubles.
2. High stakes and overtime
North Caucasus. Don district. At the 8th State Oil Plant, workers are
dissatisfied with the large overtime given to employees.
3. Business trips, invoices and advances
Centre. Moscow province. At the Wagon Plant No. 2, there are strong
complaints from workers against the administration of the factory that
in December the administration gave office workers a bonus 61 in the
amount of a monthly salary, allegedly for intensive work on drawing
up an annual report.
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. The director of the Zaryadye factory of
the textile trust treats the workers rudely. The director almost kicked
out the employee who asked for an advance payment from his office,
while the administration receives advances in any amount.
Nizhny Novgorod province. “Among the workers of the Prioksky Mining
District, there is strong dissatisfaction with the fact that the engineer
was given a reward of 500 rubles for the reduction on the factory
railway, while the machinist, who showed dedication in saving from a
train crash and was injured on the same railway, was given everything
RUB 50
At the Vakhtan plant, a lot of money is wasted on travel expenses. It is
inexpedient to receive business trips for the foremen, the chief
accountant, who received about 500 rubles for a business trip to
Moscow.
Kaluga lips. At the Petrovsky Mechanical Plant, it is expensive to
maintain a sales agent who receives a salary of 120 rubles. plus 8
rubles. per diem. During the month of December, the sales agent
received, together with the travel allowances, 450 rubles, while he sold
only 30 straw cutters for 300 rubles.
Siberia. Novonikolaevskaya lips. Kuzbastrest entered into an agreement
from November 5 to April 1, 1925 with a rate of 200 rubles. per month
with c. Gryndler, who until that time was supernumerary, is now on
the staff. According to the contract, he must be given a business trip to
the city of Prokopyevsk, at the end of the service he must be given
severance pay in the amount of two monthsʹ salary with a trip to
Kharkov for 3 persons in a soft carriage and with luggage of 60
33
poods. Similarly, an agreement was concluded with gr. Filimonov and
Sokolovsky.
4. Mismanagement
At the State Optical Plant (Podolsky District), in the main warehouse of
the plant, parts for military devices worth about 400,000 rubles have
been stored since pre‐revolutionary times. These parts were previously
inspected and lubricated annually, but now for more than 6 years they
have not been visible or smeared, due to which the devices in the
warehouse are covered with rust. The warehouse manager states that
he has repeatedly stated this to engineer Orlov, but to no avail. This
causes a lot of criticism among the workers.
At the Mastiazhart plant there is a strong complaint from the workers
about the observed mismanagement at the plant. So, for example:
exhaust pipes for ventilation were made for the blacksmith,
woodworking and mechanical departments, for which 30 poods were
spent. roofing iron, but the plant mechanic Kulikov ordered to send
these pipes to plant No. 3, where they are currently thrown into the
yard and rust.
34
Northwest Territory. Leningrad province. At the closed
plant. K. Liebknecht boxes with cars are in the yard uncleaned and
rust.
Karelia. On the part of the administration of Sawmill No. 46 of
Severoles, there is a mismanagement in the storage of the produced
timber, which is untimely stacked, sawn boards lie in the rain and
deteriorate.
Black Sea District. In the machine shop of the Proletary cement [cement]
plant, materials are taken in surplus and the rest is lying on the
floor. Ready‐made products are not cleaned in a timely manner, they
lie underfoot and deteriorate.
5. Downtime due to machine breakdown
35
At the factory of the 3rd Congress of the Profintern of the Worsted
Trust, due to the poor quality of the ropes sent by the trust for spinning
machines, which often break off, machine downtime occurs, which
affects the entire production. There are 650 workers.
North Caucasus. Armavir district. During the rest days at the ʺArmalitʺ
plant, due to an oversight in the steam boiler, the water froze, having
ripped off the valve. The result was an outage.
Nizhniy Tagil district. On the sheet‐rolling machines of the Alapaevsk
plant, up to 5 shafts were broken, as a result of which there were large
downtime in work.
APPENDIX No. 3
VILLAGE CLASS BREAKING
1. Lack of latrine trades
Centre. Kaluga lips. Decreased dramatically, and in some places there
are no out‐of‐pocket industries. In Silkovo parish Demensky u. in
previous years, up to 3,500 passports were issued, now only a small
number are used. In Zherelevskoy parish. saddlers, having gone to
work in the Smolensk and Tula provinces, returned back, spending the
last pennies and not getting a job. Other handicrafts (sledging and
matting) have no sales markets.
Yaroslavl lips. In a number of volosts, latrine trades account for only 20‐
30% of the pre‐war period.
36
2. The ruin of the poor
Centre. Ryazan lips. The poor are running out of bread and feed for
livestock too. As a result, the poor are selling livestock, the loss of which
reaches 50%. In the village. Bakhmetye Sarajevo parish kulaks are
buying up the estates of the poor.
Voronezh province. In the Mikhailovsky district, the poor sold 30% of
their livestock, of which 18% passed into the hands of local
kulaks. According to Valuisky. the poor sold 27% of livestock.
Tambov province. In the Sampur and Koptev volosts of the Tambov
u. there have been cases of the poor selling the last workhorses to pay
taxes and to pay off debts taken from the kulaks during the work of
shock groups. The livestock and other agricultural items sold are
bought for a pittance by fists, who do not pay money immediately, but
in parts.
Volga region. Ulyanovsk province. In Alatyr‐Ardatovskiy, Syzran and
Karsunskiy districts, the poorest population sells out living and dead
implements and credits for future work with their fists.
Kuban. Due to the ruin of small peasant farms, from which inventory is
sold at auction, the kulaks, who are almost monopoly buyers at the
auction, are enriched.
3. Leasing of land by the poor
Centre. Nizhny Novgorod province. The lease of land to the kulaks is
observed, which is done under extreme secrecy and most often under
the guise of share rent 62. Lease transactions are rarely accompanied by
the conclusion of contracts, and the payment of the agricultural tax is
the brunt of the poor.
Ryazan lips. The impoverished poor are leasing plots of land to the
kulaks.
37
Oryol lips. Due to the lack of seeds and implements, the poor in a
number of villages of Malo‐Arkhangelsk and Yeletsky u. offers land for
rent to kulaks. The kulaks are now negotiating a lease, with the idea of
sowing the land of the poor in the spring on more favorable terms.
Penza lips. In the Saransk and Chembarsk districts, the kulaks, giving
bread to the poor in exchange, return until the next harvest, take part
of their land in interest. The kulaks take from the poor only the land
that is located near the village, and take distant lands and hayfields for
free use. Land lease transactions are not registered anywhere.
4. Bonded deals and usury
Ryazan lips. For cultivating the poor manʹs land with implements, the
kulak takes 10 poods. bread from the eater. Usury arises among the
kulaks. Fists of the village of Mukhiny Polyany, Ozeevskaya vol. they
give money and bread on loan with a 100% premium. The peasants are
silent about the percentage.
Tverskaya lips. The wealthiest handicraft shoemakers take large orders
and give them to the poor for half the price.
38
Kostroma lips. In the absence of sufficient lending to the population by
agricultural credit partnerships in Andreevskaya par. Kostroma
u. 55.6% of all farms (848) are forced to borrow from the local kulak
Komissarov, who controls 3 districts. 34% of volsbor 63 was contributed
by the local population to them. A cheese loan brings him 300% of his
income.
Northwest. Leningrad province. In the volosts of the shores of the Peipsi
and Pskov lakes, poor fishermen, in the absence of fishing gear, are
forced to use the nets and boats of wealthy peasants, giving them most
of the catch for this.
5. Brotherhood
Centre. Ryazan lips. Cases of exploitation of the poor by the kulaks are
becoming more frequent. In the village. The Troekurovo kulak has not
paid the peasant who works for him for a year, the other kulak has been
exploiting the worker and pays him absolutely nothing.
M Orozovsky district. In stts. Bystryanskaya, the poor are exploited by
the kulaks and middle peasants as farm laborers only for grub.
39
In the Oblivsky district, farming often works for a piece of bread. The
kulaks respond to the protests of Vserabo gzemles: ʺIf you want to help
the farm laborers, take them and feed them.ʺ
Armavir district. In the Prokhladny and Arabian districts, there is an
increase in the exploitation of the poor and laborers by fists. Fists almost
always use their labor for grubs.
Transcaucasia. Armenia. There is strong exploitation of farm laborers
by kulaks, especially in the town of Megrah, where there are up to 250
people. In Etchmiadzin district. the beating and firing of farm laborers
making economic demands is noted.
Altai lips. In with. Eresnom of the Shadripsky district of the Barnaul
district the kulak does not let his Komsomol farmhand go to general
meetings.
6. Impact of crop failure
Tambov province. Throughout N.‐Studenetskaya parish. the poor begin
to experience hunger. There are villages where the poor send their
children to beg. In a number of villages of Kirsanovsky u. there is
absolutely no bread and feed for livestock, in connection with which
the theft of grain from barns is observed.
40
Voronezh province. In Ostrogozhsky u. due to the lack of forage, the
peasantsʹ desire to destroy livestock is noted; in some villages of the
Lutsenkovsky district, there is a threat of the total destruction of
livestock. The poor and part of the middle peasants of the V. Katogonsk
region, anticipating the spring hunger strike, are beginning to sell farm
buildings for a pittance. A new chopped barn 6 for 7 arshins is sold for
28 poods. rye, hut 7 for 6V2 arshins with pine floor and double
windows ‐ 45 poods. rye. In Usmanskiy u. the best cattle are exchanged
for the worst with the addition of bread or money.
Non‐republic. In the Roznosensky District, 90% of the population feeds
on surrogates. In the Krasno‐Kutsk District, 40% of the population is
undernourished.
Kalmyk region In Kalm‐Bazarinsky ulus 65, there are 1,500 refugees from
the former Kharakhusovsky ulus, devastated during the Civil
War. Refugees roam around the villages, feeding on the corpses of dead
animals.
Ukraine. Ekaterinoslavskaya lips. The economic situation of the poor is
difficult. There are bread reserves for no more than 2‐3 months. In the
Belolutsk region, the poor buy bread.
Donetsk province. In the Luhansk District, kulaks and rural speculators
purchase bread in small batches in the Don and Kuban and sell it locally
at three times the price.
41
Volyn province. In with. M.‐Kozorki, Mikhalpolsky district, the widow
of an unescapable person complained that since October 1 she had not
eaten bread, eating potatoes.
Shakhty district. In the Glubokinsky District, in a number of farmsteads,
the poor do not have bread. The latter exclusively feed on surrogates,
and the poor of the Kamensky and Leninsky districts are in the same
condition.
Correct: [Secretary] of the Information Department Soloviev
APPENDIX 4
THE POLITICAL MOOD OF THE VILLAGE
1. The mood of the middle and poor
Centre. Kursk lips. At the Staro‐Oskol district congress, some delegates
made a speech, in which they stated: “A man works without
straightening his back, a man pays a tax and a man chokes on cabbage,
and the commissars eat cutlets. It is difficult for the commissars to
understand the peasants, for they are far removed from them. ʺ It was
pointed out that ʺthe communists are not the defenders of the peasantry
and that new communists are needed.ʺ
42
Nizhny Novgorod province. Among some peasants of the Tonshaevskaya
parish. I have heard the following: ʺIf there is a war, then we will
receive weapons and go to beat our rulers.ʺ
43
Vladimirskaya lips. In connection with the report on Dobrokhim and
Vozdukhoflot, the peasants from. Dubenki of Aleksandrovskaya
parish expect a brutal war and declare: “We have now not seen the light
as under tsarism, and we will go out on our free peasant path, equalize
the worker with the peasant, destroy the responsible workers who
receive huge salaries and who do not bring any benefit to the peasantry,
we will return the ownership of the land, forests ʺ, And some dream of
a king, to plant only from their own.
Oryol lips. In a number of volosts Orlovsky u. the peasants, not only
kulaks, but also the middle peasants, say that under tsarism they did
not pay taxes for 3 years, and they did not describe their property, but
now whoever does not pay on time, they immediately describe the
property and sell it. In this regard, the middle peasants and the poor
say: “They have climbed into power, forgot their slogans and do not
pay attention to the peasants; before the October Revolution, the first
slogan was: ʺAll power to the Soviets,ʺ and now the party has taken
power and is doing what it wants. ʺ
West. Bryansk lips. (Letter from the village to the Red Army): ʺThe tax
is very heavy, they donʹt pay much, maybe the peasants donʹt pay there
either, and if you are driven out to pacify the peasants or to take
property, do not raise your hands against your fathers and brothers.ʺ ...
Belarus. At the Vysochansky District Congress of Soviets of the Vitebsk
District, one of the secretaries of the village council (a demobilized Red
Army soldier) demanded that the issue of peasantsʹ earnings be
included in the agenda. Most of this issue was included in the
agenda. The speaker was the same secretary. In terms of the figures for
the income and expenditure of the peasant economy, the speaker
argued that the power treats the peasants atrociously, destroying their
economy, that on average, 4 rubles profit per one laboring soul on the
farm. per month, while even the unemployed in cities receive
significantly more benefits. The speaker also argued that the
remuneration of the members of the district executive committees and
okrug executive committees is wrong, that the authorities should live
the way the peasantry lives, and the representatives of the authorities
want to live the way the officials used to live. The Red Army soldier
proposed to elect a regional executive committee, since most of the old
44
ones turned into officials. In conclusion, the speaker proposed to the
congress a resolution with the following content: “Having heard the
report on the remuneration of the peasant, the 1st Vysochansky District
Congress declares that the high salary rates for the state employees of
the higher institutions of power and commercial enterprises in
comparison with the remuneration of the poor peasant cannot be
tolerated in the future. Taking into account that these funds are derived
from the earnings of workers and peasants and most of them go to
support industry, trade, luxury goods, which hinders the development
of industry, the Congress instructs its deputies and appeals to the
CPB that the high salary rates for state employees of higher institutions
of power, commercial enterprises in comparison with the remuneration
of a poor peasant cannot be tolerated in the future. Taking into account
that these funds are derived from the earnings of workers and peasants
and most of them go to support industry, trade, luxury goods, which
hinders the development of industry, the Congress instructs its
deputies and addresses the CPB66 and the workers to eliminate this
highly abnormal phenomenon, to revise the salary rates and establish
them in proportion to the resources of our Republic, which is still not
strong economically, and not to allow such a difference in comparison
with the remuneration of the peasant. The congress hopes that the CPB
and the workers will understand the peasant and will strive to ensure
that the remuneration of the peasant is equated to the workers and
employees. ʺ The proposed resolution was rejected by a small
majority. In contrast to the candidates [in the district executive
committee] nominated by the faction by a group of non‐party people
headed by the aforementioned secretary, they nominated their own,
which included former officers.
North Caucasus. Don region (Letter from the village to the Red Army):
“We see only one thing, that all around the poor population suffers
from the tax, there is no condescension for anyone. What the masses
have achieved is not even 95%, but only 5% reigns and they have been
given broad power. ʺ
Siberia. Yenisei province. After the report at the re‐election meeting of
the Maklakovsky village council ʺOn the work of the old Sovietʺ, the
peasants passed a resolution: ʺThe work of the village council should
be recognized as correct for the state, and incorrect for the population.ʺ
45
In the village. Kargino Krasnoyarsk u. after a report by one of the RIK
members on the need to pay the agricultural tax on time, the former
poor red partisan in his speech said that the Soviet government was
removing the last underpants from the peasants, that now it was not
life, but hard labor, that 15 rubles were imposed on the beggars, and
bread is accepted for 30 kopecks. When a member of the RIK threatened
the poor man with drawing up a protocol, the entire assembly, as one
person, stood up and began to shout: “Through the lips of a red
partisan, we all say that we also fought against Kolchak and thought to
win equality for ourselves, but now it turns out that some are getting
fat, and we are barefoot and naked. ʺ
2. Speech by the kulaks
Moscow u. At the secondary meeting of the shareholders of the credit
partnership, the Socialist Revolutionaries, given that everyone had not
yet been sufficiently prepared for the first meeting, secretly, an hour
before the meeting, allegedly gathered in another village as a non‐party
faction, where they discussed their lists and what tactics to follow. Only
thanks to the presence of a member of the Ukom bureau
Comrade Atakov managed to get one party member into the
presidium. Also, the resolution was not passed, the meaning of which
was: ʺSoviets without communists.ʺ
Belarus. In the Orsha District, at the Kokhanovsky District Congress of
Soviets, along with the CPB faction, a faction of kulaks was formed
under the leadership of a former officer who was deprived of the right
to vote and was put forward by his kulaks as chairman. According to
the RIKʹs report, the kulaks harshly criticized the former chairman of
the RIK with slanderous attacks.
In the Polotsk district, at the Driessen district congress of Soviets, the
kulaks attended the congress under the leadership of a former military
official and a former member of the Polotsk council. The latter declared
in their speeches that the co‐government enslaved the peasants, and
that only communists enjoy all the privileges, and that non‐party
people are not given any rights, that under the auspices of the
government, the workers, whom the government fears, live better, and
the peasants are squeezed out of the last juice.
47
go for a walk, from their labor they give nothing to the state, eat white
bread, drink tea. The workers occupy all positions of responsibility, and
the peasants are on the sidelines. The peasants would also learn to run
the state no worse than the workers, but they are not allowed
anywhere. The Soviet government divides the peasant land and, in the
division, rob the peasants. Wealthy peasants began to often go to the
reading room, as there are often anti‐Soviet statements that the peasants
are [unprotected] because they are not organized, they are robbed
because they cannot defend their interests. In general, there are many
examples of such agitation.
3. Cassation of elections and re‐election of the Soviets
48
Tula lips. The ongoing campaign for the re‐election of the Soviets is
understood by the peasants as a desire by the authorities to replace all
grassroots communist workers with non‐party workers.
Ukraine. Kharkiv province. In the Volossko‐Balakleysky village council
of the Kupyansk district, during the new re‐elections, only 12% of the
non‐cheaters, a few middle peasants, were included in the Council, and
the main mass of the elect were kulaks. Here, intensified agitation was
observed on the part of two kulaks, one of whom served with the
whites.
Volyn province. In the reporting period, cassation re‐elections of village
councils were held in a number of villages. In some areas, an unwanted
item has passed. In with. Antonina, two former thieves entered the
village council. In with. Sevruks were infiltrated by persons previously
involved in banditry, as well as proteges of kulaks and others.
4. Peasant unions
Centre. Moscow province. At the Dmitrovsky volsezd of the Sysoevsky
and Gorshkovsky districts, a proposal was made to instruct the newly
elected executive committee to organize a peasant union so that the
peasants could set a price for their products themselves. The question
of organizing a peasant union was raised so sharply that the congress
decided to discuss it in current affairs.
In Voskresensky, in the village. Telepneve Luchinsky par. December 30
p.y. a meeting was held on the question of the committee of mutual
assistance (attended by more than 100 people). The secretary of the
RLKSM cell, Titov, in his speech supported the opinion of the peasants
who spoke about the uselessness of a mutual assistance committee and
the need to organize a peasant union. With great difficulty, a resolution
was adopted on the need for a mutual assistance committee.
50
in case of a coup; they say that a ʺpeasant unionʺ and a ʺpeasant
congressʺ are necessary.
Tula lips. Peasants of some villages in the Serpukhov district of
Aleksinsky u. they say: ʺThe revolution is done, but not for the
peasantry.ʺ In with. Serawi peasants talk about the need to create
peasant unions. Here the peasants say that the worker lives well,
receives a decent salary, receives free medical treatment and a number
of other benefits. All this is due to the fact that workers have their own
unions that protect their interests. The unions are fighting to raise
workersʹ wages, regardless of the fact that factory goods are expensive
for the peasants. The peasants hope that the union will give them the
opportunity to get rid of heavy taxes. The idea of organizing a union
belongs to the peasants working in Moscow.
Oryol lips. At meetings in Lomovskaya parish. (Orlovsky u.) On the re‐
election of the KVP, there were such statements by the kulaks: why the
government will not allow peasant unions, in general, the power is not
workersʹ and peasants, but only workers, that the peasants have no
advantages. The same was noted for Ryabinskaya Vol. Orlovsky u.
Northwest. Karelia. In Karlovskaya parish. on the part of an organized
group of kulaks at the Congress there were calls for the creation of a
peasant union. At the same time, it was pointed out that the existing
ʺUnion of Land and Forestʺ is not for the peasants.
West. Belarus. Chairman of the CCWS with. Crackers of the Mogilev
district are campaigning for the creation of peasant unions. He proves
to the peasants that the tax is heavy and ruins them and that the task of
the peasant unions should be to improve the peasant farms. Among the
poor, this agitation, like the chairman himself, does not enjoy success,
since, as chairman of the KKOV, he does not meet the poor,
encouraging the kulaks (in particular, issuing them certificates for
obtaining timber).
A similar case took place in the town of Pugachev, where, after a lecture
by one of the UZU agronomists, the local Tatars present at the lecture
decided to organize a peasant union, in which 25 people immediately
signed up and a bureau was elected.
5. Typical cases of terror
52
West. Gomel province. In the village. Shumilovka Churovichy
parish Novozybkovsky u. while carrying out land management, the
land management commissioner was shot through a window, another
commissioner was wounded by a shot through the window. An
unsuccessful attempt was made on the third plenipotentiary, a note was
thrown at the fourth plenipotentiary, which stated: ʺWe do not want
land management, and if you carry out, you will be killed or completely
burned.ʺ In with. Larishchevo on the basis of land management burned
down the barn of the pre‐village council.
Smolensk lips. In the Nardom village. Novo‐Derebush Roslavl parish at
the play, a local Komsomol member was wounded by a dagger by a
former gendarme, and currently the tenant of the former landownerʹs
estate.
Kirkrai. Orenburg province. In the Orenburg u. During the re‐election
of the village council, a group of kulaks called the chairman of the
village council into a shinok, beat him, offering him either to refuse the
post of the pre‐village council, or to work together with the kulaks
against the poor peasants, otherwise threatening with murder.
Siberia. Altai lips. On the night of January 9, a group of kulaks
with. Voevodsky Biysk district an armed ambush was set up with the
aim of killing the pre‐village council, the secretary of the cell and the
policeman during a detour of the village to restore order in connection
with the debauchery and drunkenness at Christmas. After returning
from a detour, rifle fire was opened at them from an ambush, which
lasted 20 minutes. Of the shooters, a poor peasant was captured, bribed
by his kulaks; the kulaks, who were in ambush, disappeared (for the
terror movement in January 1925, see Table 6).
53
6. The struggle of the kulaks and clergy against the cultural
organizations of the village
Centre. Kursk lips. In with. Small Settlement S. Oskolsky u. the priest,
dissatisfied with the confiscation of his apartment for the hut‐reading
room, during the divine service in the church asked the citizens to
relocate the village council to the old place, and close the hut‐reading
room, since they do not educate, but corrupt, and no one else will come
out of there, but bandits who will kill believers. On the same day, the
church tutor gathered a crowd of peasants and declared that ʺin 1918
we dispersed the committees of mutual assistance, and now letʹs
disperse the village council, throw its property out of the priestʹs hut,
and close the reading room.ʺ
Kostroma lips. In Sidorovskaya Vol. kulaks told the pioneer detachment
organized here that there would soon be a war and the pioneers would
be hanged along with the communists. The growth of the detachment
stopped because of this.
Kirkrai. Aktobe province. In Martuk parish. the priest discouraged non‐
partisan youth from going to a performance staged by a cell of the
RLKSM. He rewrote those who went to the play and in the morning,
calling their parents, pointed out to the latter the depravity of their
children.
54
same priest, when meeting with children, checks whether they have
crosses on their necks.
Bashkiria. In the village. Alexandrova (Russian) Vanysh‐Alkautovskoy
vol. In the Birsk canton, the kulaks took over the hut‐reading room,
putting the son of the kulak there, who keeps all literature in a closed
chest and positively does not do any work. The kulaks are carrying on
anti‐Soviet agitation in the volost.
Siberia. Yenisei province. According to the agitation of the local priest
Gordeev, 20 people were discharged from the organized pioneer
detachment at AchRIK of 30 people. Pop said that ʺin a coup, all the
pioneers will be shot.ʺ
Kansky u. In with. Antsyr, under the influence of priestʹs agitation, the
peasants beat their children for joining the pioneer groups.
7. Anti‐Soviet sentiments of rural youth
Centre. Tula lips. At the ceremonial meeting of the Komsomol with the
pre‐conscripts of the Odoyevsky district, a note was submitted to the
presidium with the following content: “You are only capable of
promises, but you will have to get it someday — itʹs all sweet. You look
at everything ‐ if only you feel good, you fight the tax in kind into 3
skins, saturating your womb. This is arbitrariness over us, and you also
want protection from us. If only there was a war, then we will talk
differently”. This is observed among the peasants of the entire region.
Ryazan lips. Returned from treatment [from] Moscow, a member of the
RLKSM of the Tolstoy cell of Ryazhsky u. Evstigneev Pavel
55
Martinovich spreads rumors among the population that “the Soviet
power became bureaucratic and broke away not only from the
peasants, but even from the workers. It crushes peasants and merchants
with unbearable taxes, and all the income that comes to the Republic is
spent not on the needs of the people, but on the construction of various
power plants, etc. The Soviet government earlier promised not to wage
any war, but itself, by the way, is arming itself and does not take into
account the people at all, involving them in the war, moreover, Soviet
newspapers report only one lie. ʺ
Northwest. Leningrad province. In some volosts of Luga u. a noticeable
Socialist‐Revolutionary mood (Kologorodskaya Vol.). In with. Smerda
peasant youth have a desire to create their own unions, not wanting to
merge with the neighboring Komsomol organization, motivating their
refusal by the low cultural level of the Komsomol organization. In
Gdovskiy u. in Lositskaya par. in the Estonian Beshkovo region, which
has a White Guard past behind it in 1919, an organization of 15 Estonian
youth was formed from the children of wealthy local farmers. The
organization pursues the goal of national isolation with a cultural bias
under the banner of non‐partisanship. The created choir serves both the
circle and the church with which this organization is closely
connected. Attempts by the wolf to improve this organization were not
crowned with success.
Siberia. A former Komsomol member separated from the RLKSM at a
meeting of the village. Ksenovki of Omsk u., Kukley said: “The Soviet
government drove the peasantry into a dead end, there is no way out,
he considers it like cattle to be both dark and irresponsible, from which
one can collect, but give nothing. The peasantry is driven into a corral
and there is nowhere to go further. ʺ At the same time, he definitely
56
expresses the idea that the peasantry will rise and sweep away
everything that is unclean.
In with. Antites Biyskiy u. kulak youth burst into the red corner of the
club and school, destroyed the portraits of the leaders, all school
textbooks, all available literature and, tearing up the banner of the
Komsomol cell, threw it into the apartment of a demobilized Red Army
soldier.
8. Anti‐Soviet agitation
Citizens, now each of you knows that the Bolsheviks are the invaders
of power. After the overthrow of the Bolsheviks, elections to the
Constituent Assembly will begin immediately. The land will be taken
from state farms and communes and transferred to the peasants. The
peasant forests will again be returned to the peasants.
Peasants. Enough to suffer from the yoke of the Bolsheviks. Enough for
you to bend your necks in front of every villain.
Citizens get ready to engage in open battle with the Bolshevik
communist bastard.
Wake up, Russian people.
Cast aside the shameful yoke of the Jews. ʺ
Moscow province. Egoryevsky u. In Krasnovskaya vol., Especially in the
villages of Belino‐Bikeyskoe, Krasnoe, Spas‐Preobrazhenie, Balavino
and Khalturino, there is a dominance of kulaks, who everywhere try to
disrupt all meetings and events of the Soviet government. The fist is
57
especially prominent. Belino Lebedev (former manufacturer), who
everywhere agitates that Soviet power will soon be overthrown.
Tula lips. Among the peasants who come to the town of Odoev to see
the merchant Osipovʹs kruporushka, the last rumor spreads that Soviet
power is in the balance. The communist mood is alarming. In Tula,
1,500 workers were fired and replaced by Chinese. In the center,
complete disintegration, soon the Socialist‐Revolutionaries will be in
power.
KASSR. Citizen of the city of Lakhta, Tulomozero parish. Olonetsky at
a general meeting of citizens, Vlasov openly campaigned against the
tax, saying: “Here you have both Soviet power and your conquests. At
every step, the executive committee threatens with an inventory of
property for non‐payment of tax. The Communist Party is good. All the
juices are squeezed out of you. Worse than the old regime. ʺ Most of the
meeting was on the side of Vlasov.
Soloviev
APPENDIX 5
TAX CAMPAIGN
1. The severity of the tax
58
Centre. Ryazan lips. In many volosts of Ranenburgsky u. a number of
peasant farms, which in the summer had 2 horses, 2 cows, 10‐15 sheep,
almost all livestock, both large and small, were sold, and at the moment
they have one horse and one cow left, some are turning into horseless.
Along the Boretskaya and Saraevskaya volosts of Ryazhsky u. the tax
is fulfilled by 45%. The tax has a strong impact on poor
households. Livestock is destroyed for lack of feed. It is assumed that
in this area the tax will be fulfilled by 70%, and by the poor by 30%, and
then with certain efforts.
Oryol lips. Due to the lack of livestock and bread among the poor of the
Malo Arkhangelsk and Oryol districts, they pay tax by selling small
livestock and clothing.
Kaluga lips. (Letter from the village to the Red Army): “The peasants
have a lot of resentment against the authorities. This year the harvest is
bad, and the peasants cannot afford taxes, if they do not pay ‐ they
describe livestock and property; it is necessary that they take the last
cattle. If you want to deal with the law on tax collection, then first you
need to ʺtreatʺ or ʺpayʺ the clerk for the application. ʺ
Kiev province. Due to the severity of the tax, criminality is developing
among the peasants of the Koshevatsky district.
North Caucasus. Kuban District. The following conclusion was made
at the meeting of the Korenovsky district fintroyka: ʺThe collection of
the unified agricultural tax 71 entered the period when this work turns
into a factor of undermining the peasant economy, since the entire
59
burden of compulsory collection now falls on the poor and part of the
middle peasants who are underpaid.ʺ The fintroyka informed the
okrfintroika about its decision.
Penza lips. The poorest part of the population in lean areas sells
livestock on a massive scale to pay taxes. 50% of the population of these
areas by the beginning of 1925 will be left without bread.
Siberia. Tomsk lips. (From a letter to the Red Army): “Our tax is too
heavy and from the very first time it is very painful for the peasants to
have no money and a poor harvest of grain. Some peasants come to the
village council in advance and declare that they will not pay, since only
5‐6 sacks of grain have been threshed, and the tax is 20‐30 rubles. ʺ
2. Changing the timing of payment of taxes
Centre. Tula lips. In connection with the change in the timing of the
tax, the peasants of the Krasnoluysky district of the Bogoroditsky
district. they say that serfdom became almost worse for them, they were
completely robbed; the supreme power sets long terms, and the county
authorities cancel it.
Kaluga lips. In Tarusa u. in the village. Teterskoe Vysokinichi parish at
the end of December, at a village meeting, citizens decided to go to
Tarusa to the market on Sunday on 15 carts with hay, cattle and bread,
take long poles on the front and rear carts, stretch 30 yards of canvas
across all carts and write on it: “No matter how much we are going to
sell our belongings for agricultural tax for the USSR, without waiting
for January 1,” but the demonstration did not take place by timely
measures. With this demonstration, the peasantry mainly wanted to
emphasize their dissatisfaction with the change in the timing of the
payment of the second installment.
Ryazan lips. In Zaraiskiy u. the troika for the implementation of the
unified agricultural tax issued an order that 90% of the annual target be
fulfilled by November, which caused the entire population to panic.
60
Tambov province. The Gryazinsky Volost Executive Committee
announced the introduction of the tax on the third and fourth terms by
January 10. In this regard, the peasants declare: “Why did they give us
payroll sheets. They indicate certain deadlines, meanwhile now every
day every day is reducing these terms, forcing to sell all the cattle. ʺ
Northwest Territory. Novgorod province. Due to the change in the tax
payment deadline and the transfer of it instead of January 1 to
December 1 in Demyansk district. they say: “They deceive us and do
not give us the opportunity to recover; the authorities probably needed
to urgently pay an indemnity abroad, or they celebrated a lot. ʺ
Ural. Ural region the peasants are unhappy with the timing of the
payment of the agricultural tax. In the Ishim district, the peasants say:
“We cannot pay such large amounts of tax for the whole year for 3‐
4 months. Under the tsar, taxes were paid no less, but it was easier since
they were collected gradually”.
3. Suicide motivated by repression
61
North Caucasus. Kuban District. The severity of the tax has recently
been falling mainly on the poor and a small part of the middle peasants
who have remained among the non‐payers. In the Staro‐
Nizhnesteblievskaya stc. Popovichesky district, there was a case when
a peasant, whose property was described in payment of tax, hanged
himself because of this.
Siberia. Yenisei province. In the Uyarsk district, a judge of the 5th plot
sentenced a middle peasant village to 6 monthsʹ imprisonment with full
payment of tax. Novonikolaevka. This middle peasant committed
suicide.
4. Tax waivers
Centre. Tambov province. In the Rasskazovsky district of the Tambov
district there are cases of refusal to pay tax; Those who refuse definitely
declare: ʺWe will not pay tax, because we have nothing.ʺ
62
Volga region. Penza lips. In with. Salma Eremeevskaya
parish Saransky u. the peasantry categorically refused to pay
agricultural tax. Property confiscation was applied to ʹ/ 3 of the
population. The peasants say: ʺIt is better to take away the property,
and we will not die of hunger.ʺ
Far East. Primorskaya lips. In the Kalinin parish. Spassky u. there was a
collective refusal to accept salary sheets from the Mongugai labor artel
of fishermen, headed by the former white officer Pronin. In
with. Shkotovo (taxed according to the 8th grade) and with. Novitsky
Vladivostok u. there were attempts of collective refusal on the part of
20 people to pay tax and receive salary slips.
5. Absence of a class line in tax collection
Kaluga lips. The discontent of the peasants is caused by, in their
opinion, the incorrect distribution of tax benefits as a bonus for the
rational organization of agriculture; these privileges are received by
individual farmers and former landowners who have the opportunity
to sow their plots with grass seeds. In Meshchovsky. Novosilsky
parish near the village. Slovukhino, the former landowner, is currently
assigned 45 dess. land, 24 dess. he sowed grass seeds and thereby
exempted the land from tax. He pays the total agricultural tax 100
rubles.
Voronezh province. In with. Keys of Nizhne‐Devitsky u. tax exemptions
were given to 4 kulaks, and privileges were not provided to one widow
with children.
Northwest Territory. Pskov province. In Nevelskoy, the poor point to
an uneven layout, stating that last year they paid an average of 10
rubles, they pay the same this year, while the well‐to‐do, who paid 80‐
90 rubles last year, now pay 50 ‐60 RUB
Volga region. Tartary. On the part of the Sarmanovsky VIK of the
Chelninsky canton, a gross error was revealed in relation to the
calculation of tax on individual farms. In the villages of Bulgars and
Rangazar, the poor are taxed more than the wealthy, in the
village. Chukmarlakh Red Army men were included as eaters one for
two, and thus the families of the Red Army instead of benefits received
re‐taxation. As a result, the population, instead of paying the tax, goes
to the VIC with complaints about such improper taxation.
6. Failure to provide benefits to families of Red Army soldiers
Centre. Ryazan lips. In with. Sasovskiyʹs care describes the last cow of
the mother of the Red Army. In Ryazhsky district the last horse was
taken from the father of the Red Army soldier. From Skopin
parish. Ryazhsky a citizen writes to his son, a Red Army soldier: ʺThe
tax is collected from the families of the Red Army in full and with
severity, if he does not pay on time, then they describe all the property.ʺ
Kursk lips. There is discontent of the families of the Red Army men
towards the local authorities for the fact that they do not take measures
to add part of the tax as from the families of the Red Army
soldiers. Peasant s. Salskoe Lgovskiy u. writes to his son: “I showed the
certificate about the pre‐village council tax, but he did not pay attention,
I don’t know where to go next.” Such letters are frequent.
Volga region. Ulyanovsk province. From s. Sobakino of the Ulyanovsk
province. one writes to the Red Army the following: ʺI paid 30 rubles in
kind, they demand it strongly, take away property, and no one has any
incentives, the certificate you sent for exemption from tax was recently
returned back, they do not pay any attention.ʺ
Samara lips. From the village. The peasant writes to his son Zubovka in
the Red Army: ʺThe society does not help the Red Army families very
well; the certificates you sent for various benefits are not paid attention,
our chairman is rich.ʺ
Penza lips. In Pyatinskaya parish. Saransky u. On the part of the VIC
chairman, there is a tendency towards the general confiscation of
65
property from non‐payers, regardless of the families of the Red Army
soldiers and who filed applications for a tax cut. The local authorities
attribute all such unauthorized actions to the higher authorities.
Siberia. Altai lips. (From a letter to the Red Army): “The tax is
unbearable today, there is nowhere to take, cheap bread ‐ 50‐60
kopecks. pood, but the authorities do not look at our shortcomings,
they say ‐ give it up, otherwise we will describe the property, and it is
not considered that the family is a Red Army soldier, and do not give
any benefits. ʺ
Irkutsk lips. “Life is very bad. They took a cow from us for last yearʹs
tax. Grishka the tailor and some policeman came and asked: ʺYou will
pay the tax,ʺ and my father says that I will not, since I have no bread,
then they said that they would take a cow from us. The father tells them
that they have no right, my son serves in the Red Army, and they are
again theirs. We went into the yard and only asked which one to take. I
told them: ʺYour will, whatever you want.ʺ
7. Arbitrariness in the collection of taxes
In with. Tatarshchino, after the court session, went out into the street
and sang: ʺWe will boldly go into battle for the power of agents, we will
take off 100 percent of the agricultural tax.ʺ
The chairman of the Korshevsky district council of the Lipetsk district,
collecting agricultural tax, was drunk. Going into the house of a widow
and, when the latter declared that she had nothing to pay, he climbed
into the stove, took out the cast iron with cabbage soup, and, having
66
poured out the last, took the last cast iron in tax. He also took the last
ax from one poor man for non‐payment of tax.
North Caucasus. Kuban District. In stts. A free‐standing farmer from a
low‐power farm had to take 20 poods to pay off the tax. barley and 2
sheep. The militiaman who came to collect what was described decided
to take the peasantʹs horse. At the latterʹs protests, the policeman
punched him in the face. The neighbors who screamed, said that even
the gendarmes under the tsar did not treat the peasants like that.
67
response to the womanʹs protest that this was her last dress, the drunk
chairman began to beat her.
8. Penalties
Centre. Ryazan lips. Sharp dissatisfaction of the peasants is caused by
the collection of fines for not paying the tax in full. In with. Tolstovsky
Ostafievsky parish. a middle peasant who did not pay 2 rubles in
addition was fined 20 rubles, another peasant for non‐payment of 60
kopecks. was fined 5 rubles.
Volga region. Bashkiria. In the volosts of the Ufa canton 74, a fine of 1
ruble was imposed. up to 15 rubles. In Mesyagutovskoy parish. the
same canton a fine was imposed from 20 to 25 rubles.
Ural. Ural region In the Ishim district, there are cases when a peasant
for non‐payment of 5 rubles. tax, a fine of 10 rubles is imposed, and in
the Berdyuzhsky and Vikulovsky districts of the same district, for
underpayment of 5 kopecks. a fine of 5 rubles is imposed. A haphazard
imposition of fines on taxpayers in the Turinsky region of the Irbit
68
district, the number of which reaches 1,354 rubles. on 214 farms, causes
dissatisfaction among the poor, because in all districts of the okrug,
non‐payers are mostly the poorest farms.
9. Fees in the village
North Caucasus. Black Sea District. The peasants are dissatisfied with
the large number of different fees and taxes. Particular discontent is
caused by the mandatory distribution of the state flag at a price of 4
rubles. 60 kopecks thing.
In Uch‐Dera, in addition to the agricultural tax and state insurance, the
peasants have to pay: to heat the school fathoms from the heart, to light
the school for 2 kopecks. from the soul, to the first‐aid post 20
kopecks. from labor, for heating the executive committee 10
kopecks. from labor, repair of local roads ‐ 6 days to work, for the
maintenance of the authorized Council ‐ 3 rubles. from each village. In
addition, a one‐time fee for the repair of schools, KKOV, for the
maintenance of a teacher, etc.
Siberia. Omsk lips. The chairman of the Pavlograd Regional Executive
Committee Omuezd suggested keeping the Yamshchyna at his own
expense, saying: ʺFind the means as you wish.ʺ For this, the peasants
carried out self‐taxation by levying the head of cattle in
69
6 pounds, wheat, and they say: ʺThis is how they treat us, not by
washing, so by rolling, but man, come on.ʺ
10. Taxes on handicraftsmen and on waste trades
11. Fees in the city
North Caucasus. Black Sea District. When a pig is sold at the city
market to Hut peasants. Kolikha has to pay 15 kopecks. for the
certificate, 50 kopecks. from a pood for veterinary inspection and, in
addition, to the team of killers for slaughter.
Secretary of the Information Department Soloviev
APPENDIX 6
LAND QUESTION
70
1. Weakness of work on land management
Centre. Kaluga lips. Due to the lack of land surveyors between rural
communities, there is a struggle to attract land surveyors to their
side. Stronger societies as a result of this struggle are primarily
responsible for land management.
Western edge. Gomel province. In Bragin parish. Rechitsky u. peasants
express dissatisfaction with the work of the RCD, which keeps plans for
a long time and does not send land surveyors to work.
2. The high cost of land management work
71
out with the help of the police, which makes an inventory of the
property of the defaulters up to their outerwear. UZU refuses to grant
an extension.
Tersk district. In the Mozdok region, land management has been carried
out since 1921 at the expense of the population, as a result, during all
this time, only 7% of the area and 9% of the population have been
landscaped ‐ exclusively kulaks and wealthy middle peasants. In the
future, the poor will not be able to carry out land management without
the government providing special funds.
Black Sea District. Due to the lack of funds, land management in the
villages of Praskovyevka and Georgievskoye is hampered; in the latter,
the peasants decided to apply for land management at the expense of
the state.
Volga region. Tsaritsyn province. The majority of the peasantry lost all
hope of carrying out land management due to lack of funds. In some
villages (Dubovka, Kolobovka and Leninsk), temporary redistribution
of land was partially carried out. In Vladimirovka and Novy Elton, the
work is not completed, since there was not enough money, as a result,
the peasants do not know where and how much they will have to sow.
3. Conducting land management in favor of the kulaks
72
with which der. Fedorovka filed an application for redistribution four
months ago, and has not received any answer to this day. The kulaks of
this village in every possible way inhibit the redistribution, for the poor
want to take the allotted kulak land and divide it according to the
eaters. To all the peasantsʹ requests to speed up the redistribution, a
member of the land commission replies: ʺYou have complained to the
district, so ask in the district.ʺ
Kursk lips. In the village. Alekseevka Shchigrovsky u. society decided
to give the estate of the deceased peasant to the poor; the brother of the
deceased ‐ the kulak initiated a case in the volost, and as a result the
poor man had to give in; the peasants say: ʺAs they used to reap us,
they will reap us.ʺ
Vologda province. January 15 in the village. Ugryumovo Kurakinskaya
vol. the poor passed a resolution on the equalization of the
redistribution of land and the transition to a multi‐field. The volost
zemkomiss, despite the protest of a handful of kulaks, approved the
decree of the poor, but the local committee passed a decree in favor of
the kulaks, canceling the decree of the poor.
Black Sea District. In stts. Anapa, up to 20 low‐power farms received
land plots 10‐12 versts from the village.
73
4. Resistance of the kulaks to land management
Centre. Kaluga lips. In with. Lamb Feet Mosalsky the peasants, under
the influence of the agitation of the pre‐village council — the
demobilized Red Army soldier — decided to go over to the
fourfields. Kulaks and merchants agitated against this, who
intimidated the peasants with difficult conditions and high expenses
during the transition to the multifield. In addition, they said that the
old people lived in the threefields and were not poor. As a result, the
peasants refused.
West. Gomel province. In with. Terenichah of Gomel u. the kulaks are
trying to tighten land surveying work in order to sow in the spring
according to the old plan.
Chernihiv province. In the Konotop district, due to the opposition of the
kulaks, land management is practically not carried out.
5. Former landowners
Centre. Moscow province. In the Ulyanovsk parish. Moscow u. there is
an agricultural collective ʺBrotherhood of industriousnessʺ, which
consists exclusively of the Shuvalov and Parshin families (former
landowners). In 1924, the aforementioned collective did not plow the
sowing at all, which caused strong criticism among the peasants.
Tula lips. During the campaign of eviction of former landowners, 625
former landowners were counted, 410 were evicted, and dismissed
from Soviet institutions 73. Their property status before the revolution:
202 landowners had 50‐100 dess., 142 [had] 100‐200 dess., 65
[landowners] ‐ 200 ‐300 dec. and 50 had more than 300 dess.
Oryol lips. In total, there are 131 former landowners in the province. 13
people are employed in state farms, pedigree farms and various
bases. The rest are engaged in agriculture, and the majority (46 people)
use hired labor in whole or in part. Most live in their former estates.
Northwest Territory. Pskov province. In total, there are 300 landowners
and their families registered in the province, of which 250 families live
in their former estates and use the land norm. 145 families are subject
to eviction from estates and deprivation of land allotments, 24 families
are to be evicted from the county and 19 families from the
province. According to Novo‐Rzhevsky district as soon as they began
to describe the property of some landowners, a whole series of
75
telegrams poured in with a petition to suspend the eviction until further
notice from the center from many party members and even entire cells.
North Caucasus. Taganrog District. In the village. Former landowners
Zadorozhny and Marokova live in Alexandria‐Kolos of Nikolaevsky
district, and in the former Neklinovsky ‐ Sharonov, Brodchenko and
Grekov. They have lands of 25‐40 dess. and, besides, the manor. Some
of them exploit workers, while others, like Grekov, even rent land from
the state fund and, without cultivating it themselves, lease it to
peasants. The landlords enjoy authority among the kulaks.
6. State farms
Tambov province. Between the population of Gromovskaya parish. and
the state farm ʺAtormaʺ there are aggravated relations, on this soil in
the state farm three haystacks of spring feed were burned. The
population declares that it is so necessary that there was nothing to feed
the cattle ʺred landownersʺ.
76
Kursk lips. Peasants of Shchigrovsky u. they are outraged by the fact
that the administration of the state farm is handing over land for
cultivation to the use of peasants, mostly kulaks and former
landowners for good bribes. In Cheremisinovskaya Vol. the state farm
was given to a former landowner for the processing of beetroot
plantations.
Ryazan lips. At der. Nomad of Ryazan u. there is a state farm, 100
dess. whose lands are still in an abandoned state, are not cultivated or
fertilized. The peasants say that the state would benefit more if this land
were transferred to them, the peasants.
Vyatka lips. Many state farms are on the eve of liquidation. All of them
are heavily indebted to the Provincial Land Administration,
Gubstrakhkassa, State Bank and other institutions.
In the state farm ʺProkopyevkaʺ Gomel u. the manager plunders the
property of the state farm; so, he repaired and sent 2 state farm carts to
his family and regularly sent food; the peasants who know this are
unhappy.
APPENDIX No. 7
LOWER APPARATUS
1. Connection with fists
Kostroma lips. In the Sarajevo VIK of the Nerekhtsky district a member
of the VIC ‐ a communist supplies timber primarily to the kulaks.
Teterinsky VIK of Nerekhtsky district handed over the drink and the
removal of firewood to the kulak. Kulak transferred the work to others,
making a profit on it. The peasant artel of the same volost asked to hand
over this contract to her, but the VIK refused, giving it to the kulak.
Kirkrai. Ural lips. In the volosts of Dzhabeitinsky u. the poor come to
the VIC every day to complain that they are starving. Buyers are
unfriendly to taxation. In aul No. 3, the latter, led by the former
chairman of the VIC, announced that they would not give bread to the
KKOV fund.
78
part in the commission for unloading the St. George school, he excluded
only the children of poor families.
Yenisei province. In Achinsk u. in with. During the patronal feast, Little
Imysh was brought 30 miles away by the priest, for which they collected
more than 3 carts of bread and various food. The pre‐village council
took an active part in this, assisting the priest in dressing carts for the
sale of products.
Far East. Primorskaya lips. The chairman of the Spassky VIK, when he
reported about the concealment by his relatives‐kulaks of objects of
taxation, betrayed to the kulaks the peasant who revealed the
concealment.
2. Debris
Secretary of the Theological VIC Ranenburgsky in tsarist times he was
the secretary of the Dankovsky police department. Chairman of the
Gryaznovsky village council Astapov vol. served before the revolution
in Moscow as a policeman.
Tverskaya lips. Ilgoschinsky District Council. The son of a former kulak
was elected chairman of the village council, and a priest as secretary.
79
Revolutionary, one former kulak, deprived of part of his land in 1919,
one woman, the wife of a bandit who is currently in Estonia, engaged
in forcing moonshine, and one fist that took part in green gangs in 1919.
3. Arbitrariness and rudeness
Volga region. Autonomous Mordovian Republic. In with. Pereyme of the
Balta region committed suicide by the local pre‐village council,
explaining in the letter he left the reason for the suicide by bureaucracy
and unfair pressure on him from the Balta chairman of the VIC, who
forced to deflate the tax due from the peasants at all costs, and on his
80
instructions that there was Several real poor people who need to be
freed, the chairman of the VIC allegedly replied: ʺIf you hang everyone,
you will collect the tax.ʺ The audited affairs of the pre‐village council
were found in order.
North Caucasus. Tersk district. Pressel Council with. Sablino is rude to
the peasantry, swears at the marketplace, accusing everyone of counter‐
revolution. By arbitrary arrests, he led to the fact that many residents
talk about Sablinskaya Dymovka 79 and are going to send a complaint
to the district. The population is especially embittered by fines imposed
in the most reckless manner and untimely payment for reclamation
work. The chairman gives the funds received for this for circulation in
the EPO, returning them very carelessly.
Kirkrai. Ural lips. In Chizhinskaya Vol. Uralsky u. the chairman of the
VIK, a member of the RCP, against the hostessʹs wishes, moved into her
house, fed his cattle with hay, stoked her with wood, without paying
anything. Taking advantage of his position, he also expelled one
peasant from the house that had just been bought by the latter and is
currently living in it himself.
Oirot region the chairman of the Syurinsky village council of the Lyubets
aimak, having appeared at the house of the peasant woman Kadatova,
began to demand arrears unknown to her, and when Kadatova was
about to go to her neighbor for money, the pre‐village council locked
the door, grabbed her by the hair, began to whip her and raped her.
81
4. Abuse and waste
Nizhny Novgorod province. Chairman of the Elizarovsky village council
of Pavlovsky u. spent 500 rubles. gold.
Oryol lips. Cashier of Stanovskaya Volkassy of Livenskiy u. spent 900
rubles.
Siberia. Altai lips. In with. Komarchino Chumyshsky district, Barnaul
u. The Presidential Council gives the tax and money collected from the
peasants to the local merchant for circulation.
Yenisei province. Waste of 200 rubles was found at the Tabatsky
Presidential Council. state money, and the chairman of the KKOV ‐ a
waste of 200 poods. of bread.
5. Waste in KKOV
In addition, the peasants indicate that under the threat of not supplying
the forest, they were charged 50 kopecks each. There, the Mutual Aid
Committee opened 2 tea shops, the head of which wasted 1,700 rubles.
82
Voronezh province. Former chairman of the Sredne‐Karachanskiy
KKOV Novo khoperskiy u. wasted 700 poods. of bread.
North Caucasus. Black Sea District. All L. Georgievskoe, during the re‐
election of the KKOV, it turned out that the monetary fund was
appropriated by the chairman (a former psalmist) 81.
6. Insufficient payment of the grassroots apparatus
North Caucasus. Dagestan. In most districts, there is discontent on the
part of employees for a meager salary: the secretary of the village
council (Samur village council) receives 7 rubles. per month. Due to the
insecurity of local workers, illegal extortions from peasants are noted
locally.
83
necessary to save in the budget at the expense of those receiving 300‐
500 rubles. per month and that the increase in salaries made recently for
workers of the grassroots soviet has actually affected only 2‐3
employees of the RIK, while the entire mass of co‐workers, who
actually support all the work, continue to remain in an extremely
difficult situation.
Yenisei province. (Kanskiy u.). Among the employees of RECs, there is
dissatisfaction with the low salary rates, expressed from 16 to 17
rubles. per month with the use of overtime.
Far East. Buryat region in some VICs and HIKs of the Troitsko‐Sava
aimag, the salaries of employees for the month of August have not yet
been paid, the rest of the aimags were satisfied only for October.
7. Bribery
Western edge. Belarus. The senior policeman of the Krupsky district of
the Borisov district, hiding the moonshiners, takes bribes. In the
village. Vyazok, having found a tub of moonshine brew in one of the
peasants, agreed for 10 poods. potatoes and a bottle of moonshine do
not take the case to court.
Volga region. Penza lips. In Chembarsky u. Chernyshevskaya Vol. the
police take bribes from the moonshiners. Police clerk, having arrived in
the village. Sipyagino, summoned the moonshiners, at which the
protocols were drawn up, and demanded bribes from them, and
demanded 3 rubles from the citizens of Krylova and Gorina. and forced
them to have sexual intercourse.
84
Samara lips. Arrived in Pugachev from Vitebsk province. Mr. Pisarev
turned to the chairman of the Prigorodny village council Tulaev for a
plot of land. Allocating the allotment, the pre‐council charged Pisarev
8 rubles, of which 2 rubles. 25 kopecks. in state revenue, and 5 rubles. 75
kopecks. left for himself for the trouble.
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 8
COOPERATION
Centre. Voronezh province. At a meeting of shareholders of the Nizhne‐
Melovatsky EPO Bogucharsky district. The shareholders protested
against the candidate for the chairman of the board sent by the Ukom,
declaring: ʺWell, we donʹt have our own, eh, communists.ʺ They
pointed out that the former chairman of the credit partnership left
without giving any report, and if he was their own, they would have
demanded a report from him. The meeting was stormy. At the proposal
of the wolf about providing one seat for the wolf, the meeting shouted:
ʺWe will give, just allow us to choose those party members we want.ʺ
85
behalf of a group of delegates headed by the agronomist Ippolitov,
objected to the candidacy put forward by the Samara Ukom of the RCP,
saying: “The party sends communists to the village not to work, but to
rob. Therefore, we do not need newcomers. ʺ
At the re‐election of the EPO board in the village. Korovinsky
Buguruslansky district a group of delegates demanded that the board
be elected from the assembly, and not from the RCP faction. After the
people proposed by the faction were elected, shouts were heard:
ʺWrong.ʺ ʺThe congress is being held under the dictatorship of the
Communist Party.ʺ
Siberia. Altai lips. In with. Mironovka Chumyshsky district of Barnaul
u. after the EPO chairman was elected ‐ a communist, 14 shareholders
were immediately discharged from the cooperative, who indicated that
ʺthey do not need a communist chairman, because he is poor, and if he
bargains, there will be nothing to take from him.ʺ In with. Gonbe
Pavlovsky district of Barnaul u. on the waste of a member, edited by
EPO 108 rubles. money belonging to the cooperatives, the peasantry
declares: ʺNow we will not elect a single party member to the
cooperative.ʺ
Yenisei province. During the re‐election of the board of the Maklakovsky
credit partnership, the list of candidates for board members was
disrupted at the initiative of the entire population since it categorically
refused to vote for the communists and Komsomol members.
2. The clogging of the apparatus with anti‐Soviet and kulak elements
87
for the church. He selects the best products for himself with a 5%
discount, which he sells on the market.
The board of a large Sarajevo cooperative includes: the chairman of the
board is a right‐wing Socialist‐Revolutionary, a middle peasant and 2
board members are middle peasants.
In the Spassky consumer society of Spassky u. on the board are SR
Ivantsev Sergei Ivanovich, his brother Mikhail Ivantsev, the son of
deacon Vinogradov and the sergeant Padlozov 84.
Tverskaya lips. In the board of a number of cooperatives of Kimrsky
u. priests and hucksters enter. According to Ostashkovsky u. on the
boards there are clergymen, former merchants, kulaks, former bailiffs
and police officers, former members of the party of the Cadets and
Socialist‐Revolutionaries. In the Tver province disabled cooperative
association under the guise of disabled people [into the board]
hucksters, police officers and policemen infiltrated [ 85].
Tula lips. During the re‐elections of the EPO Karachevsky u. two kulaks
passed to the board of the Pokrovsky and Lugovsky EPO. One of them
is a former policeman, the other was a participant in the March uprising
in 1920. These candidates entered the board at the insistence of the
district union instructor, despite the indignation and unwillingness of
the peasants to lead them.
Arkhangelsk lips. The recent re‐registration of agricultural partnerships
gave the following results: 28 partnerships with 6865 members were
88
surveyed. 341 people were expelled, of which 22 priests, 78 merchants,
27 fishermen, 5 former white officers, 31 former police officers, 10 large
owners, 39 hired workers, conducting anti‐cooperative campaigning
10, 39 moonshiners under trial 18, deprived of the right to vote 62 ...
Omsk lips. In the Nikolaev credit partnership of Omsk u. serve as
follows: accountant Chulaev ‐ a former large tsarist official, who in 1922
was sentenced to capital punishment for a fire in the Isilkul district
union, an accountant ‐ topographer Popov, who says that ʺhe lives in
the village only because there are no harmful party members there.ʺ
... In addition, Alekseev and Pugilov, former Cossack police officers,
serve in the partnership.
89
More than 100 similar facts about the composition of the boards of
cooperatives were received during the month.
3. Use of cooperation by private capital
In Klyuchevskoy Vol. Kotelnichesky a consumer society with up to 50
members was organized. The society was organized on the initiative of
the kulaks. The board includes former traders who entered into an
agreement with a private trader who contributed half of the capital to
the EPOʹs turnover and received 50% of the profits. The brothers of this
merchant are the clerks of the society and, using the confidence of the
board, conduct commercial transactions for their own purposes.
Vologda province. In the village. Monastery Totemsky u. next to EPO, a
private trader Markov trades, whose capital is increasing every day due
to the fact that he uses credits and loans from the Totem branch of
Gostorg, TPO in V. Ustyug and in Nyuksentsy of the North‐Dvinsk
province.
Ust‐Pechenskoe EPO in Kadnikovsky u. is in the hands of kulaks, since
all EPO funds are formed from deposits of 500 rubles, which belong to
a group of investors of 8 people. Thus, the kulaks turn over all the
90
affairs of the EPO, having everywhere both in the board and in the
technical apparatus ʺtheir own people.ʺ
4. Significant amount of membership fees
North Caucasus. Taganrog District. In the Golodaevsky District, there
is a weak involvement of the poorest peasantry in
cooperatives. Cooperative share 5 rubles. 60 kopecks; since no
installments are made, the poor are left behind.
Volga region. Penza lips. Existing in Ivanovka Krasnoslobodsky u. the
agricultural cooperative unites only the wealthy strata of the
peasantry. The established share contribution (15 rubles) closed access
91
to the poor. The cooperative has placed itself in a hostile position
towards the poor.
5. Lending by cooperation of kulaks
92
and middle peasants in most cases refuses a loan. Similar facts are
noted in the Duvan universal agricultural partnership of the
Mesyagutov canton.
Siberia. Omsk lips. In Bor‐Forpostovsky consumer society, due to the
negligence of the management of bad debts, there are up to 5800
rubles. The board refused the needy peasant 10 rubles, at the same time
giving mutually 100 rubles. to the priest Yartsev.
6. Mismanagement
Voronezh province. In the Verkhne‐ and Nizhne‐Karachanovsky EPO of
the Ostrogozhsky district. instead of kerosene, tar and salt, there are
perfumes, powder, crosses and rings.
Credit partnership with. Manino Bogucharsky u. cattle were purchased
from peasants, but the money for payment is delayed, which is reflected
in the receipt of agricultural tax.
North Caucasus. Black Sea District. Lazarevskoe EPO suffered a loss of
4500 rubles on blanks. As a result, peasants distrust the cooperative and
try to avoid it.
In EPO with. Arkhipo‐Osipovka in the board is exclusively kulaks and
former traders, with 22% of the overlap on working capital of 30,000
93
rubles. EPO earned only 500 rubles. Cases and reporting are terribly
confused, and the Revolutionary Commission refused to carry out an
audit, since it is still impossible to find out anything.
Kirkrai. Akmola province. In the village of Mikhailovsky, the peasants
handed over 20 thousand poods to the gubernia union. wheat, for
which they received goods instead of money. To pay the tax, they had
to sell the remaining bread.
7. Debts of cooperation employees
Centre. Moscow province. Bronnitsky u. There is a murmur of peasants
about the weak work of the Lobanovsky cooperative, in which all
members of the board have a large debt, namely: treasurer Baskakov ‐
1,700 rubles, accountant Shibryaev ‐ 500 rubles, board member Filatov
‐ 300 rubles, secretary of the RCP cell Smirnov ‐ 300 rubles ...
94
prices are much higher than those of private traders. Similar
phenomena are noted in Ush‐Sharkey vol.
8. Abuse, theft and waste
Yaroslavl lips. In EPO Kalinin parish. Rybinsky u. embezzlement in the
amount of 8000 rubles was found.
Tverskaya lips. In the Vezozhetskiy EPO, waste of 500 rubles was found,
Rovenitskiy ‐ 2,400 rubles, Svepushchenskiy ‐ 400 rubles, Kositskiy ‐ 150
rubles, Tomitskiy ‐ 300 rubles. In the Ilta agricultural company, the
audit revealed a shortage of goods in the amount of 172 rubles, in the
Ilgoschinsky EPO ‐ by 2000 rubles, in the Likhoslavl EPO by 2000
rubles.
95
Northwest Territory. Murmansk province. The board of the Umbsk
cooperative sent 600 poods. salmon to Leningrad, which was
accompanied by four people led by the precooperative. The escorts
spent a month and a half on this trip, as a result, they spent about 2,000
rubles for their purposes, which laid a heavy burden on the cooperative
as an overhead expense.
At a meeting of the members of the Zhitkurovsky EPO, the chairman of
the board announced that 3000 rubles had been spent on the trips of
board members. This message provoked a heated protest, as a result it
was explained that this included 1200 rubles stolen from one of the
board members; During the debate, the rest of the board members
protested against such a combination, stating that that member of the
board was sent by the RCP Ukom and they would not be responsible
for him.
Samara lips. A member of the board of the Perelyubsky EPO who was
sent to Samara to purchase goods did not buy goods, but the 1180 rubles
handed over to him. drank and wasted on their own needs.
96
Northwest. Leningrad province. On February 12, at the provincial
congress of cross‐coms, the disadvantages of lending were hotly
discussed by the participants in the debate, because the method of
issuing loans is extremely burdensome for the borrower. Of the 100
rubles issued, as it was revealed in the debate, the borrower received
66‐70 rubles in his hands, since, in addition to high interest at the rate
of 24% per annum, the purchase of two peasant shares at 5 rubles was
mandatory.
As a result, there are cases of refusal of the population from loans, and
often peasants apply to a credit partnership with a request to take a
mortgage or buy a share. At a general meeting, the peasants sneer evilly
at the peasant share, etc.
Siberia. Irkutsk lips. December (From a letter to the Red Army): “We
have opened an agricultural loan ... I think, wait, I’ll take it myself, and
if it’s useful, then we’ll write it out for my mother, otherwise I’m not
going to be in love, then only I will suffer, did so. They said that they
give a loan for 6 months, I wrote out 35 rubles for myself, began to
receive it, when it was issued, it turned out that the period was only for
4 months, then they calculated the interest ‐ 1 rubles. 60 kopecks, then
2 rubles in selcredit share. 60 kopecks and a peasant share of 10 rubles,
and here the shop debt ʺcooperativeʺ also calculated 5 rubles, and 20
rubles. failed ‐ this is the support of our pants. ʺ
Soloviev
97
APPENDIX No. 9
Why the RCP (Bolsheviks), carrying out the behests and ideas of the
great leaders Karl Marx and Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, is carrying them out
only in words and on paper, and not in deeds?
After all, our RCP (b) is the nucleus, vanguard and leader of the dark
workers and peasants of almost the whole world, and all of it emerged
from the workers ʹand peasantsʹ environment, having experienced the
exploitation of the capitalists and landowners, and having taken power
into its own hands, it also turned into in the exploiters, because less
worker and peasant work, and the content is too solid, and the higher
the post, the higher the content. Simply put, the party has become
heavily bureaucratic.
Where are those fighters for the proletarian revolution who led and
fought with the tsarist generals and the counter‐revolutionary gang,
that they are silent and allow their comrades to be
bureaucratic? Unfortunately, I suppose, most of them honestly fell in
battle, and apparently self‐seekers remained, and after singing a funeral
march about the fallen fighters who defended the revolution, they
began to settle down more warmly. Comrades, this revolution is far
from over, the foreign bourgeoisie can attack at any time, you have to
be prepared, you take this into account perfectly well, and in order to
be ready at any time and give a proper rebuff to foreign capitalists, you
need to enjoy the RCP (b) tremendous trust and sympathy labor
masses, which, unfortunately, is scarce in the countryside, and the
laboring masses in the USSR ‐ 75% of the peasantry, and in order to win
the sympathy of the peasantry,
In 1920, if I am not mistaken, Demyan Bedny wrote a poem, and from
it I well remember the following excerpt: ʺWe will give to each
according to his needs and we will take from each according to his
ability.ʺ Why now the responsible workers have not given their abilities
to the people for the usual necessary need ‐ to be well‐fed and dressed
... And this requires little. Letʹs take the best food, living for one person,
98
it will cost no more than 20 rubles. per month; based on this calculation,
letʹs put a person for a year at local prices:
6 poods rye flour 1 rub. RUB 6
6 ʺ‐ʺ grains ʺ‐ʺ 6 ʺ‐ʺ 36 ʺ‐ʺ
5 ʺ‐ʺ meat ʺ‐ʺ 6 ʺ‐ʺ 30 ʺ‐ʺ
1 ʺ‐ʺ sugar ʺ‐ʺ 16 ʺ‐ʺ
1 ʺ‐ʺ oils ʺ‐ʺ 16 ʺ‐ʺ
200 eggs 4 ʺ‐ʺ
Total: 108 rubles. in year
Yes, put the same amount on clothes, and everything will cost no more
than 20 rubles. a month, and at present, members of the executive
committee, as I heard, receive 112 rubles each, and in 1920, a member
of the PEC received maintenance in banknotes for one and a half poods
a month, and now, of course, about the province and the center,
Probably the big money‐boxes have been postponed for a rainy day ...
But the situation of the peasant has not improved so many times against
1920, as the party improved their position. And the workers 3 times
improved its position ‐ it is clear at least the following reasons: before
the war gave the peasant worker for one peck of bread 6‐7
arshins 87 calico, and at the same time the workers supported the class
of exploiters, manufacturers and their servants, and now the peasant
buys only 2‐3 arshins in exchange for a pood of bread. The October
Revolution gave the peasant little, although it promised a lot, it is true,
the peasant received the land, so the Soviet government beats such
taxes for it that the peasant is not happy with the land ‐ more than the
tsarist government; The tsarist government in our village used to collect
state fees of 300 rubles, the zemstvo fees ‐ 300 ‐ only 600 rubles, and the
Soviet government requires a single agricultural tax ‐ 2,576 rubles. 72
kopecks, and insurance of 392 rubles, this will cost 136 householders,
on average about 19 rubles. agricultural tax and about 3
rubles. insurance ‐ only 22 rubles. Moreover, indirect taxes are
practiced with might and main, and what the tsarist government gave
to the peasant and what the Soviet government gives can be seen from
the following comparison: there used to be a good school in the village
99
with two teachers and about 100 pupils, before a man went to the
hospital for all kinds of help free of charge, before a man walked and
traveled across the river to the town of Kologriv on a bridge bridge for
free, in 1907 the tsarist government in our village produced land
management in wide strips free of charge; but now there is no good
school in the village, it has burned down, the school is replaced by a
peasant hut, and then one and one school worker. There are about 50
students, and the Soviet government is not in a position to hire two
premises and support two school workers, supposedly half of the
children are studying ‐ they will liquidate illiteracy ... Medical care,
medicines are now for a fee, our peasant travels to the city across the
river by ferry, costs three hours in line and for this pleasure pays private
landlords two poods per summer season. And the poor Vonyukhovs
somehow organized themselves and agreed to redistribute the land and
replace the unprofitable three‐field with the correct crop rotation with
grass sowing, so the Soviet government demands 1 ruble each. 10
kopecks from a tithe, and for approximately 1000 acres of land in our
use ‐ 1100 rubles, and will not start work until we make a deposit of 1/3.
In my opinion, land surveying in our village costs no more than 150‐
200 rubles. This, comrades, is not good, the peasants, having smashed
the tsarist generals and bandits on all fronts, thought to improve their
position by doing this ‐ after all, the peasant sees it, only, of course, he
will not say soon, because he is downtrodden and intimidated; an old
man will die like a submissive brute like that, and the younger
generation, I believe, will point out all the shortcomings and perhaps
replace the communist party with cheaper non‐party workers if it does
not change its policy towards the peasant.
Why does the Communist Party, for example, not obligatory make the
transition from the three‐field to the multi‐field, or why does it not
oblige all citizens to be members of the cooperative, after all, the peasant
pays the agricultural tax and compulsory insurance, in the same way,
under pain of selling the last cow, he will pay the membership fee to
the cooperative, and will pay for land surveying, and sow clover, he
will soon be convinced of this benefit and will not require further
compulsion.
100
If the material condition of the peasant is improved, then it is not
difficult to eliminate illiteracy; at the present time, perhaps, it is useless
to send a village woman or girl to study if she has to work 16 hours to
satisfy her necessary, unpretentious needs to be well fed and dressed in
home clothes. per day, so, he will say, no time for training, comrade ...
And it is much easier to improve, at least partially by compulsion, the
peasant economy than to re‐educate the population with the help of
educational centers, because at present the population has absolutely
no time to engage in self‐education.
In our village, the population took into account the benefit of literacy,
if it seems possible to anyone, they have learned so and now they are
learning, only the bad thing is that there is nowhere to teach ... children
of school age have nowhere to teach.
Then, why the Soviet government does not give the local peasant‐
lumberjack wages ... Why the local government does not organize dark
lumberjacks in artels, but allows the peasant to be exploited by all kinds
of intermediaries who not only pay defectively meager wages, and
sometimes do not pay at all; We have as many facts as you want in our
village ... In my opinion, it would be necessary to do this: organize
lumberjacks in artels, provide them with a logging area on credit, and
let them work, and when they float and sell the timber themselves, then
collect the root cost and a small deduction to the treasury income from
the amount earned.
101
buy 5‐7 yards of chintz for a pood of bread ‐ this is often in our interests,
the interests of the peasant, and if we ourselves, i.e. peasants, let us not
strive for our interests, so none of us will improve the situation. In the
same way, a wide field of activity is given to the peasant and through
the committees of mutual assistance ‐ these are two purely peasant
organizations through which the peasant can put himself in an
independent position and achieve all kinds of improvements in his life
... Also, comrades peasants, I urge you to take seriously the upcoming
re‐elections because a lot in the fate of the middle peasant depends on
re‐elections. It is impossible to elect a well‐to‐do element to the Soviets,
because they will be deaf to the poor, for a well‐fed hungry will rarely
understand
Chairman of the village council of the Vonyukhovsky district
I. Veselov
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 10
PROTOCOL
Listened: The report on the work of the executive committee is made by
the representative of the executive committee, comrade Titorenko.
Resolved: After hearing the report on the work of the Chernigov
Provincial Executive Committee, the general meeting of citizens
recognizes the work for the past period 1923‐1924. satisfactory,
considers that for the current period the executive committee should
pay the most serious attention to the correction of defects on the
following issues.
a) Unified agricultural tax. The tax from year to year is heavy for the
peasants, ruining our economy. According to the press, it is clear from
the actions of the central, up to the district, authorities that it is precisely
102
the difficult situation in the village of the peasants that is not
understood. In the press we, the peasants, find the words of the
Peopleʹs Commissariat of Finance of Ukraine Comrade Kuznetsov on
the state of the tax campaign in the Chernihiv region, that everything is
going well, the peasant fulfills the tax easily, the administrative bodies
carry out their work correctly, orderly, painlessly and legally. We state
the opposite: the agricultural tax is carried out under strong pressure
from the instructions, this pressure did not affect the kulaks, who
fulfilled the tax in a timely manner, but the poor and middle peasants,
and it resulted in a gravity flow to the private market for a pittance of
agricultural products, industrial crops, livestock, horses, inventory and
even clothing; in other words, we peasants gave away everything
without which it is impossible to exist and to conduct
agriculture. Administrative bodies, when taking property from
defaulters, took the last cow from the poor, and the tablecloth and towel
from the widow. These cases took place in the village. Krasniy
Kolyadin, s. Krasny Kolyadin suffers from natural disasters from year
to year. This year, the entire area of spring and winter crops has
suffered from drought and has fallen out by 75‐100%, even the seeds
have not returned. The surrounding villages are also in this position.
All discounts do not improve the situation. It is necessary: to reduce the
tax to a minimum, and if it is possible ‐ to completely exempt from the
tax.
b) Provide early assistance with seed loans and cash loans.
c) Prohibit the seizure of property in areas affected by crop failure.
d) In the future, 1924‐1925. when imposing an agricultural tax, do not
consider cattle and horses to be taxed for tithes, but only an indicator of
the capacity of the farm.
e) Take decisive measures, up to and including bringing the
Dmitrievsky district administration to justice, which buys the
confiscated cattle and property for next to nothing.
If these measures are not urgently implemented, our farms will be
ruined to such an extent that we will not be able to restore them for
several years, and the administration will continue its criminal
activities.
103
On the land issue it is necessary:
a) Accelerate land management, because with our small land area,
farms are becoming impoverished.
b) With our solvency to increase the loans issued credit for land
management.
c) Unload the warehouses of agricultural machinery and implements,
providing them at nominal prices on a long‐term loan.
d) The Dmitrievsky district executive committee contains an area of
land of 60 dess. in Krasniy Kolyadin under the guise of a seed plot in
an ownerless state. This land is not plowed up, overgrown with weeds,
on this Rybudzheg loses 500 rubles. In addition, the district executive
committee has 3 dess. field land within the boundaries of the village
under the guise of an agricultural field is leased, and tenants lease it for
different crops. We demand the transfer of these plots to the company
with. Krasnoy Kolyadin in view of the lack of land, and the case for
mismanagement to transfer to the provincial prosecutor.
e) Dmitrievsky regional executive committee has made an inventory of
unallocated land plots for public use in the local budget, as in the
village. Krasniy Kolyadin, and throughout the district: rates, pastures
and cemeteries, while 64 st. Of the Criminal Code, all this should be
directly at the disposal of the community. We ask you to issue a decree
on the transfer of the aforementioned lands to the zemstvo community,
for this issue was raised, but the regional executive committee did not
pay any attention.
About the forest it is necessary:
a) Before the war, the peasantry used imported timber and building
material. During the revolution, buildings fell into complete
decay. Local former peasant forests have been cut down by 90%. Our
need is not satisfied even by 10%. There is no imported wood. It is
necessary for the gubernia executive committee to take care of the
delivery of such material from wooded areas at affordable prices for the
peasantry through lending through grassroots agricultural
cooperatives.
104
b) The remaining peasant forests in the dachas of Krasniy Kolyadin
should be put at the disposal of society as a matter of urgency.
c) In view of the crop failure this year, the population is not able to heat
itself, since there is not enough straw not only for heating, but also for
feeding livestock. From the report of the representative of the executive
committee it is clear that the executive committee released 150
dessiatins to meet the needs of the peasantry of Chernihiv
oblast. forests, so we ask you to urgently transfer a large amount of
forest to our treeless places.
For public education it is necessary:
a) The matter of public education, we are told, is another striking
question; the tax is collected and as can be seen from the report of the
executive committee, 32% is deducted from the local budget for this
purpose, but the village school is still not being repaired. No teaching
aids are provided. The cause of public education is at the freezing
point. The executive committee must urgently transfer the maintenance
of the school to the local budget.
For healthcare it is necessary:
a) The tasks of the Soviet government are to bring medicine closer to
the peasantry. But in fact, we notice that medical care is separated from
the peasantry, the peasantry does not have medical care. There are no
medicines at the outpatient clinics. Patients are treated with
prescriptions alone. S. Krasny Kolyadin, with the reduction of medical
areas, closed the hospital that had existed for 50 years. The hospital
building is new, fully equipped; we initiated a case before the health
department and the provincial health department for the restoration of
the hospital. According to available information, the provincial health
department released funds for the restoration of the hospital and the
maintenance of the doctor. Okrzdrav still retains funds and at the
expense of the Krasnokolyadinsky first‐aid post is expanding the
Dmitrievsky district medical center. Please draw the attention of the
provincial health inspectorate to the restoration in the village. Krasny
Kolyadin first‐aid post urgently.
The general meeting of citizens of Krasny Kolyadin hopes that the
gubernia executive committee will take urgent measures to correct
105
these defects and provide assistance to the peasantry. We know the
means of local budgets, [we know] that all responsible workers are
specialists who came from among the peasants and workers, and
moreover, most of them are Party workers, receive a fabulous salary
from the national treasury, 5 times or even more than workers. those
who strain health in factories and plants, and this is when we, the
peasants, are taken away every last thread on account of the tax, when
we, citizens, are torn off and freeze to death in unheated huts.
The peasantry will not allow such a phenomenon that some would
starve in the absolute sense, while others would take the tax and live on
a grand scale. He will not allow peasants to misfortune or ruining farms
to build their personal happiness and well‐being. This is a crime before
the revolution. To restore destroyed farms and strengthen Soviet
power, to link the city with the countryside, it is necessary, on the one
hand, to reduce the tax, and on the other hand, to reduce the highest
wage rates to the subsistence level of an employee and worker.
Secretary of Informo where State Political Administration
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 11
MOOD OF THE INTELLIGENCE
Tula lips. At a meeting of doctors, following a report on the events in
Estonia 89, a resolution was adopted to protest the atrocities of the
Estonian executioners. But when it was proposed to sign the protest,
about 60% of those present did not.
Kaluga lips. At a delegate meeting of teachers before the elections to the
city council, it was decided that if the list of teachers does not pass,
teachers should leave the meeting.
Yaroslavl lips. One of the teachers, during conversations in the hut‐
reading room, said to the peasants: ʺThe state exists solely on the means
of the peasants, and therefore the peasants live badly.ʺ
106
Volga region. Bashkiria. The Bashkir society for the dissemination of
natural history knowledge keeps itself apart from professional and
Soviet organizations. The attitude towards the communists is hostile.
The circle of friends of the art museum brings together the most
reactionary part of the intelligentsia. Access to the circle is only on the
recommendation of members. The circle has the character of a closed
club.
Ural. Ural region at the 1st regional congress of engineering and
technical forces, tendencies towards aristocratization of engineering
and technical sections were noted ‐ the exclusion of persons with less
than secondary education in them.
Tomsk lips. Some of the teachers dismissed during the purge are
campaigning among the kulaks for the removal of their children from
schools in which teachers are Komsomol teachers.
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 12
ORTHODOX CHURCHENS
It can be stated that by the indicated time, the Tikhonov church had
again acquired the form of an organic and ideological whole, if one does
not take into account the small number of episcopates opposed to
Tikhon and 91 autocephalists, also numerically insignificant.
107
It should be noted that the hierarchical apparatus of this group has been
restored in most provinces, although not completely. Almost every
province has a diocesan (provincial) bishop, and sometimes, moreover,
subordinate vicar (district) bishops. Maintaining written and live
communication with the patriarch, the leaders of the Tikhonovschina
in the localities strove not only to fill the entire staff of bishops, but also
to create more perfect ecclesiastical administrative bodies, similar to
diocesan administrations, sometimes seeking to legalize them, and
sometimes completely not turning them attention to this side.
Currently, there are the following, not registered with the relevant
Soviet bodies, but actually existing ecclesiastical administrative
institutions: the diocesan administration in the city of Nizhny
Novgorod, the council of priests in the Pskov province, the Tverskoe
UEU, the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk association of priests, the deanery
council with the functions of the EU in the Urals, some organs of the
same purpose in Siberia and others.
Among the newly appointed bishops there are often people who in the
recent past had very little relation to the priests, but who showed
themselves in anti‐Soviet activities. In this respect, the most striking
example is Bishop Sergius, consecrated by Metropolitan Sergius, a
former Tsarist officer, an active Kolchakist, who was a priest for only
two years.
In general, by now, the Tikhonovism is beginning to crystallize as a
group hostile to Soviet power, and the efforts of its leaders are directed
towards pulling up and grouping the anti‐Soviet element, not to
mention Tikhonʹs attempts to collect monasticism in monasteries and
make monasteries, by legalizing them, centers of a unifying nature. ... A
clear proof of the above can be provided by the parish councils, whose
members quite often include such monarchist‐minded persons as the
engineer Volzhansky (Siberia, Novonikolaevsk province), the doctor
Rafaelev (Yenisei province), the publisher in Kozlov during the
Mamontov raid 92 of the monarchist newspaper, citizen Chelikin
(Voronezh province), former princess Volkonskaya and former
landowner Gordenina (there are also the Popov brothers, one of whom
is a former Kornilovite 93 , and the other is a member of the Kuban
Rada 94 (Kuban), etc.)
108
Parish councils have played and are currently playing a major role in
the Tikhonov movement, supporting the latter financially, putting
pressure on the priests of the opposite camp in order to force them to
join Tikhon, throwing out unwanted renovation priests, etc.
The most far‐sighted Tikhonov bishops, taking into account that such
influence of these organizations may in the future turn out to be
disadvantageous for the Tikhonovschina itself, seek to limit their rights,
such as, for example, Metropolitan Sergius (N Izhegorodskaya
province) and Bishop John (Ufa), who forbade independent reception
and dismissal of clergymen by church councils.
The mood of parish councils and priests is very reactionary, which is
expressed in conversations about Kirill Vladimirovich (Semipalatinsk
province), the appearance of Olga Romanova in the Saratov convent,
agitation on the topic of taxes (North‐Dvinsk province), agitation about
persecution on faith from sides of power (Tambov province),
characterization of Soviet power as anti‐Christ (Saratov province), etc.
During the occupation of the Intercession Church in Novonikolaevsk,
the locks were knocked off the doors.
The facts that even more confirm the renewal of Tikhonovism are:
Summoning a crowd of 200 people by means of an alarm and throwing
out the school furniture and aids from the school (the former priestʹs
house), as well as forcibly removing the teacher and students from the
school.
Convening in Semipalatinsk province. pop the crowd in the same way
and incite her against the chairman of the village council.
109
Dispute of the Renovationist Metropolitan Vvedensky in Moscow 95, at
which, during the words of the lecturer that the Tikhonov church only
thinks that the arrival of Kirill Vladimirovich, the Tikhonites responded
with friendly applause.
The correction of the Tikhonov church was revealed, however, not only
in individual specific cases, but also in the general direction of its
activity.
In their relations with the Renovationists, the Tikhonites show a much
stronger intransigence than before.
The anti‐Soviet campaign is still being conducted under the banner of
the struggle against atheism, and moreover, at the same time, hostility
to the Soviet power and attacks against it are revealed. Wishing to
prevent young people from engaging in cultural work, the priests try
to influence the parents of their children, in addition to general
agitation, also by threats of church punishment, such as: non‐
fulfillment of demands 96, excommunication, etc.
The Tikhonov church has recently been particularly striving to put
forward its ideology as a counterweight to the communist one; as a
particularly interesting fact in this area, it should be noted the Marxist
circle for priests and youth, organized in the city of Nizhny Novgorod
by Metropolitan Sergius, whose task is to criticize Marxism as a
doctrine in general.
The completion of all the anti‐Soviet activities of Tikhonovism in 1924
was the preparation for an ecumenical council convened in May 1925
in Palestine at the initiative of the foreign Black Hundred clergy 97.
At the suggestion of Tikhon, a number of prominent church leaders
took part in this preparation, who began to intensively collect materials
about the attitude of the church to the state in the USSR, who compiled
a list of bishops who ʺsuffered for the faithʺ since 1917. A number of
110
laypeople took part in the collection of information. such as: the former
assistant minister of trade and industry of Kerenskyʹs time, citizen
Massalsky, daughter of Admiral Nevakhovich, some bishops, students
of the former Theological Academy, former secretary of the tsarist
synod Grebinsky and a number of others. Church professor Popov was
supposed to deliver this information to the cathedral. To accomplish
this task, Popov contacted the Czechoslovak mission. The activities of
this group were liquidated by the 6th branch of the SO OGPU.
During the reporting period, a very important event took place in the
life of the canonical church, which, however, did not noticeably affect
the position of this church in the USSR: Patriarch Constantinople VI
was expelled from Constantinople by the Turkish government. How
the Tikhonov church will react to this is not yet known.
111
majority of the Renovationist priests are still pulling for reconciliation
with Tikhon, which is explained by the fact that the Tikhonov‐minded
believers do not support the Renovationist priests well. The material
position of the Renovationists is generally worse than that of their
opponents, not to mention individual priests; often even diocesan
administrations do not have sufficient funds. So, for example, the
Vladimirskoe UCU cannot in any way collect three kopecks from the
church in the Gomel province. The EU cannot pay for utilities for the
premises it occupies, the Amur EU does not have any funds at its
disposal, etc.
The general situation forced the Renovationists to pay more attention
to raising their activity in the struggle against Tikhonovism and to take
a number of measures in this regard, among which are the provincial
and district congresses and preparation for such. Among the most
favorable diocesan congresses for the renovationists, the Kiev diocesan
congress should be noted, in which up to 100 delegates took part.
The most important factor in the anti‐Tihon activities of the
Renovationists was the All‐Russian conference, which recently ended.
This meeting was small, with 70 people in total. But it had to take place
with the participation of only major renovationists.
The meeting was definitely businesslike. The main issues on the agenda
were the following: 1) the question of the attitude towards the
upcoming council, 2) the establishment of the canonical foundation for
the renovationist hierarchy, 3) the search for a more successful line in
the fight against Tikhonovism.
The meeting summed up the renovationist forces on an all‐Union scale,
defining them in the following figures: 170 renovation bishops, 14500
priests, 13,650 churches.
Considering that the Tikhonovism began to definitely declare itself as
an anti‐Soviet group, the conference stood on a platform of complete
loyalty to Soviet power. They sent a delegation to the government,
conveying a greeting drawn up by the meeting and a wish for success
in their work.
112
The participants in the meeting were very cheerful due to Tikhonʹs
illness, which should certainly weaken the group he leads. The meeting
was also well impressed by the two greetings received: one from the
American Methodist Bishop Blake, the other from the newly elected
Patriarch of Constantinople Constantin VI.
As other measures, the Renovationists in the fight against the
Tikhonists used: the distribution of appeals and proclamations,
disputes with the Tikhonists, sermons, the propaganda of
Renovationist ideas in print (there are currently 3 magazines) and oral.
In the Yenisei province. a special missionary department was created to
carry out anti‐Tihon work. Troikas also began to deploy their activities
in the fight against Tikhonovism.
In some places, the Renovationists even attacked Tikhonovism, as, for
example, in Tsaritsyn province, where they almost completely seized
the diocese, forcing a number of priests who went over to Tikhon and
repented before him, in turn, publicly repent to the Renovationists. In
the Kiev province. Renovationists also achieved major successes,
having received the Kiev Lavra and propagandizing parish councils
and communities in the Shevchenko district in their favor.
Examples include the departure of a leader and the collapse of the
Lapotnitsa Baptist community 101 in Vladimir Gubernia, the
disintegration of rural evangelical communities 102 [due to the
impossibility of] maintaining their own preachers; attendance at
113
sectarian gatherings in Siberia has generally dropped
dramatically. Disputes in communities, even on personal issues, often
end up splitting them into independent parts. This was the case in the
Tsaritsyno Baptist community, among the Samara Baptists, among the
Yenisei Baptists and among the Tver evangelists.
A more serious character is dissatisfaction with the activities of the
council in the Molokan sect 103, where some of the large workers and
large communities condemn this council for its excessive, in their
opinion, progressiveness, and some stand for it.
Sectarian youth are gradually leaving the influence of sects, revealing a
gravitation towards the LKSM, which is observed among the
Evangelicals and Baptists, and especially in the Molokan sect.
This phenomenon forced the sectarians to pay serious attention to the
subordination of young sectarians to their ideology. Most of all, the
Baptists were engaged in this issue, who created entire traveling
detachments of preachers (Tambov province), who managed paid
preachers who received a salary of 50 to 70 rubles. per month, and took
a number of other measures.
In addition to addressing the issue of youth by creating local circles,
this issue, as well as the issue of work among women, was the subject
of discussion at many sectarian congresses. 2nd Caspian and All‐
Siberian Congresses of Adventists 104, South
The Eastern Regional Congress of Evangelicals and others spoke in
favor of centralizing work on youth and among women by creating
central leading departments for these sectors.
All sectarian congresses, both listed, and the Samara regional congress
of Baptists, the All‐Siberian congress of evangelists, etc. spoke in favor
of unconditional serving of military service. In this respect, the most
interesting is the Melenkovo district congress of Molokans (Vladimir
province), which decided to serve it with arms in hand.
The anti‐Soviet activity of the sectarians during the reporting period
consisted of anti‐state, anti‐militaristic and anti‐tax agitation and had
the character of separate (few) demonstrations.
114
This agitation had no consequences, with the exception of the Tomsk
province, where, due to the agitation of one Baptist, a malicious
defaulter for several years, the whole volost refused to pay agricultural
taxes in Tsaritsyn province, where several Baptists were prosecuted in
this direction.
The performance of the evangelical sect in the Mogilev province was
absolutely exceptional, where they spoke together with the kulaks with
their list of candidates for the village council and led two people.
The sects live very unfriendly with each other, which is especially
noticeable in relation to evangelists and Baptists, although some
attempts are being made not only to reconcile them, but also to merge.
Of the individual facts of sectarian life, the congress of the Mennonite
sect in Moscow should be noted. The congress drew up a message of
greetings from the Soviet government, which indicated that the
Mennonites would make every effort to rationalize agriculture.
Soloviev
115
Review of the political state of the USSR in February 1925
A source: ʺTop Secretʺ: Lubyanka to Stalin on the situation in the
country (1922‐1934), v. 3 1925, Moscow, 2002
Top secret
the USSR
United State Political Administration Information Department April 7,
1925 Moscow
Ex. No.
Top secret
Store as cipher
Comrade ....
At the same time, an overview of the political state of the USSR for the
month of February 1925 is transmitted. The review is compiled on the
basis of data from the state information of the OGPU Inform
Department, supplemented by materials from the OGPU departments:
Secret (anti‐Soviet parties and groups), Special (Red Army),
Counterintelligence (banditry).
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with
the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
The heads of the OGPU and PP OGPU departments should acquaint
the heads of the OGPU DTO with the overview. In addition, they can
give an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional committees,
provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the
Central Committee of the RCP, as well as the chairmen of the executive
committees and CECs of the autonomous republics.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
CONTENT
116
1. Workers
2. Peasantry
3. Red Army
4. Anti‐Soviet parties and groups
5. Orthodox clergy
6. Banditry Applications on 15 sheets
WORKERS
In February, there were almost no major economic conflicts. Of the 14
strikes that took place, most were insignificant in terms of the number
of participants (from 20 to 100 people) and duration (up to one day).
In the provinces, there are cases of a rather long delay in the issuance
of earnings (Belokholunitskiy plant of Vyatka province, Sevastopol
marine plant, etc.).
Textile industry. Dissatisfaction with the transition of work on three
sides did not lose its acuteness in February.
117
A case of some communists speaking out against the new method of
work at the former factory Tsindel in Moscow was noted. Often the
cause of conflicts is the tactless approach to workers on the part of
individual administrators. At the factory of the Vysokovskaya
Manufactory (Tver Cotton Trust), the communists were not allowed to
speak at a production conference, and the meeting ended with the
demonstrative departure of the workers. Dissatisfaction with low
prices is noted at a number of textile enterprises in Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk, Yaroslavl, Ryazan, Tver and Leningrad provinces, while
there is a decline in labor productivity on this basis. At the Rolma
factory in Yaroslavl, workers use empty cars, and when they are asked
why they are doing this, the answer is: ʺWe are raising
productivity.ʺ Particularly strong dissatisfaction with the increase in
the norm and the reduction outlined on this basis was noted at the
Arzhen cloth factory; at the plenum of the factory committee, more than
100 workers spoke on this issue and there were threats to stop all the
machines; it should be noted that there was a great deal of
dissatisfaction in this factory with the bloated administrative staff
(workers indicated that the factory had 25 accountants and 17
engineers).
Mining. The reason for the massive discontent among the miners is
still the delay in salaries and the issuance of orders for it to the workersʹ
cooperatives, most of them working unsatisfactorily. On this basis,
many workers are starving (Dolzhanskoe mining administration and
Pervomaisky mine in Donbass).
Another cause of conflict is higher rates and low prices. Due to low
prices at the Anzhero‐Sudzhensk mines, one artel did not go to work
for 3 days and two artels did not go out for one shift; at the Lenin mines
(Siberia), a worker, a member of the RCP (b), supported the workersʹ
demand and pointedly declared his refusal to work for 50 kopecks. in a
day. At the Yegoryevsk mines (Ural), due to a 50% decrease in earnings,
30‐40 people did not go to work every day. Dissatisfaction over the rise
in norms and low rates is observed at many mines in Donbass.
Other industries. In the timber and sugar industries, the issues of
timely payment of wages are still not settled (in some factories the
118
wages are delayed up to 3‐4 months), the same is noted in the glass
industry.
PEASANTRY
The class stratification of the village
In‐kind lending is also an important factor in the stratification of the
village. In Vyatka lips. kulak, the tenant of the mill, the owner of 50
head of cattle, keeps the poor of all the surrounding villages dependent
on him, which are his debtors, mainly under the condition of working
in the summer.
119
a policy of isolating the poor together with the wealthy strata of the
countryside.
Impact of the consequences of a crop failure. Compared to previous
months, the consequences of crop failure in February are much more
acute. Eating bread with an admixture of surrogates has become
widespread in the leanest areas. The number of those who eat
surrogates reaches individual volosts of Donetsk province. up to 75%,
in Samara ‐ 85%, in Saratov ‐ 50%, etc. Across the Donetsk lips. half of
the population of the Staro‐Belsk District feeds on surrogates. The
number of hungry people is growing in the full sense of the word. The
percentage of hungry people in individual volosts of Donetsk
province. reaches 30%, Kharkov province ‐ up to 50%, the Autonomous
Soviet Socialist Republic of the Volga Germans in some cases even up
to 60%, etc. On the basis of hunger strikes and eating surrogates, there
is an increase in diseases and swelling. In the Republic of Volga
Germans, up to 600 swollen ones have been counted recently
(information is far from complete).
Crop failure with all its weight falls mainly on the poor
peasants. Hunger and lack of forage forces them to sell cheap live and
dead implements to their fists in order to buy bread for food. In Lipetsk
u. Tambov lips. peasants sell plows costing 30‐40 rubles for 10‐8 rubles,
and reapers costing 100 or more for 30‐28 rubles. In the Voronezh
province. sell houses and outbuildings to kulaks for a pittance. The
poor, who previously sold bread at a low price under the limits for
paying the tax, now pays 2 rubles in the conditions of a breakthrough
in the limit policy. 50 kopecks and more for a pood. On this basis,
especially strong dissatisfaction was noted. The ruined poor rents out
land on a large scale, and they themselves go to the city in search of
earnings.
Tax campaign
The influence of the tax campaign on the stratification of the
village. In the reporting period, the fulfillment of the last tax deadline
affects very low‐capacity farms, which make up 80‐90% of
debtors. These are often completely ruined poor people who do not
even have bread. In some cases, this category of defaulters does not
have any property that could be described for sale at auction. In the
120
Yaroslavl province. in each village there are about two dozen farms that
do not have bread and seeds and are under‐borrowers for 10‐12
rubles. The payment of the last tax term is made on such farms mainly
through the sale of draft animals. The following characteristic figures
allow us to judge the size of the loss of livestock during the tax
campaign. In the Oryol province. 800,000 head of cattle have been
thrown onto the market, of which 40% are large. In the Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk province. the loss of livestock reaches 40%. In Donetsk
province. on the hut. Annunciation sold 80 horses out of 96, on the
hut. Petrovsky ‐ 88 horses out of 200 and 29 horses out of 43. In the
Ulyanovsk province. many farms that had recovered from the past
hunger years were again ruined. Under the influence of the severity of
the tax, there is a tendency to abandon land (Orel, Vologda provinces).
Irrational use of discounts. The provided tax rebates for the poor were
late and in a number of cases did not reach the localities. In Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk province, for example, some VICs provided discounts to
the right and to the left for timely implementation of discounts. In the
Vyatka lips. Khalturinsky UFO ordered to spend funds of discounts
ʺeconomicallyʺ and use the rest for the local budget. This gave the VICs
a reason to refuse to provide discounts.
Repression. The use of repressions against non‐payers, accompanied
by sheer arbitrariness, continued to be massive (in Tambov Gubernia,
the demolition of barns continued to be sold at auction); in a number of
provinces, “tax‐pumping squads” are organized under the VIKs, the
last belongings are confiscated from the poor, and so on. Auctions
where confiscated items are sold are very often organizedly boycotted
by peasants. Cases were noted when the buyers were employees of
VICs. The confiscated livestock in many cases fell due to lack of proper
care.
121
68% higher than last year. In a number of provinces with developed
logging, this year, a strong reduction in logging and other side incomes
of the village was not taken into account due to the weather, which
made it very difficult to tax the tax. Finally, the taxation of livestock also
increased the tax. So, a cow is taxed at 8 rubles. while it costs 20‐25
rubles. Besides, in small‐scale farms, the horse is not used all year
round and still has to be fed. As a result of taxation of livestock, there
is a widespread increase in its reduction.
In a number of provinces, it is noted that the objects of taxation (land
and livestock) do not at all characterize the economic strength of the
economy. Quite characteristic in this respect are the data for Altai
Gubernia, where the kulak receives 500‐600 poods for the thresher for
the autumn season. bread, i.e., approximately harvest from 12
dess.; meanwhile, those with complex agricultural machinery were
taxed as middle peasants or poor peasants on the basis of
taxation. Characteristically, in Siberia, well‐to‐do peasants and kulaks
are in favor of a capitation or land taxation, while the underpowered
are in favor of the desirability of an income tax. There are many
complaints from peasants that tax relief for pedigree livestock and
grass‐sowing is a tax relief for the kulak.
Many abnormalities were noted in the work of the lower financial
apparatus, partly as a result of the reorganization of the lower tax
apparatus and the ongoing zoning carried out on the eve of the
campaign. In Belarus, for example, the accounting carried out at the
beginning yielded a significantly smaller number of objects of taxation,
and in some places the finalagents added 1 dess. arable land and 1
dess. haymaking. Finally, a lot of discontent is caused by the fact [that]
the tax and its due date are not known in advance.
The peasantry is greatly dissatisfied with the supplement to the local
budget, mainly because the procedure for spending these funds is
completely unknown to the peasantry. At the same time, the peasants
are especially outraged by the presence of numerous fees for all sorts of
needs. So, almost everywhere, there is a collection for the maintenance
of village councils, schools, traveling wage workers, repairing bridges,
heating schools and many others.
Rural cooperation
122
The facts on cooperation in February reveal two serious moments in the
state of grassroots agricultural cooperatives: “feeding” workers and
massive waste. Not only a non‐party poor man or a fist who has
crawled into it is ʺfedʺ through cooperation, but often a communist. In
the Altai lips. the chairman of the Chapshinskaya consumer
cooperation, a communist, turned from a poor peasant into a strong
middle peasant; the chairman of the Barda consumer cooperation and
members of the board also turned into tough men. In Kadnikovsky
u. North‐Dvinskaya province. members of the board of some
cooperatives‐built houses for themselves worth up to 5,000
rubles. ʺFeedingʺ occurs by assigning high rates to cooperative
workers. Wages often devour not only all profits, but also the capital of
the cooperation. In the Altai lips. The unions in the townships are
pursuing a policy of high wages for cooperative workers, in addition to
demanding overtime payments, etc. The salary in the surveyed
cooperatives is at least 40‐50% of the total expenditure. In one
cooperative at 3500 rubles. monthly turnover there are 22 employees
and the maintenance of the staff costs 40% of the total expense. If earlier
the production of one pound of oil at private factories cost 80‐90
kopecks. minus the cost of purchasing milk, then at present its
production at the factories of cooperatives costs 4 rubles. (one salary per
pood is 2 rubles); the consequence of this is the low payment to the
peasants for milk (43‐47 kopecks. pood), which greatly outrages the
village. This pattern is typical for most rural cooperatives.
Another significant evil is waste, which has recently become a mass
phenomenon, as well as the large indebtedness of cooperative
workers. A clear illustration of this is provided by the state of
cooperation in the Moscow province — the accounted waste in rural
cooperatives of the Moscow province. per year exceed 360,000. in
agricultural credit cooperatives, the personal debt of employees
exceeds 15,000 rubles, in consumer cooperatives of Voskresensky
district. ‐ 13,000 rubles. etc. Individual workers owe 2‐3 thousand
rubles each. The co‐operatives and the grassroots government are
heavily indebted. The same is observed in other provinces (see
Appendix No. 4).
Production cooperation
123
In areas with the development of handicraft industries, there is a
significant development in the exploitation of a mass of handicraftsmen
by entrepreneurs‐kulaks and a struggle against fishing associations. In
Moscow province. one such entrepreneur employs up to 200 artisans,
even supplying them with machines. These entrepreneurs are fighting
the trade unions of handicraftsmen, seeking to degrade them. In a
number of cases, these entrepreneurs are themselves agents of
government agencies that distribute orders; sometimes, giving work to
unorganized artisans, they destroy the emerging associations of
artisans. The severity of taxes for artisans is noted, as a result of which
their earnings are negligible (in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province it is
equal to 30‐35% of the pre‐war level) (see Appendix No. 2).
The political mood of the village
Secondary re‐elections of the Soviets. The mood of the village in the
reporting period was most clearly revealed in the unfolding campaign
for the second re‐elections to the Soviets. Wherever they were held,
there was a favorable attitude towards cassation of re‐elections on the
part of all strata of the peasantry, especially due to the dispatch of
invitations and the absence of appointing. (In Voronezh Gubernia,
peasants expressed strong satisfaction with the delivery of the
summons, recalling the elections to the Constituent Assembly.) The
campaign raised a new layer of peasantry to the Soviet public. On
average, up to 60‐70% of voters attended the elections everywhere, and
up to 90% in certain regions. Women took a significant part in the
current re‐elections, and men almost everywhere expressed their
dissatisfaction about this. Participation in the elections of women in the
Moscow province. averages up to 40%. Another characteristic feature
of the past re‐elections is the persistent desire of the kulaks and the anti‐
Soviet stratum of the countryside to use the re‐elections in order to
isolate the communists, Komsomol members and the poor in the
countryside and use the activity of the peasantry against Soviet
power. The cassation of re‐elections is interpreted by this part of the
village as a symptom of the weakening of Soviet power and a political
concession (ʺThe RCP has weakened, the peasants need to organize
their partyʺ ‐ Gomel province; ʺThe power has weakened, the
communists are resigningʺ ‐ Tomsk province). In the Moscow
province. at a number of meetings demands are put forward for a
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universal secret ballot, for the granting of the same representation to
the peasants as to the workers; the idea is held that ʺthe party has led to
the point that it is not trusted.ʺ In the Tambov province. there were a
number of protests against the communists, who ʺspent the whole
revolution in lukewarm townships and now do not want to leave,ʺ ʺit
is necessary to elect people who will go to church and hang icons in the
Sovietsʺ; in Kharkov province. at meetings, kulaks shout at the
communists ʺdown withʺ, ʺyou are disgusted with usʺ, in the Nizhny
Novgorod province. agitation was conducted for the need to ʺknock out
all the commissars up to the county.ʺ At the same time, for the first time
in the revolution, figures of the past (former policemen, gendarmes,
officers) appeared in a significant number of elections in the
elections; when they were nominated, they, fearing rejection, thanked
the meeting for their confidence and withdrew their candidacies
(Voronezh province). Similar facts were noted in other areas.
There are a number of political actions on the part of these strata of the
countryside. In the Moscow province. all sorts of Socialist‐
Revolutionary‐minded elements pay great attention to re‐elections. In
Volokolamsk u. The Social Revolutionary who spoke at the re‐election
meeting proposed a resolution demanding ʺdirect and secret voting,
free Soviets, freedom of speech, press, assembly, isolation of the
Communist Party and the release of all political prisoners.ʺ Refusals to
accept summons to turn up for elections by a number of voters by
imposing resolutions on non‐recognition of ʺviolent powerʺ, etc., are
typical. After one of the meetings, it was proposed to sing ʺShow me
such a monastery where no Russian peasant moansʺ; elsewhere it was
suggested ʺto recall the Pugachev revolt.ʺ In the Gomel province. a
peasant who spoke at a village meeting ended his speech with the
slogan ʺLong live the peopleʹs republic and free heapsʺ; in another
village, a former gendarme spoke up calling for ʺturning the weapon
the other way.ʺ Performance in one of the volosts of the Tambov
province is highly characteristic. a former official who came from
Kamchatka, against the local authorities, ʺperverting the line of the
centerʺ (ʺwe are not against Soviet power, but against these gangsʺ, ʺwe
will replace them with honest positive citizens, and not those hooligans
who need 1919, when we were mercilessly robbed ʺ); peasants, he was
nominated for the chairman of the VIC, as he ʺis not afraid of any
devilsʺ (see Appendix No. 6). In the Oryol province. during the re‐
125
election of the Domnikovsky VIK there were speeches of kulaks and
Socialist‐Revolutionary elements against the district workers, who do
not care about the peasants and receive 100‐150 rubles. a month, they
come to the village on trotters. ʺ Similar performances were noted in
other regions.
The elections were a kind of ʺpurgeʺ of the grassroots co‐apparatus and
cells of the party and the Komsomol. The protests against local
communists, who have compromised themselves at work by
arbitrariness, drunkenness, fussing with their fists, etc., are everywhere
supported by the peasant masses. Komsomol members are especially
discontent everywhere due to the tactless behavior of many cells. In the
Moscow province. the attitude towards the Komsomol in the elections
was negative, in some places Komsomol members were removed from
meetings, and they held parallel pre‐election meetings; in a significant
number of cases, their candidacies failed. Many spoke out against the
communists, who, ʺstealing, are reprimanded and immediately
assigned to another place.ʺ At the meetings, they often resisted taking
the communists to the congresses of the Soviets (Moscow province). In
the Tambov province. the peasants tell the local communist to the
chairman of the VIC: ʺClean up in Lebedyan in advance,ʺ to his remark
that he is not an ʺimpostorʺ, he is answered: ʺWe did not send for you
to Lebedyan.ʺ In the Voronezh province. about the communist
candidates being nominated, they say: ʺLet it be with us for two years,
then weʹll see.ʺ Along with this, the wiping out of the poor peasants,
ʺidlersʺ was carried out, and the economic peasants were mainly
elected. This pressure on the rural communists and the poor created a
depressive mood among these groups. In Ukraine, there is a report that
the non‐cheaters were afraid to speak out against the kulaks and the
middle peasants and therefore did not come to the re‐election. In a
number of provinces, it is noted that the poor consider the latest
measures in relation to the countryside as a turn from the poor towards
the kulaks. The communists (Moscow, Penza provinces) are also
infected with these sentiments. Need to mark,
126
districts and especially brightly in the Center, in the West and in Siberia
(24 cases out of 32 recorded in the Union refer to these very regions)
(see Appendix No. 7).
Formation of ideas of cross‐unions. An analysis of the formulation of
the ideas of the peasant union shows that different strata of the
peasantry do not give quite the same content to this idea. The goals and
idea of the union take on a more concrete form. At the same time, the
kulaks and anti‐Soviet intelligentsia are trying to smooth out those
moments that may show a contradiction in the interests of various
strata of the countryside and, conversely, focus the attention of the
middle peasantry and the poor on those issues that affect the interests
of the entire peasantry as a whole (ʺscissorsʺ) 106.
Form of organization. The kulaks, in their agitation for the cross union,
put forward it as an organization of the entire peasantry, as opposed to
the class organizations of the KNS, KKOV, Vserabzemles, etc. In the
Ukraine, in the Volyn province. kulaks are campaigning against the
non‐cheaters for leaving the KNS, so that ʺall villagersʺ unite into one
organization ʺKhleborobʺ. In Siberia in the Irkutsk province. at a
regional non‐party conference in the city of Cheremkhov, the delegates
who raised the question of organizing a cross‐union, when asked by the
presidium about the composition of this union, said that it should
consist of the ʺpoorʺ, middle peasants and wealthy. The desire to create
a cross union on the part of the middle peasants and the poor is due to
the weakness of public organizations in the countryside. In the Tula
province. in Aleksinsky district the peasants say: ʺWe see no protection
either from the communists or from the Soviets, and therefore we must
organize a cross union.ʺ In Siberia, Irkutsk province. in with. Dalnye
Zakhora peasants‐middle peasants, who demanded at one of the
meetings in the presence of the chief executive officer of the Ukom to
organize a cross‐union, in response to the reporterʹs answer that they
have their own organizations ‐ village councils and KKOV, said: “The
village councils and KKOV are foreign organizations for us, and
besides, they do not work well.ʺ However, in some places the peasants
declare that they need an alliance as “a union of the poor and middle
peasants” (North Caucasus, Kuban District). In some cases (apparently,
where the organizations of the poor are stronger) the kulaks put
forward the idea of the cross‐union as a purely kulak organization. In
127
the Western Territory in Belarus, there was an attempt to organize a
kulak ʺsociety of farmersʺ.
Cross‐union program. The idea of a cross union arose as the idea of a
kind of professional organization, which was supposed to protect the
interests of the entire peasantry. In the Moscow province. the peasants
call it ʺpeasant trade unionʺ, i.e., an organization that protects the
economic interests of the peasantry in the same way that workersʹ trade
unions protect the interests of workers. In the Voronezh province. there
is an agitation for the creation of a cross union in order to ʺdictate prices
for agricultural products.ʺ In Siberia, Irkutsk province. in the above
case in p. The peasants from Dalny Zakhor said that they needed a cross
union ʺto dictate their conditions to the workers, especially in matters
of wages.ʺ There the peasants demanded that they be given the right to
organize a cross‐union on an all‐Russian scale. At the same time, the
cross union is often thought of as an organization with the goal of
influencing the general policy of the Soviet government in relation to
the peasantry. ʺThe Soviet government will only then reckon with the
peasantry if it unites in cross unions,ʺ said the kulak‐agent of the State
Insurance at a meeting with. Spassky, Omsk province; ʺThe Soviet
government is doing the wrong thing, helping the poor and farm
laborers; these peasants need to fight and organize themselves into
cross unionsʺ (speech of one peasant at a memorial meeting in Leninʹs
days in Novonikolaevsk province); ʺAgricultural partnerships and
KKOV are economic associations, the union of grain growers will be a
proletarian unionʺ, meaning ʺpoliticalʺ (speech of a non‐party peasant
at an open party meeting of the Primorsko‐Akhtar organization of the
Kuban Okrug, North Caucasus, proposing to organize a cross union as
a union of the poor and middle peasants).
Crestparty. In some places, the tendency to give the cross union a
political character is even more pronounced. In the Novonikolaevskaya
province. in the village. Gusiny Bor, the chairman of the agricultural
partnership, insisted on the need to organize into a cross‐union ʺin
order to nominate their representatives to the highest
authorities.ʺ There is also a desire, especially on the part of the kulaks,
to organize a cross‐party. At the same time, the importance attached to
the organization of the cross‐party shows that the difference in the
name ‐ ʺpartyʺ and not ʺunionʺ ‐ is not accidental. In Siberia, in the
128
Omsk province. at a meeting of peasants der. Andreevka, one peasant,
expressing his dissatisfaction with the fact that ʺthe Communist Party
bustles its members everywhere,ʺ said: ʺCanʹt we organize our own
labor party.ʺ In the West, in the Gomel province. at a meeting on the
upcoming re‐election, a kulak spoke out, that “the RCP has weakened
and the peasants need to organize their party, since the peasants are in
the majority, and when they are united, then a handful of communists
will not take such taxes, and for this it is necessary to elect to the village
council not a poor man who does not know how to protect a peasant,
but wealthy people who having gone to the village council, VICs, PECs,
will not obey the RCP. ʺ In the Volga region in the Samara province. the
kulak in a quarrel with the communist declared: ʺWe will prepare our
party against the communists and soon we will destroy you.ʺ
Attempts to start organizing cross unions. The spread of the idea of
the ʺcross unionʺ as a political organization of the peasantry does not
occur without the influence of the socialist and monarchist strata of the
countryside. The latter not only ʺhelpʺ to form the idea of the cross‐
union, but often act as organizers in the emergence of the cells of the
cross‐union. Attempts to start organizing a cross‐union were registered
in February 4. In the Moscow province. in Volokolamsk u. an anti‐
Soviet group was formed, aiming to organize a cross union. In the West,
in Belarus, an attempt was noted to organize a ʺsociety of farmersʺ, the
initiator of which was the monarchist. In the Armavir district, the
reorganization of the KKOV in two districts was understood as the
formation of a ʺunion of grain growersʺ; many new members joined,
membership fees were diligently paid, and a large work program was
outlined.
The mood of antagonism towards the city manifests itself in a number
of speeches at peasant meetings (especially during re‐elections). At the
129
Center in Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. regarding the inventory of
the property of the debtors, the peasants say that ʺnow there are no
landlords, instead of them, the landowners, there is a state that also
exploits the peasantry by way of tax, and for non‐payment of it sells the
property of the peasants.ʺ The mood of antagonism towards the city
was very clearly manifested in a poem written by a pre‐conscript
student of the Likhoslavl district of Novotorzhsky u. Tver province, in
which he calls on the peasant: “Let the peasant rise and come out of
oppression, he will chain the workers then. If the worker does not get
out of this oppression, he will stay there forever” (see Appendix # 7). In
the North‐West along the North‐Dvinskaya province. the ruined poor
are waiting for a ʺsecond revolutionʺ or the fall of power, because ʺthe
poor at this time are more offended than ever, hearing the slogan of
freedom and still sitting in chains, not having the strength and will to
throw them off” (typical conversations). In Siberia, in the Omsk
province. at the village meeting, the middle peasant said: ʺIn Nicholas,
the tricolor flag meant the nobility, the petty bourgeoisie and the
peasantry, and now the red one means the domination of parasites at
the expense of the peasant.ʺ In the Altai lips. in the week of mourning,
the peasants who spoke said: “The speakers covered everything
superficially, in fact, the peasants who expected liberation from the
Soviet government were enslaved by it; they took the winepress from
the neck, and hung the millstone; Soviet power is one deception. ʺ In
the Irkutsk province. at a non‐party peasant conference, the middle
peasant pointed out that ʺthe communists always and everywhere
deceive the peasants and that if the peasants were in power, it would
be completely different.ʺ
Terror. In February (according to incomplete information), 93 cases of
terror were registered in the Union. Its slight decrease in comparison
with January (about 160 cases) can be explained, on the one hand, by
the distraction of the peasantryʹs attention by the new agricultural
130
season and, on the other hand, by the cassation of elections, which was
met with goodwill by all strata of the peasantry. The development of
terror in the regions of the Union is approximately the same as in
January. The largest number of cases of terror took place in the Center
(17), in the West (21), in Ukraine (22), in the Volga region (10), in Siberia
(9). There are cases of massive, organized attacks and beatings,
especially of active Soviet and party workers in the village. Particularly
noteworthy is the case of dispersal in Novonikolaevskaya
lips. delegatesʹ meeting of women by the kulak youth, and the delegates
were raped, beaten, tied to a cross.
Speech by the kulaks. A number of facts were noted that testify to the
growing activity of the kulaks. In the Tula province. a group of kulaks
and anti‐Soviet elements discussed the question of how to ʺpursue their
own line in order to incite the population against Soviet power.ʺ There,
one of those present was instructed to necessarily become a member of
the RCP in order to ʺcarry on their work there.ʺ In the Tver
province. one anti‐Soviet peasant organized a group of young people
under the slogan ʺagainst the Komsomolʺ, trying to pull the Komsomol
members over to him and in every possible way to fight the Komsomol
cells. In the Yaroslavl province. anti‐Soviet elements used the wall
newspaper of the reading room for propaganda against the
government, which contained an article criticizing the government and
proving that the peasantry in tsarist times ʺlived happily ever after,
needing nothing.ʺ Bullying youth pioneers by the elderly and clergy
and religious propaganda became commonplace everywhere. At the
same time, in order to attract the poor to their side, the kulaks lend them
loans (in Ulyanovsk gubernia, for this purpose, traders distributed up
to 800 rubles to the poor).
131
Novonikolaevskaya province. In a conversation with the peasants, the
priest said that ʺSoviet power will soon change and a constituent
assembly headed by the president will be convened in its place.ʺ Similar
cases are common in a large number of provinces.
The reporting month marked the spread of anti‐Soviet appeals and
leaflets in various regions of the Union, calling for a fight against the
Soviet government and the communists. In the Nizhny Novgorod
province. in Sormovsky u. an appeal to ʺAll the peasantsʺ was spread,
calling for the ʺoverthrow of Soviet powerʺ, a call for the rule of the
country by the former Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, signed ʺAn
advanced group of front‐line soldiersʺ In the Tula province. in
Efremovsky u. leaflets were found calling for unification against the
RCP and Soviet power under the leadership of the Cadets. In the
Voronezh province. in Bogucharsky u. in the village community was
sent ʺAppeal to the citizens with. Gobies and Komsomol members and
communists ʺ, which says that Lenin isʺ the enemy of Russia ʺwho
brought the country to ruin, thatʺ the time will come and we will
destroy all our oppressors. ʺ The appeal ends with the slogan: ʺLong
live free Russia, long live the Constituent Assembly and the right of the
people, and not you, the oppressors.ʺ In the Tambov province. in
Lipetsk u. up to 10 anti‐Soviet slogans threatening ʺretributionʺ to the
communists were pasted up, signed ʺIskraʺ. In the Urals, in the city of
Sverdlovsk, two proclamations were pasted up calling for the
overthrow of the Soviet regime and the RCP, signed by the
ʺUnderground Committeeʺ. In the North Caucasus, in the Tersk district
in the stts. Chernoyarskaya, an anonymous appeal appeared with an
appeal to remove all non‐local workers from power. In Ukraine, in the
Poltava province. was found Petliura proclamation, written,
apparently, back in 1919 in the Kiev province. in with. Markushah in
the hut‐reading room were found three leaflets, timed to mourning
days, urging the poor to leave komezem, and young people ‐ to leave
the Komsomol. One of the leaflets says: ʺWe must create the 4th
International, more just than the 3rd, now our slogan is down with the
Jews, down with the oppressors, the land for the peasants, the bullet for
the communist Jew.ʺ In Siberia, Tomsk province. on the Kaibinsky
hut. a proclamation was found on the tree, which says: ʺWe have
pressed, we are pressing and will continue to crush the communists
until we destroy them.ʺ
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RED ARMY
The nutritional status of the parts remains the same as compared to
January, and the improvement is very slow and slow. Monotony, low
nutritional value and poor quality of food are still noted. These
phenomena are similar for all districts.
Both individual examples and cases, as well as the investigation of such,
say that the main reason for all the above abnormalities and
shortcomings is due to the inoperability of the economic apparatus of
the units. This incapacity is expressed, firstly, in the inability and,
secondly, and perhaps in most cases, in the negligence and even
criminality of the personnel of the households.
Bad storage of food, chaotic accounting, slovenliness, the conclusion of
unfavorable contracts, combinations with sums of money ‐ all this with
sufficient clarity confirms the above provision on the personnel of
household workers.
A more or less gratifying situation is observed in the uniforms of
units. Most of the units are 100% equipped with the main types of
uniforms, but in some parts the shoes have become unusable, which is
aggravated by the lack of repair materials (16 and 4 divisions of the JIBO
and 36 divisions of the SVO).
Parts still complain about the large lack of bedding. These material and
household shortcomings are aggravated by a number of the following
abnormalities: unequipped barracks, insufficient amounts of money for
bath and laundry allowance, inadequacy of the supplied fuel rate with
the need for parts and, finally, as a consequence of all the above reasons
and circumstances, an increase in lice and morbidity.
The political state of the Red Army mass can be largely determined by
the same tax sentiments that were observed in the past period. To this
can be added a very widespread dissatisfaction on the basis of material
and domestic shortcomings. The latter form of discontent, at any rate,
has not diminished.
Specifically, peasant sentiments associated with the collection of taxes,
although quantitatively to an insignificant extent, have decreased, but
in essence and the way of reaction by the Red Army (SVO, SKVO,
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ZVO), such have acquired a more acute form. The threats of the Red
Army soldiers to the rural apparatus and communist cells in the
reporting month stand out sharply in their form and force to take
appropriate measures from the political agencies, the command, and
especially the local authorities (SVO).
Along with this, vacation moods grow and increase. The craving for
home is the cherished dream of most of the Red Army men, as
evidenced by letters to relatives and conversations among themselves
in units. The desire to get home sometimes so captures the Red Army
soldier that the idea of self‐harm as the only way out of a ʺhard lifeʺ
arises in him.
Naturally, in the reporting month, indiscipline did not diminish in
comparison with the previous period. Cases of unauthorized absences
and desertions have increased. In the Western Military District, the first
are taking on an organized character.
In the 2nd division, the Red Army men collected money from their
comrades for travel so that upon the return of some it would be possible
to go to others (those who were absent without permission).
Both unauthorized absences and desertions deserve special attention in
the Force of the approaching warm weather.
Unauthorized absences Desertion
Along with this, drunkenness and the rudeness of the command
personnel further aggravate the abnormal relations between him and
the Red Army mass. Drunkenness in terms of the number of cases
exceeds the previous period, but in this case, the increase in cases can
134
be explained by holidays: drunkenness in December was recorded
more than 600 cases, in January ‐ over 700 cases.
In general, the mood of the non‐party commanders is determined by
the lack of confidence in the future: ʺno matter how you work, they will
be thrown out anyway.ʺ This view is quite common. Given their
position, the commanding staff strives to get into the party.
All this cannot but be connected with the question of the forthcoming
introduction of one‐man management. Abnormalities in relations with
political personnel are now becoming more and more frequent.
Aggravation of relations with political instructors is also noticed on the
part of the Red Army masses. This phenomenon is increasing more and
more. In many units, the Red Army men compare the political
instructor with the former priest, the only difference is that “there was
only one priest in the regiment, and now the political instructors in each
company receive a large salary” (see Appendix No. 8).
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES AND GROUPS
Anarchists
The activity of anarchists throughout the Union increased significantly
during the reporting period. In the WFA secretariat in Moscow, there is
a desire to reorganize the work, deepening it underground. Eminent
Anarcho‐Syndicalist Group 107decided to organize a systematic
meeting. In Leningrad, the operation carried out discovered a large
number of leaflets, underground literature, printing equipment and a
laboratory for the manufacture of narcotic drugs; a number of
anarchists who fled from exile and hiding were detained; 80 people
were arrested. The work of the anarchist underground in the provinces
of Bryansk, Samara, Saratov, Tula, Nizhny Novgorod, Vyatka, in the
Urals and others in the Samara province has significantly increased. the
magazine of the anarch‐underground ʺVozrozhdenieʺ No. 2 was
published. In Vyatka province. appeals printed on a chapirograph were
distributed in the Orenburg province. The admiralty 10 ʺanarchists set
up an underground printing house.
Mensheviks
135
In the organizations of the RSDLP and Bund 109, internal organizational
work was noted to establish communication with the western
provinces of the USSR. As a result of the undertaken operation, a
number of Mensheviks were seized in Moscow (two of them were
illegal immigrants who fled from Turkestan) and Zapkraye. Along with
this, in a number of provinces, statements by individual Mensheviks
about leaving the party continue to be published.
Right SRs
In February, large operations were carried out in Moscow and the
province, as a result of which a number of active Social Revolutionaries
were removed (among them candidates for membership in the Central
and Moscow Bureau). Party documents and organizational theses were
confiscated from one of those arrested. Also liquidated ʺPeasant
Initiative Group under the MB AKPʺ, associated with the Dmitrov
district. Moscow province.
Association of LSR and Maximalists 110
The Bureau of Legal Association in Moscow still has no
activity. Contact is maintained with the underground group of the Left
SRs. In the artel ʺAnthillʺ a split is planned.
Published in a small number of copies on hectograph No. 5‐6
ʺRevolutionary avant‐gardeʺ ‐ the organ of the student socialist union
ʺOur tasksʺ.
In the underground, preparatory work is underway for the convocation
of a congress of underground groups of the Left Social Revolutionaries,
which is expected by the spring. Invitations were sent to the
localities. For the search for funds, it is planned to make
expropriations. The group has a connection with Steinberg
(Berlin). There is a separate group of maximalist Socialist‐
Revolutionaries 111 Wolfson, associated with Steinberg and receiving
money and literature from the latter, Steinberg is associated with
groups of Left SRs in Moscow, Kazan, Ufa, and others.
Monarchists
During the period under review, monarchists abroad continued to send
appeals and newspapers to the USSR by mail. Up to 7000 newspapers
136
and 164 appeals were detained at the Moscow post office. In the
Murmansk province. the spread of Cyrilʹs proclamations was noted.
National parties
Ukapists. In connection with the decree of the Comintern on the
liquidation of the UKP and its merger with the CP (b) U, there is a
tendency in some circles of the UKP to oppose this decree. In some
places of the Yekaterinoslavskaya province. individual groups of the
UKP began to go underground. The Poltava organization continues to
draw new members into its ranks after the decision to
liquidate. Attempts by individual members of the UCP to organize cells
at factories are noted, but to no avail. In the Yekaterinoslavsky district,
the ukapists continue to agitate among the Komsomol against the KP
(b) U, which protects the interests of the ʺkatsapsʺ, and are calling to
join the UkrYUSV. In some villages of the Yekaterinoslavsky district,
individual ukapists are conducting anti‐Soviet work among the
peasants. In the city of Verkhne‐Dneprovsk, an anti‐Soviet element is
grouping around the ukapists Basia, which disrupts all measures of the
Soviet government. During the tax campaign, members of this group
campaigned that the tax was taken only to improve the life of the
RSFSR, citing some figures that the same amount was released for
Leningrad alone as for the maintenance of the whole of Ukraine. The
group seeks to bring its people to the KNS and Soviet bodies. The
ukapists are spreading the opinion that the GPU has created an
ʺemergencyʺ for the liquidation of the UCP. In Zolochev, two ukapists
turned out to be bandits who carried out armed raids and set fire to
peasant farms. In the working environment, the ukapists have lost all
authority. Among the workers from the peasants at the plant. Lenin in
Yekaterinoslav, there was talk that the RCP was afraid of the seizure of
power in Ukraine by the ukapists and therefore, they say, the UKP was
dissolved, but these conversations were not successful. Most, however,
ukapists everywhere are busy with political education in order to
Zionists. In February, after an operation carried out throughout Belarus
against all Zionist organizations and groups, which significantly
undermined their activities, the center of the Zionist movement was
moved from Belarus to Ukraine, and partly to Leningrad. The lively
activity of Zionist organizations is noted in almost all provinces of
137
Ukraine. Appeals of the DSP to Jewish handicraftsmen and artisans and
other party materials were found in Kharkov. In Yekaterinoslav, a
representative of the CSP negotiated with the RSDLP on the allocation
of a representative of the RSDLP to the Commission for Assistance to
Political Prisoners, promising to give an article for the Socialist
Bulletin. In addition to Ukraine, Zionist organizations launched work
in Leningrad in February. The center around which all the Zionist
illegal organizations are grouped (ʺCSPʺ, ʺYUTSSʺ, ʺESSMʺ, ʺDROIRʺ,
ʺGDOIRAʺ, ʺEUROSMʺ, etc.), is the only legal organization
ʺGekholutsʺ. In the latter, there has recently been a strong concern for
its further existence, and on this basis there are frictions between party
and non‐party members of ʺGekholutsʺ. ʺVDOIRAʺ in Leningrad is a
strictly closed organization that trains skilled workers for Palestine. An
operation was carried out on all Zionist organizations in Leningrad, as
a result of which 40 people were assigned to administrative
expulsion. The activity of the Zionist organizations and ʺGekholutzʺ is
noted in February also in Saratov.
ORTHODOX CHURCHENS
The reporting period is characterized by a certain halt in the Tikhonʹs
offensive against the Renovationists. The Tikhonites drew back some of
the unstable renovationists, but they could not cope with the significant
solid core of this trend.
Tikhonites. The struggle of the Tikhonists against the Renovationists
continued in the same forms as before. All their attention is directed to
undermining the material situation of the Renovationists, for which
they organize a boycott of the latter with the laity. Preaching is
intensively developed, especially on the part of itinerant monks
spreading anti‐Renovation proclamations in places (Arkhangelsk
province). Attempts to forcibly seize churches (Stavropol and Kostanai
provinces and the city of Kerch) have been noted. The Tikhonovites
shift the center of gravity of their work to the laity, while focusing on
the reactionary elements. It is characteristic that in the Kuban the
Tikhonites are trying to inflame antagonism between the Cossacks and
nonresidents, while nonresidents are supporters of the
renovationists. The saturation of laity organizations with reactionary
elements is very great; for example, in the Terek district, the parish
138
councils include: former police officers ‐ 23, former volost elders ‐ 28,
former members of monarchist parties ‐ 12, former tsarist officials,
policemen and others ‐ 10, former bandits ‐ 4, former major
businessmen ‐ 4. The Oryol group of laity and priests includes many
former members of the ORN and at its meetings discusses political
issues (for example, the consequences for the RCP of Comrade
Trotskyʹs speech, etc.). In Omsk, attention is drawn to the ʺsisterhoodʺ,
consisting of the wives of former officers, and led by the former vice‐
governor. There are similar groups of ʺbrotherhoodʺ in the so‐called ...
organizations in a number of other provinces, and their activities are
very diverse: from organizing a secret warehouse of weapons (Bryansk
province) to sending out appeals.
Sects
The economic activity of the sects is very low, with the exception of the
Mennonite and Dukhobor sects 114who put good agriculture. The
former are supported by American Mennonite aid. Evangelical
Christians pay great attention to the creation of communes and artels
(24 production associations have been created). The activity of other
sects is to deploy consumer cooperation, which in the majority gives a
deficit. The Siberian Adventist Kochetkov turned to the Central
Executive Committee with a project to build cooperation on a new
139
basis, with the elimination of all taxes on cooperation and giving it
purely distributional functions. In general, the economic activity of the
sects has no significant effect on the growth of the sects. Growth was
noted only in the Caucasus, where evangelicals and Baptists, who
propagandize in national languages, enjoy success. In part, sects of a
mystical character are also growing (ʺNew Israelʺ, shakers 115,
runners 116, Jehovahʹs Witnesses 117, ʺPower of Zionʺ, etc.). In other
regions, despite the most intense propaganda (in Siberia, for example,
there are entire preaching groups), the growth of sects is great. In the
sects of late, not only fundamental disagreements have been noted (as,
for example, on the issue of service in the Red Army, the division of
Turkestan Mennonites into progressive and reactionary), but also the
existence of a class struggle. Examples of this are: the resolution of the
Akmola Congress of Baptists to wage a decisive struggle against the
well‐to‐do element covering the cultivated area, the exclusion of the
large merchant Nikitin from the Nakhichevan Baptist community, the
split of the Tsaritsyn Baptist community into “proletarian” and
prosperous. At the 4th southern regional congress of the ʺNew Israelʺ
sect, there was a struggle between two currents: loyal to Soviet power
and reactionary, frustrated resolutions favorable to Soviet power. On
the part of this group, there were monarchist actions. An attempt to
unite the largest sects of the Evangelicals and Baptists failed. The sects
pay a lot of attention to young people in view of their attraction to
cultural work. For this purpose, a number of sectarian youth circles
have been created.
BANDITRY
The rise in petty banditry, noted in the last survey in most of the interior
regions, has intensified over the past month in areas affected by crop
failure. The ruin of the poor farms creates a tense mood there, which
under favorable conditions (untimely aid and non‐exemption of the
poor from tax) can be used by anti‐Soviet elements. Their presence in
the region is evidenced by the more frequent cases of terror in recent
years. In the Central District, it is also necessary to note the elimination
of 5 gangs by the OGPU. In the areas of political banditry, there is a lull,
explained in the North Caucasus by the successful work of the GPU and
in Siberia ‐ by wintertime, which is especially unfavorable for
banditry. In Yakutia, it is necessary to note the movement of the
140
Artemyev‐Galibarov‐Sleptsov bands towards Okhotsk. The gangs
occupied Novoe Ustye, where 10,000 poods were captured.
In the areas of Western foreign banditry, we have a grouping and
revitalization of the activities of foreign gangs in the border regions of
Poland and Romania, in the presence of intensive work by Polish
intelligence agencies to form new sabotage gangs. At the same time, a
transition is noted in some districts of Belarus and the Gomel
province. on our territory of foreign gangs for the purpose of
espionage. In some regions of Ukraine, there is also an increase in the
number and activity of banditry, partly explained by the appearance of
foreign gangs; As a result of the work carried out on b / b work, a
number of bandit groups were liquidated and several leaders were
detained.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
With genuine true: Secretary of INFO OGPU
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
WORKERS
1. Metallurgical industry
141
High rates and low rates. Oryol lips. At the plant them. Rykov, in
connection with a decrease in the grades, the workers of the foundry,
including 50 people, went on strike. Communists and Komsomol
members took part in the strike, the strike was liquidated by the
dismissal of 38 foundry workers.
Nizhny Novgorod province. At the Krasnoye Sormovo plant, due to the
reduction in prices, there is a departure of highly qualified workers (so
far 27 people have left). In the wagon‐locksmith shop, on the basis of a
40% cut in prices, some of the party members pushed non‐party
workers to strike.
Kharkiv province. At the plant ʺElectrosilaʺ No. 10, on the basis of lower
prices, there were attempts to beat the appraiser. On this basis, highly
skilled workers are leaving the Svet Shakhtyora plant.
Votskaya obl. Workers of the night shift of the Izhevsk factoriesʹ rolling
workshop, including 13 people, quit their jobs on the night of February
10, demanding an increase in wages. With the arrival of the workers,
the manager called the guards, asking them to withdraw the striking
workers from the plant, which the guards did, which made the workers
even more angry. On February 12, workers in the same workshop quit
their jobs again, still demanding higher rates and lower rates. In the
mechanicʹs department, 60 workers, dissatisfied with their pay, are also
talking about organizing a strike. There is also growing dissatisfaction
in the refractory and thermal workshops.
Penza lips. February 7 at 9 oʹclock 40 minutes in the morning, workers
of the assembly shop of the Trubzavod went on strike, demanding a
wage increase. The strike lasted 10‐15 minutes, after which the workers
of the assembly shop wrote a collective statement to the manager of the
142
plant through the factory with a request to raise wages, but the question
has not been clarified to this day.
2. Textile industry
Kostroma lips. On February 16, 450 workers at the weaving department
of the Kostroma United Textile Factory, numbering 450 people,
“hobbled” for about 20 minutes, putting forward a demand regarding
technical shortcomings in connection with the campaign to raise
productivity.
Ryazan lips. At the factory ʺKrasny Vostokʺ workers refused to switch
to work on three machines. The secretary of the factory committee told
the workers that ʺI will shut your mouths to all of you.ʺ
Moscow province. At the factory of the former Tsindel (Moscow Cotton
Trust) ‐ the discontent of the workers of the warehouse department
with the increase in production rates, supported by the communists,
some of them even spoke actively.
At the knitwear factory them. Bauman (Mostrikotazh), there is a strike
trend in connection with the underdevelopment of the tariff rate for
January.
143
At the Glukhovskoy field (Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky trust), there is
strong fermentation in connection with the low wages received in
January. The possibility of a strike is not excluded. Instead of 6,000
pieces, only 1,500 were produced. There are 12,000 workers. Such a
drastic reduction was caused by [over] fighting in the delivery of raw
materials.
Yaroslavl province. At the Rolma textile mill, in connection with the
campaign to raise productivity, workers deliberately skimp on work. A
worker stands at an empty car, and when asked, ʺwhy did he start the
car in vain,ʺ he replies, ʺwe are raising productivity.ʺ This is due to the
reduction in prices.
3. Mining industry
High rates and low rates. Donetsk province. At the Kadnevsky mining
administration of Donugol (Luhansk district), there is discontent on the
basis of increasing production rates and lowering rates.
At mine No. 30 of the Rudchenkovsky Mining Administration (Stalin
District), workers submitted an application to revise the production
rates, since they consider the new standards unbearable. Decreased
productivity is noted.
Tomsk lips. At the Lenin mines, a worker (candidate of the RCP), with
the support of other workers, pointedly declared his refusal to work for
50 kopecks. in a day.
Delay of salary and its issuance by bonuses. Donetsk province. At the
Pervomaisky mining administration of Donuglya (Lugansk district),
the issue with the payment of wages is acute since the payment is made
with a half‐month delay. For the month of November there is a debt on
the accounts of the mining administration for 107,055 rubles. On this
basis, as well as on the basis of the issuance of coupons for the
cooperative on account of the salary, there is discontent mainly with the
address of the workersʹ cooperative, which sells flour only in cash.
144
At the Dolzhansky mine administration of Donugol (Luhansk district),
the salary for November was issued in the amount of 30%, when giving
out wages, the workers received 20% of that by orders to the workersʹ
cooperative. There is dissatisfaction on the basis of the untimely
payment of wages and the issuance of wages against its orders, since
many workers are starving; in general, the salary does not correspond
to the subsistence level, and especially for family workers.
Tomsk lips. At the Anzhero‐Sudzhensky mines, workersʹ discontent is
caused by the delay in wages. In February, it is planned to issue 50% in
cash for October and November. Specialists from the funds allocated
for utilities received salaries for November and December. With the
coupons issued, the workers cannot buy what they need in the
cooperative due to the poor assortment of goods. The workers say that
their power is only on paper, but in reality they are enslaved.
4. Dissatisfaction with trade unions
At the Davydovsky mining administration of Donugol (Stalin district),
representatives of the MOVSG pay little attention to the needs of the
workers, and for the most part defend the interests of the
administration, which causes discontent among the workers.
In addition, the workers are outraged by the deep drunkenness of
individual members of the CP (b) U, in particular, and the chairman of
the board of the rabkoop.
145
payment of compensation for unused vacation. The Fabzavkom did not
take part in the elimination of the conflict. The workers say, ʺNobody
wants to defend our interests.ʺ
5. Agitation of the anti‐Soviet element
Moscow province. At the Mytishchi Freight Car Building Plant (Moscow
District), on the territory of the plant, a leaflet was found signed by the
ʺWorkersʹ Committeeʺ, which says about the alleged upcoming general
strikes demanding higher wages. Further, the leaflet, which is allegedly
a communist, says that he must open the eyes of non‐party people, that
ʺwe are not in a position to keep factories and plantsʺ and that ʺit is
necessary to surrender them to capital on concessions.ʺ At the end of
the leaflet there is an appeal: “Long live Comrade Trotsky and those
who sympathize with him. ʺ There are 1,700 workers.
In the Krasnozvezdinsky Raf [other] plant, among the workers who are
housed in the factory barracks, there are Menshevik‐minded persons
who have a great desire to get into the factory committee during the
forthcoming re‐elections, for which they agitate among the workers by
arranging volatile meetings in the barracks. There are individuals
among the workers who are cautiously anti‐Soviet agitation.
6. Peasant sentiments
Leningrad province. In the printing house of Transpechat im. Vorovsky,
a worker who returned from a trip to Luga district, told that the
peasants‐poor peasants made inventories and sold property at auction
for non‐payment of tax, regardless of the lack of side earnings.
In the foundry them. III International (printing industry) at a general
meeting on February 11, workers asked why they are taking a lot of tax
from the peasants.
At the Vozrozhdenie factory (Bumprom), some workers talk about the
plight of the peasants, talk about the possibility of peasant uprisings.
7. Bloated administration staff and employees
146
comparison with the pre‐war period. So, for example, earlier in the pre‐
war time the factory had: 1 mechanic, 1 assistant, 1 draftsman for two
factories. Now there are 1 mechanic, 4 assistants, 2 technicians and 3
draftsmen. The weaving department used to have 1 manager, and now
there are 5 (one on each floor). There are about 2,500 workers.
West. Leningrad province. At the copper foundry of the Russian Diesel
plant, workers indicate that there are 3 technical personnel in their
workshop for 10 workers.
Some departments of the Textile Trust were extremely swollen with
employees; in one accounting department there are 90 employees,
while the recruitment of new ones continues, but the apparatus is still
not adjusted and the balance is not completed by January 1.
At the f‐ke them. Nogin in the construction department there is an
architect, two assistants, one engineer and three assistants, 5
technicians, before the war there were only 2 people ‐ the
head. department and his assistant; no construction work is being
147
carried out at this time, and it is not known why such a large number
of specialists. At the step‐down substation of Volkhovstroy, there is
also a large staff of technicians and engineers receiving high salaries
and 100% load. There have been cases of transferring ordinary clerks to
the technique ‐ henchmen of the head. office building, many engineers
do not live up to their purpose. At the 1st State Spiritual Plant there are
up to 7 inspectors who receive 15th grade and do nothing. Each of the
departments has a head, and an assistant, and an assistant to an
assistant.
Odessa lips. February 14 at the State Forestry Plant head. the plant
opened a stable and increased its staff from 7 to 20 people, which gives
a strong increase in overhead costs.
APPENDIX # 2
ECONOMIC VILLAGE DIFFERENCE
Reducing waste and handicrafts
Tambov province. In five volosts of the Tambov district. (Lysogorskaya,
Gorelskaya, Bondarskaya, Putilovskaya and Sayukinskaya) 10% of
peasants are currently engaged in handicrafts. Offshore fishing and
contracts, haulage trades account for only 25% of the pre‐war period.
Tverskaya lips. The kulaks in some districts are trying to fundamentally
undermine the production artels for sewing footwear at the cross
committees, inciting them against the Soviet regime. In Kimrsky u. in
Ilyinsky parish. kulak ‐ the head of the artel received goods from
148
Kozhtrest for sewing footwear and handed it out, in fact, not to the artel,
but to speculators trading in the market.
The head of the Ivanovo sewing artel is also a kulak, who enslaves the
craftsmen by giving out products against the payment of wages from
his shop. To the handicraftsmen intending to make sewing through the
KKOV organization, Kozhtrest refused to issue the goods under the
pretext of lack of such; bribery with fists at the warehouse is suspected.
Enslavement of the poor
Vyatka lips. Fist of the Yumskaya ox. Nekrasov Karp ‐ the tenant of a
water mill has 50 heads of cattle, for feeding which he buys hay from
the poor for a pittance or for grinding grain and a loan in money, as
well as in the summer, the poor peasants of neighboring villages, who
owe Nekrasov in winter, work out to him in the hottest time leaving
your work in the background.
Tverskaya lips. In Zalazin parish. Tverskoy one fist distributed 15 cows
to the poor, from which he takes 6‐8 poods. of bread.
Tambov province. Taking advantage of the poor material situation of the
peasantry, the plant management of the Trubetchin sugar plant of the
Lipetsk u. buys agricultural implements from peasants (plows, seeders,
winnowing machines, etc.), lowering prices for plows on the market
149
from 40‐30 rubles. up to 8‐10 rubles, and reapers from 70‐80 rubles. up
to 28‐30 rubles. So, the peasant der. Ivanovka brought a reaper to the
factory to buy grain, the mechanic recognized the reaper as satisfactory,
estimating it at 40‐45 rubles, but the plant manager offered the peasant
only 28 rubles for the reaper. The peasant, in need of money, was forced
to give the reaper 28 rubles. The policy of such buying arouses sharp
discontent among the peasantries.
Kuban District. In Tyumryukskom area of tax is particularly heavy for
poor households because many of them are in bondage to the kulaks,
who took over the processing of fields 2 / 3 crop. Thus, the poor have to
pay tax from the remaining 1/ 3.
Leasing land to kulaks
Nizhny Novgorod province. In Lukoyanovskiy u. up to 25% of the poor
gave their land plots to the kulaks for an insignificant price; here the
kulaks organize the purchase of livestock from the poor.
Azerbaijan. Cuban y. The poor, being unable to use their land, forced to
rent them from the kulaksʹ / 3 crop.
Armenia. Zangezur u. There are cases when the poor people lease their
land plots to kulaks for ʹ/ 4 orʹ / 5 of the harvest.
Ulyanovsk province. In Annenkovskaya parish. Kars [unskogo] u. there
are many cases of the poor giving their land to the executive kulak
population.
The consequence of crop failure
Kalmyk region On January 15, in the Kalm‐Bazarinsky ulus, there are
1,500 refugees from the former Kharakhusovsky ulus, devastated
during the civil wars. Out of 400 starving children and 80 completely
homeless children, refugees, wandering around the villages, feed on the
corpses of dead animals. The number of deaths due to hunger among
refugees was registered in November ‐ 1, in December ‐ 3. The
appearance of typhus was noted.
Oryol lips. Due to the lack of bread in Volkonskaya and
Dolbenkinskaya vol. (Dmitrovsky u.), There are more and more cases
of mixing a surrogate, flour, spring seeds into bread, and there are cases
of mixing chaff. There is an acute shortage of forage. In connection with
these shortcomings in these volosts, there were many cases of land
leasing by poor peasants and their departure to work in
Ukraine. Several families from the Stolbishchensky district left for
Siberia altogether, and from Volkovskaya vol. walkers were sent to find
a convenient place and to move there.
According to the data of the Krasno‐Kutsk canton, up to 60% of the
population are undernourished, and 15% of the population is sick from
malnutrition. There was such a case that a citizenʹs camel died, the
hungry, hearing about this, immediately grabbed it for consumption.
Volyn province. In the colony Aleksandrovka (Germans) of N.‐Volynsky
district, some of the non‐chewers have not had bread for a month, while
the well‐to‐do part of the peasants, laughing at them, declares: “This is
151
what you need, your government did it to you, you really wanted it, so
now play with your power without bread. ʺ
In all districts of the Izyum District, due to crop failure, there is a
development of a criminal offense, anti‐Soviet agitation and, at the
same time, an increase in kulak farms at the expense of the ruining poor
and, partially, middle peasants.
In Nikopol district, villagers eat a surrogate, and the development of
begging is noticed. Poor farms are being ruined by a severe food
crisis; the population goes to work; at the same time the kulak farms are
becoming stronger.
APPENDIX No. 3
TAX CAMPAIGN
1. Difficulty of fulfilling tax balances for the poor
Centre. Yaroslavl province. February 2. There are farms that have not a
pound of grain left in stock at all, but they still have to pay 10‐12 rubles
in tax. There are up to 10‐13 such farms in some villages.
Payment of agricultural tax in Mtsenskoyvol. goes very weakly due to
the fact that the remaining defaulters are very poor and they have
nothing to describe, since the cattle were sold earlier when the first
terms of the tax were paid, and now there is nothing to sell.
152
Volga region. Ulyanovsk province. February 21. Peasants of the
Astradamovskaya Vol. Alatyrsky district they are very unhappy with
the fact that they were imposed a heavy tax despite the fact that there
was a poor harvest in the parish. To pay the tax, it was necessary to sell
the surplus grain and livestock, which the peasants began to start after
the time of hunger. The poor are unhappy with the drastic measures
applied to non‐payers, most of whom are poor.
2. Untimely use of discounts
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. The Kineshma UFOs were given 36% to
provide discounts to low‐power farms, but the UFO used only 14% of
this amount, and when they received an order to immediately use all
36%, the UFO sent this order to VICs. As a result, the following picture
turned out: the poor in most cases paid the tax by selling the last
property, while the VICs, wanting to use the discount allowed to them
in full, distribute it to the right and to the left.
3. The ruin of agriculture on the basis of tax
Centre. Oryol lips. February 21. During the implementation of 85% of
the agricultural tax by the peasants of the Oryol province. sale of
800,000 heads of various livestock, of which 60% are small livestock and
40% are cows and horses.
153
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. January 31st. In some counties, in
connection with the payment of tax, the loss of livestock reaches large
sizes, in Shuisky district. ‐ 40%.
Ukraine. Donetsk province. January 30. In the Petropavlovsk district of
the Luhansk district, as a result of crop failure and the payment of tax,
there is a massive sale of livestock, the prices of which have dropped
significantly: a cow or a bull weighing 12‐15 poods. sold for 15‐25
rubles. Since October 1320 cattle have been sold in the region.
In Petrovsky hut. 88 bulls out of 200 available, 29 horses out of 43 and
127 cows out of 264 were sold for tax.
In the hut. Blagoveshchensk in the same district sold 80 horses out of 96
available and 26 cows to pay tax.
Siberia. Omsk lips. On the issue of a single agricultural tax, the peasant
s. Barvensky Poltava district, Omsk u. Dmitry Mamot, a poor man,
during a conversation in the village council on February 5, where up to
50 people were present, said: “This is how the poor are helped to free
themselves from tax, in our village there were 5 horseless households,
in 1922 ‐ 10, in 1923. ‐ 15, in 1924 ‐ 30. Here the Soviet government
helped the poor. ʺ Of those present, Dmitry Tolstonyuk, a proletarian,
supported him and added: ʺThey got in there, put on breeches,
skins.ʺ The rest of the audience laughed approvingly.
4. Excessive tax of the current year
When there is a shortage of grain to pay the tax, you have to sell grain.”
West. Belarus. February 19. In the Bobruisk Okrug, peasants say that
this yearʹs agricultural tax is 4‐5 times higher than the pre‐war tax.
Peasants with. Taraba say: ʺPreviously, they paid 5‐6 rubles, but now
40 rubles.ʺ
Peasant der. Yarkul Tatarsky u. says: “Under the tsar, our village paid
7,000 taxes a year, and now 12,000 rubles. Where does it all go. ʺ
5. Shortcomings of the current campaign
Centre. Kaluga lips. A cow is taxed on a par with a tithe of land, which
is why the tax on it is about 8 rubles, but in total it costs only 25
rubles. Many peasants began to slaughter cattle, leaving only young
animals that were not subject to taxation.
155
West. Belarus. (From the report on the tax campaign): The counting of
objects of taxation in the district was done hastily and mechanically, no
attention was paid at all whether the counting of objects corresponded
to the actual figure imposed on the unit. In with. Bogulichsky,
Petrikovsky district, the financier, seeing that the results of the list he
had drawn up on counting objects are less than the control figure, he
threw on each farm one tenth of arable land and one tenth of
haymaking. Most of the financiers took the figures from 1923‐1924 as
the basis for accounting, which caused a lot of complaints.
In the Mogilev Okrug, entire villages were left out of the main count,
but a plot of 16238 dess. found 19610 dess. haymaking and about 5
thousand head of livestock. Breeding cattle are taxed on a par with non‐
breeding stock. The population learned about the mistakes only after
receiving the salary sheets only during the first months of the
campaign. The population is over 7000 inhabitants in this district.
Siberia. Altai lips. The amount of arable land and livestock does not at
all characterize the economic power of the kulak of the Altai
village. The kulak does not seek to increase the sown area to pay the
tax, for this he uses a roundabout way: he acquires a reaper, a mower,
a thresher and the latter is rented out. A peasant earns an average of
500‐600 poods from a thresher in autumn. bread, and from renting a
mower and reaper ‐ up to 300 poods. Since an average tithe accounts
for 50 poods, it turns out that by renting out a thresher, a peasant
acquires 12 dessiatins necessary for tax. land, reaper ‐ 6 dess. plus, to
those that he has shown as objects of taxation. Taxed with. Voevodsky
of the same county!
APPENDIX 4
COOPERATION
Altai lips. At the present time, when the peasant economy is being
restored through the investment of cheap labor, its strong discontent is
caused by the high rates that cooperative workers receive. The peasant
works on his farm from morning to evening, and here next to him are
cooperative shops, where there is nothing to do alone, there are 3 paid
members of the board, clerks, clerks, etc. The rate of the first category
for cooperative workers is in some places 10‐12 rubles.
156
Such an incorrect deviation of the trade union in the countryside is
explained by the fact that it is being pushed to do so by the workers, the
board of cooperatives, and the managers of enterprises. Worker,
employee and manager are the same local peasants. They have their
own economy. They look at work in the cooperative shops of the
creamery and mills as a means of earning money. Hence ‐ the
disinterest of workers and employees in the production and position of
the cooperative, mill, creamery and their pressure on the trade unions
so that they achieve high rates at the enterprise. On the other hand,
members of the board of cooperatives, also local peasants, look at
cooperatives as a means to feed themselves and improve their
economy, hence the board members are also interested in high
rates. There was not a single case (in 4 villages and one district village),
In three villages, the board members are poor communists. All of them
were poor before being elected to the board. At present, they are very
well fed on cooperative breads and have already acquired a strong
economy. It is necessary to correct the line of the trade union, otherwise
they will begin to turn into a party of petty‐bourgeois elements against
the cooperatives.
[Content] of employees in almost all cooperatives is equal to up to 40%
of the total [amount] of expenses. The number of employees in all
cooperatives is excessively large. So, for example, in a cooperative shop
[c] 3500 rubles. monthly turnover is ... employees.
In general, through cooperation, as well as through the Soviet
apparatus, the so‐called ʺSoviet kulakʺ is growing in the
countryside. Thus, the former chairman of the agricultural cooperation
stts. The barda is a kulak, members of the board ‐ one of the middle
peasants, the other of the poor ‐ have become wealthy: the chairman of
the stts. Barda consumer cooperatives and members of the board also
turned into strong men. The chairman of the Chapshinskaya consumer
157
cooperation (communist) turned from a poor peasant into a strong
middle peasant.
Samara lips. EPO s. Obsharovka has 3 clerks, who are not kept on
salary, but on interest ‐ 3% from the circulating ruble. The monthly
turnover of EPO is 25‐30 thousand rubles. and the maintenance of 3
clerks costs, thus, up to 900 rubles. per month. At the end of December
1924, the chairman of the EPO Volkov received 3,500 rubles from the
Samara Provincial Union, of which 800 rubles. spent on drink, for
which he was removed from office and expelled from the RCP.
Waste in cooperation
Tula lips. The chairman of the Laptev cooperative wasted 4,000 rubles.
158
Oryol lips. Recently, in the Netbezhsky consumer society (M.‐
Arkhangelsk district]), a waste of 1200 rubles was discovered, in this
connection there were shouts at the meeting: ʺHere we elect the
communists, and they only stealʺ, give an example of a board member
(member of the RCP) Kazarkin, for whom there is a defect of 400
rubles. In view of the selection of bad candidates to the board, 40
applications from shareholders to quit the membership were submitted
in one day, the withdrawal was motivated by distrust of the board.
Zado‐
Rast‐ Lost Personally, the
County Type of cooperation false‐
rata parity givers
ness
Moscow Consumer
435006732 4353002750
Telskaya
Agricultural land
664167092 52817 15139
childish
159
Consumer
Bronnitsky 3100021000 ‐ 6690
Telskaya
Voskresensky ‐ ‐ 16000 13099
Mozhaisky 125736000 ‐ ‐
Debts of cooperation workers
Leningrad province. Debts of board members for Luga district and EPO
staff reaches a large size, especially in this is the Luga regional union,
which does not know the limit in issuing goods on credit to employees,
of whom many have to pay for the collected goods for years.
Kharkiv province. In the Staro‐Merchik EPO, a deficiency of 1800 rubles
was discovered, which was made up of the debt of employees and
board members: the chairman of the board owes 533 rubles, the
treasurer ‐ 511 rubles, a member of the board ‐ 280 rubles, accountant ‐
80 rubles, cashier ‐ 70 rub. and others. Bills of exchange were taken from
the listed persons and an installment plan was given to cover the debt
in 4 months.
160
Donetsk province. Starobelsk District Consumer Union lent 17
employees, the debt of which is 2418 rubles, and some of the employees
do not cover their debt for a year or more, while others have left the
district altogether.
APPENDIX 5
SECONDARY ELECTION OF COUNCILS
1. Attitude of the population to new elections
Centre. Voronezh province. In all counties, the number of voters reaches
50%, in some districts of Voronezh, Novokhopersky and Usmansky
u. available from 60 to 100%,
In the Alekseevsky district of the Ostrogozhsky u. on the day of the re‐
election, they quit their jobs to take part in the re‐election. The peasants,
having received the summons, expressed great satisfaction, saying that
the Soviet government reckons with them, seeking their well‐being:
there were also rumors that the delivery of the summons was
reminiscent of elections to the Constituent Assembly (Bogucharsky
district).
Oryol lips. March 1. In Terbunskaya parish. Eletsky u. re‐elections were
held with great enthusiasm and with the attentive attitude of the
citizens themselves, there were from 65 to 85% of voters. 20 women
passed to the district council and one was held by a candidate for the
VIC.
In the Rzhevskaya parish. the re‐election of the Soviets ended in which
90% of the population participated. The district councils included
mostly non‐party peasants.
2. Attitude towards communists
161
Due to the fact that the re‐elections were held without any pressure, the
peasants showed special attention to the candidates ‐ members of the
RCP. Those communists who were newcomers to the village were told:
ʺLet us plow the land with us for two years, and then we will see what
kind of boss you are, and say whether you can or cannot be elected to
the Soviet.ʺ Some communists were told that they were good
organizers of reading rooms and Komsomol cells, but that they were
not suitable as business executives.
Centre. Voronezh province. Communists who managed to gain prestige
in the countryside were unanimously promoted to the Soviet by the
middle peasants and the poor. In with. Morozovka Rossoshanskiy u.,
After the election as chairman of the village council of a member of the
RCP, the peasants said: ʺIf we have him removed from work, we will
go to the center to complain and defend.ʺ
3. Campaigning against elections to the Soviets of Communists
In Pushkin parish. The Socialist‐Revolutionary group is conducting an
intensified electoral campaign, which definitely sets itself the goal of
achieving ʺSoviets without Communistsʺ. This group everywhere and
everywhere very skillfully works the peasants in their favor and
nominates their candidates.
February 16 this year during the report of the Gruzinsky VIC chairman
Podkopaev on the importance of re‐elections, there were many cries
from citizens, one of them, Mr. E. Pastukhov, and others shouted:
“Choose, we will choose and know whom to choose, we love and
respect the communists, only those who are honest and treat us
properly”, and Podkopaev was told: “You must go to Lebedyan in
advance” (for he comes from there). After that [Podkopaev] came
forward and said that he was not an impostor, but he was drowned out
by shouts with a statement that they had not sent him to Lebedyan.
Siberia. Tomsk lips. In with. Voronov and a number of other villages
of Tomsk u. The peasantry, having learned that the election
commissions will not nominate their candidates for this campaign, say
that the power has weakened, there will be no communists in the
village councils, that they will resign and power will pass to the
peasants, who will abolish the tax.
4. Speeches of the anti‐Soviet element and the kulaks
163
Centre. Moscow province. In the village. Belyaevo Leninskaya
Vol. Moscow u. at a meeting for re‐election, kulak Belkin made a
demand for ʺsecret ballotʺ in the elections. His proposal was supported
by a group of people (personally known). On the explanation of the
authorized election commission that we, where there is the power of
workers and peasants, secret ballot is unnecessary, the group began to
shout: ʺDown with our power, then we do not need yours, but give
ours.ʺ There was a loud uproar, swearing was heard, and as a result,
fists entered the Council.
In Ramenskaya parish. Egoryevsky u. there is a strong influence on the
peasants on the part of the Socialist‐Revolutionary element leading
counter‐revolutionary agitation. This group speaks in a very organized
manner at all meetings. So, for example, on the eve of the pre‐election
meeting, they convened a gathering without the knowledge of the
volost election commission, at which the lists of candidates for the
village council and the volost congress were discussed. Then this
group, having come to the re‐election meeting, managed to hold its own
[list of candidates], religiously‐minded and unconscious people blindly
follow the active element.
164
Ryazan lips. The 14th of February. In the area of Bakhmacheevskaya
vol. Ryazan in with. The Social Revolutionary Ivan Titovich
Vinogradov was elected to the electoral commission of this village, the
latter drove through a number of villages, such as the villages of
Kotogashche, Popadyino, where he campaigned among citizens so that
communists would not be elected to village councils and district
councils.
Oryol lips. During the re‐election of the Domnikovsky VIK Dmitrovsky
u. the kulaks, together with the former Socialist‐Revolutionaries,
opposed the candidates nominated by the faction for the post of
chairman of the VIC. The candidacies were disrupted. It was pointed
out at the meeting that they did not care about the peasants, that the
district authorities received from 100 to 150 rubles. per month,
purchase luxury goods. It was noted that Comrade Lenin threw down
the slogan ʺfacing the village,ʺ and local authorities come to the village
on trotters.
West. Gomel province. In one of the villages of the Gomel province. the
former gendarme who spoke at the re‐election meeting called to turn
the weapon in the other direction; in another village, the peasants at a
re‐election meeting pointed out the need to create a peasant party and
ended with the slogan: ʺLong live the peopleʹs republic and free labor.ʺ
Ukraine. Kharkiv province. In with. Pechenegs of the Kharkov district,
the list proposed by the electoral committee was not accepted thanks to
the agitation of the kulaks under the leadership of the kulak of Belous
Abraham, who only had to say: “no need”, as the entire assembly
supported him. Belous achieved such results by campaigning against
the Communist Party and the KNS, for which he specially traveled
around the villages before the elections. As a result, the specified Belous
got to the village council.
APPENDIX No. 6
Tambov province. At the pre‐election meeting of the Council in the
village. Panino Lipetsk u., Held on February 17, on the report of the
authorized vol‐election committee Comrade Knyazeva, Mr. Epifantsev,
a former postal and telegraph official, made the following speech:
“Comrades, toilers‐peasants. From the report of Comrade Knyazev
shows that the main reason for the re‐election is the small number of
voters, which is expressed in 23% of the total number of citizens,
especially women. In my opinion, this reason is only secondary, but the
main reason lies in something completely different, namely: not a
dozen times we had to read speeches of representatives of the center in
the newspapers, Comrade Stalin, Kalinin and others, who call on us
peasants to take an active part in state building, pointed out dozens of
times to local party members about their respective attitude towards
the peasants, definitely demanded from the local Soviets wider
admission of non‐party peasants to the elections to the Soviets. But, in
spite of these tenfold demands of the center, the past elections to the
Soviets again gave the worst results ‐ just as there were communists in
the Soviets from the first day of the revolution, they have
remained. They settled in warm places and did not want to part with
them. This very circumstance was taken into account by the central
government, and in order to once and for all show the local rulers the
incorrectness of such a formulation in the Soviet system, it did not
approve those elections, but demands re‐elections on more legal
grounds. There should be no more impositions on us, and we will not
accept. Before us again ʺtheyʺ (ie, the communists) begin to bow, to suck
up from the first step; this meeting is a decisive step, and if we choose
again those
The resolution passed on the report reads: “In view of the insistent
statement of Comrade Knyazev on the illegality of electing more than
166
one representative from the general meeting to the electoral committee,
contrary to the wishes of the general meeting and a certain non‐
approval of this resolution by the VIC, in order to get out of this
situation, it was decided to elect at the request of Comrade Knyazeva
instead of the desired 3 one representative from the general meeting so
that the member of the village council was from another village in
relation to the elected representative, and reserve the right to check the
work of the agricultural election committee at the general meeting, and
if there are any irregularities in the work, then eliminate them by the
general meeting ʺ. When they move on to the election of a
representative in the village electoral commission, they nominate
Epifantsev and from the public a member of the RCP
Androsov. Epifantsev, being the chairman of the meeting, votes: ʺI vote
for Androsov, you know what kind of person he was, he worked for
you.ʺ Only 10 people raise their hand, after which, turning to Knyazev,
he ironically says: ʺCount.ʺ After that, he votes himself unanimously,
with 10 people against and 10 abstentions, and 230 people were present
at the meeting.
February 18 p. g. a group of poor peasants with. Panino of 53 people
was filed with the voluntary election committee, in which they,
challenging Epifantsev as a former official, asked for the appointment
of a re‐election of a representative from the public in the electoral
committee.
February 19 p. Mr. Epifantsev convenes a new meeting, at which he
delivers the following speech: “Citizens, it has come to my attention
that a denunciation has been made against me by some malicious
persons, the essence of which is as follows: I am accused that at the
previous meeting I spoke out in my speech against the Soviet regime,
he allegedly put it this way: ʺAll communists cannot pour cabbage soup
for two pigs.ʺ In addition, in their denunciation, they point to the
illegality of my choice to the election commission, since I am an old
official. We see how right I was in defending my public right to elect
from society [not] one, but three representatives to the election
commission. For me, the picture of the work of one representative from
the peasants against two interested representatives from the VIK and
the village council was clearly presented. Like that, both are selfishly
interested in re‐elections, because everyone is reluctant to break away
167
from a soft piece. Then Epifantsev tells about his service as a postal and
telegraph official, or rather, about the conditions of this service, and
ends: “Citizens, do you really allow these gangs to be so impudent (he
calls those who filed an application for his withdrawal as bandits). Do
you really not want to shake off shameful slavery, shameful violence,
covered with the hands of laws, deliberately misinterpreted until your
death? Citizens, respond to the call of the center, proclaim the slogan:
ʺNot against the Soviets, but against individual gangs, down with the
rubbish that has crammed into our Soviets, we will replace it with
honest positive citizens from our peasant environment, and those
hooligans who need 1919, when they you were mercilessly robbed, left
without a piece of bread to the mercy of fate, kicked you out of your
own homes with small children in the cold, who need whips to flog you
again, who need other peopleʹs carriages covered with carpets, which
they married and divorced, who need to stuff their pockets again with
other peopleʹs goods, who make slanderous denunciations achieving
the listed goals. All of these actors need to be prosecuted for manifest
defamation with disqualification. Long live the peopleʹs power, letʹs
cleanse the Soviets of hooligans. ʺ
APPENDIX No. 7
POLITICAL MOOD OF THE VILLAGE
The trend towards organizing cross‐unions
168
peasant unions, saying that ʺthe representatives of the peasants now
have no meaning.ʺ
West. Smolensk lips. February 5th. At a meeting in the village. Sofyino
Prigorodnoy Vol. During the Leninist week, the peasants adopted a
resolution ʺto follow the Leninist pathʺ based on the report. After the
adoption of the resolution, the peasant der. Kuvshinovo Gabriel
Cherepkov makes a proposal on the need to organize a peasant
union. The meeting is split into two parts, the proposal is supported by
the wealthy who take part in the debate, while the poor are passive.
After the explanation of the party members, the proposal was
withdrawn from discussion.
In with. Larievka Starodubsky parish and the county, after the report
on the upcoming re‐elections of the village council, a kulak spoke out,
saying that the RCP noticed its mistakes, that it had weakened, and the
peasants needed to organize their party, since the peasants were in the
majority, and when they were united, then the gathered handful (of the
communists) would not take such taxes as now, and for this it is
necessary to elect to the village council not a poor man who does not
know how to protect a peasant, but his own (well‐to‐do), and those who
go to the village council, the VIK and PEC will not obey the
RCP. Further, he said that it was necessary to reward peasants who
have farm laborers. He ended his speech with the exclamation: ʺLong
live the peopleʹs republic and free labor.ʺ
At the pre‐election meeting in the New and Old Merchant Dobrush
parish. Gomel district prosperous peasants asked why the Soviet
government did not allow the peasants to organize themselves into
peasant unions that would protect their interests.
Kuban region (From a letter to the Red Army): ʺWe have a new
organization of demobilized Red Army soldiers in our village, they
often have meetings, and they want to cleanse the EPO partnership, the
executive committee, in general, all state institutions, and all the
demobilized Red Army men want to be in power.ʺ ...
Volga region. Samara lips. February 22. A member of the Perekopno‐
Luki cell of the RCP Okulov went to a citizen of the same village, Shikin,
who at that time was having a conversation about religion among the
peasants present there. Asked by Okulov, Shikin asked whether the
communists recognize God, he kicked him out of the house, shouting:
ʺWe will prepare our party against the communists and soon they will
destroy you.ʺ Shikin is a former kulak, in 1918 he took part in the
uprising against Soviet power.
At one of the conferences in Balashovsky district. the former SR came
out with the defense of Kerensky, who was allegedly not allowed to
develop his activities.
All L. Golitsyno, at the non‐party conference, the peasants pointed out
the high rates of office workers, workers and specialists, that the
171
workers command the peasants, that they are organized into unions,
that the peasants also need to organize into a union.
In the village. Gusiny Bor, Kamensky District, a peasant ‐ chairman of
agricultural cooperatives, in a conversation with other peasants,
insisted on the need to organize into unions in order to be able to
nominate their representatives to higher authorities.
Before the closure of the district non‐party peasant conference in the
city of Cheremkhov, the peasant delegate s. Iretsky asked ʺwhy the
peasants cannot organize their peasant union.ʺ A similar issue was
repeatedly raised by the delegates of the conference at previous
sessions by means of notes without signatures. When the peasant asked
whom, in their opinion, this union would consist of, they said: ʺThe
union will consist of the poor, middle peasants and wealthy.ʺ After
explaining that no one would organize kulak unions, that for the poor
and agricultural laborers there is an alliance called ʺLand and Forestʺ,
172
committees for mutual assistance, the conference as a whole agreed
with this opinion.
Serednyak at a non‐party conference of peasants in the village. Usolye
Irkutsk u. said: ʺThe peasants live badly only because they are
unorganized, the workers, in view of the fact that they are organized,
achieve for themselves everything they need, their interests are
protected by their elected representatives.ʺ
Omsk lips. February 15. At a meeting of the village of Spassky Tatarsky
district an agent of Gosstrakh, who has a farm laborer, 15 cows, 6
horses, agricultural machinery, said: “The Soviet government will only
reckon with the peasantry if it unites in peasant unions; until such
unions exist, the peasants will be taxed and strangled by taxes. ʺ The
peasants present supported the insurance agent.
At the general meeting of the peasants of the village. Andreevka,
Lyubinsky district, Omsk u. the peasant expressed his dissatisfaction
with the fact that ʺthe party fusses its members everywhereʺ, while he
said: ʺCanʹt we organize our own peasant labor party.ʺ This was
supported by the majority.
Altai lips. 28th of February. In the village. Kusina of Barnaulsky u. the
chairman of the agricultural cooperatives, in a conversation with the
peasants, said: ʺWe need to organize ourselves into unions in order to
elect our representatives to higher bodies.ʺ
Exacerbation of the anti‐Soviet sentiments of the poor by fists
Centre. Yaroslavl province. February 9th. In Vyatka parish. anti‐Soviet
elements use a wall newspaper in reading rooms for propaganda
against Soviet power. In the wall newspaper of the Trofimovskaya hut‐
reading room, an anti‐Soviet person published an article criticizing the
Soviet government and its administrative bodies; in this article the
peasantry is proved that in tsarist times they lived happily ever after
and did not need anything, etc.
173
Volga region. Ulyanovsk province. Along Usolskaya parish. Syzransky
u. a group of kulaks and merchants, in order to attract the poor to their
side, is conducting anti‐Soviet agitation among them and lending them
loans. So, merchants distributed up to 800 rubles to the poor.
Siberia. Irkutsk lips. In with. Osokino Preobrazhenskaya Vol. a group
of wealthy peasants at a general meeting pointed out that the Soviet
government wanted to crush the peasants with taxes, that there were
so many parasites among the state employees that there was one person
for each peasant. These same kulaks, trying to win over the poor, said:
ʺThe poor have been completely ruined, we will probably make our
way, they will completely disappear.ʺ The agitation of the kulaks was a
success among the poor. The poor said: ʺThatʹs right, the authorities
have completely ruined us.ʺ
Yenisei province. February 15. In with. Shitkino Kamensky u. a group of
kulaks agitates among the poor against the Soviet regime, saying: ʺWith
the taxes they impose on us, the communists will make everyone
proletariansʺ; the same agitation is carried on by them among the
middle peasants.
Antagonism to the city
Centre. Tambov province. February 13. The peasantry of the village of
Pokrovsky (population 2274) of Saburo‐Pokrovskaya Vol., Going to the
reading room for the work carried out in such a work, in conversation
with each other, very often compare the situation of the worker and the
peasant. The peasant s. Pokrovsky Bashmakov M.V., who is trying to
prove that the workers live, and the peasants vegetate and that the
revolution was only for the workers, and not for the peasants, compares
the salaries of workers with the income of the peasantry, pointing out
the cheapness of rural products and the high cost of products of
workersʹ production. In with. The Krachavki asked questions in the
hut‐reading room: “Why is Lenin not a saint, but they have arranged a
crypt for him; workers live like landowners, and we, theirs slaves, ʺand
so on.
Oryol lips. During the re‐election of the Ryabinsk VIC, one of the
peasants said in his speech that life is very hard for the peasants, 7 years
are promised good things to the peasants, but in fact they are sitting
174
almost without bread, meat costs 2 kopecks. pound, and urban
products are expensive. The speaker ended with the words: ʺWe feed
ourselves with great difficulty, and not that we feed the workers who
give us expensive and inaccessible factories.ʺ
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. The 14th of February. The peasants of
V. Lenenetskaya Vol., When faced with property inventories, say that
“the Bolsheviks used to shout, “the landowners own the land and sell
the property of the poor peasants for arrears,” that now there are no
landowners, instead of them, landowners, there is a state that also
exploits the peasantry through a tax, for the arrears of which they sell
the property of the peasants. ʺ
Tverskaya lips. The pre‐conscript of the Likhoslavl Uchpenta, a peasant
boy of the Novo‐Torzhsky district, wrote a poem called ʺThe Peasant
and the Workerʺ, which clearly outlines the mood of the village. The
poem is quoted in its entirety:
ʺPeasant and Workerʺ
The peasant helped the workers out of slave oppression. The worker of
the peasant has forgotten to know forever, He has forgotten that the
need has overtaken the peasant. Let the peasant rise and come out of
oppression, He will force the workers then, the worker will not get out
of this oppression: It will remain there forever. The steel columns of the
workers are strong, But the peasant hands are also strong, the peasants
will push the columns of the workers, they will build their own
columns. Worker, worker, peasants you forgot, forgot how you went to
the village with a bag, you took out your last possession, you asked a
peasant for a piece of bread. The worker has forgotten that the need is
heavy, which now fell on the peasantry. So that the need does not
overtake the peasants, the peasant help the worker forever. It is difficult
for a peasant to live without workers; a worker cannot live without
peasants. The peasant plows his land with the roots, the worker stops
breathing without bread. Remember, worker,
Oryol lips. In Livensky u. Oryol lips. the peasants sing a song:
‐ And he stands, poor man, at a crossroads, but nowhere to see
anything, and he is still alone, only hearing ‐ you must give. For a whole
century, my dear, he has been busy, and not only is he glad to give the
175
tax, He wants to give his soul, but they do not want to understand
him. How great he is in his native fields, when hay and rye are
harvested, how much strength, intelligence is in his red eyes, and with
a smile he helps everyone. And now he stands, his head bowed ‐ neither
to himself, nor to cattle, nor to Narfin, And, great, he has become not
great now and he looks so sadly at the chaff.
Northwest. North‐Dvinskaya province. The poor have recently begun to
divide into two camps: some, gradually, but getting out of the old
bondage and rebuilding their economy, are very sympathetic to the
Soviet regime, and others are poor people who cannot raise their
economy and are still under the yoke of kulaks. who often cling to
profitable places, exploiting the poor? These poor people are waiting
for two moments: either the second revolution, or the fall of power,
since they are now more offended than ever, hearing the slogan of
freedom and still sitting in chains, not having the strength and will to
throw off themselves.
Kirkrai. Orenburg province. (From a letter to the Red Army): “I ask you,
as a husband, do not be a communist, even though it will be difficult
for you, do not write, and if you do, then sign out. I hear there will be a
strong war in the spring. The people are worried, they donʹt know
why. Life is getting worse and worse. Taxes on the church, on the
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priest, on all the parishioners, will probably close the church, it is
beyond the power to pay. Every day they bring money to the Council
to pay, and then impose; whoever lives like a peasant is mocked and
taxes are imposed on him.
The struggle of the kulaks and clergy against the cultural
organizations of the countryside
Centre. Tverskaya lips. Mr. Dobrokhvalov organized a group of young
people under the slogan “against the Komsomol,” trying to seduce the
Komsomol members, pull them over to him; As a result, there were two
expulsions from the Komsomol cell ‐ Komsomol members Solomonov
and Tamilin, who went to his group, which included 4 young people
with them, who, on the day of the PLCCM cell of the “youth week”,
broke and tore off the decorations arranged in honor of the weeks (p.
Tolkachi Tverskoy district).
Nizhny Novgorod province. In Nizhegorodskoe, the kulaks disrupted a
meeting at which the issue of holding a ʺweek of mother and childʺ 119
was discussed.
Volga region. Ulyanovsk province. In one of the villages of Kozlovskoy
parish. Ardatovsky u. there was a meeting of the PJIKCM cell, which
the local kulaks and the psalmist were trying to disrupt with their
exclamations. By Neklyudovskaya Vol. Ardatovsky u. in connection
with rumors about the proximity of war, the old people insisted on the
withdrawal of young people from the RLKSM members.
In the Kolorovsky district of the Verkh‐Sechenskoye village, a peasant
drove out of his two sons for joining the Komsomol. The girl chosen at
the meeting as a delegate to the regional congress was beaten by her
parents.
In the village. Quiet two unknown peasants, wanting to undermine the
authority of the Komsomol cell, came to the peasantʹs apartment, called
themselves Komsomol members and threatened with knives,
demanding moonshine.
Novonikolaevskaya lips. January 31st. In with. Gilevka Kamensky u. one
of the peasants said to the other: ʺWhy does your son climb into the
Komsomol, tell him to leave, otherwise the bullet is ready for him.ʺ
The activity of the kulaks and the anti‐Soviet element
Centre. Tula lips. February 21. In with. Berezovo Dubenskiy RIK in the
house of one of the kulaks a meeting of several citizens took place, at
which the question of how to carry out their line in order to incite the
178
population against Soviet power was discussed. One of those present
was instructed to necessarily become a member of the RCP in order to
conduct his work there.
In the village. Shilino, the secretary of the village council, as an enemy
of the kulaks, the latter arbitrarily replaced him, putting their supporter
from the wealthy in the efoʹs place.
In with. V. Chilni a handful of kulaks (10 people) arbitrarily replaced
the elected secretary of the village council solely because the latter was
going towards the poor.
Terror
179
them up. When they were beaten, they said: ʺPray, be baptized, bow
down, do not be an atheist, read the Mother of Godʺ, etc.
Ukraine. Odessa lips. In with. Mikhailovka of the Zinovievsky district
a group of kulaks tried to beat the village correspondent, but to no
avail. The next day, the kulaks gathered to discuss the murder of the
village correspondent. In the same village, there were attempts to beat
the teacher.
180
North Caucasus. Don district. In sl. Bessergenevskaya the reading
room was set on fire, the local clergy was suspected of arson, since the
reading room was located in a former church gatehouse and at the time
of the fire the rope from the bell was cut off in order to timely warn of
an alarm; the population did not take part in putting out the fire,
saying: ʺSatan was poured ... and God punished you.ʺ During the fire,
some residents deliberately pushed Komsomol members and
policemen into the fire.
Leaflets
Centre. Voronezh province. February 16. Bogucharsky u. On mourning
days in the Bychkovskaya rural community of the Peter and Paul
parish. an appeal was sent to ʺCitizens of the village of Bychkov, and
Komsomol members, and communists.ʺ The appeal says that “Lenin
brought the country to ruin, that curses are heard everywhere and
everywhere at his address. Komsomol members and communists think
that the peasants mourn the loss of Lenin, but in reality this is not true,
the peasants think that the time will come ‐ and they will destroy all
181
their oppressors who have taken the people under their yoke. ʺ The
appeal goes on to say that ʺLenin is the biggest enemy of Russia and the
communists are given advice ‐ to think carefully about what they are
doing and where they are striving.ʺ The appeal ends with the slogan:
ʺLong live free Russia, long live the Constituent Assembly and the right
of the people, and not you, the oppressors.ʺ
Tambov province. In Borisoglebsk u. Peskovskaya Vol. an appeal of the
peasants was discovered, which says that the Bolsheviks are the
oppressors of the peasants, they have entangled them with cunning
words, they are ruining the farms, taking away livestock, that the
Bolsheviks are the invaders of power, and further it is said that after the
overthrow of the Bolsheviks, elections to the Constituent Assembly will
begin, the land will be taken from the state farms and transferred to the
peasants; the appeal ends with the following slogans: ʺGet ready to
engage in open battle with the Bolshevik‐communist bastardʺ, ʺEnough
to suffer from the yoke of the Bolsheviksʺ, ʺWake up, Russian peopleʺ,
ʺThrow away from yourself the shameful yoke of the Jews.ʺ
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Ural. Ural region in the city of Sverdlovsk, they were found pasted in
two places with a proclamation calling for the overthrow of the Soviet
regime and the RCP signed ʺUnderground Committeeʺ.
Siberia. Tomsk lips. 28th of February. An appeal was found on a tree
in the Kaibo farm, which says: ʺWe have pressed, we will press and we
will press the communists until we destroy them.ʺ
Agitation of the anti‐Soviet element and the kulaks
Centre. Kaluga lips. February 26. In Iznoskovskaya parish. Medynsky
u. an officer of the old army, the son of a former merchant, in a
conversation with the peasants said that ʺthe old officers will still show
themselves in the arena of struggle,ʺ at the same time Kovalenko
stressed that ʺwe are not sleeping, but working.ʺ He further indicated
that he had connections in Dubna with the farmer Stepanov, a former
lieutenant, priest Pogodin and a teacher with. Walnut Zakharovsky ‐
the son of a priest. In conclusion, Kovalenko said that he had
connections with the five volosts through his old comrades, officers. ʺIn
April,ʺ he said, ʺwe will try in the presence of an alliance with the
Balkans, Poland and in the presence of our forces to raise an uprising.ʺ
Tula lips. February 22. Fists der. Krasnovo Lugansk Regional Executive
Committee of the same district Dmitry Chernikov, Nikolai Dudnikov,
Ivan Dudnikov and others are campaigning that the authorities will
bring taxes to the point that they will have to take a club and drive
everyone who comes to the neck, that tax is the same corvee, even
worse. They also point out that the Soviet government rips off the
peasants worse than Nikolai. Under Nicholas, all these communists
were in prisons, they belong there, and these jailers cannot rule the
state.
Ryazan lips. February 26. The former sergeant Podlazov, having come
to the premises of the Sansky village council of the Spassky district,
which is in his house, began to laugh: ʺThe power of the communists is
going into the realm of tradition, that the moment is not far away when
not a single communist will be given a place.ʺ Podlazov said that
communists should be dealt with differently, that everyone should be
shot or killed.
183
Bryansk lips. 12th of February. In the village. Village of Dyatkovskaya
parish. Artyukhov (Menshevik), chairman of the Bytoshevsky enlarged
village council, conducted agitation at a general meeting against the
Soviet government and the Communist Party, which boiled down to
the fact that Leninʹs behests were directed against the peasantry and
that, therefore, it was necessary to create a new revolution ‐ to drive the
communists. During the anniversary of Leninʹs death, Artyukhov
gathered a company at his place, where they staged a booze.
APPENDIX No. 8
MATERIALS ABOUT THE STATE OF THE RED ARMY
Poor quality food. Air defense. In the mobile base, there were two cases
of the Red Army men refusing to receive lunch. In the Kotlas company,
the Red Army men refused to eat soup made from bad herring (old
stock herring), and after replacing the herring with salted fish, the Red
Army men were satisfied.
PrivO. In 32 divisions of the Privy Military District, due to the poor
quality of food, the Red Army soldiers of the regimental school of the
96th regiment began to shout that they were ʺgoing to starve to deathʺ,
and they poured the poured soup and broke spoons.
184
SKVO. In the 3rd cavalry brigade of the North Caucasus Military
District, many cockroaches developed in the kitchen, as a result of
which cockroaches often come across in the food. There was a case
when a Red Army soldier received a pot of soup, in which there were 4
cockroaches.
MVO. In the 10th Cavalry Division and the 1st Special Cavalry Brigade,
several cases of receiving substandard meat, lean and not quite fresh
slaughter, and the issuance of bread mixed with sand, unusable and
musty, were noted, and in the 57th regiment of the 10th division a
baked mouse was found in bread.
ZVO. In the 109th regiment of the 37th division of the Western Military
District, there were interruptions in the supply of flour for 5 days. For
4‐5 days, units of the 5th building were not provided with soap and
sugar due to their failure to enter the Bobruisk food store.
Household crimes. In the 77th and 78th regiments of the 26th division,
a chaotic state of reporting on the inventory and clothing property was
also found, its careless storage, the inability to rationally use the
available material resources, the distribution of money according to
debt documents (60 cases for 4691 rubles) to persons who even have
nothing to do with shelf.
In the 6th Cavalry Division of the North Caucasus Military District, in
the course of the investigation into the affairs of the manager and
treasurer of the 25th regiment, more and more abuses are discovered,
creating the impression of a whole ʺPanamaʺ, systematic theft, as a
result of which the commanders, commissars and managers of the
regiments are subject to trial: 26, 27, 28, 29th, 30th and saneskadron.
After the departure of the manager of the 25th regiment of the 9th
division, a shortage of 900 poods was found. oats, illegal sale of planned
hay, etc.
185
The manager of the heavy division of the 10th building of the Moscow
Military District has drawn up 9 fictitious accounts for a total of 385
rubles. (transferred to the court).
In the 1st division of the SVO, due to inept storage, about 2,000 poods
are subject to decay and damage. potatoes and 50 poods. cabbage. A
significant amount of potatoes was frozen in the 4th regiment of the 2nd
division. There were 8 similar cases, covering all parts of the NWO.
Unprofitable contracts. In the 2nd division of the SVO, contracts are
concluded for the supply of meat with private contractors on conditions
unfavorable for the military intelligence (meat 5 rubles 35 kopecks
poods against the market price of 4 rubles 50 kopecks poods). In
addition, there were cases of delivery and acceptance of substandard
meat (at the insistence of the PA, the contract was terminated).
5 similar cases were registered in 21, 26, 35, 12 divisions and a cavalry
brigade.
Unequipped barracks. In all parts of the Western Military District the
lack of trestle beds ranges from 30 to 70%. In the 7th Cavalry Division,
overcrowding is observed in the barracks, instead of the 3250 people
who are supposed to be accommodated, 4100 people are
accommodated.
In the barracks of the 5th Cavalry Division of the North Caucasus
Military District, trestle beds are almost completely absent, due to
which the Red Army men sleep 3 people on 2 trestle beds, and in some
cases move them all together, making common bunks.
Lack of loans for bath and laundry allowance. In 11 JIBO divisions,
2% of the total personnel of the division were affected by lice, in 4
divisions ‐ 20%. The same picture is observed in parts of the NWO. The
communications company has 4 corps
ZVO lice affected 75% of all personnel, in the 24th regiment of the 8th
division ‐ 45%, and in one company of the regiment it reaches 94%. In
the 70th regiment of the 4th cavalry brigade ‐ 90%, in the 72nd regiment
‐ 80%, in the 33rd and 34th regiments of the 6th division ‐ 15‐25%, in the
36th regiment ‐ 100%.
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Morbidity. In the 2nd division of the SVO in the reporting period, 788
people fell ill with cutaneous diseases.
In the 6th Cavalry Division of the Western Military District, 361 people
fell ill with boils and scabies, in the 7th division ‐ 28% of the total
personnel.
Peasant sentiments. SKVO. The letter of the Red Army men of the
22nd division reads: ʺDonʹt give a damn tax, if you donʹt have extra
bread, then there is no business, and they have no right to sell cattle, so
you say that there is nothing to pay, what you want, then do it, and if
anything, ʺTheyʹll confiscate it, then weʹll see, this issue wonʹt work.ʺ
A Red Army soldier of the 28th Mountain Division of the North
Caucasus Military District writes: “The mood of the Red Army men is
bad, we are told that our families enjoy benefits, they do not need
anything, it turns out, on the contrary, an unbearable tax, for which we
have to sell the last cow or horse. We quarrel with political instructors
and commanders about this”.
SVO. The Red Army soldier of the 61st regiment of the 21st division
writes: “Once again I ask you not to pay tax, indicate that your son is
serving in the Red Army, let you (brother) be sent to prison, but don’t
give tax, let me just come, I’ll interrupt all your party members for that
which is tearing the skin off us. I will dare to do anything, let me die in
prison, but happiness will not be enough for all the lumps who are now
engaged in animal husbandry. ʺ
In the 1st division of the SVO, a Red Army soldier, having received a
letter from home, shouted: ʺThe communists need the tax in kind, taxes
are taken to pay the salaries of command personnel and political
instructors.ʺ
In the 2nd division of the SVO, the Red Army soldier Kotlov, in a
conversation about taxes, said: ʺWell, when there is a war, then there
will be no mercy for the Jews, we will cut everyone.ʺ
ZVO. In the 2nd division, a Red Army soldier, who came from
vacation, told his comrades that ʺthe peasants are being robbed with
might and main and that during his time the last cow was taken from
187
one widow.ʺ In conclusion, the Red Army soldier remarked: ʺWe live
here as in a dacha, and what is happening to the peasants is one horror.ʺ
A Red Army soldier of the regimental school of the same division, to
the exhortation of the military commissar, replied: “You tell me what is
happening in France and England, I’m not interested, they took 30
rubles from my mother. tax, and she had to sell her last cow and pay. ʺ
They write to another Red Army soldier: ʺTo pay the tax, you have to
sell livestock, the tax is high, but the livestock is cheap.ʺ
MVO. In the artillery regiment of the 17th division, one of the Red
Army men, in a conversation with his comrades, said: “We, comrades,
are silent, we are being robbed mercilessly at home, the tax in kind is
being plundered, letʹs organize and take this tax from them while they
have rifles in their hands; when I was in a gang, I felt sorry for the Red
Army, but as soon as a communist gets in, his head is off, well, I drank
the blood of the communists. ʺ
In the 6th division of the Moscow Military District, several Red Army
men said that ʺin case of war, they will be the first to go over to the
whites.ʺ
PrivO. In the 170th regiment of the 57th division, during one political
hour on the tax issue, a Red Army soldier approached the political
instructor [and] with tears declared, showing a letter from his family:
ʺHere you flatter with benefits, but at home you brought the last
cow.ʺ This greatly excited all the Red Army men present, and the
political instructor, who did not find an answer, had to stop the political
hour.
Vacation mood. ZVO. In all parts of the Western Military District, the
issue of vacations is of great concern to the Red Army men. The
headquarters of the 4th corps received an anonymous letter on behalf
of the Red Army soldiers of the Western Military District. The letter
says that if the Red Army men of the spring draft are not given leave,
then they will take up arms, they are asked to give an answer in
Krasnoarmeiskaya Pravda. In addition, in the district, the Red Army
soldiers received certificates from their homes about their difficult
marital status more often. A check through the prosecutorʹs office and
188
perlustration revealed that 50% of the certificates do not correspond to
reality.
SKVO. In units of the 3rd cavalry brigade of the North Caucasus
Military District, the Red Army men are also attracted to
leave. Applications for this are submitted in batches, and various
certificates of local authorities are attached to these applications.
PrivO. In the 34th division, there is also a strong desire of the Red Army
to escape home on vacation. To achieve this, the Red Army men do not
stop at forgeries, recommending their relatives to come up with
fictitious reasons requiring the Red Army soldier to come on
vacation. Thanks to this, the unit receives many letters and telegrams
with notification of the division of property, the death of his father.
In 32 divisions the Red Army soldier writes: “I will take some measures,
since it is impossible to serve, I can no longer be in the ranks of the Red
Army. If it were possible, I would have cut off my hand long ago, no
cholera takes it, I was ill at home, and then you freeze, turn blue, and
take nothing. Read more carefully, because for this we will be in
prison. Grudin Volodka and I decided to cut off two fingers at a
time. There is no other way out. ʺ
UVO. Vacation mood and the desire to escape home were noticeably
manifested in the 9th Cavalry Division. During this period, many ear
diseases have been reported. During the observation process, it was
found out that the Red Army soldiers of the 15th cavalry regiment
Lekar and Denin, in order to be exempted from military service, poured
gasoline into their ears. During the interrogation of the NGO, the
Doctor pleaded guilty to self‐harm for the purpose of dismissal from
military service and said that he was taught this by a former Red Army
soldier of the 13th Chernysh Cavalry Regiment, his fellow countryman,
who, thanks to this, was released from military service. During the
medical examination of Chernysh, it turned out that his ears were
almost unharmed and he had to serve in the Red Army. In addition,
there were several other cases of self‐mutilation with the aim of
exemption from military service.
The rudeness of the command staff, separation from the Red Army
and drunkenness. ZVO. In the 12th regiment of the 4th cavalry
189
brigade, the platoon commander, while studying the materiel of the
rifle, he brought the Red Army man to his knees for not knowing some
issues. In the same brigade, rudeness was often expressed in the form
of such shouts: ʺkeep your muzzleʺ, ʺramsʺ.
SKVO. In 3 separate] cavalry brigade of the North Caucasus Military
District, the regimental school took over the cult in the
village. Abundant. This acceptance was expressed in a drinking party
arranged by the pre‐village council, 2 barrels of red wine were drunk,
there were drunken toasts, tears and kissing. All this made the worst
impression on both the surrounding Red Army soldiers and the local
population.
PrivO. In the 169th regiment of the 57th division, drinking is observed
quite often. It is characteristic to note one of these drinking bouts with
the participation of Blinovʹs pomkomrot and a number of other middle‐
ranking officials. The first, in a drunken stupor, undressed himself and
stripped the prostitute, with whom the Russian began to dance, the rest
opened fire from revolvers, making a lot of noise. All those responsible
for this binge have been brought to justice.
In the 2nd division of the SVO, 4 cases of group drunkenness of
command personnel were noted. This drunkenness was also
accompanied by brawl, shooting and brawling.
MVO. In the 57th regiment, in the 10th Cavalry Division, there was a
case when the platoon commander hit a Red Army soldier with a stick.
UVO. In the 27th division, the New Yearʹs meeting was accompanied
by heavy drinking. In the 20th regiment, a bow evening was arranged,
which was attended by the command staff and the Red Army men. 450
190
bottles of beer were drunk, the compolitist drank alcohol, which was
taken from under the tables. After the party, the drunkenness
continued and turned into a drunken orgy. In addition, drunkenness
was observed on the part of the regiment commander Sablin and
assistant Ushakov and others. This group of commanders spent 5
drinking bouts during the month of January. The drinking was in the
nature of an orgy, where some wives danced almost naked. In the
reporting month, there was a specially female drinking party, which
was attended by all the wives of the above command staff. The binge
continued with dancing, brawls, swearing, and it got to the point that
the commander who accidentally fell to the floor, his trousers were
lowered, and it cost him a lot of work to get out of there without being
raped.
The relationship of the compolitist in connection with the unity of
command. SKVO. The rumors about the one‐man command in the 3
separate cavalry brigade of the North Caucasus Military District caused
strange relations between the command and the political
staff. Partykompolitstaff begins to weigh on political instructors. In this
brigade, commanders argue that political instructors are an extra ballast
that hinders work and only burdens the Republic.
SKVO. In the 3rd division, the commanders speak out about political
instructors in a negative sense. In companies, political instructors do
nothing at all, they are unnecessary, because the work that political
instructors are doing could be done by platoon commanders (106
regiment). ʺThe salaries are paid to political instructors in vain.ʺ The
platoon commander explains to the Red Army that there will be no
political instructors in the platoon commanders, he expressed his
approval for this. To the questions of the Red Army men whether it
would be good without political instructors, [answered]: ʺThe treasury
will have less expenses, and the tax will be easier for the peasants.ʺ
UVO. In the 80th division, in connection with the preparation for the
transition to one‐man command, and hence the involvement of the
commanders in political work, the question of the rationality of
existence in parts of political instructors is being discussed. This trend
is especially noticeable in the 238th regiment, thanks to which the
political instructors lost their authority.
191
In 69 divisions, on the basis of the forthcoming introduction of one‐man
command, there is a lack of agreement between the regiment
commanders Ignatiev (a member of the RCP) and the military
commissar. Moreover, the orders given by the commander are canceled
by the military commissar, and vice versa.
KKA. In the units of the KKA, clashes on official grounds between the
command and political personnel, especially between the leading
command personnel and the commissar, have become more
frequent. During the reporting period, there were two incidents of
violent clashes. The first case took place between the commander and
the military commander of the 4th regiment of the 2nd K [Avkaz]
SD. The relationship between them reached such an aggravation that
both had to be removed from their posts.
In addition, in the units there are frequent statements from the
commanders that the political staff is much less important for the study
and life of the unit than the command staff.
The hostile attitude of the Red Army to political instructors 124. In the
2nd division of the Western Military District, several Red Army men
addressed the political instructors in this way: “We are not interested
in the tunes of political instructors, since their fathers live well because
they receive a large salary, therefore, they don’t care about taxes in
kind. The last property is described to the peasant for the tax.
SVO. “Is this the power, when it wants to teach, but they just hammer
our heads, priests used to be, and now political instructors sing twice
as much (1 division), under the tsar we were entangled with the law of
God in schools, now they are entangled by political instructors who
paint us pictures that everywhere is good, and when you come home
there is nothing to eat. ʺ
In the 35th division, the Red Army soldier, comparing the political
instructor with the priests, said that ʺin the old army there was one
priest per regiment, but now each company has a political instructor,
and they all receive a large salary.ʺ
MVO. In the 18th regiment of the 6th division, 4 Red Army kulaks were
identified, who are grouped on the basis of various material
shortcomings, while expressing dissatisfaction with the political
192
instructors, stating that ʺthe law of God reminds them of the political
hour, and the political instructors remind them of priests.ʺ
In the 10th Cavalry Division of the Moscow Military District, the Red
Army soldier said in a lenguard that ʺpolitical instructors are the same
priests, but they receive more salaries, and this money is taken from
their fathers.ʺ He immediately declared that ʺhe is angry with all the
political instructors and would have interrupted them all.ʺ
Indiscipline. SVO. In total, about 500 disciplinary punishments were
imposed on the parts of the SVO for violation of discipline. There were
46 cases of non‐compliance with orders.
In the 62nd regiment of the division, by order of the department
committee, the Red Army soldier to change his post, the Red Army
soldier replied: ʺI will not go, because I am tired, as you want to force,
but I will not go, I have such a character.ʺ Another Red Army soldier
replied: ʺAnd why do we need discipline, it is completely unnecessary,
we fought for freedom, but discipline is poked at us.ʺ
MVO. In the 51st regiment of the 17th division, finishing, being
appointed carnach, left the carpenterʹs room for the club and did not
appear before the divorce of the guard began. One of the divisional
committees of the regimental school, being appointed to the guard by
the chief, went to the barracks and went to bed, so he had to be replaced
by another person. When the elementary school asked why he left,
being a carnach, he answered with finishing: ʺSomeone needs to start,
otherwise everyone says that they are often sent to the outfit, and no
one opposes this.ʺ
PrivO. The decline in discipline has become particularly noticeable in
recent times. In the 169th regiment of the 57th division, the Red Army
soldier refused to go to work, citing the lack of an overcoat. In the
artillery regiment and cavalry squadron 57, cases of leaving their posts
became more frequent. Drunken attendance at the carpentry is
noticed. In addition, unhindered access by unauthorized persons. In
the Perm convoy team, there was [a case] of refusal of all Red Army
soldiers to go to work. The refusal was motivated by severe frost.
APPENDIX No. 9
The monthly budget of the secretary of the village council of the
Korostensky district of the Volyn province. (Ukraine) from October 16
to November 16, 1924 (materials were transferred to the OGPU,
provided that he was not brought to justice)
194
paper and
matches
A haircut ‐ 25
Accepted on account of the Candy ‐ 60
payment of a single
agricultural tax ‐ 70 rubles,
exchange royal silver for 25
30.X kopecks. per ruble, and 38
Apples ‐ ten
kopecks were handed over to
the cashier of the financial
department, which brought in
a profit of 4 rubles. 90 kopecks.
Recovered for the issuance of a
certificate for burial, which
2.XI Cigarettes ‐ 40
should be issued free of charge
‐ 2 rubles. 65 kopecks
Makhorka,
3.XI matches and ‐ 12
paper
4 rubles were collected for the
expense record, but 2 rubles
5.XI
should be collected, which is a
profit of 2 rubles.
Indulgence for not identifying
7.XI
the moonshine still 8 rubles.
Sealed for the
content of the
10.XI 2 40
commissioner
(for re‐election)
Received from the owner of the
12.XI moonshine still one bottle of
moonshine ‐ 80 kopecks.
Makhorka,
The same, 3 bottles ‐ 2 matches, paper,
13.XI 1 20
rubles. 40 kopecks. papi dew and
apples
The same, 3 bottles ‐ 2
14.XI rubles. 40 kopecks. Salaries per
month 14 rubles.
16.XI Apples ‐ fifteen
195
At the table,
apartment,
ten 00
i.e., for full
content
Total 32 76
Total 42 rubles. 95 kopecks
The remainder ten 19
With genuine true: Secretary of INFO OGPU
196
Review of the political state of the USSR in March 1925
April 30, 1925
Moscow
Ex. No ... Top Secret
Store as cipher Com. ...
At the same time, an overview of the political state of the USSR for the
month of March 1925 is being transmitted. The review is compiled on
the basis of data from the state information of the OGPU Inform
Department, supplemented by materials from the OGPU departments:
Secret (anti‐Soviet parties and groups), Counterintelligence (banditry).
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with
the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
The heads of the OGPU and PP OGPU departments should acquaint
the heads of the OGPU DTO with the overview. In addition, they can
give an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional committees,
provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the
Central Committee of the RCP, as well as the chairmen of the executive
committees and CECs of the autonomous republics.
Note: Appendices # 5 and 7 were sent out in the February review.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU
CONTENT
Overview:
Workers
Peasants
Anti‐Soviet parties and groups
Banditry
Applications:
197
No. 1 The economic situation and political mood of the workers
No. 2 Re‐election of Village Councils
No. 3 Cross Unions
No. 4 Rumors spreading in the village
No. 5 Monthly budget of the secretary of the village council
№ 6 The state of the grass‐roots cooperation in Moscow province.
№ 7 Speech at re‐elections in the Tambov province. Total: 37 pages.
WORKERS
In March, the number of conflicts at enterprises increased compared to
February. So, in February there were 15 strikes, in March (according to
incomplete information) ‐ 19; The strikes were mainly caused by the
increase in norms and the reduction of prices (metallurgical industry),
and in the textile industry ‐ the transition to 3‐4 sides. The issue of
delayed wages in the industries: mining, forestry, sugar, chemical and
some others is still not obsolete.
Metal industry
Higher production rates and lower prices. The most acute cause of
conflicts was the ongoing increase in production rates and lower
prices. On this basis, 4 partial strikes took place (the Sevkabel plant in
Leningrad, the K. Marx plant in Yekaterinoslav, at the Yugostal A and
B plants in Mariupol, and at the Izhevsk plants) (see Appendix 1).
Attempts at an organized demonstration demanding higher wages and
cases of workers beating appraisers (Electrostroy plant in Kharkov)
were noted. The departure of skilled workers on the basis of lower
prices is noticed at many enterprises in the Leningrad, Nizhny
Novgorod, Bryansk provinces and in Ukraine, while some enterprises
are threatened with closure. At some enterprises, prices are reduced by
50% or more (Leningrad, the Karl Marx plant, etc.). At the Izhevsk
factories, skilled workers instead of the previously generated 150
rubles. now they receive 35‐50 rubles; dissatisfaction with low rates
covers up to 8000 Izhevsk residents, and in the last days of March there
have already been cases of stopping work by two sawmill artels (of
198
which one artel quit work, incited by a Komsomol member). At the
Kramatorsk plant in Donbass, the communists also opposed the
increase in norms. At the plant them. Marty in Nikolaev, workers
deliberately reduce productivity.
Delayed wages. Due to the delay in wages, a strike took place at the
VSNKh iron foundry in Voronezh. At the factory ʺIII Internationalʺ of
PRUMP due to the delay in wages, some workers called to quit their
jobs. In heavy industry, wages are regulated.
Textile industry
Go to 3 sides. The transition to a new method of work (3‐4 sides) in
March, as in previous months, continues to excite textile workers. On
this basis, a large strike took place at the Vysokovskaya convent of the
Tver Cotton Trust, which involved 500 workers. At the Profintern
factory in Vladimir there is talk about ʺwhat is worse now than under
the tsar.ʺ At one of the meetings, the former Socialist Revolutionary
said that it was time for the communists to rip their heads off. At large
textile factories. Kutuzova, ʺOrtrudʺ, ʺKomavangardʺ in connection
with the transition to three machines, the workers are afraid of staff
reductions. At a number of factories, there were demands for higher
wages and a reverse transfer to two sides (Likinskaya m‐ra,
Yakhromskaya factory, etc.). Dissatisfaction is aggravated by the poor
quality of the semi‐finished product, the worn‐out machines and
interruptions in the supply of auxiliary materials,
It should also be noted the dissatisfaction of workers with unequal
wages for groups of the same qualifications at similar enterprises and
even at a homogeneous factory (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Moscow,
Leningrad and other provinces), noted in a significant number of
factories.
Mining
Increasing production rates. In the mining industry, in March, it comes
to the fore [dissatisfaction with high rates, at the same time, the issue of
wages is still unresolved. Several strikes have taken place on the basis
of high rates and lower rates. At mine No. 8 of the Gorlovskoye mine
administration, the loggers went on strike, demanding that they be
transferred to the 8th category; because of the failure to supply the
fastening material, the miners were forced to stop working by the
latter. At the mine ʺItaliaʺ of the Makeyevka Combine of the
Rudgenkovsky Mining Administration and the ʺCʺ of the Budenovka
Mining Administration, workers refused to go to work. In the Rovenets
mining administration, the workers, under the influence of the
agitation of anti‐Soviet elements, say: ʺThe current government is the
power of the rapists, it has promised a lot, but has given nothing but
cold and hunger.ʺ In Siberia, on the basis of low prices, conflicts are
observed at the Anzhero‐Sudzhensky mines; the workers, when they
were given salaries at the new rates, raised a scandal by refusing to
work. Due to low prices, coal production at the Anzhero‐Sudzhensk
mines decreased by 30‐35%; on this basis, a decrease in labor
productivity was noted. Bonds to cooperatives are still being issued
against wages, which causes sharp discontent among workers (a
number of mines in the Donbass and gold‐mining regions of Siberia).
Other industries
Rising norms and lowering prices in March caused a number of
conflicts in the industries of the chemical, food flavoring, etc. In the
chemical industry, due to the increase in norms, 3 strikes took place in
March (Ivotskaya glass factory and Pesochinskaya faience of Bryansk
200
province, Znamensk glass factory in Yeniseisk). At the latter, in view of
a reduction in wages by 20% and an increase in the norm from 5 to 20%,
some of the free craftsmen filed a letter of resignation (their salary was
earlier equal to 150 rubles, now it has dropped to 72
rubles). Everywhere at glass factories, there is a long delay in wages (at
the Yamarevka glass factories in the Far East, wages are not paid for
about 6 months).
Strong dissatisfaction with the delay in wages continues to be noted at
most sugar and sawmills, and the delay reaches 3 ^ 1 months (in the
timber industry ‐ in the western and other provinces and in Belarus, in
the sugar industry ‐ in Ukraine).
Workersʹ political mood
The political mood of the workers is generally satisfactory, in particular,
this was revealed in Moscow and Leningrad during the re‐elections of
the Soviets. Almost 90‐100% of the workers attended the re‐election
meetings and voted for the lists put forward by the cells. Insignificant
speeches at some re‐election meetings of anti‐Soviet elements in
Moscow (a group of the 15th Metalworkersʹ Union, Semyonovskaya
Printing Factory) were not successful among the workers.
Dissatisfaction with the trade unionists. One of the serious moments
in the mood of the broad masses of workers is the dissatisfaction with
the trade unionists due to the inconsistency in some cases of the
position of the trade unions when working out rates with the
administration. The strike at the beginning of April at the Novo‐
Tkatskaya mill of the Glukhovskoy area is highly characteristic,
involving up to 6,000 workers and caused by a reduction in rates to
20%, carried out with the consent of the trade union and without the
knowledge of the workers; the strikers put forward demands to remove
the factory committee and the director. Among the workers of
Yaroslavl enterprises there are rumors that the workers do not need
trade unions, since their work is limited only to collecting membership
fees, and not to protect the interests of workers. In the Gomel
province. workers of the Glukhovsky cloth factory named
after Zinoviev, they say that factory committees are just an extra
overhead. Mainly the workersʹ dissatisfaction with the trade unionists
is caused by that the latter, in a large number of cases, follow the lead
201
of the administration and completely disregard the interests of the
workers. It should be noted a number of cases of gross arbitrariness in
the work of trade union organizations, pushing workers away from
them. The workers are reluctant to go to the factory with their needs
because they know that they will not meet support there. At the re‐
election of the Metalworkersʹ Union in the Uman District (Kiev
Gubernia), the workers protested against the nomination of the
chairman of the former board by the faction, since he expelled workers
from the Union on the basis of personal accounts; in view of the fact
that the presidium insisted on his candidacy, 2 / 3 working left
assembly. Similar cases took place in a number of enterprises. At the 1st
Goskozhzavod of the Berdichev Okrug, the factory committee and the
cell are not so authoritative that the workers hardly attend meetings,
they say that ʺthere is no truth in the factory committee and cell and
everything is based on lies.ʺ
Peasant sentiments. Attention is drawn to the penetration of peasant
sentiments into the masses of the workers. This is noted at a number of
enterprises in the provinces and in Moscow. At the former Genaʹs
Selmash plant in Odessa, a group of workers points out that ʺmoney is
being pulled from the peasants for training and at the same time they
are being taxed excessively.ʺ At a non‐partisan conference of workers
in Kharkov, one of the workers of the cable plant said in his speech that
ʺthe peasant who has flooded the fields with blood to win the rights of
the workers, thanks to the unjust approach of the authorities, is doomed
to all sorts of deprivation and hunger.ʺ At the meeting of the railway
cell at Art. Roslavl was given a note by one worker in which he asked:
ʺWhy does the government not allow the peasants, like the workers, to
organize their unions.ʺ Peasant sentiments were especially pronounced
among the workers of individual small enterprises at re‐election
meetings in the Moscow Soviet; it spoke of ʺthe plight of the peasantsʺ,
ʺlow prices for agricultural productsʺ, etc. There were also individual
speeches on the question of peasant unions.
The mood of the workers in the reporting month was adversely affected
by the shortage of grain in the workersʹ cooperatives and the rise in
prices for it. At many enterprises (Pesochinskaya faience factory, an
iron foundry in Bryansk province, Troitsk cloth factory in Gomel
province and a number of others), workers at general meetings raise the
issue of raising the cost. At the Trinity Cloth Factory, there are rumors
among workers about the need to renegotiate a new collective
agreement and establish wages depending on fluctuations in market
prices for bread. One of the demands of the striking workers of the
Novo‐Weaving mill of the Glukhovsky district of the Bogorodsko‐
Shchelkovo trust was: a premium for high prices in the amount of 15%
of wages. At some enterprises, workers are not satisfied with the fact
that the increase in wages lags far behind the furiously rising grain
prices (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province and Belarus). At a number of
enterprises in the Penza province. under pressure from the workers, the
administration made 5‐10% wage increments; in the opinion of the
203
workers, the increments are insufficient (factory ʺMayak Revolutionʺ,
etc.).
The mood of the unemployed. In the reporting period, due to the
difficult economic situation, the influx of unemployed people from the
poor and rural farm laborers to the cities, and the lack of demand for
labor, an increase in discontent was noted among the
unemployed. Particularly strong discontent is noted among
unemployed metalworkers in Moscow and water workers in
Odessa. The last ones put forward demands for the removal of a
number of responsible employees of the exchange ‐ communists from
their jobs in view of the existing protectionism; at the meeting there
were calls ʺto take up arms and arrange a second revolution.ʺ Similar
demonstrations took place among the dismissed workers from the
Anzhero‐Sudzhensk mines ‐ ʺwe must take up the rifle again in order
to win another power that would more protect the interests of the
workers.ʺ Among the unemployed of the Republic of Tatarstan, there
was talk about that ʺthe workers should quickly organize themselves
and throw the communists off their shoulders, telling them that they
are not fit to rule the state, but must go to hell under the boatʺ, that ʺit
is time to change their minds and take up the new bourgeoisieʺ since
they will be arrested, ʺʺ they suffered a lot, and now there is still a little
left before the liberation of the workers and peasants from the yoke of
the communists. ʺ The demobilized Red Army soldiers in Kiev, at one
of the illegal meetings organized by them in the hostel of the
unemployed, decided to come out with a demonstration and the slogan
ʺGive us bread.ʺ
PEASANTRY
Re‐election of the Soviets
The secondary re‐elections of the Soviets, which took place in March in
a number of districts (Center, West, Ukraine, Volga region, Siberia),
revealed an increase in the anti‐Soviet activity of the kulaks and the
rural strata hostile to Soviet power. An intense struggle against the
election to the Soviets of the Communists is being waged
everywhere. As a result of these re‐elections, the new Soviets are, to a
large extent, clogged with kulaks, and in some places with Socialist‐
Revolutionaries and former bandits, whites, etc.
204
Organization. The kulaks, as a rule, act in an organized manner at the
elections, having carried out preliminary agitation preparations. The
holding of secret pre‐election meetings of kulaks and their supporters
was noted in a number of provinces of Ukraine and Siberia. In the
Poltava province. during the re‐election of village councils
with. Khilkovka, local kulaks led by the priest organized a pre‐election
meeting, and after the meeting of their candidates in the priestʹs
apartment, the priest made a report on the work of this group. At
another meeting of the Donetsk province. there is talk about democratic
elections. Kulak groups sometimes disrupt meetings if their candidates
do not pass.
It is widely practiced treating the poor with moonshine and snacks so
that the latter nominate and support candidates outlined by their
kulaks at meetings.
Speeches of the SRs. In a number of provinces of the Center and
Siberia, in some places, active participation in the re‐elections of the SRs
and their sympathizers was noted. In the Moscow province. Socialist‐
Revolutionary performances were noted in a number of counties. In
Proletarskaya Vol. Moscow u. the local Socialist‐Revolutionary tried to
split the peasant delegates from the workers. At the district congress of
the Soviets of the Moscow district. a group of Socialist Revolutionary
delegates left the congress, protesting against the leaders of the
congress, ʺimposing their own candidates and ignoring the interests of
the peasantry.ʺ In Orekhovo‐Zuevsky u. the local SR spoke at the
congresses of the Lipenskaya parish. and uyezd, proposing a resolution
that pointed to the inequality of the peasants. In Dmitrovsky u. The
Socialist Revolutionary, who spoke at one of the vol‐congresses,
suggested counting the peasants of the Moscow province. in the
position of workers. There were especially many such performances on
Yegoryevsky district. At a number of village meetings, at volost
congresses and some uyezd congresses of Soviets, Social
Revolutionaries made speeches demanding the organization of peasant
unions. The speeches of the Social Revolutionaries, although in smaller
numbers, took place in the provinces of Yaroslavl, Tambov, Tula,
Nizhny Novgorod, Ryazan, Kharkov, Samara and Altai. Almost
everywhere the Socialist‐Revolutionaries group kulaks around
205
themselves and come out mainly against communist candidates. In a
number of cases, the SRs demand a secret ballot.
The struggle of the kulaks and Socialist‐Revolutionaries against the
communist candidates. The speeches of the kulaks and Socialist‐
Revolutionaries in the elections were directed mainly against the
election of Communists and Komsomol members to the Soviets (as well
as workers, women and the poor). The main tone of these speeches,
which is also characteristic of some of the middle peasants who follow
the kulaks, is as follows: “It is enough for the communists to rule; we
need our own Council of non‐party people, which would know the
peasant needs ʺ,ʺ let the communists have a rest, we will work ʺ,ʺ we
have different interests with the workers, and therefore workers should
not be elected to the village councils ʺ,ʺ we should choose our own
people, not the Vikings ‐ communists who only steal and rob the
people. ʺ The idea is carried out that the Soviet government is forced to
recognize non‐party people, because it feels its weakness: ʺThe RCP
noticed its mistakes, it has weakened,ʺ leaving the non‐party to pay for
their sins,” and so on. It is also pointed out that the new course is the
result of pressure from Western states, demanding the involvement of
non‐party people to power. To run their candidacies and fail the
communists, the kulaks in a number of provinces spread rumors about
the existing order from the center of the party not to elect communists
to the lower co‐apparatus (“now it is high time to isolate ourselves from
the communists, at the top everything is already built in a new
way”). The slogan ʺSoviets without communistsʺ is widespread,
especially in the Tambov province. Speeches against Soviet power are
sporadic and unsuccessful.
The attitude of the broad peasant masses to re‐elections. The middle
peasants, especially the well‐to‐do, in most cases follow the kulaks, in
a large number of cases from this milieu there are protests against the
promotion of communists to the Soviets. On the other hand, the re‐
election campaign is regarded here as another trick of the communists
in order to win over the countryside due to complications for them in
the international situation or as a sign of the failure of the communists,
who were unable to cope with their tasks in economic
construction. Along with this, among the poor (especially in areas
where the kulaks are more active, many undesirable elements have
206
passed into the Soviets), there is strong discontent with the new policy
of the Soviet government. You can hear a lot of statements like: ʺWhy
did we shed blood to allow such a bastard to come to power.ʺ Other
speeches indicate that the poor, kicked out of the Soviets, would not be
able to survive otherwise. There are threats like ʺit wonʹt stay this
way.ʺ In a number of cases in Ukraine, Siberia, and in some places in
the Center (Tambov Gubernia), the poor petition for cassation of the
new Soviets due to the dominance of the anti‐Soviet element in them.
The clogging of the composition of the new Soviets. In a number of
districts, the re‐election gave very negative results in relation to the
composition of the grassroots Soviet apparatus. The kulaks mainly
strive to gain a foothold in the village councils and only partly in the
VICs. The same can be said about the congresses of the Soviets. If the
activity of the kulaks is very significant at the volost congresses, then at
the uyezd congresses their speeches are sporadic and their efforts to get
delegates to the uyezd congresses are weak. In addition to the direct
seizure of the grassroots Soviet apparatus, the kulaks are pursuing a
policy of bringing the poor and middle peasants under their influence
there. Wherever secondary elections were held, the number of
Communists and Komsomol members in the Soviets dropped
sharply. In a number of cases, communists and Komsomol members
were thrown out with shouts and whistles; there were even cases of the
removal of communists and Komsomol members from meetings.126.
Former bandits, chieftains and whites. In a number of regions, it is
necessary to take into account the contamination of the grassroots co‐
apparatus by an active anti‐Soviet element in the past.
In the Voronezh and Tambov provinces. in a significant number were
active participants in the bandit movement, including the Antonov
uprising 127 (there are even unit commanders and prominent
participants). Many former members of the bandit movement went to
village councils in Ukraine and Siberia. In the South‐East, especially in
the Donskoy and Maikop regions, there were a significant number of
former chieftains and Wrangelites 128.
Peasant unions
In March, there is a further increase in the tendency to organize a
peasant union. Speeches on this issue took place in 22 provinces in 52
cases (in February ‐ in 17 provinces in 32 cases): in the Center ‐ in 7
provinces ‐ 18 cases (of which 9 cases in Moscow province. ), in the West
‐ in three provinces ‐ 13 cases, in the Volga region ‐ in three provinces ‐
8 cases, in the North Caucasus ‐ in three districts ‐ 6 cases, in Siberia ‐ 3
cases in two provinces, in Ukraine ‐ 2 cases in two provinces , in the
North‐West region and in the Far Eastern Military District ‐ one case
each.
The demand for the organization of a cross union for re‐elections. The
campaign for the second re‐election of the Soviets, characterized by
anti‐Soviet actions of the kulaks and the growth of anti‐Soviet
sentiments among wide circles of the peasantry, naturally was a very
convenient moment for putting forward demands for the organization
of cross unions. Such demands and inquiries ‐ why the Soviet
government does not allow the organization of cross unions ‐ were
expressed in most cases at rural election meetings and especially at
volost congresses. These demands are becoming more and more
insistent and in some places penetrate the district congresses of
Soviets. So, at the Center in Kolomenskoye u. Moscow province. a
group of anti‐Soviet peasants, who raised the question of the cross
union at the district congress in Myachkovskaya vol., got to the county
congress of Soviets and here organized a non‐party faction and
208
campaigned among the delegates of the congress for the creation of a
cross union; characteristic performance of a peasant in the Tver
province. (in Zaluchye): ʺNot today, tomorrow, but we will achieve the
organization of such a union, since it is our salvation.ʺ However, the
question of the cross union was also raised at any other meetings, in
particular, at congresses and meetings of the KKOV and non‐party
conferences.
The attitude of various strata of the peasantry to the cross union. In
the past month, the demands for organizing a cross union, as in
previous months, came not only from the kulaks, but also from the
middle peasants and the poor. In the Western region in Roslavl
u. Smolensk lips. the question of creating a cross union ʺRed Plowmanʺ
was raised during the re‐election of village Soviets by the poor and
middle peasants (at the parish congresses of the same province), by
individual peasants under the leadership of kulaks and teachers. In the
Volga region in the Penza province. in Saransk u. The agitation on the
part of the VIC clerk for the Sokha cross union was supported by the
majority of the population of the volost. In the Samara province. in
Bugur left with a claim from. the demand, initiated by one peasant at a
village electoral meeting, to organize a cross union, was supported by
30 middle peasants. In Siberia, in the Altai province. the question of the
cross union was raised by the middle peasant.
209
Elements of the cross‐union economic program. By analyzing the
formulations in which the peasantry makes its demands to organize a
cross union, it is possible to establish individual elements of the
economic program of the cross union. The vague general formulation
of the economic program of the cross union boils down to statements
that the cross unions should ʺtake measures to improve the economic
situation of the peasantryʺ (West, Smolensk province), that the task of
the cross union is ʺto protect the legal economic interests of the
peasantsʺ (Volga region, Penza province).
In some places, the peasant union is thought of as a trade union of
peasants, the task of which is to put the peasants in equal working and
earnings conditions with the workers. ʺThe peasants need to have their
own local council, which could assess the labor of the peasants and the
value of the productʺ (Ukraine, Poltava province). ʺThe peasant trade
union must establish a minimum for the life of the peasant, it must set
the rates for agricultural tax in such a way that the income of the
peasant equals the wage of the workerʺ (West, Gomel province). An
interesting case was when a group of peasants, including a member of
the VolKKOVs and one candidate of the RCP, demanded at the
Congress of the KKOV the assignment of the functions of a trade union
to the self‐help committees (Center, Moscow province, Kolomensky
district).
The hope is often placed on the peasant union that with its help it will
be possible to ease the tax for the peasants (“the peasantry must unite
and defend the interests of the peasants in an organized way in the
sense of facilitating their taxation” ‐ Center, Tambov province). But
even more often in the month under review, the task of the cross union
is to establish prices favorable to the peasantry for grain and
manufactured goods. “The Krestsoyuz must establish fair prices for
agricultural products” (West, Smolensk Gubernia). “I propose to create
aʺ Union of grain growers ʺand not give bread for 40 kopecks, but say ‐
1 ruble. ‐ and basta ʺ(Siberia, Altai province.). ʺThis union could dictate
to the trust its prices for industrial goods, and if they do not agree, then
let them die of hunger: we will not give them a piece of breadʺ (Center,
Tverskaya Gubernia, Zaluchye village). Characteristically,
210
Economic struggle against Soviet power. The threat of the Tver
peasant ‐ ʺwe will not give them a piece of breadʺ ‐ already shows that
the cross union is conceived not only as an organization to defend
peasant interests, but rather as an organ of the economic struggle of the
entire peasantry against Soviet power, the working class, and the
city. “In the fall, you decided to buy bread at 60 kopecks. for a pood and
began to press on the tax, and if there was a peasant union, all the
peasantries would not agree in an organized way to give grain for 60
kopecks. and would force the Soviet government to cancel its
resolution. If we had a union, we would have decided not to buy goods,
we would have been able to hold out for a year without your goods, but
you would not have held out and would have given them at the price
of the pre‐war time” (West, Gomel province). “Give us a peasant trade
union for the struggle, we will declare a boycott of the proletariat and
say ‐ your days are numbered, give peasant unions.
Peasant Congress. The idea of an all‐union union of the cross unions
has two main variations ‐ the all‐union organization of the cross unions
and the peasant congress. Both of these variations in the reporting
month received more specific content. In the Volga region in the
Samoilovskaya vol. Saratov province. at a meeting of peasants in one
village on the issue of the bond, the question was asked: ʺDoes the RCP
find it necessary to organize an all‐Union cross‐union with cells in
every district and volost.ʺ The idea of a peasant congress, in addition to
the aforementioned speech in Tver province, was noted in several other
cases. ʺThe workers and peasants will unite together when they meet
and greet at the peasant congress in Moscowʺ (Siberia, Altai
province). ʺA purely peasant congress must be convened, at which the
leaders of this union must be electedʺ (Center, Moscow Gubernia).
In some places, there are various rumors among the peasantry in
connection with the cross union. Thus, in the North Caucasus, in the
Kuban Okrug, a rumor was spread that the okrug authorities allowed
the organization of a union of grain growers, and only the local
authorities impede the implementation of this resolution (see Appendix
No. 3).
Terror
212
The movement of kulak terror is still quite significant, although it is
somewhat inferior in terms of the number of cases to the first months
of this year (January — 160 cases, February — 125, in March, according
to incomplete information, 90). The regions of the greatest spread of
terror are the West, Ukraine, the Volga region and Siberia. Some decline
in the terror movement should be attributed to the diversion of the
attention of the anti‐Soviet strata in the countryside to the elections. Of
the total number of terrorist incidents, 30% falls on the workers of the
grassroots Soviet apparatus and the police, 30% ‐ on members of the
RCP and RLKSM, 15% ‐ on the village correspondents and 15% ‐ on
other layers of the village (mainly the active poor).
Spreading anti‐Soviet rumors
The reporting period was characterized by the massive spread of all
kinds of provocative rumors throughout all regions of the Union.
The immediate reason for these rumors was the ongoing cassation re‐
elections (their interpretation by the kulaks as a forced turn of Soviet
power in the direction of non‐partisans under pressure from the
Western powers), the aggravation of the grain crisis in a number of
regions, and in some places territorial gatherings.
Rumors about the fall of Soviet power. There are a lot of rumors
connected with the impending fall of the Soviet power in connection
with difficulties in the internal and international situation. These
rumors are connected with the hopes that the new government will
secure more land for the peasantry, allow them to have farm laborers
and abolish taxes. Some of these rumors speak of significant
concessions to the West European capitalists, giving them in concession
213
all the coal and gold mining and the Siberian railway. (Oryol, North‐
Dvina and Podolsk provinces). The latter is interpreted as a turn to the
right of the policy of the Soviet government.
Rumors of war. Especially a lot of rumors are associated with the
expectation of a war with Western states and America in the near
future. In Volyn and Vyatka lips. there were rumors that the war had
already begun, that Siberia and Ukraine had broken away from the
Union, and that Leningrad and Moscow were being evacuated. In the
Yaroslavl province. there was a case when, under the influence of these
rumors, one pioneer, at the insistence of his parents, asked to be
discharged from the pioneer organization, since ʺwith the beginning of
the war, first of all, pioneers and Komsomol members will be killed.ʺ In
a number of provinces, the peasantry strenuously stocked up on bread
and salt (in the Luchinets district of Volyn province, in a cooperative,
680 poods of salt were bought in one day). In the village. Kakinaiz in
the Crimea, the poor are afraid to work on the former landownersʹ lands
due to rumors about the return of whites. In Semipalatinsk province. in
connection with the rumors spread about the mobilization, the
Cossacks say: ʺThis mobilization will not pass in vain for the Soviet
power; it will not hold out for long with its taxes.ʺ ʺIf they gather and
arm us, reserve soldiers, then we know where to turn our weapons, and
then the Soviets will fly.ʺ There are especially many rumors about war
in the Far East; in one of the districts, the Ter‐Army men, under the
influence of rumors, laid down their arms, and began leaving the
Komsomol cells.
Rumors about the lack of bread. The shortage of grain found in a
number of regions and the rapid rise in prices for it also served as a
source of mass spread of all kinds of rumors. Especially a lot of them
spread throughout the central and Volga provinces, where one could
observe a massive influx of peasants into the markets who bought
bread at any price (prices in a number of regions reached 4 rubles a
pood of rye). The lack of grain was interpreted as a consequence of the
reservation of large reserves for the army and export abroad in order to
ʺrub in the glassesʺ to Western capitalists, pointing out the prosperous
state of our economy (see Appendix No. 4).
Tax campaign
214
In the reporting period, dissatisfaction with the tax campaign is still
widespread. The remaining 10‐15% of the tax in all almost all provinces
is mostly not surrendered by the poor. In a number of districts, an
almost complete cessation of tax receipts is noted due to the depletion
of the economic resources of the low‐powered peasantry. The late
provision of discounts, and in some places their provision for nepotism
to people close to the lower co‐apparatus causes especially strong
dissatisfaction. Regret is noted about the timely payment of the tax,
since those who did not pass it receive a discount. In addition, the
discontent is caused by the fact that tax overpayments are returned in
money at a time when the price of bread has risen 3 times. In Oryol
Gubernia, for example, peasants indicate that for an overpayment of 4
rubles. before it was possible to buy 4 pounds of bread, but now only
one and a half. In some places, overpayments of tax are difficult to
obtain due to the red tape in financial institutions. Characteristic in this
connection is the speech of a peasant of the Irkutsk province: ʺAt first
the Soviet government is shouting that it is necessary to collect so much
tax, otherwise we will be lost, and now it is slowing down ‐ it is evident
that the peasant is frightened.ʺ In a number of provinces, especially in
the Volga region, especially strong dissatisfaction is caused by the
simultaneous collection of semesters for a number of past years (in
Tatarstan, for example, from 1921, in Bashkiria ‐ from 1923, the same in
Kyrgyzstan and a number of other provinces), while dissatisfaction is
expressed with the fact that the semssud should be returned in money
and, thus, you have to pay several times more. and now it slows down
‐ it is evident that the peasant was frightened. ʺ In a number of
provinces, especially in the Volga region, especially strong
dissatisfaction is caused by the simultaneous collection of semesters for
a number of past years (in Tatarstan, for example, since 1921, in
Bashkiria ‐ since 1923, the same in Kyrgyzstan and a number of other
provinces), while dissatisfaction is expressed with the fact that the
semssud should be returned in money and, thus, you have to pay
several times more.
Wish for a new tax. Most of the peasantsʹ speeches on Soviet
construction are connected with the question of taxes. Everywhere it is
pointed out that taxing livestock is inadmissible, which makes it
impossible to develop animal husbandry. There is a proposal to tax
only arable land, not to tax manor land and gardens, to increase indirect
215
taxation and monopolies (in particular, wine), to levy a tax throughout
the year and to inform the peasantry in advance of the amount of
tax. There are a number of speeches about shifting part of the tax to
workers and employees who receive a salary of 15 rubles. Well‐to‐do
kulaks speak out against any privileges for ʺidlersʺ, that is, the poor.
Consequences of crop failure
Increased stratification due to hunger. In all areas of crop failure, the
poor sold off live and dead implements and grain reserves, up to seeds,
for next to nothing. At present, the sale by the poor of their allotments
and winter crops is widespread. The fists are buying it all for a song. In
the Nemrespublika, in one of the villages, a kulak bought up one tithe
of melons and gourds for 2 poods of potatoes; in with. Spassky,
Tambov province. the poor man sold a 7‐shower allotment for a pood
of flour. In Kozlovsky and Borisoglebsky u. there have been many cases
of sale of winter crops. In parallel with this, the sale of property by the
poor is taking place due to the liquidation of farms in order to relocate
to Siberia, the North Caucasus and other regions (the middle peasants
216
are also moving). In Kozlovsky u. Tambov lips. several thousand
peasants are going to move to Siberia. 50 families left one village,
having sold everything for next to nothing; from Gorel parish. 2560
people are going to resettle. In the Penza lips. there is a spontaneous
resettlement to Siberia and the Kuban, in two volosts of the
Chembarsky u. hundreds of peasants have left and there are about
10,000 who want to leave. The urge to resettlement is noted in the
Oryol, Tula, Odessa, Yekaterinoslav provinces and the Nemrespublika,
and everywhere the movement is spontaneous and cannot be counted.
Sowing campaign in areas of crop failure. Seed‐loan promotion from
the center is proceeding normally normally. However, the loan is very
often misplaced due to abuses of the grassroots Soviet apparatus. In
some cases, it is primarily distributed among local co‐workers and
those close to them. In the Voronezh province. the case of distribution
in two villages of the Semssud is noted equally between the other
[population] and the clergy. In the central and Ukrainian provinces,
covered by partial crop failure, there is a significant shortage of
seeds. So, in the Oryol lips. some volosts are satisfied only 50% of the
need, in Saransk u. Penza lips. ‐ by 30%, in Voronezh ‐ 20‐25%, in
Volynskaya ‐ up to 50%.
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES AND GROUPS
Anarchists
Among the anarchists of the underground, revival is noticeable in a
large number of provinces. Several prominent theorists of syndicalism
have been identified in Moscow and have been wanted for several
years. The student underground is disguised by circles for the study of
mysticism. At one of the meetings of metalworkers for the elections to
the Moscow City Council leaflets were scattered with an appeal to leave
the meeting. In Leningrad, anarcho‐underground workers who
escaped arrest and some of the liberated are trying to resume
work. Attention is drawn to the activities of the underground
anarchogroups [in the provinces]: Samara, Saratov, Kharkov
(underground work is expanding, and the release of magazines is
planned), Odessa, Orenburg (among the unemployed), Kolchuginsky
plant, Vladimir, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk, Kostroma (among workers),
Severo‐Dvinskaya, Penza, Perm and Shadrinskaya in the Urals and
217
Bashkir (among young people), Kaluga, Tverskoy and in the Urals
(among the peasants). In the rest of the provinces, the work of anarcho‐
organizations is less intense and is carried out by individuals seeking
to create groups. The establishment of anarchists in the army is
noticeable.
In early April, an operation against the anarchists was carried out in
Kharkov, the active leadership of the Kharkov anarchists was removed,
the editorial board was smashed and materials for published
magazines and May Day leaflets and a number of other party materials
were seized.
Mensheviks
In March, in order to suppress organizational work, operations were
carried out to seize active Mensheviks in Moscow, Leningrad, and Tver
province. A number of prominent Mensheviks were arrested. A group
of the Social Democratic Youth Union has been liquidated in
Moscow. In Leningrad, some of those who fled from exile in 1919‐1922
were arrested. In the Tver province. In the city of Kashin, a group
organized around the old member of the Central Committee of the
RSDLP Zederbaum Yezhov was liquidated, 6 people were arrested,
who, during a preliminary interrogation, recognized themselves as
Social Democrats.
Right SRs
Combining LCP and Maximalists
The associationʹs information office is still inactive. Due to the lack of
money, the bureau may lose the clubʹs premises. The LSR student
group tried to distribute the Revolutionary Avangard magazine No. 5‐
6, some issues were sent to the provinces. Arrests were made of the LSR
218
in Kaluga and the Nizhny Novgorod Left Socialist‐Revolutionary
organization was liquidated, during the last operation 15 people were
arrested and a lot of party materials were found.
Monarchists
A significant number of leaflets continue to arrive in a number of
provinces by international mail. At the Moscow Post Office there are up
to 5,000 newspapers from foreign and emigrant groups and 160
appeals. The arrival of leaflets by mail from Leningrad to a number of
provinces was noted. Most of the leaflets come from Nikolai
Nikolaevichʹs groups and contain slogans like the following: ʺLong live
the united peasantry, the backbone of the Russian land and the
foundation of the Russian state, long live the Grand Duke Nikolai
Nikolayevichʺ ), “Down with the hard labor regime of the GPU, give
freedom of speech, thought, press”, “Give the land to the peasants”,
“Down with the peopleʹs leaders, servants of
the Third International 131, who blew the mighty Russia ʺ(leafletʺ
Everyone, everyone, everyone ʺfrom the Committee for the Salvation of
the Motherland 132 ). The leaflet ʺLetʹs cast off the hated yokeʺ contains
an appeal: ʺLong live the leader of the liberation movement, Grand
Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich, who will give all peoples the right to
internal independence and national development, secure all land to the
peasants, provide workers with free labor and legal protection, and
give freedom words, assembly and press, foreign and domestic trade
and general forgiveness, peace, law and order. ʺ
Intelligentsia
During the reporting period, two large anti‐Soviet organizations were
liquidated in Moscow. One of them, which consisted mostly of
students, white officers, teachers and professors, had a significant stock
of weapons and tried to organize expropriations and terrorist
acts. Another organization, called the Order of Russian Fascists, was
grouped from writers with a counter‐revolutionary and criminal past,
including a number of obvious degenerates, cocaine and opioid
addicts. The ʺOrder of Russian Fascistsʺ aimed at the destruction of
Marxist ideology, the overthrow of Soviet power and its replacement
by the power of the unlimited dictatorship of the Russian fascists,
which should restore the nobility, return their property to the owners,
219
etc. The distribution of proclamations was planned, expropriation of
state institutions and terror over members of the Soviet
government. Attempts were noted to establish contacts with White
Guard circles abroad.
Religious movements
Orthodox clergy.
The struggle between the Tikhonites and the Renovationists, which was
mentioned in previous reviews, has reached its limit of development. In
the Tomsk, Saratov and Tsaritsyn provinces, the ideological struggle
turns into uniform battles over the church. Having reached the extreme
limits ʺobjectively possibleʺ in cities, Tikhonovshchina shifted the
center of work to the countryside. Recently, in a number of districts
(Krasnoyarsk, Tomsk, and others), provincial and district centers have
been created to direct the work of church councils. Regional
associations of ʺbrotherhoodsʺ and ʺsisterhoodsʺ are also organized
(ʺBrotherhood of Christʺ, in Novgorod gubernia, in Kirrespublika, etc.),
and the activities of these new associations take on a sharply expressed
political and social character and give more activity in church life.
In some places, the unification of the laity is already putting pressure
on the Tikhonov church apparatus towards its greater anti‐Soviet
activity. So, they reproached Bishop Joseph of Kaluga and Metropolitan
of Tver for liberalism, and in the Cherepovets province. One of the
church councils, not finding enough Black Hundred priest, ordered a
priest from Leningrad ‐ a former white officer.
The anti‐Soviet activity of the clergy and lay activists was expressed
mainly in the spread of rumors about intervention and monarchist
agitation (Irkutsk, Omsk, Tomsk, Astrakhan provinces and
Kirrespublika), in anti‐Semitic agitation (Amur [governorate] and
Belarus) and in agitation against taxes, noted on a number of provinces.
Sects. During the period under review, there has been an increase in
sects, especially evangelical ones, due to the strengthening of their
propaganda activities. The evangelists have created a special cadre of
paid traveling preachers and the practice of sending special
propaganda teams to villages. Of the recent congresses, it is necessary
to note the congress of the Molokans of the Amur Region, which spoke
220
in favor of carrying out military service in the Red Army with arms in
hand.
BANDITRY
The movement of banditry in the regions of the USSR in March is
presented as follows.
Western region. In the border regions of Poland, intensive work is
underway to form gangs for the purpose of transferring them to our
territory. As a result of a successful operation, Ryabtsevichʹs gang was
put out of action, the leader of which was seriously wounded and one
bandit was killed. In the hinterland, there is an ongoing activity of
221
criminal and political banditry. A number of robberies of Soviet
workers, railway stations and grassroots cooperation were noted. The
gangs of Bogdanovich and Bokun in Belarus and Antonenkov, Smirnov
and Mochennikov in Smolensk province were especially active. 7
criminal gangs of 8‐12 people each were liquidated.
Ukraine. There is an increase in the activity of banditry in the Kiev,
Poltava and Chernigov provinces and on the Southern railways. A
number of raids on Soviet workers, railway stations, trains and
grassroots cooperation and executive committees were noted. During
the month, 10 large raids were registered, mainly on railway stations,
and many small ones.
The reasons for the growth of banditry are crop failure, unemployment
and the presence of early released criminals. Gangs of peasants are
organized only for raids, then to disperse to their homes, and therefore
are elusive. The population is helping our anti‐bandit squads. A
number of significant gangs, from 7 to 15 people, have been liquidated.
Volga region. There is an increase in the activity and number of
criminal banditry in the provinces: Penza, Saratov and Tsaritsyn, and a
strong growth of national and everyday banditry ‐ ʺbarantaʺ in some
regions of Kyrgyzstan. The appearance in the Tsaritsyn lips is
noted. recently defeated Kiselevʹs gang of 8 riders and 12 horses.
Far East. In the Chinese border strip against some villages of
Zavitinsky u. Amur lips. there is a grouping of significant Hunghuz
bands intending to carry out raids on our country.
In the rest of the Far East, there is a decline in the activity of banditry,
which, however, is of a temporary nature due to the conditions of the
winter period. The observed anti‐Soviet agitation on the part of former
bandits, the development of petty criminal banditry and an attempt to
[create] white cells indicate the availability of cadres for wide band
performances with the onset of spring.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
223
Head of INFO OGPU Prokofiev
With genuine true: Secretary of INFO OGPU
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
Metallurgical industry
Workers of the VSNKh Iron Foundry (Voronezh Gubernia) went on
strike over delayed wages; the workers who remained at the machines
were forced to quit their jobs. Products at the plant in two months were
produced only for 300 rubles, and the daily consumption is 100 rubles.
At the Sevkabel plant (Leningrad Gubernia), due to a decrease in the
percentage of extra work, one of the plantʹs departments went on strike
for four hours.
At the Mariupol factories ʺAʺ and ʺBʺ of Yugostal, in connection with
the increase in the production rate and the decrease in wages,
discontent continues, as the material situation of the workers has
deteriorated. The stokers of the steam boilers on this soil staged a short‐
term strike, which was liquidated by satisfying the demands of the
workers, i.e., the norms remained old and the staff reduction was
canceled.
At the plant ʺElectrosilaʺ No. 1 in Kharkov on February 25, there was
an attempt on the part of the foremen to speak in an organized manner
in front of the plant management demanding an increase in rates. The
initiator was the master of the 3rd lathe shop communist.
224
At the Izhevsk factories (Votsk region), skilled workers generate 150
rubles instead of 150 rubles. 35‐50 rubles. per month, which is
explained by an increase in production rates and a decrease in
prices. At the sawmill at the same plant, a group of 13 workers under
the leadership of a Komsomol member and another artel of 10 people
quit their jobs.
Textile industry
At the factory of Vysokovskaya m‐ry of Tver Cotton Trust (Moscow
Gubernia), in connection with the transition to four machines, 500
workers went on strike.
At the Likinskaya textile factory of the Orekhovo‐Zuevsky trust, up to
100 workers went on strike on the grounds of low prices and poor
quality of auxiliary materials, which did not make it possible to work
out the norm.
On April 8, at the Novo‐Weaving Mill of the Glukhovskoy District of
the Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky Trust (Moscow Gubernia), a day and a
half strike took place, involving up to 6,000 workers. The main reason
for the strike was the reduction in prices from 5 to 30%; In carrying out
this measure, the administration completely overlooked the poor
quality of the weft, the severe deterioration of the machines and the lack
of auxiliary materials. At the general meeting, the workers did not
allow either the administration or the members of the factory to speak,
and a delegation was elected to negotiate with the administration and
the following requirements were set: 1) to revise the prices to increase
them, 2) to make a 15% premium on high prices, 3) to re‐elect the
factory, 4) remove the red director; and 5) not apply reprisals to
delegates. During the strike, members of the RCP kept aloof from the
non‐party workers.
Workers of the muhl shop of the Teikovo factory (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
province) went on strike in connection with a decrease in prices.
In February, there was a three‐day strike on the same basis at the same
factory.
Mining
225
At mine No. 8 of the Gorlovsky Mining Administration (Artyomovsky
District), due to a decrease in wages, the loggers went on strike, they
were supported by the horsemen; they made a demand for their
transfer to the 8th category; due to the lack of fastening material, 30
miners were forced to stop working.
In connection with an increase in the production rate and a decrease in
rates, the workers of the Italia mine of the Makeevka Combine (Donetsk
province) refused to go to work.
At mine ʺCʺ of the Budenovskoye mine administration, due to an
increase in production rates and a decrease in prices, workers did not
go to work (Donetsk province).
Anti‐Soviet agitation is noted in the Rivne mining administration due
to the increase in production rates. The workers say that ʺthe current
government is the power of the rapists, they promised a lot, but they
gave nothing but cold and hunger.ʺ
At the coal mines of the Anzhero‐Sudzhensky region, the reduction in
prices in the loading bureau caused sharp discontent among the
workers. When handing out quotations to the workers, they raised a
scandal and threw quotations on the administrationʹs desk, refusing to
work. There was no interruption in the work of the mines, but coal
production dropped by 30‐35%. The workers point out that they have a
flourishing exploitation, which was not under the tsar, and the
specialists are ready to skin the worker, but the heads and the trade
unions do not understand anything and assent to the specialists.
Chemical industry
50 workers of the pottery shop of the Ivotsk glass factory went on strike
in connection with the announcement of the director about the
proposed increase in the norms and the reduction of prices, as the
working day was added to [to]
5 ʹ/ 2 hours the strike lasted 4 hours (Bryansk province).
At the Pesochinskaya faience factory, 53 workers of the coal forges went
on strike on the grounds of higher rates and lower prices.
226
The question was raised at a meeting of the RKK, where, in the presence
of the workers, it was established according to the timing that the prices
by the plant management were made correctly. The next day, the
workers began to work (Bryansk province).
At the Znamensky Glass Factory (Yenisei Gubernia), on March 26, 32
craftsmen went on strike as a result of a 20% cut in wages and an
increase in production rates from 5 to 20%. 12 masters applied
06 dismissal. The salary of foremen decreased from 130‐150 rubles. up
to 72 rubles.
Metallurgical industry (optional)
After the ʺbagpipesʺ that took place in the wire shop of the plant. Karl
Liebknecht On March 23, 50 workers did not work in the bolt cutter
shop for an hour and a half. The reason for the ʺItaliansʺ is lower prices.
Dissatisfaction with the trade unionists
Among the workers of the Glukhovskoy district of the Bogorodsko‐
Shchelkovsky trust (Moscow province), there is discontent with the
trade unionists. The striking textile workers of the Novo‐Tkatskaya
factory made a demand to remove the pre‐factory committee. During
the strike, the communists did nothing to influence the workers and
kept themselves apart from them.
It is not uncommon for workers to hear agitation against trade
unions; it is said that the workers do not need unions, for they only do
that they collect membership dues; if you are left without work, the
trade union will stick an A in its mouth and shout that all our workers
are provided for. There were fewer reductions under tsarism than at
present (Yaroslavl Gubernia).
At the Ikonve factory, the staff of the factory is inflated. The workers
say that instead of three paid members of the factory committee, one
would be enough.
227
At the re‐election of the Board of the Union of Metalworkers in the
Uman District, workers protested against the nomination of the old
chairman, nominated by the faction, pointing out that he expelled
workers from the union on the basis of settling personal scores (Kiev
province).
The factory of the 1st Goskanatny Zavod (Kharkov Gubernia) does not
enjoy authority among the workers; workers openly declare that the
factory is closely connected with the administration. The factory
committee says to the workers: ʺIf you elected me, then you must obey
me.ʺ The workers are reluctant to go to the factory with their needs,
knowing in advance that they will not find support there.
Anti‐Soviet protests of workers
At the Pimokatny plant of Mehtrest (Barnaul district), a general meeting
of workers elected a former bandit of the Rogov gang, Tretyakov, who
was not approved by the textiles department, to which the workers
indignantly declared: “The communists really want to take power into
their own hands, we need to make them work, thatʹs enough they drank
blood from us. ʺ
228
At the plant them. Bukharin Guskombinat (Vladimir Gubernia),
worker Miroshin said that “Rykov is an impostor since he was not
chosen by the people. Everywhere and everywhere communists,
without being elected, occupy positions of responsibility. The
Communist Party does not deserve any authority among the workers,
it only pushes them away from itself. ʺ
At the Novo‐Ivankovsky sugar plant, two workers drew up an anti‐
Soviet ʺmanifestoʺ that is read to the workers at the end of their work.
Peasant sentiments
At a re‐election meeting in the Moscow Soviet in the auto armored
division, individual workers declared: “You say that in 1923 there were
scissors, the peasant could not buy anything, but now, what can a
peasant do when a bag of potatoes costs 1 ruble, milk — 4 cop. mug,
and boots ‐ 20 rubles, and there is no part‐time job. ʺ
In the 7th printing house, those who spoke at a meeting for re‐elections
to the Moscow Soviet declared: ʺIt is necessary to expand credit on a
large scale to the peasantry and the working population.ʺ
At the Krasny Pass factory, anti‐Soviet elements are campaigning for
the fact that the Soviet government oppresses the peasants, that their
lives are worse than in tsarist times (Yaroslavl province). They say that
ʺbefore the tsarist government did not take off the last fur coat from the
peasant, but now it occurs, now they take from them and from us and
wear good fur coats.ʺ This agitation is successful among the peasant
section of the workers.
At the meeting of the RCP (b) cell No. 3 at art. Roslavl received a note
from a worker who asked why the authorities did not allow the
peasants as well as the workers to ʺorganize their unionsʺ (Smolensk
Gubernia).
At the former Gena Selmashzavod in Odessa, a small group of workers
are conducting anti‐Soviet agitation, pointing out that the peasants are
229
taxed too heavily, that they are pulling money from the peasants for
teaching their children in schools, etc.
Agitation of the anti‐Soviet element
At the factory ʺKrasny Passʺ (Yaroslavl Gubernia), anti‐Soviet persons
said to a group of workers: Wheat flour is gone in Moscow. In the Soviet
Republic there are only many newspapers, which, by the way, no one
reads. ʺ Another told the workers: “All the leaders, like Lenin, Trotsky
and others, lived and are living as tsars, as before; workers, as under
the tsarist regime, are exploited by comrades with might and main, and
it is more difficult for a worker to live at the present time. If it was
possible to buy four pairs of boots to earn a worker under tsarism, then
at present there is only one pair, and responsible Soviet workers have
occupied soft armchairs, receive high rates and do nothing. ʺ
At an open party meeting of the buildersʹ cell, where the report ʺWorker
and Peasant Womanʺ was presented, the speaker was not allowed to
speak, one of the workers (a former Menshevik) said in his speech: ʺIn
1921, when the corpses were lying on the streets, there were only
workers, but there were no communists. The workers are the slaves of
the communists”; all those present and other speakers supported
him. Communards who spoke were not allowed to speak and shouted,
ʺDown withʺ (Odessa province).
At the Odessa sugar plant them. Blagoeva, one of the former officers
working there agitates against the MOPR, pointing out that in Russia
there are many prisoners in the DOPR and the GPU. At this factory of
the pre‐zavkom Vasyunin protects former officers, arranging them for
service.
Former Socialist‐Revolutionary Ivanov released to the workers of the
section of Art. Ishim (Ural) appeal, calling to wake up from hibernation
and take up defending their interests.
Unemployment
230
not stop unemployment. The mood of the unemployed was extremely
excited (Moscow province).
At a general meeting of unemployed water workers, the unemployed
demanded the removal of a number of responsible communist and
RKK workers, motivating this with their inactivity and protectionism
developed among them. Communists who spoke were not allowed to
speak, and all the time shouts were heard: ʺDown with them.ʺ They
spoke openly about the need to take up arms, the need for a second
revolution. One of the former communists called to expel the arrogant
from the district commander with weapons. Others called for the
organization, because ʺotherwise they will be overwrittenʺ (Odessa
province).
In Kiev, unemployment is still increasing. Up to 200 people are
registered in sections every day. Among those registered, there is a
significant percentage of farm laborers who arrived in Kiev in
connection with rumors that 10,000 unemployed are recruited to
Murman, and the members of the KNS who arrived at the exchange do
not even want to believe that rumors about the recruitment of workers
in Murman or Siberia are false, thinking that their ignored and
preferred only by urban workers.
The mood of the unemployed‐demobilized is depressed due to the lack
of demand for labor. At one time, the demobilized tried to arrange a
meeting, but this meeting was not allowed and the refusal caused
discontent among the masses. It is noted that the demobilized hold
secret meetings in the hostel, at one of them they decided that it was
necessary to call on the whole mass of non‐party people who were on
the stock exchange 134 and all together to cry out ʺgive breadʺ (Kiev
province).
On March 5, a crowd of up to 100 unemployed loaders approached the
work area of the first group of loaders unloading timber and offered the
State Shipping Company to unload firewood for 1 ruble. 50 kopecks per
cubic meter while the members of the union make unloading under the
collective agreement for 2 rubles. 50 kopecks from a cube. The loaders
who came were armed with knives, weights, etc. and wanted to seize
the unloading of firewood by force, but loaders ‐ members of the union
231
prevented them. As a result, a fight broke out. The incident was settled
by the chairman of the union and the labor inspector (Kiev province).
Among the unemployed, due to the difficult economic situation, there
are rumors that it is necessary to organize and ʺthrow off the
communists from their shoulders.ʺ ʺWe must openly declare to the
communists ‐ you do not know how to rule the state and go to hell
under the boat.ʺ One of the unemployed spoke about the propagation
of proclamations by the Mensheviks, which said that ʺthere is not long
to endure and soon the workers and peasants will be liberated from the
yoke of the communistsʺ (Tatrespublika).
After the workers were fired from the burned‐out coke ovens at the
Anzhero‐Sudzhensk mines, some of them, coming to the WASH district
committee, say: “We need to take up the rifle again in order to win
another power that would protect the interests of the workers more, or
commit a crime, seeking prison, because although there they will be fed
with bread. ʺ
[APPENDIX # 2]
ELECTION OF RURAL COUNCILS
Kulak groups
232
Northwest. Cherepovets lip. At the congress Volodarskaya parish. the
kulak group led the agitation under the slogan ʺVIC without
communistsʺ. They managed to get their three candidates to the VIC.
Moscow province. Egoryevsky u. During the re‐elections, the Socialist‐
Revolutionary element tried to win over the peasant masses to their
side, inciting voters against the Communists. In Dmitrovskaya,
Yegoryevskaya and Dvoenskaya volosts, Socialist‐Revolutionaries
entered some village councils. From Lelech parish. the Socialist‐
Revolutionary came to the district congress. The Socialist‐
Revolutionary element enjoys the greatest influence in the Komlevsky
district of the Ramenskaya vol., Where the population consists entirely
of Old Believers 135. At the re‐elections in the indicated area, the
chairman, the Socialist Revolutionary, was elected to the village
council, and two Socialist Revolutionaries were delegates to the Vol
Congress.
233
Yaroslavl province. B, Yaroslavl par. at the re‐elections of the Krestovsky
region, the former Socialist‐Revolutionary said: “They receive taxes
from the peasants, they are not allowed to deploy freely; if private trade
were allowed, then they would give the opportunity to private
individuals to start up factories and plants and the life of the peasants
would boil. ʺ Most of the peasants present applauded him.
Tula lips. In the Karachevsky region, a group of SRs carried out
intensive work among the delegates to the regional congress in order to
bring their people to the presidium of the RIK.
At a meeting of the Lugovsky village council of the Dedilovsky district,
two Social Revolutionaries and an ardent opponent of the RCP (b) with
a Menshevik bias carried on intensified agitation against Soviet
power. Thanks to their campaigning, the re‐elections in the area were
postponed.
In the village. Leshkovo, Chastinsky District, SR Basov is trying to
persuade the population to hold re‐elections by secret ballot. A similar
campaign was conducted by Pryashnikov from the village. Gryzlovo,
in a Socialist‐Revolutionary mood.
In with. Vladimirovsky Kr. Vakovsky u. there is a case of holding an SR
in the village electoral committee. At a meeting of the SelElectoral
Committee, he insisted on granting the right to vote to all the merchants
and kulaks of his village, but was promptly reprimanded by other
representatives of the Selizbirkom.
Ryazan lips. Before the elections of the Popadyinsky regional council of
the Ryazan district. traveled around a number of villages in the Socialist
Revolutionary Volost, campaigning among the population, so that in
no case would the Communists be elected to the Volost; in the district
council, however, all the communists were elected.
Tambov province. At the Kuzminsky Volsezd Lipetsk u. on the question
of the international and domestic situation of the peasant s. Studenok
Borodin raised the issue of a political amnesty. He pointed out that ʺin
our free revolutionary country we should not have any persecution, but
in our country all the prisons are full of Mensheviks and Socialist‐
Revolutionaries, whom we must liberate, and therefore our congress
234
must pass a resolution on their release.ʺ The non‐party peasants were
sympathetic to the proposal.
235
was widespread: ʺNot a single party member to the Soviet.ʺ Only non‐
partisans were elected to the village councils.
At the re‐elections of the Rzhaksi village council of Kamenskaya vol.,
When candidates were nominated from the RLKSM cell, the population
categorically refused to vote for them and almost saw them off with a
whistle, the candidacies were failed. Before the elections, the kulaks
campaigned intensively in order not to let the communists into the
village council. There were such cases that the kulaks even collected
money and gave it to the peasants for moonshine to vote against the
communists.
During the re‐election of the Novo‐Znamensky village council of the
Tambov district. peasant Astakhov FG, calling himself a village
correspondent, a kulak, shouted: ʺLong live the Soviets without
communists.ʺ The poor went to the village council.
236
need our own peasant power, which knows every piece of land, and
not a party one, we need to elect independent people, not suckers.ʺ
Tula lips. At the congress of the Laptev district Monashkin from the
village. Denisovo demanded not to elect the “red nobility‐
communists”, since they live the best.
During the re‐election of the Yakhontovsky district council of the
Odoyevsky RIK, the former member of the RCP (b), together with the
kulaks, the church headman, campaigned against the election of a
communist as chairman. They pointed out that the central government
recommends only non‐party people to the Soviets, and let the
communists have a rest, and then added: ʺotherwise they are tired of
ripping off the peasants with taxes.ʺ
Yaroslavl lips. The re‐election campaign in the province showed great
activity of the kulaks. In Prechistenskaya Vol. Danilovsky u. the kulaks,
grouped together, openly rebelled against the nomination of the
communists. In with. Martynove Prechistenskaya parish kulak issued a
statement that the cell was again nominating its henchmen. In the same
volost with. Karpovo kulak, a former police officer, openly called on the
fellow villagers present at the meeting to protest against the Soviet
regime and the RCP. Quite often the poor peasants, farm laborers and
strong middle peasants fall under the influence of the kulaks, declaring
that ʺall the time we see how the workersʹ leading party takes its
protégés to well‐paid jobs.ʺ
In the village. Kotovo Danilovsky u. the kulak told the peasants: “Donʹt
believe what the representatives of the so‐called workers ʹand peasantsʹ
government tell you. This is not the power of the peasantry, but the
power of the Party and all those who are currently leading
us. Comrade Kalinin, sitting in the center, although he is a peasant, is
only a sign for Soviet power. ʺ
237
crimes. From this group, no one went anywhere. Members of the RCP
(b) were not elected to the Morotsk VIC; there was a fairly organized
opposition at the congress. The overwhelming majority of the well‐to‐
do elements were the delegates to the congress; the poor were almost
absent.
In the organizations of the KNS, there is a distrust of the newly elected
village councils, while the following statements are heard: ʺLet [be] a
little more, we will disperse.ʺ
In the city of Lebedin, they shouted at the re‐elections: ʺDown with the
communists, members of the CNS and trade unions.ʺ As a result, the
re‐election was disrupted.
In sl. During the re‐election, a significant part of the poor and
demobilized Red Army men in the two‐river Kupyansk district
declared that they did not want to participate in the voting if they
insisted on holding party candidates.
238
Soviet, that the Soviet government put forward the slogan ʺFace to the
villageʺ only because it saw that the peasants did not want ʺObey the
chosen villains.ʺ On the day of the re‐election, proclamations were
posted throughout the village calling for the kulaks to be brought
in. The appeal said: ʺComrades, today there are re‐elections, know who
to schedule, and do not think that this is nonsense for us, land issues
are suitable, if they get there (a number of names are listed), then we
will smell the back of our heads.ʺ In the re‐election, the Communist
candidacies were ruined.
Kiev province. In the Cherkasy district in the village of Makeevka, the
middle peasants showed great activity during the re‐elections, who
said: ʺWe were silent for seven years, now let us talk too.ʺ The
candidacies of the CP (b) U and KSM members failed. The attitude
towards non‐chewers was negative.
The latter was observed in the village. Samgorodok and Tashlyk of the
same district, and in the village. Tashlyk was defeated as a local
communist only because he fought against banditry.
Siberia. Irkutsk lips. In with. Telma Usolsky district, after a report on
the re‐election to the Soviets, a peasant of this village spoke in the
debate, who indicated that ʺthe communists should not be elected to
the Council, because they are criminals: they robbed the mill, burned
them with backgammon, robbed the weaving corps, etc.ʺ He declared
that the peasants would be able to run the state without the
communists. At the meeting, the electoral commission nominated two
communists as candidates, during whose voting the same peasant
shouted: ʺDown with the communists, long live the Soviets.ʺ After it
was announced to him that he did not have the right to vote, shouts
were heard from everywhere: “We will not allow Kryuchkov to be
239
kicked out, go away, communists, yourself. Down with the
communists, long live the non‐party Soviet power. ʺ
In with. Abramkinsky the kulaks say: “We will not let a single
communist into the Soviet, thatʹs enough of them ‐ we have
reigned. The month of March will come and we will throw out all the
communists from the village council and elect our own, then we will
squeeze the poor, let the communists be hired to us as workers. ʺ
Peasant s. Rachet said: ʺWe in Rachet are looking forward to the
elections, then we will start taking the communists to the swamp and
to the dump.ʺ
Omsk lips. At the re‐election of the Ikonninsky village council of the
Kalachinsky district. 35% participated. Before the re‐election, a local
peasant‐kulak, who has five horses and eight cows, a farm laborer, etc.,
said: ʺYou donʹt need to elect communists, they gnawed our peasantʹs
neck.ʺ He compiled a list of well‐to‐do candidates and asked to vote for
his list; in spite of the fact that there is a center of the regional committee
of the RCP (b) in this village, not a single communist got into the village
council.
240
what is she doing in relation to the communists, through whose fault
this is happening. The party of the RCP (b) removed Comrade Trotsky,
but where is he, what did he do wrong, maybe he was right, but he was
removed, as he went against the Soviet regime. ʺ Nominated candidates
from the old members of the village council and RIK met with a
whistle. All voted against. Some peasants sarcastically said: ʺThe
former chairman of the VIK only had to go to saw firewood in
Kaltaysky Bor, and a member sow clover.ʺ At the slightest attempt to
influence the meeting, there were shouts: ʺDown with pressure, there
should be no list system.ʺ
At the re‐elections of the village council in the village. Grano‐Myaki,
Mamontovsky district, the chairman of the EPO board, Popov, told the
peasants: ʺThere is no need to elect a single communist to the Council,
this is not a party, but a handful that rules Russia.ʺ The village council
elected the middle peasants and the poor and one kulak, not a single
woman or party member.
At the re‐election of the Kytmanovsky village council of the Barnaul
district. the village was divided into five sections. The kulaks, trying to
gather their scattered forces, vigorously campaigned to disrupt these
meetings and to call one general meeting. At one of these meetings,
kulaks attacked members of the RIK, saying that “now your song is
sung, the power is ours, etc.” The chairman of the RIK was not beaten
just because he hurried to leave the meeting.
Based on materials on the course of re‐elections in Altai province. it can
be concluded that the well‐to‐do peasants showed exceptional activity
everywhere and everywhere during the elections: trying to seize the
lower bodies of power, they, however, in some villages themselves,
apparently, did not yet dare to gain a foothold in these positions, but
wanted to strengthen their influence through dummies, for example,
through the poor, who are entirely in economic dependence, and in
some places under the ideological influence of kulaks.
241
In the Novikovsky district of Biysk u. At the time of the election
campaign, the kulaks spread a provocative rumor that the communistsʹ
mandate had come from the center not to elect the Soviet and that
Trotsky wanted to organize a new government: ʺIt was not for nothing
that the communists began to travel to the villages and persuade the
peasants.ʺ
At the elections of the district village council of the Zalesovsky district
of the Barnaul district. the kulaks spoke out: “Since all the newspapers
write that non‐party people should be admitted to the Soviet, then do
not impose communists on us. Enough, the communists have robbed
us well, and now the law has passed. ʺ
Oirot region A citizen who comes from Barnaul in conversation with a
peasant s. Chargi said that “in Barnaul and Biysk, there were meetings
at which it was decided not to accept party members in public and
cooperative work and to remove them from the posts they hold, on the
basis of which, at the moment, according to the Biysk district. re‐
elections of the Soviets are already underway.
Penetration of anti‐Soviet elements into the new Soviets
Centre. Moscow province. Egoryevsky u. Despite the fact that the best
party forces took part in the re‐election for the leader, nevertheless in
some places the Socialist‐Revolutionary element tried to win over the
peasant masses to their side. In Dmitrievskaya parish. SR Ryusin
passed to the district council, in Yegoryevskaya parish. Socialist‐
Revolutionary Svetlov entered the village council, in Dvoenskaya
parish. Socialist‐Revolutionary Grekov went to the village council, in
Art. Lelech parish Socialist‐Revolutionary Blinov went to the district
congress. The Socialist‐Revolutionary element [enjoys] the greatest
influence on the peasantry in the Kanaevsky district of the Ramenskaya
vol., Where the population is entirely Old Believers. At the re‐elections
in the indicated area to the village council, he was the chairman of the
Socialist Revolutionary, delegates to the Volga Congress as well. The
Socialist Revolutionaries were included in the Kanaevsky village
council and at the volost congress.
Mozhaisky u. In the Dubrovsky district of Vyshgorod vol. the village
council was a citizen of the village. Zazhuchye Smirnov, who in 1918
242
was tried for a Socialist‐Revolutionary speech. After his election to the
village council, he told those present at the meeting: ʺI opposed Soviet
power in 1918, defending the peasantry, and if necessary, I will not
hesitate to speak.ʺ
The son of a former sergeant was elected to the N.‐Marfinsky village
council of the pre‐village council.
The members of the village council were elected to the Ponzar village
council: Kekopov ‐ the former secretary of the joint venture ...,
Antonovshchina, Korva ‐ an anarchist.
The members of the village council were elected to the Ivanovo village
council: Popov ‐ kulak ‐ the organizer of Antonovʹs gangs of four
volosts, sentenced to five years in a concentration camp. Popov beat
communists and Red Army soldiers, forced the peasants to join the
gang with weapons, was the chairman of the former Bondarsky volost
STK, confiscated property from the peasants themselves, deprived
them of their right to allotment of land and threatened them with
execution every day.
Leontyev, a bandit activist, became a member of the Korovinsky Village
Council.
243
An officer of the tsarist army passed to the village council.
The members of the Krivo Polyansky Village Council were elected:
Krivtsev, a speculator, Polyakov, a former tradesman and timber
merchant (elected by the Presidential Council), Vereshchagin and
Terentyev, kulaks, Selyansky, a bandit and merchant, and Griboyedov,
a former merchant, now a church head.
A former member of the Zemstvo Council was elected to the village
council of the Sampur Village Council, who was constantly deprived of
his electoral vote and reinstated during this election campaign, he was
also a delegate to the volcano.
Northwest. Leningrad province. In the Lembolovsky village council of
the Leningrad district. the elect were: seven kulaks and one poor
peasant, and the former landowner was elected to the village council.
In the village council Krasny Bor Trotsky u. the chairman is a former
officer, the secretary is a former zemstvo and volost clerk.
Arkhangelsk lips. Under the influence of the agitation of the chairman of
the Liostrovsky village council, all the former zemstvo people,
including the former chairman of the zemstvo council, entered the
presidium. Six people have been nominated as candidates for the
village council, including two prominent zemstvo officials. The latter
campaigned against the choice of the communists, offering to elect the
former Zemstvo members. Two members of the Zemstvo passed to the
village council. 12 former Zemstvo members, only one communist, took
part in the volost congress.
Ukraine. Volyn province. In the Radomysl region in the village. During
the second elections to the Vishevichs, a number of anti‐Soviet persons
were included in the village council: a former Petliurite, two gendarmes
and one former member of the Union of the Russian People 139.
Kharkiv province. In with. Two guards, Molchanov and Skiba, entered
the village council as a prosian of the Kharkov district.
In the Staro‐Vodolazhsky village council of the same district, under the
influence of prosperous peasants, the former bailiff Tkach entered the
village council.
Podolsk lips. In the Vakhnovka borough of Vinnitsa Okrug, the kulaks
led the former hetman to the village council, who, during the hetman
period, made arrests of villagers and Soviet workers. In addition, a
former white officer who hid his rank entered the Council.
Don district. In the Krivinsky village council passed: in the first district,
three former village chieftains and one Wrangelite, in the second
district — the wife of a former colonel and the daughter of a priest, a
party member who succumbed to the influence of the kulaks also
went. Many Wrangelites who recently returned from abroad got into
the third district. In all three districts, voters in an orderly fashion to
defeat the communists.
245
kulaks deceived their people and express the hope that in the future
they will be able to lead a real ataman, to whose post they are planning
an emigrant officer, a former ataman of the village.
Speeches and rumors about the secondary elections to the Soviets
246
sided, compare our surplus appropriation with the Romanian
violence. In other countries there are ʺpeasant trade unionsʺ, but we do
not ‐ this is the country of ʺfreedomʺ. ʺ The British delegation was in the
USSR with the workers, but we did not see it.
Purcell said that there are no provocateurs in the USSR, and how few
peasants and workers are now in prison for politics. Let us put out our
newspaper. The agronomist says: raise cattle, and if you breed them,
take them to the Urals Federal District. A Komsomolets member is a
slave, he has no job. UCC presents us with ready‐made material, worse
than before the nobles tried. Give us a peasant trade union to fight, we
will declare a boycott of the proletariat and say: ʺYour days are
numbered, you give the peasant unions.ʺ I don’t take it from the ceiling,
the big difference between the KKOV and the cross union. Here we will
not give the proletariat three weeks of bread, so I suppose they will
come and bow to us. ʺ The speech was supported by a number of
delegates who said: “There is a huge difference between the peasant
union and the KKOV. We have two agronomists, one develops
production, and the other (tax) strangles it. We will reckon with you a
lot, there must be a peasant organization. And then from the workers
they are elected to the city council from 200 ‐ one, and from the peasants
from 2000 ‐ ..., before the priests were fogged, and now the communists
are fogging”, etc.
247
On the day of the opening of the congress, Rychagov, addressing the
group, said: ʺWell, get ready, we will shake the bureaucratic power, and
it is necessary to lead them to remove the signʺ USSR ʺ.ʺ When choosing
the Presidium, Rychagov proposed electing non‐party members. The
offer fell through. The congress also did not accept the proposal to elect
a credentials committee from some non‐party members. A speech
during one of the reports with carrying out the thoughts expressed at
the Congress was booed by the delegates.
During the re‐election, the entire group campaigned among the peasant
delegates for the organization of a peasant union. Agitation, like other
speeches, had no success.
Yaroslavl lips. In with. Degtyarev Kurbskoy Vol. Yaroslavsky u. At the
gatherings, the question was raised whether the Bolsheviks had
deliberately brought non‐party people into the Soviets, whether they
did not feel their imminent death, leaving the non‐party to pay for their
sins. In the villages of Shirinye and Balakirevo, the kulaks explained the
re‐election by the unstable international situation of the Soviet
regime. They said that the communists wanted to create a non‐partisan
government so that the foreign White Guards would deal not with the
communists, but with the non‐partisan peasants, for if the government
was overthrown, they would hang everyone in power.
West. Gomel province. The attitude of the poor towards Soviet power
worsened in connection with the election campaign. They are deeply
convinced that the Soviet government has changed its views in relation
to the poor, and they say that ʺthe government wants the wealthy and
middle peasants to join the Soviets, that the song of the poor has already
been sung.ʺ This opinion is further strengthened by the fact that those
248
included in the list during the first re‐elections are being removed from
the blacklists.
Ukraine. Donetsk province. In with. In Novo‐Aydar, Starobelsk district,
there is strong discontent among the poor and former Red Army
partisans with the new kulak composition of the village council. The
Red Army men and the non‐swindlers threaten their kulaks with terror
249
and say: ʺWhy is such a bastard allowed into the Soviets, we shed blood,
and now they are sitting on our necks.ʺ
At a re‐election meeting in a number of villages Rubtsovsky u. on the
basis of the ongoing campaign to involve the non‐party peasantry in
the village council, the kulaks often agitate that the communists are
retreating from power on their own, they cannot cope, they call for help
from non‐party people, that this is the result of pressure from foreign
states.
In with. Bolshoye Panyushevo Aleyskiy district in the speeches of some
poor people felt dissatisfaction with the new re‐elections; some stated
that the instructions said to choose whoever has a household, and if so,
then the wealthy would now completely crush them.
Novonikolaevskaya lips. Peasant village Skundran (Kargat) said: ʺNow a
broad democracy is being held, now, perhaps, the communists will fall
under the heel andʺ our people ʺwill have weight in the re‐elections.ʺ
Omsk lips. In with. Emelyanovskiy Ishimskiy district of Tomsk u. after
the pre‐election meeting, the peasants Zaryadsky and Cherepanov
among those present said: “Although re‐elections are scheduled again
so that non‐party people can enter the village council, this is some kind
of policy, since the communists are cunning, they will allow non‐party
peasants, and then they will be gnawed, they will not let them improve
their lives and make you dance to your tune. ʺ
Wealthy peasant s. Beds of Omsk u. says: ʺThe re‐election is just a
deception, they want to lure us into their nets, and then these same
communists will bring us to justice.ʺ
250
Bribery of the poor during the re‐election
Centre. Ryazan lips. During the re‐election of the Ermishinsky village
council of the Sasovsky district. Kulak Gafin, in order to prevent the
Communists and the poor from entering the Council, distributed 200
poods to his henchmen. bread, chickens, geese, etc. and made them
drunk. As a result, Gafin went to the village council.
On the eve of the re‐election of the village council in the
village. Zenkine and the Ranenburgsky volost the former chairman of
the village council Dyakov brought from the village. Astapovo is a fair
amount of moonshine in order to get some citizens drunk. Dyakov did
not go to the village council.
Kirkrai. Orenburg region in the village It was noted in Novo‐Pavlovka
that the kulaks gave the poor people a drink in order to bring “their
fraternity” to the village council. This drunkenness lasted for several
days, it was attended by kulaks headed by the former secretary of the
VIK Bezzemelnitsyn; As a result, it turned out that the majority of
kulaks and middle peasants entered the village council.
During the re‐election of the Verkh‐Izyaksky village council of the
Blagoveshchensk parish. In the Ufa canton, the kulaks preliminarily
appeased the poor by giving horses for the transport of firewood, hay,
etc., thanks to which they made their way to the village council. The
most active in the struggle for political equality is shown mainly by the
Russian kulaks, which in some places have met with weak resistance
from the poor. In the Bashkir regions, the kulaks in most cases do not
meet with resistance from the poor, since until now the poor are under
the influence of mullahs.
Siberia. Tomsk lips. In the villages of Vozneeenskoye and Ivanovka, the
middle peasants, in order to be elected to the village council, promised
the poor the provision of free agronomists, land surveyors, the opening
of credit partnerships and offered two buckets of moonshine for their
nomination.
Soloviev
251
APPENDIX No. 3
CROSS UNIONS
In Parfentievskaya parish. Kolomensky u. among the group of wealthy
peasants working in factories, there is a tendency towards the
formation of peasant unions.
At the 18th volsezd of Soviets, Myachkovskaya vol. Kolomensky u. On
March 15, Mr. Rychagov, putting forward the question of peasant trade
unions, said: ʺGive us a peasant trade union to fight, we will declare a
boycott of the proletariat and say:ʺ Your days are numbered ‐ give us a
peasant trade union. ʺ There is a big difference between the self‐help
committees [and] the peasant unions, they donʹt pay attention to us,
they look at us like bad grass. The peasant made the revolution, not the
worker. The communists have forgotten Lenin. Lenin is alive, but his
idea is dead. The peasant union will play its role, we will not give the
proletariat three weeks of bread, then it will come to us and bow down.
ʺ Peasant Smurov, who spoke, said: ʺOur representatives at the uyezd
congress of Soviets should raise the question of inequality between
workers and peasants and demonstratively leave their congress.ʺ
In with. Bolshoe Uvarovo Boyarkinskaya Vol. the question of peasant
trade unions was raised by a former member of the RCP. This question
was also put forward by him at the Congress, where it was supported
by some delegates.
252
Chairman of the Nazarevsky district council of Sergievsky
district Afanasyev at an expanded meeting of the VIC on March 26 this
year. When asked why the chairmen of the district councils are not
accepted into the trade union, he campaigned for the need to organize
a peasant union, pointing out, among other things, that the working
class, having its own organizations and advantages, humiliates the
peasantry, preventing it from creating its own organizations where the
peasantry could freely discuss pressing issues and point out to the
communists their mistakes. In conclusion, he added that he “speaks on
behalf of the entire peasant masses,” as she wants to.
In Davydkovskaya vol. Klinsky u. at the march of the KKOV, held on
March 25, a group of peasants raised the issue of assigning the functions
of a trade union to the self‐help committees. The proposal was rejected
by the congress.
Tula lips. In the Dedilovsky district, there are rumors among the
peasants about the need to create an illegal union of grain growers ‐ the
leader of the peasant masses.
In the Bogoroditsky and Venevsky districts, there is a tendency of
peasants to organize a union of grain growers. In the Karachevsky
region and partly in Dedilovsky, local Social Revolutionaries are
campaigning for the organization of the union, pointing out that the
peasants are in poverty and the workers live well; the speeches of the
Social Revolutionaries at the re‐elections of the Soviets were especially
harsh. Thanks to their agitation, the Socialist‐Revolutionaries were able
to get their people not only to the district village councils, but also to
send delegates to the district congresses. The questions raised by the
Social Revolutionaries at meetings of voters boiled down to the
following: 1) the workers receive 75 rubles. per month and are not
subject to any taxes, 2) why has the party not organized until now an
alliance of peasants ‐ the defender of the countryside, 3) why is the
party only now calling on the peasants to build, 4) why a limit has not
been introduced for workers.
253
At the re‐elections in the village. Sazhenskie Vyselki Tula u. the middle
peasant told the audience that ʺthe peasants must be separated from the
workers and created their own union.ʺ
The question of organizing a union of grain growers was repeatedly
raised during the re‐elections of village councils. In the Serpukhov
region, a peasant said at a meeting: “We will live well only when we
have our own peasant unions. The cross union will have the same
political rights as the workersʹ unions. ʺ The teacher of the Mashkov
school, Meshchersky, the son of a priest, encourages the population to
organize cross unions.
254
would dictate to the trusts their prices for agricultural and industrial
goods, and if they did not agree to the conditions of the peasants, the
peasants would not give them a piece of grain. Rybkin also pointed out
that the existing cooperatives in the villages should be driven in the
neck, because they are ripped off, they have no influence on prices and
there is no benefit from them for the peasantry. Rybkin ended with the
words: ʺNot today, tomorrow, but we will achieve the organization of
such a union, since it is our salvation.ʺ Rybkin was supported by two
more speakers who said that ʺthe idea of organizing a peasant union
has long been clear and desirable to the peasantry, this union is needed
like a spoon to soup.ʺ The orators ended their speeches with
exclamations: ʺLong live the peasant trade union, long live the
organization of the peasants.ʺ
255
Soviets in his speech: “Local Soviets do not understand what it means
to face the village, and if you say so, you will be arrested. Capitalists at
secret meetings of the League of Nations 141 are starting a war, we have
to ask the government what it has done to protect the borders. There
are 20% of the Social Revolutionaries in the RCP, who alone have
merits. ʺ Speaking after Azarov, Mr. Feldsherov said: ʺThe peasantry is
the hegemon, we need to fight against the communists.ʺ Gr‐n
der. Pnevo Kholodkov pointed out that the peasants should elect their
own people to the Soviets, and not the Varangian communists who
steal, rob the people and do nothing. During their reign, the
communists gave nothing but harm, peasant unions are needed; the
communists gave the gendarmerie, which takes everything from the
peasant. ʺ Mr Smirnov, who spoke at the meeting, said that “in Soviet
Russia there are 120 million peasants, and there are only one million
communists, and therefore the peasants must be reckoned with. In the
second speech, Mr. Feldsherov pointed out the high cost and the fact
that the Bolsheviks could not cope with it, that the government steals
day and night, that abortion, moonshine and syphilis are due to the
management of the communists. ʺ The paramedics also criticized the
link between the workers and the peasantry, attacked the workers and
praised the Social Revolutionaries as defenders of the peasantry. He
ended his speech with the demand: ʺGive the union of grain
growers.ʺ The crowd gave a general roar ʺrightʺ. All the speakers
defending the party and the Soviets were not allowed to speak, with the
exception of one peasant Belousov, who at the end of his speech stated:
“If the VIC criticizes, it means that he is leading the correct class line,
defending the poor against the kulaks, since more kulaks are present at
this conference ʺ. Azarov, after such a speech with shouts of
ʺimpudenceʺ demanded to deprive this peasant of the word. Belousov
was interrupted and he was not allowed to speak again.
256
Volosts of the Roslavl district. At these congresses, teachers and
individual peasants, led by the wealthy, made proposals.
Gomel province. In some regions, at the re‐elections of the Soviets,
demands were made for the organization of a peasant union. So, in the
village. Ivanovka, on the question of what the organization of peasant
committees for mutual assistance, village councils and co‐operatives
should be, Mr. Buslov spoke, who said that “we need a peasant union,
and I’ll tell you what kind of union it should be: you decided in the fall
to buy grain at 60 cop. for a pood and began to press on the tax, and if
there was a peasant union, all the peasantries would not agree in an
organized way to give grain for 60 kopecks. and make you overturn
your ruling. Further, the prices of manufactured goods are now
unacceptable for us, but we cannot do anything without a peasant
union, and if we had a union, we would have decided not to buy goods,
if we could have held out for a year without your goods, and you would
not have held out and would have given at the price of the old time. ʺ
257
holidays. If we consider who is more profitable to give the peasants a
loan ‐ a kulak or a bank, then the kulak will not lead the last cattle for
sale, and you live yourself with your banks. What are you trumpeting
about re‐elections to the village councils? As before, they were not
reckoned with, and now they will not be reckoned with. You say that
elected bodies should govern, but in fact, officials govern. For example,
a land surveyor comes and says: ʺWrite,
Belarus. In the Mozyr district, the former chairman of the Besyadsky
village council of the Kopatkevichsky district, village. Mikhnovichi
Yasko proves to the peasants that they need to achieve the organization
of their own union ‐ a peasant union, which could protect the peasants
from the wrong actions of the administration, just as workers in cities
are protected by trade unions.
In some volosts, proposals were made about the need to organize
peasant unions, opposing those to the trade union bodies of workers
(Krasnozvezdinskaya and Turkovskaya volosts). In Lunacharskaya
parish. the kulaks said that all workers and specialists are organized in
unions and the state helps them in this, but the peasants have not yet
organized themselves into peasant unions, and this is reflected on their
backs, why the government does not help them. In Samoilovskaya
Vol. the question was raised in connection with the ʺbowʺ ‐ does it find
The RCP needed the organization of an ʺAll‐Union Peasant Unionʺ with
cells in every district and volost.
In with. Golitsino of Saratov u. the peasants say that it is necessary to
organize a peasant union that will fight the workers.
In the Kotovskaya parish. Kamyshinsky u. with the announcement of
new elections, the kulaks are agitating for the creation of a cross union,
which could be opposed to the workersʹ organization.
Penza lips. In Saransk u. the clerk of the tax department of the Arch.‐
Golitsynsky VIK, sharpening the antagonism of the peasants to the city,
said: “Before implementing the slogan “linking the city with the
countryside”, we must oppose the workers with the organization of
their peasant union “Sokh”, since the existing government for some
reason reckons more with workers, but humiliates us in every possible
way. ʺ The idea of organizing a peasant union ʺSokhaʺ is supported by
the majority of the population of the volost.
Ural region At the Poltava regional disarmament conference of the
Trinity District, one of the peasants said: ʺThe peasants need to have
their own local council, which could appreciate the work of the peasant
and the cost of food.ʺ The conference was attended mainly by former
Cossack sergeants and kulaks, the poor were no more than 20%.
260
Siberia. Omsk lips. In the village Stepanovka Tatarsky u. according to
the report of the Council authorized for the re‐election, one of the
peasants said: “The Communist Party only fools us with its free
elections, and in fact only workers and employees enjoy freedom. The
peasants in 1924 conceived the idea of manifesting freedom by
organizing in a peasant union, but these unions are nowhere to be seen
anywhere, here is freedom for you. ʺ
Altai lips. In with. Beloyarsky, Shipunovsky District, at the re‐election
meeting, the middle peasants asked the question: “Why do the workers
have their unions and they gather at congresses, but we peasants do not
have our peasant unions, the worker and peasant will be united when
they meet and greet at the peasant congress in Moscowʺ.
At Mamontovsky Barnaulsky u. At the regional congress of Soviets, the
middle peasant Slesarev said: “The cooperative accepted bread at 50
kopecks. pood, and now sells to the peasant for 2 rubles. 80 kopecks,
when there was not enough oil, they paid 20 rubles. pood., and now 14
rubles. 50 kopecks The Anglo‐Russian alliance cannot compete because
the price is firm. The bow will be when the bread is 1 rub. pood, and
chintz ‐ 15 kopecks. arshin. I propose to create a union of grain growers
and not give grain for 40 kopecks. pood, and say 1 rub. ‐ and thatʹs it. ʺ
APPENDIX 4
RUMORS COMMONED IN THE VILLAGE
Monarchist rumors
Gomel province. The kulaks spread a rumor that the Bolsheviks will not
hold out in power, that in the south there is already a tsar for Russia,
who will soon go to war against Soviet power.
Ukraine. Kiev province. In the Borovsky and Fastovsky districts of the
Belotserkovsky district, there are rumors that there was a congress of
Russian emigrants in Paris, at which Nikolai Nikolaevich called for
organizing a campaign against Soviet Russia, promising in case of
victory to free the entire Russian people for five years from all
taxes. Rumors are spread here that the West European states are
preparing a campaign against Soviet Russia and that America and
England are forcing Germany to start a war with the USSR, for which
they provide the necessary funds.
Volyn province. In with. Stanislavovka of the Chudnovsky district, there
are rumors that in Bulgaria the Russian White Guards under the
leadership of Nikolai Nikolaevich are preparing for war with Soviet
Russia and are planning to put Mikhail Alexandrovich in tsar.
In the Khmelevsky village council of the Emilchinsky district, there are
rumors that two Petliura divisions have occupied the border of
Romania and Poland and do not allow the import of salt into Soviet
Russia. In this regard, the peasants began to stock up on salt. Similar
rumors spread in the village. Viktorovka of the Barashevsky district
and the Nedelishchensky village council of the same district.
DVO. Buryat‐Mongolian Republic. Fist s. Bryani spread the rumor that
ʺMikhail Alexandrovich Romanov has already been crowned and will
soon ascend the throne, then all the communists will be covered.ʺ
Rumors about the fall of Soviet power
Ryazan lips. In with. V. Polyana Kasimovsky u. rumor is spreading that
re‐elections are taking place in the USSR due to the instability of the
Soviet regime, which is on the eve of its death.
263
Crimea. In the village. Kakina from the presidential council supports a
group of kulaks campaigning against the Komsomol, spreading rumors
about the imminent fall of power. As a result of agitation, the poorest
population is afraid to work on the former landownersʹ estates,
believing in the imminent return of their former owners.
Chechen region in the mountainous and flat Chechnya, mass provocative
rumors have been spreading recently about the imminent fall of Soviet
power as a result of the activities of the Muslim clergy. Mullahs 145 and
mosques openly talk about the war of a number of foreign states with
Russia, that an order will soon be issued on the mobilization of all
Komsomol members for the war. With the outbreak of war, uprisings
will begin inside Russia and Soviet power will perish. The provocation
affects all segments of the population and even members of the
Komsomol. This is confirmed by the following: according to primary
information, the bandits of the Gudermes, Shali districts and Nozhai‐
Yurtovsky regions show a decline in their desire to voluntarily turn
up. In with. Kurchaloy Nozhai‐Yurtovskiy district 9 people officially
left the RLKSM cell. Similar cases are observed in other villages.
Mr S. Ilyinki (Kargat) says: ʺSoon there will be an end to our ordeals,
foreign states have declared war on Russia and all the communists.ʺ
Siberia. Omsk lips. Middle peat village Irkutsk Slavgorodsky u. Omsk
lips. in the village council he said: ʺNow there will be no congresses of
village councils, foreign states will no longer accept Russia at their
congresses, that Russia will soon have a president.ʺ
264
Pop with. Krasnoyarsk is spreading rumors that “uprisings will begin
in Russia soon. The peasants of the four provinces have already
rebelled. ʺ
War rumors
Centre. Yaroslavl province. In Davydkovskaya vol. rumors are spread
among the peasants that war is coming and Moscow is already
occupied by whites. Due to rumors in the village. Davydkov, there was
a case when a pioneer asked to be discharged from the pioneer
organization, because with the beginning of the war, pioneers,
Komsomol members and communists will be killed first of all.
In the Yaroslavl and Rostov districts, the changemen spread rumors
about the forthcoming war in the spring of 1925.
Vyatka lips. According to Khalturinsky u. a rumor is spread that ʺall
residents are leaving Leningrad; a war has begun with foreigners who
are going to Leningrad and Moscow.ʺ
In the hut. Gladkovo, Starobelsk District, Donetsk Province. a group of
kulaks is spreading rumors about the imminent arrival of troops of
foreign powers in Russia, which will supposedly arrive in an airplane
and will destroy the communists.
Kulak Potapenko agitates that soon foreign powers will wipe out all the
Communists and the CNS; under the influence of his agitation, the poor
avoid all social organizations.
265
declared a united front against the USSR and will soon restore the old
order in the USSR.
In the Novonikolaevsky district of the Zaporizhzhya district, there are
rumors that in the spring Serbia will occupy Ukraine and restore order
and religion. These rumors come from the Hut kulaks. Kosovtsev No.
1, where a letter planted by someone was allegedly found with a
promise to arrange a ʺSt. Bartholomewʹs nightʺ 146 and cut everyone
who does not have crosses.
266
rumors, the Terarmians in the village. They laid down their arms in
Samarka. In some villages, the RLKSM cells, frightened by these
rumors, ceased their activities.
Rumors due to lack of bread
Kaluga lips. With the termination of the supply of bread to non‐members
of cooperatives and its absence in the markets in Medynsky
district. traders spread rumors that war is expected that there will be no
bread and salt, that it is necessary to stock up, etc. The peasantry buys
bread from the last means, paying 3 rubles. 80 kopecks for a pood.
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province. In connection with the increase in grain
prices among the peasants of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. there are
rumors that the co‐government is booking grain for the army in view
of the impending war in 1925.
Yaroslavl province. Due to the lack of bread on the market in
Mologskoye. Yaroslavl province. rumors were spread that the flour
was gone because the Soviet government was preparing for war in the
spring, and therefore all supplies were hidden.
Northwest. Pskov province. In connection with the increase in the price
of grain, both in Pskov and in the districts, rumors are spread that soon
there will be a war and grain is being collected for the army, which is
why prices have increased.
APPENDIX No. 6
STATE OF LOW COOPERATION OF THE MOSCOW LIPS.
For the provinces in 1924 we took into account: waste in 142
cooperatives in the amount of 398,916 rubles, personal lending to
workers of cooperatives in 23 cooperatives in the amount of 54,786
rubles, loss‐making on 26 cooperatives in the amount of 172,590
rubles. and debt on 58 cooperatives in the amount of 1,490,241 rubles.
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
268
Review of the political state of the USSR in April 1925
June 1925
Moscow city
Ex. No. ...
Top secret Store as Tov code ....
An overview of the political state of the USSR for the month of April
1925 is being transmitted. The review was compiled on the basis of data
from the state information of the OGPU Information Department,
supplemented by materials from the OGPU departments: Secret (anti‐
Soviet parties and groups), Special (Red Army) and counterintelligence
(banditry).
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with
the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
The PP of the OGPU and the chiefs of the OGPU governorates should
acquaint the heads of the OGPU DTO with the overview. In addition,
they can give an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional
committees, provincial committees, regional committees in the Bureau
of the Central Committee of the RCP, as well as the chairmen of the
executive committees and CECs of the autonomous republics.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU
Butsevich
WORKERS
In April, the work issue begins to come to the fore. There is a further
increase in the number of conflicts in industry (compared to
March). Although the number of strikes per month is not more than in
March (24 strikes), the strikes are more acute and tend to spread to
neighboring enterprises. In addition, strikes in April fall mainly on the
main industries: textile (the number of strikes increased from 3 in
March to 8) and metallurgy (from 4 to 8). The causes of conflicts
continue to be dissatisfaction with the low level of wages, the further
269
increase in production rates and the abnormality of the campaign to
increase labor productivity.
For individual industries, the situation is characterized as follows:
Textile industry
Strikes. In the textile industry, 8 strikes were noted in April, including
2 short‐term and 2 ʺItaliansʺ; 2 of them are on strike in the Union, the
rest, as well as ʺItaliansʺ, fall on Moscow. One of the most serious is the
strike at the enterprises of the Glukhovsky district of the Bogorodsko‐
Shchelkovsky trust. On April 4, 430 spinning workers went on strike for
one hour on the basis of low rates. On April 7, 4 departments of the
Paper Spinning Mill of the same manufactory, including 600 people,
went on strike, demanding an increase in wages; work began after the
factory committee promised to transfer the issue to the RKK for
permission. On April 8, the Novo‐Tkatskaya factory of the same
manufactory (6,000 people) went on strike due to a decrease in prices
from 5 to 20% when switching to direct piecework, a group of
supervisors was the initiator of the strike, on whose initiative a meeting
of workers was convened.
On April 9, a short‐term strike took place in the mule department of the
Likin factory of the Orekhovo‐Zuevsky trust on the basis of low
wages; demands were made to raise wages by 20% and switch back to
2 sides and 2 machines (3500 workers at the factory). RKKʹs claims were
rejected.
At the Vysokovskaya convent of the Tverskoy Cotton Trust, 100
weavers went on strike, demanding a transfer to 2 looms due to the
poor quality of the weft and the worn‐out looms; on the same day, an
unauthorized transition to 2 looms began (out of 700 weavers, only 80
worked at 3 looms). At the Khapilovskaya weaving and dyeing
aperture factory of Vigontrest, 200 workers were ʺItalianʺ because of the
impossibility to fulfill the quota due to the worn‐out machines; among
the workers there was talk of a general strike in view of the RKKʹs
reduction in piecework rates by 30%.
Ha M. Kohomskoy linen convent in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. 100
watermen went on strike one day, demanding an increase in wages. At
the Rodnikovskaya monastery, Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya
270
province. (10,650 workers) workers of two shifts of the spinning shop
went on strike in view of their transfer from piecework to day
work. The strike was liquidated on the same day by way of clarification.
Transition to 3‐4 sides and 3 machines. The most acute conflicts are
caused by the transition to 3‐4 sides and 3 machines. The workers
oppose this measure, pointing out the impossibility of working on 3
machines due to worn out equipment and poor quality of raw
materials. On this basis, only one Moscow province. 4 strikes were
marked. In a number of cases, workers arbitrarily switched back to
work on 2 machines. At the Vysokovskaya field, workers demanded a
return to 2 looms, 120 weavers unauthorizedly switched from 4 to 2
looms; at the Khapilovskaya finishing plant, with the transition to a
new system, 200 people were ʺItalianʺ, the workers demanded a return
transition to 2 machines. A similar phenomenon took place at the
Vyshnevolotsk factory of the Tver province, where the first shift of the
weaving department, coming to work, worked on 2 looms, stopping the
third (there were up to 500 looms); the second shift also stopped the
third machines (when working on 3 machines, workers receive the
271
same amount as on 2 machines). The conflict was resolved by
promising a pay increase. At the factory ʺKrasny Vostokʺ of Ryazan
province. the workers refused the offer of the administration to switch
to 3 machines.
In many factories, workers, in connection with the transition to 3
machines, complain about the wear and tear of the latter, about poor
quality raw materials, which does not give the opportunity to work out
the norm (the Krasny Profintern factory of Vladimir province, B.
Kokhomskaya district of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province; the latter, the
workers submit mass applications for leaving the factory, since work
on 3 machines, when they are worn out, in the opinion of the women
workers, will cause illness among them).
Many complaints in connection with the transition to 3‐4 sides are
aroused by the mismanagement of the administration, which causes
downtime. At the Krasny Tekstilshchik factory of the Serpukhov
Cotton Trust, due to the fault of the technical personnel, for 9 days there
was 81853 idle spindles, at the Rudzutak factory of the Linodzhut Trust,
128 out of 512 machines worked.
Metal industry
The metal industry has also seen an increase in conflicts due to higher
norms and lower prices, although not to the same extent as in the textile
industry (the size of conflicts is smaller, the number of strikers is small,
strikes so far cover relatively small enterprises).
Strikes. In April, 7 strikes were noted, 2 of them in Moscow (at the
Kosa plant, 20 polishers and grinders went on strike for one day due to
a reduction in prices; at the Krasny Proletary mechanical plant, 67
workers of the blacksmith shop stopped work, demanding not to
increase the production rate, which was supposed to be increased by
10% from May 1. A number of strikes took place in the Bryansk
province; at the Bryansk plant ʺProfinternʺ 44 slotters went on strike
due to low prices; for this reason, 120 molders of the foundry of the
Duminichesky plant ʺRevolutionaryʺ went on strike; workers indicated
on the tightening of the working day, the transition to simple piecework
and the rise in prices for essential products). Across Ukraine, a partial
strike was noted at the Krasnaya Zvezda plant in Odessa province,
where a group of unskilled workers demanded an increase in prices.
The reasons for the strikes among metalworkers, in addition to raising
rates and lowering prices, were also delayed wages (Selmash plant No.
1 in Kaluga) and the failure to provide maternity leave (foundry of the
Lyudinovsky Machine‐Building Plant).
Increasing rates and lowering prices. Dissatisfaction with the increase
in production rates and lower prices is noted in almost all enterprises,
especially where this measure was carried out without the knowledge
of the workers. In many enterprises, the workers, dissatisfied with the
rise in norms, deliberately undeveloped them, lowering the intensity of
labor. For example, at the Krasnaya Zarya plant (Low Current Trust) in
Leningrad and at the Morse plant, the work resembles an ʺItalianʺ
273
strike; at the State Mechanical Plant of the Tver province. in connection
with the revision of prices, workers lowered productivity from 40 to
70%. At the Kolomna Machine‐Building Plant (Moscow), workers
lower their productivity for fear of exceeding the norm. In the Odessa
province. at the plant them. Marty in some shops, productivity
dropped by many percent.
There was a case of an attempt on the administrationʹs life on the basis
of an increase in norms. On April 7, the senior instructor of the shell
shop of the Zlatoust plant (member of the RCP) was wounded in the
arm by workers, revenge for the increase in production rates is
expected. The anger of workers intensifies where the ongoing increase
in the norms is not explained in a timely manner (at the Zlatoust plant,
the head of the central tool shop increased the production rate on his
own; at the Krasnaya Zarya plant of the Low Current Trust in
Leningrad, due to a reduction in prices on the initiative of the plant
management, the workers chose two delegates to find out the reasons ;
neither in the factory committee nor in the RKK did the workers receive
an answer; in connection with this, there are many absenteeism at the
factory).
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received in connection with the letters received from the acquaintances
of workers of southern factories about good earnings (70 rubles a
month). Up to 16 people have already left alone.
Mining
Higher production rates and lower prices. In the mining industry, the
same phenomena are observed, although there were no particularly
acute conflicts during the campaign. Dissatisfaction with the increase
in production rates is noted at a number of mines in Ukraine (named
after the October Revolution of the Zhel [ezno] ore region, the mines of
the Bokovo‐anthracite mining administration and the mines named
after the Comintern and named after comrade Maksimov; on the last,
on April 2, workers were small wages, the ʺbagpipeʺ is eliminated by
adding 30% to the March salary). At the manganese mines
(Yekaterinoslavskaya guberniya), a 1‐grade decrease in hauliers caused
a decrease in productivity not only for them, but also for the miners; the
same is noted at the mine. Comintern. In Siberia, the reduction in prices
causes many conflicts at the coal mines of the Anzhero‐Sudzhensky
region, where workers raised a scandal when issuing prices. they threw
the rates back to the administration, saying: ʺWe have a flourishing
exploitation, which was not under the tsar, specialists are ready to
remove the head of the worker, but our heads, trade unions do not
understand anything and only assent to them.ʺ On the basis of the
introduction of new rates, there is a massive departure of workers from
the mines: from April 1 to April 20, 111 workers voluntarily left.
On average, wages at the Anzhero‐Sudzhensky mines fell by 15%,
while labor productivity increased by 30%. A seven‐day strike
involving 600 people also took place at a mining site in Karelia, where
workers demanded a 50% increase in wages.
Delayed wages. Delay in wages and at present in some more remote
areas remains a sore point and in some cases reaches 3 or more months
(Suchansky mines in the Far East, Anzhero‐Sudzhensky mines in
Siberia; individual mining administrations in Ukraine).
Glass industry
Higher production rates and lower prices. Conflicts and strikes over
higher production rates and lower prices have become more frequent
275
in glass factories. At the Dulevo porcelain factory (2,800 workers), 400
grinders filed a written demand for an increase in wages, threatening
to strike; a strike by the latter could bring the entire plant to a standstill.
Movers
Strong dissatisfaction with the reduction in tariff rates in April was
noted among porters and resulted in a series of strikes. In the Samara
province. due to a decrease in earnings by 90 kopecks. the city porters,
quitting their jobs, also tried to call the railway porters and carters of
the local branch of Khleboproduct to a strike; the main initiator of the
strike was a loader ‐ a member of the RCP. A two‐hour strike took place
among the loaders of Uralsibgruz on 15 April; the latter, at the end of
March, presented a demand for a 50% increase in wages. Discontent
with low rates is noted among Odessa porters, where this discontent is
used by anti‐Soviet elements, who say: ʺBe patient, you wonʹt have to
wait long for the departure of Soviet power, then we will immediately
recoup.ʺ One loader, a former RCP member who was fired for
embezzlement, openly states,
Other industries
On the basis of low rates, a strike of workers at the Mologoles
warehouse in Novgorod province took place. (earnings do not exceed
one ruble with a long working day). For the same reason, a strike of
workers of the Alazano‐Pikarsky irrigation canal in Georgia was noted
(the rate of workers is 51 kopecks per day, recently 180 people have
deserted from work) and two strikes of construction workers in
Novonikolaevsk.
In the sugar industry to this day, there is a systematic delay in
wages. The same is observed in the timber industry.
Workersʹ mood
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was noted at the Novo‐Tkatskaya factory of the Glukhovsky district,
where during the strike the representatives of the factory were not
allowed to speak and were shouted: ʺThey must all be killed.ʺ In some
factories, one of the main demands of the strikers was to immediately
re‐elect by the factory; at the Yuryev factory ʺProletarsky avant‐gardeʺ,
Vladimir province. the workers, having learned about the reduction in
prices from their pay books, told the chairman of the factory committee:
ʺWe chose you as a good person, and you turned out to be worse than
the one before you.ʺ At the Teikovskaya factory, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
province. in April, at a meeting, the workers indicated that the union
supported the administration, and that the members of the factory who
spoke were not allowed to speak. At the textile factory ʺRed Laborʺ
Vyatka province. At a meeting for re‐election of the factory committee,
one worker said in his speech: ʺWe are making the state treasury until
we bloody sweat, but we ourselves work for bread and water, we get
sick from malnutrition, the factory does not care about us, we must
unite ourselves and demand an increase in wages.ʺ At the
Radishchevskaya monastery, Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya
province. workers say: ʺAs soon as a worker is chosen from the
machine, he begins to receive a large salary and forgets about the plight
of his former comrades.ʺ At the glass factory. Zudova Guskombinata
Vladimirskaya lips. workers pointed out that the factory committee did
not protect their interests at all, receiving high rates (the salary of
members of the factory committee and the RKK is 260 rubles per
month),
Anti‐Soviet speeches and agitation. The growing dissatisfaction with
the difficult economic situation and pressure to raise labor productivity
develops especially in the textile industry and is used by all kinds of
anti‐Soviet elements (including former members of the RCP) to create
dissatisfaction with the Soviet regime among the broad mass of
workers. Among the Kostroma textile workers there is talk that foreign
workers live better than in the USSR; we do not have Soviet power, only
one name remains; in the RCP there are only careerists and self‐
seekers. At the factory ʺKrasny Profinternʺ of the Vladimir
province. Guskombinat individual workers declare that ʺthe party is
the enslavement of workers; life is worse than under tsarism.ʺ Former
Socialist‐Revolutionaries at this plant often hold meetings and conduct
agitation against Soviet power, enjoying great popularity. At the
277
Teikovskaya factory, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. some former
communists at an extended delegate meeting argued that women are
not liberated by the Soviet regime, but are enslaved. At the Shpilechno‐
block factory of Volyn province. Poles‐workers agitate that in Poland
the workers live better, since everyone feels free, and if there are
landowners there, then in Russia there are communists, ʺthe same
landownersʺ; under the influence of this agitation, some workers are
going to leave for Poland. In the area of Makhorochnaya factories and
mills in Yaroslavl, 30 monarchist leaflets were posted with an appeal:
ʺto wake up, shake up the violence and cut the stakes at the top, cut the
parasites drowning in pleasure.ʺ At a general meeting of the Union of
Builders in the city of Pokrovsk (Nemrespublika), the workers,
according to the report of the representative of the Soviet Union, said
that “the workersʹ life is worse than under Nicholas II, and that in fact
the only difference is that one tyrant was replaced by many. ʺ From the
group of those present a voice was heard: ʺLong live Nicholas II.ʺ
Campaigning for a general strike. Campaigning for a general strike is
taking place in some industrial areas. In the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
province. the evening shift of the workers of the factory of B. Ivanovo‐
Voznesenskaya convent was met by a group of workers, apparently
from another factory, and told them: “You, Kuvaevites (previously this
factory belonged to the manufacturer Kuvaev), you need to fight and
not allow a reduction in prices, and if you [do not] protest, the reduction
will be carried out in other factories as well. As a measure of the
struggle against the decline, the Kuvaevites were proposed to declare a
strike and, in the event of the intervention of the Communists and the
administration, it was recommended that the latter be taken out in a
wheelbarrow to the river. Take away; These same workers told the
Kuvaevites that the workers of other factories were already ready for a
march.
Unemployment
Dissatisfaction among the unemployed continues to be caused by the
difficult financial situation and the lack of demand for labor. In April,
there were excesses among the unemployed. Thus, at the Minsk Labor
Exchange in Belarus, the unemployed, because the demobilized were
sent to work in the first place, broke the partition behind which the
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employees of the exchange were working, one employee and a
policeman were beaten. Here, a group of unemployed were looking for
the head of the stock exchange to beat him on the grounds of non‐
payment of benefits for the first half of April. In the Saratov
province. there were tendencies among the demobilized to go out to the
demonstration with a poster “Get to work”. In Kolomenskoye. Moscow
province. at the county conference of the unemployed, the speakers
said: “The term of patience has run out, the RCP Ukom is in charge of
the stock exchange,
In connection with the reduction of 350 workers of the Arzhen cloth
factory, one of the laid‐off workers posted an announcement
threatening to kill and rob after the reduction of all. Another
proclamation was discovered in which the workers were called upon to
join the struggle against the layoffs and the sent workers in charge. In
the Kiev district, unemployment is growing dissatisfied with
unemployment, attacks against the communists and Soviet power are
noted.
In Moscow and many provinces of Ukraine (Kharkov, Kiev, etc.)
unemployment is increasing due to the influx of peasants from the
villages. In Kolomenskoye u. unemployment among peasants who
previously worked in production reaches 70%.
PEASANTRY
The political state of the village
The political situation in the countryside is determined, on the one
hand, by the activation of the anti‐Soviet strata of the countryside,
which finds its expression in a number of all kinds of protests, on the
other hand, by the difficult economic situation of the peasantry,
especially in areas where the consequences of last yearʹs crop failure are
most pronounced, which creates the basis for the success of anti‐Soviet
agitation. In addition, the political situation is characterized by the
attitude of various strata of the peasantry to the new course of the
Soviet government in relation to the countryside.
Attitude towards turning ʺfacing the villageʺ. The peasantry revealed
their attitude to the turn ʺfacing the countrysideʺ primarily in
connection with the appointment of a second re‐election. The kulaks
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everywhere assess this turn as a concession to Soviet power. ʺThe Soviet
government has straightened, because it is paying attention to usʺ
(statement of the kulaks in Yekaterinoslav province, Ukraine); the
kulaks believe that the new slogan of Soviet power is a sign of its
weakening, the surrender of its former positions. “The soil of the Soviet
regime and the party is shaking” (Volga region, Saratov
province); “The Soviet power is beginning to surrender, it is clear from
everything that things are shaky, and is making concessions ‐ NEP,
hard currency, democratic elections, and therefore the power of the Left
Social Revolutionaries will soon come” (Ukraine, Kharkov
province); ʺThe communists surrender without a fight, and power
again passes to the wealthyʺ (Siberia, Omsk province). Approximately
the same attitude towards the turn was determined in the Cossack
regions. ʺNow our power has come, we will soon elect the volost chief
and we will all have the right to voteʺ (North Caucasus, Stavropol
District). In the Kuban Okrug, the slogan ʺfacing the villageʺ is
interpreted by the Cossacks as ʺweakening and undermining the power
of the communists.ʺ In this regard, threats are often heard ʺto get rid of
all the Bolsheviks in a coupʺ and threats to nonresident147. Such an
appraisal by the kulak stratum of the village of the turn ʺfacing the
villageʺ arouses the desire of these strata to penetrate the Soviet
apparatus during the re‐elections, which they often succeeded in many
regions.
The mood of the poor peasants, especially of the ruined part of it,
enslaved by the fists, in connection with this slogan and the sharp turn
of the course, in most cases suppressed. In assessing this turn, the poor
often agree with the kulaks in the sense that they consider it a
concession to the kulaks and even in some places a refusal of the Soviet
government to help the poor peasants. This mood is especially evident
in Ukraine and Siberia. ʺWe now have nothing to do in the Soviets, we
now have other rulers who used to drink blood from us, and now they
will drink even more when they became in powerʺ (Ukraine, Odessa
province). The depressed mood of the poor was especially clearly
revealed in the statement of the former chairman of the village council
in a conversation with peasants in the Tatar district. Omsk province: “I
went to the regional congress in Spassk, and when I heard the speeches
of the kulaks on the report,
280
The middle peasants in most cases have a positive attitude to the slogan
“facing the village”. In Ukraine, the middle peasants welcome this turn
with satisfaction. In some places, the middle peasants in Ukraine were
blocked in the elections with their fists, so as not to elect to the Council
of communists and non‐cheaters. However, in some cases, there is a
distrustful attitude towards the turn of Soviet power ʺfacing the
countrysideʺ on the part of the middle peasants. ʺIt is even doubtful
about the actual veracity of the slogan, since we often see in practice
that they are turning backwards towards usʺ (Center, Kursk
province). Among the underprivileged part of the middle peasants
there are sentiments similar to those of the poor: “Late the communists
began to turn their faces to the village, and now they do not need us”
(Ukraine, Donetsk province).
Distrust of the firmness of the turn ʺfacing the villageʺ is widespread
among the peasantries.
The mood of the peasantry in connection with the lack of
grain. Hunger and lack of bread gave rise to a variety of provocative
rumors, in places deliberately spread by the anti‐Soviet element, and
caused a decrease in the mood of wide circles of the peasantry. In some
places, these same reasons cause dissatisfaction with the Soviet
regime. A typical case, depicting the mood in connection with a lack of
bread, took place in Ryazan province, where in Ranenburgsky
district. a crowd of 400 people, mostly peasants, came to the building
of the VIK demanding that a commission be allocated from members of
the RCP to examine the situation of the peasants and satisfy the
population with bread. From the crowd, shouts were heard with the
threat of ʺunauthorized dismantling of the state grain reserves stored
in the warehouses of this volost.ʺ
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The growth in the activity of anti‐Soviet layers of the peasantry in the
reporting period, in addition to speeches at the re‐elections, manifested
itself in the further spread of the idea of cross unions, in the formation
of kulak groups, in the distribution of anti‐Soviet leaflets, in anti‐Soviet
agitation and the spread of provocative rumors.
Cross unions. The spread of the idea of a peasant union in the
reporting period was noted in two provinces of the Center in 15 cases
(out of which 14 cases in Moscow province), in two provinces of the
West ‐ in 3 cases, in one province in Ukraine ‐ in 2 cases, in two districts
of the North Caucasus in 11 cases, in four districts of the Urals in 4 cases,
in two provinces of the Volga region in 3 cases, in two provinces of
Siberia in 2 cases; in total in seven regions of the Union in 15 provinces
and districts in 40 cases.
In March, the number of cases of manifestation of a tendency to
organize cross unions reached 54 in 34 provinces. There were no
attempts to organize cross unions during the reporting period. A very
interesting way of spreading this idea was noted in the Resurrection
and Mozhaisky districts of Moscow province, where an unknown
person who called himself a beggar from Tambov province, entering
villages and staying with peasants, left a handwritten ʺletterʺ when
leaving ‐ an anti‐Soviet appeal, calling for the organization of the cross
unions to refuse to pay the tax and to prepare an armed rebuff to the
Soviet regime (see Appendix No. 2). This case shows that in some cases
an organized group is involved in spreading the idea of the cross union.
The sympathy for the idea of a cross union on the part of the urban
petty bourgeoisie and intelligentsia is also interesting. In this respect,
the case that took place in the Roslavl district is typical. Smolensk
lips. (West), where at the PEC plenum a note was submitted with a
proposal to organize a peasant union, written by a student.
As before, the idea of a cross union is being advanced by various strata
of the peasantry. In the Volga region in the Penza province. at the
Gorodishche district congress of Soviets at the end of April, the
chairman of the village council, speaking the point of view of the poor,
said: “In connection with the NEP, the prosperous peasantry
completely crushed the poor, it is necessary to insistently demand the
organization of a cross union, which could have an impact on Soviet
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legislation and conduct work in an organized way in the field of
protecting the enslaved peasantry. Another delegate, joining the
proposal, said that ʺthe peasants should not follow the same road with
the communists.ʺ These statements seem to reflect a decline in the
mood of the poor due to a misunderstanding of the partyʹs turn towards
the village. The kulaks, represented by the cross unions, in their turn
strive to create an organization, claiming to seize power. A typical case
in this respect is the case in Siberia in the Yenisei province, where a
kulak at a peasant meeting suggested organizing a cross‐union in order
to ʺsend the Communist Party to the devil from running the apparatus.ʺ
Terror. During the reporting period, 101 cases of kulak terror were
recorded in 33 provinces and districts of the Union (in March, the
number of cases of terror reached 109 in 42 provinces and districts). In
the first place in terms of the number of terror is the Center (26 cases),
Siberia (22), Ukraine (16), West (16), Volga region (11), in other regions
the number of registered cases of terror does not exceed 3 (see
Appendix No. 2) ...
Despite the general decrease in the number of cases of terror, the nature
of the terror directed against the grassroots apparatus and the
communists is noteworthy in some regions. In Siberia, in some places,
terror takes on the character of kulak reprisals against the communists
and Soviet workers for their activities not only recently, but also in the
early years of the revolution, directed against the kulaks. A very typical
case was noted in the reporting month in Altai province. in Siberia,
where in one village for several days one and the same group of kulaks
committed a number of murders, wounds and attempts on the life of
communists who worked in the grassroots Soviet apparatus. In areas
where the issue of land management is especially acute and where land
conflicts are often noted, there are frequent cases of terror against the
grassroots apparatus and part of the poor, seeking to redistribute land
(Ukraine). Besides,
Anti‐Soviet speeches. Anti‐Soviet protests, which took place in large
numbers in March, continue to be observed in April, especially in areas
where the secondary elections have not yet ended. At the Center in
Voronezh province. in sl. Manina, at a non‐party conference, the
chairman of the conference, a former merchant, said: ʺWe waited for the
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moment when our party members felt weak and turn to us to help
them, but we will help them when we clear all the dirt in the party.ʺ The
peasant who spoke proposed a resolution in which he proposed to all
communists ʺto engage in arable farming, and to strip them off the same
tax as the peasants on harvesting.ʺ Another peasant, speaking of the
village communists, said that ʺthe peasants do not need cells and only
expenses for them.ʺ
In the Volga region in the Samara province. in the village. Davydovka
at the re‐election, after a report by the representative of the PJIKCM
Ukom on the work of the RCP to strengthen the alliance of workers and
peasants, at the suggestion of the kulaks, the following resolution was
adopted: attention to the education of the peasants. In fruitful years, the
RCP does not care about raising the peasant economy ‐ the peasants are
not provided with sems and foodstuffs, the peasant farms are taxed in
a larger amount than they should. ʺ In Siberia, in the Yenisei
province. at the Tashtyp district congress by two citizens, the delegates
of the congress were offered a mandate, which was to be announced at
the district congress of Soviets. This order (not accepted by the district
congress) said that so that ʺthe work of the party members is expressed
not only in twisting and whipping up, for this has grinded the backs of
the peasants under the tsars.ʺ In Krasnoyarsk u. at the District Congress
of Soviets in the village. Voznesensky, the middle peasant, who spoke
on the report of the PEC chairman, said: “You all remember the dear
and holy words that we heard from the Bolsheviks in 1917 ‐ we will not
pay any taxes148, but what do we see: the tsar strangled us ‐ we threw
him off, Kolchak began to strangle us, we drove him out, the Soviet
government came, the communist party and began to skin us. ʺ In the
Irkutsk province. at the Zimin uyezd congress, a resolution was
proposed, proposing ʺto eliminate antagonism among socialist parties,
to allow freedom of party groupings of socialist parties and to grant
such freedom of speech and press.ʺ
In places the performances were in the nature of antagonism to the
city. “The peasants are now in a situation of desperate need. The
revolution and communism rewarded only the workers with the
blessings of life, while the peasants were even deprived of what they
had used before the revolution, for example, forests that were turned
into state forests” (Voronezh province, Center). The mood of
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antagonism towards the city was revealed even more clearly in the
speech of the peasant at a non‐party conference in Saratov
province. (Volga region), which ended his speech with the exclamation:
ʺDown with the workers, long live the peasant revolution against the
workers.ʺ In some cases, the hostile attitude of the peasants to various
public organizations was noted ‐ KKOV, MOPR. In the Northwest, in
the Pskov province. in the village. Mijugi, after a report on the
importance of the MOPR, adopted a resolution in which they stated the
following: “We do not want to help any foreign revolutionaries and
fighters for the workers ʹand peasantsʹ cause. Since they were put in jail,
it means they deserve it: whoever sought what, he got it. ʺ
Anti‐Soviet agitation. Anti‐Soviet agitation continues to be observed
throughout the Union and in some places is more violent than in
previous months. So, in the Irkutsk province. (Siberia) a well‐to‐do
peasant in a conversation with fellow villagers said: ʺReal power is
nothing more than the dictatorship of strangling the peasants.ʺ ʺThe
Soviet government has baseness and audacity to deceive and
insidiously mock the peasants, calling itself their defender.ʺ Priests,
monks and church councils also take part in anti‐Soviet agitation. An
interesting case took place in Vyatka province, where in the town of
Slobodskoy anti‐Soviet agitation was noted at the bazaar by a monk
disguised as a peasant.
285
Anti‐Soviet rumors. Various provocative rumors spread throughout
the Union during the month under review. The most widespread
rumors were about an impending war. During the reporting month,
rumors of war were noted in 25 provinces. In most cases, they talked
about the war with Poland, Romania, often about intervention by
England and France. At the same time, rumors continued to spread
about the arrival of whites, about Kolchakʹs ʺpressureʺ, about the arrival
of Wrangel, about the occupation of Leningrad by the Whites, as well
as about the appearance of Tsar Vladimir in the south, about the
imminent arrival of Nikolai Nikolaevich and Kirill. Along with the
spontaneous spread of rumors, several cases of the spread of these
rumors by an anti‐Soviet element were taken into account. In Ukraine,
in the Chernigov province. rumors about the war with Poland were
spread by a young guy‐passer‐by. A ʺpreacherʺ appeared in the same
province,
Kulak groups. The presence of kulak groups came to light especially
during the re‐elections of the Soviets. In most cases, these kulak groups
are led by former white officers, former guards and other anti‐Soviet
elements. These groups are constantly conducting anti‐Soviet agitation
and disrupting the work of Soviet elements in the countryside. So, in
the West, in Belarus, in the Slutsk region in the
village. Zhivoglodovichi, Krasno‐Slobodsky District, a group of 9‐10
peasant kulaks are spreading all kinds of provocative rumors and
aggravating antagonism towards the city. In the Tatrespublika in the
Chelninsky canton, nine kulaks in every possible way hinder social and
cultural work; there were cases of denial of local Komsomol members
to village meetings and attempts to undermine the authority of
Komsomol members by false accusations.
The groupings are widely spread in Ukraine. In the Kiev province. in
the Uman district in the village. Bagwa kulaks and some of the middle
peasants organized night meetings at which they discussed various
rumors and a course of action in the event of an attack by the Poles and
Petliura. In the Poltava province. in with. In Vechorka, a group of 13
prosperous peasants organized conspiratorial meetings at which they
discussed the issue of ownership of land, which, according to them,
should be sought from Soviet power. In the North Caucasus in
stts. Staro‐Titarovskaya has a group of anti‐Soviet people who declare
286
that it is necessary ʺto expel from the village all the trash that has come
down during the revolution.ʺ
Along with the presence of groups of kulaks and an anti‐Soviet element,
there are groups of kulak youth. So, in the Tver province. a group of
young people was organized under the slogan ʺAgainst the
Komsomolʺ. In the Moscow province. there was a circle of peasant
youth in the village. Zhezhilino under the guidance of a teacher. In
Ramenskaya parish. In the same province, there were cases when
children of kulaks beat pioneers. In Kiev, an appeal was found signed
by the ʺfighting group of the youth unionʺ, ending with the appeal:
ʺYouth, the Komsomol is coming to replace the communist party,
forward to replace the tired fighters of the revolution. Forward for the
banner of individual freedom. All for the fight against communism, all
in the fighting fives. ʺ In Siberia, in the Altai province. in with. The pit
was marked by an attempt to organize anti‐Soviet youth. In the Yenisei
province. the son of a kulak, together with a member of the RCP,
created a non‐party youth circle, independent of any organization,
which during its existence has become more authoritative than the
Komsomol cell. In the same place (in the village of Aban) a cell of
ʺgodfathersʺ was created, which included the children of kulaks, whose
goal was to beat the Komsomol members and farm laborers. In the
North‐West in Arkhangelsk, an attempt was noted by the Arkhangelsk
scouts to organize scout units in the village.
The State of the Grassroots Communist Party
In the presence of the aforementioned sentiments and discontent in
different strata of the peasantry in the countryside, all the shortcomings
of the grassroots soviet acquire special significance. Recent materials
287
indicate that there has been no noticeable improvement in the state of
the grassroots apparatus. At the same time, the result of re‐elections
(especially secondary ones) in a number of cases contributed to the
excessive clogging of the Soviet apparatus in the countryside with
politically undesirable elements.
Clogging of the grassroots co‐apparatus. The materials for some areas
give a picture of the significant contamination of the secondary re‐
elections of the village councils by the counter‐revolutionary strata of
the village. The South‐East is especially characteristic in this respect. In
the Don district, where there were definitely counter‐revolutionary
demonstrations at the re‐election meetings in 23 villages, 20 former
atamans (of whom 3 chairmen of the village council), 3 former bandits,
25 former white officers, 3 former members of the military field courts
at whites, 3 former gendarmes, many former kulaks, active participants
in the counter‐revolution, etc.; in 3 cases, former white officers were
elected chairmen of the village councils. A similar picture is observed
in the Kuban District; among those who passed there were former
members of the military‐field court at the whites, former executioners,
many Wrangelites, kulaks (in some cases the latter were promoted to
chairmen of the village council). There is considerable material about
the pollution of new village councils in Samara, Tambov and some
other provinces.
Arbitrariness in the work of village councils. Cases of arbitrariness in
the work of the lower Soviet apparatus (and especially in relation to the
poorest strata of the village) continue to be a mass phenomenon. A
number of typical cases of arbitrariness belong to the new village
councils with a kulak composition. In the South‐East, in some places the
grassroots co‐apparatus is characterized as ʺanti‐Sovietʺ. In
stts. Nekrasovsk Donskoy district, a member of the presidium of the
new Council, meeting a nonresident in the steppe, beat him along with
three other ʺpublic workersʺ, saying: ʺHere is your land and freedomʺ
(the chairman of the village council of the village is a former white
officer who lost his leg in a battle with the Reds). In almost all
provinces, there are mass phenomena of rudeness of the workers of the
lower soviet to the peasantry, protection of the kulaks, bribery and
abuse. This applies not only to village councils, but also to VICs.
288
Narsuds. Recently, the peasantsʹ dissatisfaction with the work of the
peopleʹs courts has attracted particular attention. This dissatisfaction is
due to the red tape prevailing in the peopleʹs courts due to the overload
of a mass of cases and especially the mildness of sentences. Due to the
delay in cases, criminals very often remain at large for a long time,
which causes anger among the population. On this basis, lynching
develops, which have become an everyday phenomenon in many
regions (see a particularly characteristic fact in Appendix No. 3 for Tula
Gubernia). The abuses of the peopleʹs judges in the countryside are
considerably developed.
Sowing campaign
Eating semssuda for food. Due to the increase in hunger (especially in
the Central region and, in particular, in the Tambov province), in a
number of regions, crops were consumed as food. In the Tambov
province. according to Kozlovsky u. about 50% of all semssud has been
eaten, and in some places even more; a similar picture is observed in
the Tambov district. The consumption of semssuda in some places is
100% noted in a number of regions of the Orel, Voronezh, Tula, Ryazan
provinces. Many cases were noted in the Odessa province. (Kherson
district), in the Astrakhan province. the poor have eaten up to 50% of
the issued semsud, the same is noted in the Penza province. In all the
regions noted, in addition, a strong rise in prices for bread and seven
289
grain and an increase in speculation in bread on the part of the wealthy
part of the village is noted.
Seeding campaign abnormalities. The abnormalities revealed during
the sowing campaign boil down (in addition to the general lack of the
semssud) to the following phenomena: 1) contamination of the
semssud, 2) high prices for it, and 3) local abuse in the distribution of
semssud. Weediness of the Semssuda was noted in the Tambov
lips. (according to the reviews of peasants, millet from Tokarevsky and
Zherdevsky elevators ‐ ʺuniform manureʺ), in the Voronezh
province. (in some places the seed grain is clogged by 40%), in the
Volyn province. (weediness 25%), in the North Caucasus and the Volga
region (in the Astrakhan province, the ʺhareʺ released with seven grain
does not suit local conditions at all). The price of a semomaterial in the
central provinces is 2 rubles. pood and in the Ukrainian provinces in 2
rubles. 50 kopecks peasants are considered too high. Local abuse in
loan allocation is extremely common, moreover, workers of the
grassroots soviet, KKOV and cooperatives took part in this. Very often,
the loan fell mainly to the well‐to‐do (in Ryazan province, in the
Ryazhsky district, horseless people were not given a loan; in
Kurdyukovskaya vol., Tambov province, the poor received 1‐3 poods,
and the wealthy ‐ 10‐13 poods, etc.) ... Very often the semssuda was
divided ʺequallyʺ. In stts. Kagalnitskaya Donskoy district on the basis
of the misallocation of the Semssud almost a riot broke out.
Land management
With the onset of spring, the struggle of various groups of the peasantry
on the basis of land management acquires considerable acuteness. The
struggle is especially acute in Ukraine, in the Western region, in the
North Caucasus. It is based on, on the one hand, the desire of low‐
power groups of the peasantry (non‐spawners, nonresidents) to expand
their allotments at the expense of the well‐to‐do kulak part of the village
and, on the other hand, abnormalities in the work of the land apparatus
on the ground (red tape, lack of land surveyors, abuse, etc. etc.).
The big evil is the red tape in the resolution of land affairs, noted almost
everywhere. In Moscow province. land management cases in various
instances are stagnant for a year or more. In some cases, this movement
of affairs causes acute conflicts. In the Gomel province. such a conflict
took place in Rechitsa Vol. on the basis of the cancellation by the center
of the decision of the State Security Administration and the UZO on the
exit of a group of peasants to the village; By this time, this group had
already erected buildings on the allocated land (see Appendix on ʺLand
Managementʺ),
RED ARMY
Supply status. The decentralization of the supply business of the Red
Army, on the whole, gave positive results. The Krasnoarmeyskiy boiler
has improved qualitatively, supply interruptions are almost
eliminated. However, along with this, there are also negative aspects in
supplying the army. Due to the absence of powerful state and
cooperative organizations in the regions where the units are located,
capable of taking on the entire mass of procurements, and their frequent
refusals to fulfill contracts, the units are forced to conclude contracts
with private suppliers, which increase the prices of the prepared
products; on the other hand, in a number of areas there is a weak
training of economic workers, and sometimes mismanagement and
deliberate crime. As an example of the unsatisfactory work of the
supply bodies of the Red Army, we note the work of
Tsuvoenpromkhoz,
291
Nutrition. Reception and supply of substandard products, which take
place in a number of parts of all districts, negatively affect the nutrition
of the Red Army. In a number of parts of SKVO and ZVO, poor bread
baking is still observed due to the low condition of flour, the lack of
qualified bakers, etc. Among the Red Army men there are complaints
and frequent refusals to receive food. The number of refusals is
growing from month to month. In January there were 67 cases, in
February 71 and in March 90. In the 10th regiment of the Western
Military District, a whole platoon refused to eat. Cases of food with
kerosene, rotten meat, rotten potatoes, etc. were given out. Three large
worms were found in the soup of the CBO unit. In the 2nd regiment of
the 2nd division, the Red Army men, after a dinner prepared from
rotten meat, appeared vomiting and gastrointestinal diseases.
Outfit. By April, the situation with clothing allowance worsened. The
uniform has expired. For a number of parts, the lack of shoes and
uniforms reaches 50‐80%. This situation is due to the delay in the
implementation of the VHU of the Red Army Plan No. 1, which
dragged on until January of this year, which contributed to the rapid
deterioration of things. The implementation of Plan No. 2 for the
coming summer already now resembles the same story that was with
Plan No. 1. The issue of camp property remains unresolved at the UHO
until now; the district is not guaranteed against untimely receipt of
these things when units leave for camps.
292
group of 30 Red Army men declared their dissatisfaction with the
Soviet regime in view of ʺthe wrong collection of agricultural tax and
the Soviet governmentʹs deception of the peasants.ʺ Along with this, the
Red Army men often talk about the privileged position of the
workers. More and more often one hears statements from the peasant
masses that ʺthe peasantry is a class of less importance for the
revolution than the workers, and that the peasantry is incorrectly
equated with the bourgeoisie.ʺ These specific peasant sentiments of the
Red Army mass are largely due to letters from relatives from the
countryside, in which they point to the destruction of the economy, the
confiscation of property for tax purposes, wrong actions and
arbitrariness of the local authorities, etc. Letters from the countryside
significantly weaken the success of political work among the Red Army
soldiers. Recently, the unit has received letters about
hunger. According to JIBO, the number of such letters is increasing.
Demobilization mood. In connection with the onset of the field work
season, the desire to visit home among the Red Army is
growing. Holiday moods are also triggered by letters from
home. According to the ZVO, in 137 divisions, 40‐45% of personnel are
covered by vacation moods. For 6 cavalry division in the letters of the
Red Army there are requests to relatives to send them fictitious
certificates. In order to obtain vacations, the Red Army often resort to
simulation. In the VDU, 56 cases of simulation were recorded, in the
ZVO ‐ 137, in the KKA ‐ 95. In the Arm [Yang] division, the simulation
was massive ‐ 80% of the Red Army men visit the okolotok. In
connection with holiday moods, unauthorized absences are also noted,
293
which take on wide dimensions. 33 cases were registered in the HEI,
618 in the ZVO, and 159 in J1BO. In total, 1428 such cases were
registered in three months.
Discipline. Among the reasons for the discontent of the Red Army,
there is also an increase in discipline in the units. The Red Army men
believe that all measures to establish discipline lead to the return of the
old tsarist order. The Red Army men, in conversations with each other,
express themselves: ʺDiscipline is worse than the tsaristʺ, ʺthey shake
you like a dog,ʺ ʺnothing remains of Soviet policy except the RCP, the
rest is all from the bourgeoisie.ʺ 18% of the letters contain a complaint
about strict discipline and compare it with the discipline of the old
army. Strengthening discipline in places is accompanied by
unnecessarily drastic measures. In almost all districts, there is an
overkill in this regard. Due to the wrong bias in the introduction of
discipline, there have been many cases of indiscipline in recent
years. For three months, their number exceeds 4000.
Command staff. The lack of discipline of the Red Army is the result of
in some places also familiar relations with the younger and partly with
the middle command staff. The orders are conceived in a ʺfamilyʺ
form; therefore, 90% of non‐observance of orders falls on the orders of
the junior command staff. In addition, the discipline of the officers
themselves is not up to the mark. In the 57th division of the Privo
Military District, cases of unauthorized absences and skimping on the
part of the platoon commander were noted. The same is noted in the
5th division of the Western Military District, in addition, drunkenness
is increasing among the command staff. For three months, 2359 cases of
drunkenness were recorded in all districts. Among the junior
commanders, there is a demobilization mood due to insecurity.
The relationship between the command staff. The previously noted
uncertainty of the position of the command staff was replaced, in
connection with the taken course of one‐man command, the desire to
eliminate the political staff. In this regard, there is a demobilization
mood or a desire to enter universities among some of the political
staff. In the regimental school of the 16th cavalry regiment, at a meeting
of the command staff, without the knowledge of the regiment
command, it was decided that the political instructor should not
294
command ʺquietlyʺ in connection with the introduction of one‐man
command. In the 69th regiment of the 3rd brigade of the North
Caucasus Military District, the commanders regard the political
instructor as a subordinate, which leads to a mutual collision.
In the 12th regiment of the 4th division of the Western Military District,
the shortage of junior command personnel is 30%, the middle one ‐
75%; in the 22nd regiment of the 6th division of the Western Military
District of the middle ‐ 25%, junior ‐ 60%; in the 24th regiment of the 6th
division of the ZVO junior ‐ 60%, in the 5th division of the junior ‐
60%; in the 27th division, the junior ‐ 60%, the middle ‐ 30%; in the 45th
junior division ‐ 60%; in 44 junior divisions ‐ 48%.
The attitude of the old commanders to the VNO. In describing the
mood of the commanding staff of the Red Army, it is necessary to note
his attitude to the Military Scientific Society (Military Scientific
Society). For example, the organization of the UPO at the headquarters
of the 24th division is viewed by former white officers, currently
demobilized, as a turn of Soviet power towards reducing the
persecution of former white officers; in connection with the allegedly
impending war, the Soviet government begins to change its attitude
towards the former white officers, inviting generals and colonels,
organizing them in the VNO. Some of the former white officers are in
favor of joining the UPO, because using legal opportunities, it will be
possible to turn it into your own organization.
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES AND GROUPS
Anarchists
Mensheviks
During the period under review, the Mensheviks did not display
openly active anti‐Soviet activities. The publication and distribution of
illegal literature was not observed. The Leningrad organization of the
RSDLP (m) was liquidated. During the operation, a Mek printing house
was taken, on which the Sotsial‐Demokrat magazine was printed,
several lithographic and chapirographic presses. More than 100 people
were arrested in total. Among those arrested are many active workers
of the Leningrad organization of the RSDLP (m).
SRs
In April, Viktor Chernov spent most of his time traveling across Poland,
Latvia, Estonia and Finland. These patrols are associated with the
creation of a united socialist front against the Comintern and the USSR.
Left SRs
296
with organizations on the territory of the USSR and to arrange the
supply of foreign literature to them (ʺThe Banner of Struggleʺ 151) in view
of the complete absence of underground publications in Russia. The
recent correspondence, in view of the arrests that have taken place, is
of an accidental nature. The Foreign Delegation is very active in the
work of 2‐3 / 4 of International 129.
Monarchists
As before, there is an increase in the sending of letters to the USSR with
appeals of a counter‐revolutionary and monarchist nature from abroad
(in particular, from Belgium and America). The monarchist magazine
ʺOld Timeʺ was sent in large numbers. In addition to the appeals noted
in the previous reviews, a rescript of Maria Fedorovna and Nikolai
Nikolaevich is also being sent; in addition to appeals, clippings from
Russian foreign newspapers are sent with messages discrediting the
leaders of Soviet power. Up to 5,000 newspapers and over 250 leaflets
were detained at the Moscow post office in a month.
Religious movements
Orthodox clergy. The biggest event in church life during the reporting
period was the death of Tikhon. The published testament of Tikhon
made a great deal of corruption in Tikhonovism in view of its [pro]
Soviet character 152. the locum tenens of the patriarchal throne,
Metropolitan Peter, a former official of the synod, is not authoritative
as an overly obvious drunkard and debaucher. The monarchist part of
the episcopate took a wait‐and‐see attitude, believing that Peter had to
hide Tikhonʹs testament, since being himself a monarchist, he could not
but understand the harm of its publication. The collapse went in
full. So, for example, dissatisfaction with Peter resulted in the
declaration by the Ekaterinoslav Bishop Ioannikiy of his diocese
ʺindependentʺ, in which he was supported by two other Ukrainian
bishops.
On the ground, reactionary clergymen are talking about an upcoming
ecumenical council, considering it a great happiness that it will take
place in Palestine in the hope of foreign interference in Russian church
affairs. There is also an increase in the right‐wing church circles of
rumors and rumors about the impending intervention by the
297
Entente. In this regard, the monarchist agitation of the clergy
intensified, up to open speeches, such as the commemoration of
Alexander III and Nicholas II (Saratov and Vyatka provinces).
In Vyatka lips. Bishop Nektarios was asked by the laity to stop anti‐
Soviet agitation, after which he left. A similar case with the priest took
place in the Yenisei province, in Tobolsk and in the village. Karaulov,
in the Urals, church‐monarchist agitation was marked by throwing
leaflets.
A number of illegal organizations of Black Hundred churchmen were
liquidated: in Vyatka province. (the organization included merchants,
former princes, a former candidate for membership in the Constituent
Assembly, etc.), in the Kuban (Wrangel bandits), in Novonikolaevsk
(the group collected money for Nikolai Nikolaevich and distributed
monarchist literature). There are a number of other illegal
organizations. In the Poltava province, in the Smolensk and
Semipalatinsk provinces, censuses of believers were carried out with
threats against those who did not want to register. Along with this,
there is an increase in the activity of the Tikhonists in the fight against
the Renovationists: they knock down the locks from the Renovationist
churches or hang the so‐called peopleʹs locks (Stavropol,
Novonikolaevsk provinces and Turkestan). The successes of the
Tikhonists in the struggle against the Renovationists, however, are
insignificant.
In many communities, despite this, one can observe the collapse, sects
do not live together with each other, especially evangelicals and
Baptists. The growth of mystical sects is still observed: runners ‐ in the
Altai lips. and the Komi Oblast, the Kovcheg in the Kiev province, the
Gulovites in Yekaterinoslavskaya, the Jehovists in Novonikolaevskaya,
the Krasnovers in the Ural province, the Stepanovites in the Komi
Oblast and the Shrieks in the Ukraine. It is characteristic that the
Ukrainian shaking is led by a Russian emigrant who comes from
America, who receives from there a monthly allowance of $ 50.
Anti‐Soviet activity of sectarians is observed in places, which is
expressed mainly in anti‐tax, anti‐state and anti‐cultural
agitation. Sectarian centers are fighting this, fearing an unfavorable
attitude towards themselves from the Soviet government. Traveling
Baptist preachers campaign for unconditional duty and military
service. The meeting of Baptists in Chita and the Kamensk regional
congress of Baptists decided to exclude all those who evade military
service from the sects. Adventist groups in Kostanay
province. recognized compulsory military service for their members.
[Intelligentsia]
In some places, the dissatisfaction of the professors with the proletarian
composition of the student body is quite clearly manifested, which even
resulted in a boycott of members of the RCP (b) and students
sympathetic to the Soviet regime on the part of some professors of the
Leningrad Medical Institute.
299
Studentship. The toll campaign caused strong discontent among the
non‐party students and a slight increase in their activity. In Moscow,
for example, there was a fairly strong anti‐Soviet agitation, and the
discontent was sometimes intensified by the rude bureaucratic
behavior of the commissions on fees. During the reporting period, in
connection with the end of the work of most commissions on fees, this
issue has already lost its urgency, however, mass dissatisfaction on the
basis of taxation with fees is still taking place in a number of
universities, such as in Yekaterinoslav, Smolensk and especially Kiev,
where students the Polytechnic Institute alone submitted up to 1,500
complaints to the Central Commission.
The mood of the student body is aggravated by its difficult economic
situation, which has generally not improved noticeably. As an example,
you can point to the students of Saratov universities, in search of
earnings, breaking away from their studies. Among them, there are up
to 2,000 unemployed.
The mood of students in higher educational institutions of the RSFSR is
generally better than the Ukrainian and Belarusian ones. Anti‐Soviet
agitation and a certain mass anti‐Soviet mood among university
students can be noted only at the Yaroslavl Pedagogical
Institute. Groups hostile to the Soviet power exist and manifest
themselves mainly in Odessa, Kiev, and at the Belarusian State
University. At the Kiev Polytechnic Institute, a national antagonism is
developing between part of the Ukrainian and Jewish students. The
first is led by a group of chauvinists of the Petliura type, which enjoys
the support of a like‐minded section of the professors; the second is led
by the Zionists. The same phenomenon takes place among students of
Volyn universities. The purge that took place in Kharkov and Kiev did
not give the desired results, since most of the purged anti‐Soviet
student body was restored.
Society. On the whole, with a few exceptions, the activities of scientific
societies have not been marked by particular activity and counter‐
revolutionary tendencies. Of those who showed counter‐revolutionary
activities, the main ones can be noted the society of Kharkov natural
scientists, headed by the reactionary professors, the Orenburg Physics
and Medicine Society and the Kirkrai Studies, consisting of cadets,
300
Meks and Socialist‐Revolutionaries and anarchists, who expelled the
Communards from their membership, VAI, whose Krasnoyarsk branch
recommends subtle scientific sabotage to its members. There were
separate attempts to oppose the societies of doctors to professional
associations (Semipalatinsk and Tersk provinces).
BANDITRY
Central District. In the Central District, there is still significant activity
of organized criminal gang groups and individual criminals. The well‐
known positive results of the fight against banditry were noted ‐ a large
Mandryka gang of 11 people and 7 other gangs with a total number of
49 people were liquidated.
On the territory of Poland, the formation of sabotage gangs under the
leadership of the Polish General Staff continues, there is information
about two gangs (one of 100 people).
North Caucasus. In the North Caucasus, there is a certain lull in the
field of political banditry and an increase in criminal and ethnic
banditry. The remnants of the political gangs of Shershnev, cornet
Kozlov, Malatukhin are being liquidated. In addition, some remnants
of some other gangs have been eliminated. In Chechnya, the famous
bandit Iba‐Badagov voluntarily surrendered and some other gang
leaders are pacified. On the border of the Stalingrad province. the
appearance of the Kiselev gang is noted.
A number of criminal gangs continue to operate on the territory of
Transcaucasia. Trans‐cordon gangs intend to return to continue their
anti‐Soviet work and terror (the Matitashvili and Aga‐Kasumov
gangs). Banditry is almost eliminated in Azerbaijan.
Volga region. In the Volga region, there is an activity of criminal gangs
in the Penza, Saratov, Astrakhan and Ulyanovsk provinces, carrying
out raids on private citizens, Soviet workers and grassroots
cooperation. In the 2nd Don district of the Stalingrad
province. Kiselevʹs gang of 8 horsemen operated. The intensification of
banditry is especially noticeable in the regions of poor crops in the
Saratov and Penza provinces.
Far East. In the Far East, the activity of political gangs in Kamchatka
province, headed by Artemyev‐Karamzin, continues. In mid‐March,
our detachment, which left Kolymsk, was defeated, and the bandit
group took 6 machine guns, 59 rifles, 4 revolvers and 48,000
cartridges. As a result of the measures taken to eliminate banditry,
Novo‐Ustye (near Okhotsk) was liberated and enemy reconnaissance
of 18 people was repulsed. According to the ethnic composition, the
gangs consist of 75% of the Tungus and 25% of the Yakuts, among the
active leaders of the movement there are several former white officers
and former Soviet employees.
On the whale [ai] side against the settlements of the Amur
province. there is a concentration of significant Khunhuz gangs and
white bands, it is planned to prepare a raid.
In Central Asia, the activity of the Basmak gangs is still noted,
expressed in raids on the civilian population of villages, small military
detachments and carts, the destruction of telegraph and telephone
lines. In view of the terror of the Basmachi in the Surkhan region. the
elders of the ʺurʺ clan appealed to the military command with a request
to deploy a garrison to guard the villages. Two Basmachi gangs were
liquidated.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Deputy Head of INFO OGPU Butsevich
True to the truth: INFO Secretary Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
Textile industry
Go to 3‐4 sides. F‐ka Vysokovskaya m‐ry of the Tver Cotton Trust. On
April 22, at 2 pm, 100 weavers working on 3 looms, in the amount of
100 people, went on strike, presenting a demand to the administration
303
to transfer them to 2 looms, citing the difficulty of working on 3 looms
in the presence of poor‐quality weft and worn‐out machines. On the
same day 20 weavers unauthorizedly switched from 3 looms to 2. On
April 23, 100 weavers decided to work on 2 looms. On April 26, 100
weavers, who switched to 2 looms, returned to work on 3 looms. An
increase in the percentage of rejects was noted. Out of 700 weavers, only
180 people work on 3 looms. The total number of workers at the factory
is 4,000 (Moscow province).
Khapilovskaya weaving, dyeing and finishing factory of Vigontrest. On April
24, the workers of the weaving department were transferred to 2 looms
and, in addition, their second shift was destroyed. The existing
serviceable machines are not enough for all workers. 120 people go out
of work, and 200 workers ʺItalianʺ, complaining about the worn‐out
machines and the impossibility of working out the norm. There are
tendencies to file a collective statement of protest against the transfer to
3 machines (Moscow province).
Likinskaya factory of the Orekhovo‐Zuevsky trust (3,500 workers). At the
mill, there was discontent among the female spinning workers with low
wages. The issue of settling the situation at the factory was discussed
by the Ukom bureau on April 7, which planned to purge the wake‐up
element.
On April 9, an application was submitted to the RKK from the workers
of the spinning department of the mill and water workers with a
requirement to transfer to 2 sides and 2 machines. RKK refused. There
was a several‐minute strike in the mule department. The mood of the
workers is agitated. Agitation of persons from the group of former
friends of the ʺRabochaya Gazetaʺ 154 (Moscow province) is noted.
Rodnikovskaya factory. Dissatisfaction with the transition to 3 machines
is noted. On April 11, workers in the spinning department of both shifts
went on strike for 35 minutes, demanding that they leave the old system
of work. The strike was liquidated by means of an explanation
(Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province).
304
difficult to work on 3 looms with weak equipment of the looms. The
women workers say that, despite the difficult economic conditions,
they are forced to leave the factory that gives them a piece of bread.
F‐ka ʺKrasny Perekop” (Yaroslavl province). At the factory, there is still
a murmur about the transition to a new generation system, the workers
indicate that working on 3 sides is unbearable. Workers of the
waterworks workshop, including 60 people, filed an application with a
protest, in which it was indicated that it was impossible to work on 3
sides.
Reducing rates and demanding an increase in wages. Glukhovskaya m‐
ra of the Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky trust. On April 4, in the spinning
department, on the basis of low prices, 430 workers ʺItalianʺ for one
hour (Moscow province).
305
were elected for negotiations with the department of the trade
union. The total number of workers at the Glukhovskoy mine is 14
thousand people (Moscow province).
Factory ʺRabkraiʺ of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. A group of workers,
dissatisfied with the increase in wages by only 10% due to the high cost,
came to the factory, demanding an increase in the increase.
Factory ʺZaryadyeʺ of the Voznesensk district of the Textile trust of the
Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. On April 9, two copies of appeals were
found at the factory, calling on the workers to categorically demand
higher wages. In the appeals, it is noted that the Soviet government
gives the worker a 10% increase with one hand, while with the other it
takes 20‐30% from them, reducing the rates of piecework wages and
increasing the production rate.
Sarpin‐ weaving factories (Nemrespublika). The workers of the sarpin‐
weaving enterprises, owing to the non‐payment of wages 2 months
before, had become so weak from hunger that they could not unwrap
the warp from the frames. The workers called a general meeting at
which they demanded a 50% increase in wages. At this meeting there
were speeches indicating that the administration is doing well and
therefore does not take measures to ensure that the workers do not die
of hunger, does not try to buy bread, but throws thousands of money
anywhere.
Metallurgical industry
High rates and low rates. Kosa plant (Moscow). At the factory on April
16, 20 workers in the polishing, grinding and wire shops went on strike
half an hour before the end of work and went to the factory committee
for an explanation about the renegotiation of the collective agreement,
306
according to which the prices for work were reduced. The reduction in
prices is expressed in the following: for a polishing shop from 1 rub. 70
kopecks. up to 1 rub. 40 kopecks. for a hundred braids, for a grinding
shop ‐ from 55 kopecks. up to 45 kopecks for a hundred and for a wire
shop from 1 rub. 58 kopecks up to 1 rub. 50 kopecks for a hundred. The
workers filed a collective application with the plant management
threatening to stop working if the old prices are not preserved. The
departure of workers of the specified qualifications is tantamount to the
suspension of the entire plant.
The Krasny Vyborzhets plant, Leningrad province. From the workers of
the dish‐pressing shop, an application was submitted to the bureau of
the collective for 30 signatures with a warning that if the production
rate is not reduced and the prices are not revised, they will arrange an
ʺItalianʺ strike.
Duminichesky iron foundry ʺRevolutionary” Bryansk province. Among the
workers, there is discontent with the existing low prices, the tightening
of the working day, the transition to simple piecework and the rise in
prices for essential products. On April 4, 120 molders of the foundry
went on strike on this basis, which lasted for one day.
Factory ʺRed October”, Kharkov province. Due to the decrease in prices
for casting from 35 to 28 kopecks. for a pood, foundry workers gave up
piecework, and individuals began to leave the enterprise. There are
rumors among foundry workers and turners that if prices continue to
decline, they will quit their jobs and take over.
Failure to provide maternity leave. Lyudinovskiy machine‐building plant
of Maltskombinat, Bryansk province. There are 981 workers. On April
22, after the holiday, 414 workers who came to work went on strike
demanding maternity leave 155. By the intervention of the regional
committee of the Union of Metalworkers, the strike was liquidated the
next day. The instigators were the workers Kucherov and Guardians.
Dissatisfaction with trade unions
308
misconduct of the communists. This refers to the case with
pom. director Shabanov, who beat the worker and received only a
reprimand.
Anti‐Soviet speeches
309
that we would not go to the lower grade, weʹd better go to the gang,
now we donʹt care, we will go for anything ‐ a prison is like a
prison. Former Socialist‐Revolutionaries Maslikhin, Safyanov and
others often arrange meetings in production, carry on agitation against
the existing government, they have won great sympathy from the
workers, and every worker with any business goes to them for advice.
In the city of Yaroslavl, in the area of the Makhorochnaya factory and
flour mills, leaflets of an anarchist nature were hung, urging workers to
wake up, shake off violence, cut the stakes at the top, cut down on
parasites ʺdrowning in wine and pleasure.ʺ In total, up to 30 pieces
were pasted (printed on old paper from books, part of Soviet literature,
part of religious).
In the Polotsk District (Belorussia), at the Trud glass factory, a former
Socialist‐Revolutionary activist is conducting anti‐Soviet agitation
among the workers, saying that ʺsome people have now won freedom
only for themselves, and not for the workers, while the workers are still
oppressed.ʺ It was established that as early as 1924, some persons
sympathizing with the Socialist‐Revolutionaries gathered at this
workerʹs apartment.
At the general meeting of the Union of Builders of the city of Pokrovsk
(Nemrespublika), who spoke in the debate on the report of the
representative of the Council of Trade Unions on the medi bureau, it
was said that the worker is now much worse than under Nicholas II;
the tyrant was replaced by many. To the speakerʹs question, put to one
of the speakers, ʺDo you need Nicholas II?ʺ ‐ the latter said that it was
better under Nicholas. After that, a voice came from the group of
listeners: ʺLong live H ikolai II.ʺ
Among the workers of the Tobolsk power plant, the assistant driver
Kovalenko and the political exiled Zundelevich are conducting covert
propaganda against the Communist Party and Soviet power. The
power plant locksmith, Pole Ivanovsky Anton, with very cunning
approaches tries to convince the workers that Soviet power is not a
workers ʹpower, and points to some kind of ʺworld workersʹ congressʺ,
where the workers will tell how the Soviet power works under the guise
of workers. Ivanovsky is trying to discredit the Communist Party in the
eyes of the workers.
310
The mood of the Kostroma textiles is unsatisfactory. Textiles believe
that when Comrade Lenin felt better, and when he died, they began to
lean on the workers, increase their workload and thereby reduce
wages. All this is happening, they say, because it is not so many
workers who are in power as intellectuals. One communist said at the
same time that “it is evident that we need to make a revolution again”,
“workers live better abroad than in the USSR”, “we do not have Soviet
power ‐ only one name remains”, “only careerists remain in the party
and self‐seekers ʺ.
311
Mismanagement of the administration
At the Krasny Tekstilshchik factory of the Serpukhov Cotton Trust
(Moscow Gubernia), strong discontent of workers (6200 people) caused
81854 spindles to be idle for 9 days due to the fault of the technical part.
At the Krasnaya Zarya plant (Leningrad Gubernia), about 10,000 pieces
of headphones for radiotelegraphs were incorrectly made due to
technical negligence.
There, through the fault of technical workers, about 1000 Ralet devices
were altered.
At the telephone factory ʺKrasnaya Zaryaʺ of the Low Current Trust
(Leningrad Gubernia), for improvement, a cupola for smelting cast iron
312
was bought, which cost 25.00 rubles, and at this time it is lying in the
yard and rusting.
There are several hundred similar cases across all industries.
Unemployment
Due to the reduction of 350 workers at the Arzhenskaya Cloth Factory,
Tambov Province. one of the abbreviated was posted a notice with a
threat after the reduction of all to kill and rob. Another proclamation
was found, which called on workers to join the fight against layoffs and
the sending of responsible workers.
April 21 this year unemployed section of laborers at the Minsk Labor
Exchange (Belarus), numbering about 200 people after they were asked
to vacate the section and remain only demobilized Red Army soldiers
to send the latter to public works in the amount of 50 people, all those
present raised a cry, asking why they were being sent only demobilized,
then broke the partition behind which the employees of the Peopleʹs
Commissariat of Labor and tables worked, crushed one of the
employees and a policeman who was at the post. For a long time, the
summoned alongside the militia was unable to free the premises from
the unemployed, who, while remaining in the premises, continued to
make noise and push the arriving militiamen and workers on duty, as
a result of which [the unemployed] were pushed out of the yard and
went to the building of the Central Executive Committee of Belarus,
On the morning of April 23, the unemployed sections of unskilled
workers at the Minsk Labor Exchange were breaking the partition
again. At 11 oʹclock. 45 minutes the same day in the yard of the labor
313
exchange there was a large crowd of unemployed, among whom was
the head. the labor market department who spoke with them. The
conversation revolved around the topic of reducing
unemployment. The unemployed, as measures to reduce
unemployment, proposed: 1) a reduction in salaries and the
organization of all kinds of public works at this expense, 2) the
reduction from service of persons who have several people in the
family, 3) dismissal from service of a non‐proletarian element and
sending unemployed to their place, and etc. etc.
On the morning of April 24, the unemployed were sent to public
works. The rest of the working day passed quietly, and only at 4 oʹclock
in the afternoon some unemployed people came from public works
demanding money from the allowance due to them for the first half of
April and were looking for the manager. exchange Zarapkin, all the
time threatening him with beating.
In the newly opened spring work in Saratov, the unemployed receive a
lower rate for earthwork than last year.
The mood of the demobilized was also unsettled, one of them suggested
on May 1 all the demobilized to go to a demonstration with a poster
ʺLetʹs work.ʺ
In the hostel of the unemployed, handwritten appeals on small sheets
of paper were found with the following content: “Comrades, did we
really want this to be deceived around us. Down with violence, down
with party power, long live the working people. ʺ
On the eve of May 1, an organization of demobilized Red Army soldiers
(in the Far East) called the ʺCommittee of Influenceʺ was liquidated,
which had been posting appeals around the city with an appeal to
demonstrate on May 1 against the communists who had attached
themselves, demanding ʺbread and work for the defenders of Soviet
power.ʺ
Secretary of the Information Department of the OGPU Soloviev
314
APPENDIX # 2
THE POLITICAL MOOD OF THE VILLAGE
1. Attitude towards the slogan ʺfacing the villageʺ
Centre. Vyatka lips. In the house of a peasant in the town of
Slobodskoy, the peasants of Ilyinsky parish. said: ʺThis isʺ facing the
village ʺ, only they are fighting with us: pay tax, pay back, give
insurance, give it everywhere, and even take their sons into military
service, so they still feed them, they serve during the day, and in the
evening they go home with go to alms. Previously, they fed the soldiers
to the dump, like a hog would be fattened, and they served in all the
government, but now in all theirs. ʺ
Tambov province. Lipetsk u. At N. Studenetsky volsezd in the debate on
the report of the VIC delegate s. Rogozhina said: “Finally we got
freedom and having gathered here, we can choose whoever we want,
otherwise our party over the years has erased our entire neck and
tortured us at congresses with its candidates and lists. Once the revival
of the Soviets, then you need to think and choose someone who stands
for the peasants, and not for the workers. ʺ
Odessa lips. In the Pervomaisky district, in connection with the partyʹs
course towards the middle peasant, the confusion of the advanced part
of the non‐cheaters is noticeable, and they grinningly declare that the
priests will probably soon get the right to vote. The same confusion is
observed among a part of the workers both in the village and in the
region, statements are heard: “Well, now there is revolutionary legality
in the countryside, with the work of an amba ‐ and donʹt bother anyone
else, donʹt tell anyone anything, so it turned out that ʺfacing the
village.ʺ A similar sentiment is observed among some secretaries of
district party committees and the party elite of the village.
315
Kharkiv province. In the Akhtyrka district, part of the peasants of the
Krasnokutsk district declares that “Soviet power is beginning to
surrender, this is evident from everything around, its affairs are shaky,
and it is making concessions (NEP, hard currency, trade, democratic
elections), and therefore the power of the Left SRs will soon be and will
gradually come to property, but limited. ʺ
At a conference in the Savinsky district, the delegates who spoke said:
“Life was better under the monarchy, now the poor have been
killed. There is no truth, there has not been and will not be. Our evil
enemy is NEP, which we do not need, because under it we are
exploited. ʺ
316
Siberia. Omsk lips. In the village Malinino, Spassky District, Tatarsky
District the former Presidential Council said in a conversation: “The
Soviet government is giving freedom to parasites, we cannot expect
anything good from the elected kulak; Hearing the performance of the
kulaks at the regional congress, I would not have shaken my hand to
throw a bomb into this pack and die myself. ʺ
2. Cross unions
In Mozhaiskiy u. a leaflet appeared indicating the severity of the tax
and the need to organize peasant trade unions. The slogan ʺFreedom of
speech and pressʺ is put forward and an appeal is made to rebel against
Soviet power, hoping for help from foreign states. Anyone who has
read the leaflet is encouraged to distribute it.
317
In Petrovskaya parish. Zvenigorodsky u. in a number of villages there
is an agitation for the organization of cross unions. In the
village. Alabine, a member of the Petrovsky VIK Morozov, a middle
peasant, spoke at the last parish congress with a proposal to amend the
Constitution.
At a meeting of peasants with. Khatun of the same volost of Serpukhov
u. Mr. Krasavin proposed a resolution stating that ʺit is not necessary
to establish a workersʹ and peasantsʹ union, but a peasant and workersʹ
union,ʺ and that the peasants must organize themselves into peasant
unions.
Mr. Khodinov, middle peasant of the Ramenskaya Volost. Egoryevsky
u., Visiting a teahouse, leads agitation for peasant unions, emphasizing
that the workers live off the peasants and that the peasants need to
create an exclusively peasant power. At the volost conference of
peasants Ramensky parish. a peasant from village Afanasyevo, who
pointed out that the workers have their own trade‐union organizations
that care about improving their lives, ended with the words: ʺWhy
shouldnʹt we, the peasants, create our own peasant union, since the
workers have their own unions, that the peasants also need to create a
union.ʺ
Kostroma lips. In the village. Karjakovo of the same volost of Kostroma
u. one peasant spoke of the need to create a cross union, since this union
would protect the peasants from ʺexcessive exploitation.ʺ
West. Smolensk lips. At the Roslavl Plenum of the PEC, a note was
submitted, signed by an ʺanarchistʺ, which requires the organization of
peasant unions and points out the lack of freedom of speech in
Russia. Note submitted by two students. In the village. Avduevshchino
Khmelitsky parish. Vyazemsky at the village meeting, a peasant spoke
on the issue of organizing the KKOV, who declared the need, like the
workers in the cities, to organize their own trade union, and not the
KKOV.
318
to organize peasant unions, which at general congresses would inform
about the situation of the workers and peasants and jointly find a way
to improve the situation, avoiding inflection towards workers.
Ukraine. Donetsk province. At a conference in Pervomaisky district, the
peasant delegates pointed out that ʺwe have power not of peasants and
workers, but only of workers alone.ʺ The workers use spas, hospitals,
etc., but the peasants do not use anything, they do not have their union,
which is necessary for them. ʺ
Stavropol District. In with. Serafimovka, at a non‐party conference, one
peasant raised the question of organizing a union of grain growers. The
same was the case for willows. Mirian.
In with. The poor people demanded the organization of the cross union
in Aleksandrovsk. Similar facts took place in other regions.
Donetsk district. In the Mankovo‐Kalitvensky district, among the well‐
to‐do and middle peasantry, there is a tendency to organize their own
cross‐union. In the Malchevsky and Tarasovsky districts, the poor and
middle peasants talk about the need to organize to protect their
interests in a trade union, the kulaks are critical of the word “trade
union” and declare the need to organize a cross union. Similar trends
are observed throughout the district.
Ural. Tyumen district. In with. Elansky at a meeting of the Predictors of
the KKKOV said that only working peasants could be members of the
committee, to which one of the kulaks said: “We are neither accepted
there, nor here, which means that we must also unite in our
union. Workers and office employees are united, the poor and the
middle peasants too, and we are not people unless ʺ.
Perm district. In the Asentsovsky village council, the peasants, arguing
with the chairman of the village council, said: ʺIn the event of war, the
workers are sent to the front, and we are to create peasant unions.ʺ
Yenisei province. At the regional congress of Soviets in the village of
Voznesensky, Krasnoyarsk region, the Presidium received an
anonymous note with the question: ʺTell me why there is no peasant
union and can it be in the near future.ʺ
3. Kulak groups
320
Znachenka, having agreed in advance, disrupted a meeting held by a
local teacher and Komsomol member on the occasion of the Paris
Commune Day 156. During the lecture, shouts were heard: ʺWe do not
need Soviet holidays, we will celebrate church holidays.ʺ At the address
of the speakers, the kulaks shouted: ʺDonʹt come to us anymore, we will
chase you in the neck and pour slop over you.ʺ
Odessa lips. In the Yasinovo borough of the Pervomaisky District there
is an organized group of kulaks in the amount of up to 20 people. One
of the group calls himself a former colonel.
Crimea. Yalta district. In the village. Demerdzhi after 12 noon at night,
a meeting of kulaks took place, at which the following issues were
discussed: 1) on taking measures to destroy members of the RCP (b)
local cell, 2) on agitation against intra‐village land management, and 3)
on preparing several peasants to speak at a general meeting on the issue
of providing rights to fists deprived of voice.
Volga region. Tartary. In with. Burdy of the Chelny canton, there is a
group of kulaks numbering 9 people who are trying to prevent local
Komsomol members from attending village meetings, undermining the
latterʹs authority by false accusations. A similar grouping was noted in
the village. Bureau‐Saray, where the kulaks, through threats and
beatings, try to subordinate local workers to their influence.
321
Samara lips. In with. Nizhnyaya Orlyanka of Samara district an
organized group of kulaks opposes the newly elected village council,
demanding its re‐election. The group openly declares that they are not
subordinate to either the VIC or the PEC, and even more so to the
village council, saying that “the resolutions are fictions and we consider
them incorrect”. The group is led by a former guard.
Ural. Sarapul district. The groupings of the kulaks are taking on a mass
character, they include former White Guards who returned in 1923‐
1924. from Siberia. The groups aim to obstruct land management by
openly intimidating the poor and middle peasants.
The leaders of the kulak groupings of the villages of Prochno‐
Okopskaya, Novo‐Kubanskaya and others are preparing, after the first
meeting of the village council, to endure mistrust of the presidiums of
the village councils where they remained in the previous composition,
and to elect new presidiums from their composition.
322
Yenisei province. In with. Novoselovo in the same area, a group of
kulaks, headed by a former white officer, a former inspector of public
schools and a postal official, is campaigning among the population to
prevent communists from entering the EPO and the village council.
In with. Bichure Petrovo‐Zavodsky u. there is a similar group, claiming
that they have everything prepared for the uprising, only there is no
leading center, and spreading rumors that it is in Kabansky. an uprising
was prepared against the communists.
In with. Pakulovo, Chita u. a grouping of 17 kulaks is noted, which has
set itself the goal of undermining the trust of the peasants in Soviet
power.
Similar groupings were noted at [Petrovo] ‐Zavodsky u. (v. Mashkovo‐
Menzinskoe), Sretensky u. (village Kulan) and Chita (village S.
Tolocha).
4. Terror
Vyatka lips. In with. Sinegorye Slobodskoy u. demobilized wealthy Red
Army soldiers severely beat the chairman of the district council for his
past energetic work on catching deserters.
323
Ukraine. Chernihiv province. In with. Empty gor ode Nov [gorod] ‐
Seversky district kulaks sent a letter to the chairman of the village
council with the following content: “Moonshiners fists of all countries,
unite. Warning to the village of Kustogorod. If someone goes to bustle
in Novoseversk to share the land heart to heart, we will still kill from
around the corner. Maxim Ivanovich Roditelev, be so kind, do not go,
otherwise you will pay with the skin like a dog, and if you go,
Zagorodny, we will still drag you into a hole at night. We will show
you how to bother dividing the land per capita, and if you want to
divide the land, then divide according to passports, otherwise there will
be many victims, we will kill everyone by our secret organization. And
we warn you, comrade chairman, to gather the gathering and read our
letter at the gathering. If you don’t read it, we’ll use you up too.” The
letter is signed as follows: “The headman of White‐Kulak fascism,
Gromova,
Kiev province. In with. The hijna of the Kiev district, the relationship
between individual groups of peasants is extremely aggravated. In the
village, systematic raids on the reading room and clubs of the RLKSM
and young Leninists were noted. So, in March, a reading room in the
former priestʹs house was set on fire, and when the club was transferred
to another building, they raided it, stealing literature, theatrical
costumes, etc.
When an attempt was made to take away the priestʹs cune 157 for the
construction of the theater, the latter was burned. After some time, a
raid was again made on the hut‐reading room, and, finally, in the third
raid, the hut‐reading room and the clubs of the RLKSM and young
Leninists were completely destroyed.
Poltava province. In with. Perevolochnoye of the Kremenchug district,
after the re‐election to the village council, the hut of a member of the
electoral committee was set on fire; during the extinguishing of the fire,
324
an anonymous letter with the following content was found: Oto do not
prove it to Bilshe who buv from the police, who is from the gang and
who belongs to the yak. I think that the evil‐doers will no longer have
a mist in the celery, in the dovuku (swearing), and we know, and we
can, but you repent, now we will take over the ownership. ʺ
In with. A woman was killed and a man was wounded in Petrivtsi of
the Lubensky district, active participants in land management. At the
same time, a member of the Petrovetsky village council, Pelipenko,
openly declared on behalf of all opponents of land management: ʺWe
will kill the one who will carry out land management.ʺ
In with. Ivanice of the Priluksky district, the chairman of the Regional
Executive Committee and a member of the All‐Russian Central
Executive Committee was given an anonymous letter with a threat to
set fire to the farms if they insist on land management.
325
with our pocket. Here it is (pointing to his pocket), power. ʺ Korsunov
and Likhachev were beaten for always opposing the kulaks.
Tomsk lips. In the village of Voskresensky, Mariinsky district the family
of the poor man was beaten with fists, allegedly because the latter
opposed the kulaks. In the same village a worker was killed by
fists. Iverka for scolding God in a drunken state.
The chairman of the Sarapkinsky agricultural credit (member of the
RCP) Kupriyanov was attacked by the middle peasant Lukoyanov and
the wealthy Avdeev, who tried to bring Kupriyanov under the mill and,
beating him, declared: ʺWe, the villainous communists, will kill
326
everyone one by one.ʺ The documents belonging to the agricultural
loan for 800 rubles were stolen from the beaten by them. and money 147
rubles.
5. The growth of anti‐Soviet sentiments a) The activity of the kulaks
and anti‐Soviet element in the re‐elections
Ukraine. Poltava province. In the Tsarichanka borough of the Poltava
District, re‐election meetings were divided into sections, but due to the
actions of the kulaks, they were disrupted. For the second time, the re‐
election took place more calmly, but before the vote, each candidate was
asked whether he was a communist or an employee, and if he was a
communist, then his hands were raised “against”. As a result, only
small traders, persons without specific occupations and others entered
the village council. Before the re‐elections, a meeting of the initiative
group of kulaks took place.
Siberia. Altai lips. S. Kytmanovo of the Verkhne‐Chumysh region was
divided into 5 polling stations; the local kulaks, seeing the scattering of
their forces, vigorously campaigned to disrupt these meetings and
demanded that they be held in one place. The kulak said: ʺSince the
Soviet government says that there is strength in unity, why should we
separate us.ʺ At the same time, the second precinct meeting, held by the
chairman of the RIK, was disrupted, at which kulaks rushed with fists,
shouting: ʺNow your song is sung, the power is ours.ʺ The RIK
chairman was not beaten only because he managed to hide under the
protection of the women around him.
Novonikolaevskaya lips. In with. Krutikhinsky district, Kamensky u. the
population demanded to elect their chairman, not recognizing the
chairman of the election commission. They were supported by an
anarchist, saying: ʺThey are doing it wrong, since the power of the
people, then you need to do as the people want.ʺ Then he offered to
vote in secret. Before the vote, the well‐to‐do part insisted on the
obligatory publicity of party or non‐party people, adding that ʺthere is
no need to vote for a communist.ʺ The proposal was accepted. Before
the vote, one shouted: ʺthe communist is votingʺ ‐ and no hands were
raised for him. “The churchman is voting” ‐ and everyone raised their
hands. Thus, not a single communist was elected to the Council; the
wealthy and middle peasants entered the Council.
b) Anti‐Soviet speeches
329
Volga region. Saratov province. In with. Art. Zakharkino Petrovsky
u. at a non‐party conference, two peasants said: ʺThe Soviet power has
given us, peasants, nothing, that now the workers are using violence
against the peasants,ʺ and ended their speech with the words: ʺDown
with the workers, long live the peasant revolution against the
workers.ʺ Those present, agitated by their fists, shouted excitedly:
ʺRight.ʺ In this village, the poor are under the influence of the kulaks,
who intimidate them, saying that the end of Soviet power will soon be
over and the poor peasants will be bad if they do not obey the
kulaks. We agreed to the point that they want to organize an
independent republic.
330
because it is an executive body, but the higher authorities are to blame
here ‐ the Central Executive Committee, the Council of Peopleʹs
Commissars, which are only extorting tax from the peasants.ʺ At the
county congress of Soviets, Bobrov said: “Power should belong to the
peasantry, since the peasantry is predominant in quantitative
terms. We must give freedom of speech and press. ʺ Lytkin at this
congress insisted on expanding private trade initiative and separating
cooperation from the state. The Bobrovs added to the resolution on the
international situation: “1) antagonism among the socialist parties must
be eliminated, because this plays into the hands of capital, 2) it is
necessary to introduce an offensive against capitalism coordinated with
other socialist parties, parties and to provide such parties with freedom
of speech and press”. The resolution did not pass. 3) within the country
it is necessary to allow freedom of party groupings of socialist parties
and to provide such parties with freedom of speech and press. The
resolution did not pass.
Centre. Vyatka lips. In the town of Slobodskoy, the monk Polycarp, in
order to be inconspicuous, dressed in peasant clothes and walking
around the market among the peasants, agitated: “Fools, since itʹs hard
to pay taxes, so why pay. Donʹt pay the whole village ‐ and they wonʹt
do anything to you. You yourself, you fools, have won your freedom,
and now you rush with it. ʺ
Kaluga lips. Gr‐n der. Korevanka of Kaluga u. Andrianov is conducting
anti‐Soviet agitation among the peasants, declaring: “Is it possible for
the peasants to join the party and be a whisk in it, blindly obeying the
leaders. It turns out as before ‐ the landlords gave orders, and we did,
and now the communists give orders, but we, the peasants, do
everything. That is why few of the peasants join the Party. Soviet power
is the power of prisoners who used to be in prisons, thatʹs why it helps
the same prisoners, and they tear the last skin off the peasants, but
nevertheless, soon the communists will have to give up power, and
then life will go better than now. ʺ
d) Provocative rumors
Centre. Yaroslavl province. Throughout the Yaroslavl province. rumors
of war and famine circulate. In the Mologa, Uglich and Yaroslavl
[districts], there is a desire to buy as much rye as possible in view of the
upcoming hunger strike. These rumors, for example, in Mologsky
u. (Prozorovskaya and Ilovinskaya [volosts]), spread by peasants who
come from bazaars, city buyers, a mendicant element. It is said that in
Leningrad, residents have already been transferred to rations and are
saving bread for the upcoming war (Nazherovskaya vol. Rostov u.).
Ryazan lips. In Putyatinskaya parish. in with. Karaulove Sasovsky u. A
citizen who came from Moscow spreads rumors that Poland and Russia
will fight in the spring, and the workers in Moscow say: ʺWe will first
kill all the Jews and then we will fight.ʺ
West. Gomel province. In the Surazh parish. Klintsovsky u. the well‐to‐
do peasantry is agitating that there will be a split in the party, a war will
soon begin, that it is already going on in some places and that the Soviet
power will soon completely fall, and therefore, feeling its imminent
death, it makes various concessions.
332
Leaving Soviet workers should not be trusted, because in their
information they conceal the real state of affairs from the
population. The spread of provocative rumors in the volost is massive,
and spread [they] are not only a wealthy element, but also the poor.
6. Anti‐Soviet leaflets and appeals
ʺSlogan.
Dear comrades, peasants, grain growers.
We all have one sore point, and we all suffer from one overwhelming
tax.
Dear comrades, the power of our workers and peasants, but who takes
the tax from us, who is ruining our farms, through whom are we
stripped and undressed, do we rob ourselves and ruin our own farms.
No, comrades, the power of our workers and peasants, and we are
strong, we are many, but so that our forces are not wasted, let us
organize among ourselves a peasant alliance, rally into strong ranks of
the working peasantry and stand for each other, as for ourselves; let us,
peasants, not pay an unbearable tax, let us not ruin ourselves.
333
Of course, our authorities will not like this, but we must defend each
other. Maybe they will put us in prisons, they will forcibly take away
our fortune from us: livestock, clothing and equipment, then we must
not give it away, we need to arm ourselves with something and stand
up for each other, village for village.
In the event of an overwhelming attack, we will have to sound the
alarm and call for help from all neighboring villages, and if someone is
imprisoned and arrested, we must also defend, and we will smash and
smash the prison with our peasant mass when they put our brother in
prison.
But this will not happen, if we stand together, no one will touch us,
because our government is afraid of foreign states that are waiting for
the moment. Comrades, if we recognize the Soviet power of the Soviets,
then why are we paying the tax, the Soviet government has a program
‐ land to the peasants without ransom, and we pay them, we recoup our
land, we pay according to the Menshevik program. Down with taxes,
long live the rule of workers and peasants.
Comrades spread this letter as much as possible, from village to village
and throughout the Republic, but beware of the party. Everyone who
reads this letter should write two or three and use it. ʺ The letter came
from Ukraine.
Ukraine. Donetsk province. In the Luhansk district, in the apartment of
a former white officer who was dismissed for cleaning up by the co‐
apparatus, proclamations were found, excerpts from which are given
below:
“... The power of the workers and peasants has been overthrown. The
power of the bourgeois and capitalist system has been removed, but
while we were fighting at the front with an open enemy, in our rear a
new organized enemy sat on our necks ‐ bandits, Jews, communists, etc.
Adventurers who spat mud at all our gains of freedom and put on us a
new yoke, even heavier than the previous one ... Down with the bandits
singing to us about the well‐being of the country, at the same time
extorting the last pennies under various pretexts, ruining our industry,
factories, factories and mines to the ground, selling us into the hands of
the capitalists , concluding unprofitable deals with them, up to the
recognition of the debts of the old government in order to prolong its
335
existence ... Look back and see what the power of bandits and
adventurers, hiding behind a mask, gave us ‐ the proletarians of all
countries unite: 1) instead of freedom,
All proclamations are in the nature of different versions of the same
leaflet.
Volga region. Stalingrad province. At the Market Square in Uryupino,
the Khopersky District, the following proclamation was discovered,
which attracted a crowd of residents: “Citizens are workers, peasants
and peasant women. The Soviet government, together with its spongy
Communist Party in the era of the Civil War and at the present moment,
is throwing out various slogans to improve your economic situation,
but as a result ‐ zero. The Soviet power and the communists, you are
the first destroyers of the worker and peasant, you strangle all
humanity, you live at the expense of others, filling your pockets. Why
donʹt you help the poor, why donʹt you pay attention to yourself and
donʹt live in a communist way. Citizens, canʹt you see how you are
being oppressed.
Didnʹt you open your dark eyes. Down with the communists, down
with the robbers, long live anarchism. ʺ
In the villages of Uryupinskaya and Lukovskaya, proclamations were
found, pasted in several copies under the heading: ʺQuiet Don to
you.ʺ Here are excerpts: “These impudent, unbridled boors keep
repeating about the poor sufferer people, and at the same time they rob
him to the last thread. Stanichniki, the Socialist‐Revolutionary Party
calls on you to be ready to fight this insatiable shark and the entire
Soviet oprich [n] other. Soon there will be a moment when you will
raise your Cossack banner high and you will live in the old way ‐ in the
Cossack way. We know that it’s hard for you, but you strengthen
yourself, calm down, like before a storm, lull these satraps with
compulsory obedience, and let the enemy not hear the Cossack groan
until the required hour”.
Instead of a signature, the appeal ends with initials of seven letters,
which, apparently, should denote the initial letters of some anti‐Soviet
organization.
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
336
APPENDIX No. 3
LOW SOVIET APPARATUS
1. The littering of the grassroots co‐apparatus after the secondary re‐
elections
North Caucasus. Don district. April 1, 1925. In with. Bolshe‐Orlovsky,
despite the peasant composition of the population, went to the village
council: a member of the church council, a former volost foreman and
three people under investigation.
Don district. April 15, 1925 In hut. Albashi recruited 14 kulaks and 6
poor people, two of them are members of the RCP, the rest are non‐
partisan. The chairman of the village council was elected a non‐partisan
337
middle‐class Cossack, a former clerk of the Denikin headquarters, a
participant in the white uprising in 1918 in the city of Yeisk, noticed in
the theft of goods when he was chairman of the EPO board in 1924. His
first deputy is a non‐partisan Cossack, an enemy of Soviet power,
always agitates against its activities, the former secretary of the military
field court under the Whites in 1918, a participant in the White uprising
in the city of Yeisk in 1920‐1921, was involved in banditry. The
Konelovsky village council elected: 78 people of kulaks, middle
peasants and former bandits and 20 people of poor people, including
the teacher Rzhevskaya, a former baroness, a landowner, the wife of a
former member of the State Duma, now a member of the Labor Pros
union, 3 former Red Army soldiers and 4 members of the RLKSM, not
a single communist. Elected to the presidium of the village council: 1) a
former wartime official, a kulak, a former clerk of the headquarters of
the Kuban Cossack army, an enemy of Soviet power, 2) a middle
Cossack, brother of the former chieftain, a member of a military court
under the Whites, 3) a former member of the Kuban Regional Rada, in
1918 he killed a teacher for speaking in defense of Soviet power, a
former chieftain and a member of the military court under the Whites,
4) Cossack‐kulak, participant in the execution of the Reds in 1918 and
5) middle peasant, loyal to Soviet power. After the by‐elections, the
kulaks gloated, saying: ʺNow the land will be ours.ʺ 2) a middle
Cossack, brother of the former chieftain, a member of the military‐field
court with whites, 3) a former member of the Kuban regional council,
in 1918 he killed a teacher for speaking out in defense of Soviet power,
a former chieftain and a member of the military‐field court with whites,
4 ) a Cossack kulak, a participant in the execution of the Reds in 1918;
and 5) a middle peasant, loyal to Soviet power. After the by‐elections,
the kulaks gloated, saying: ʺNow the land will be ours.ʺ
338
In the Starocherkassk village council, the pre‐election meeting was
disrupted by a group of kulak and anti‐Soviet elements, who
demanded re‐elections, not by‐elections, and the leader of the group,
Merkulov, shouted: ʺThe boors of the Bataysky shop came to make us
by‐elections.ʺ The fists said: ʺTheir number will not work, and we will
elect our own.ʺ After the disruption of the meeting, Merkulov
organized an illegal meeting at his apartment, which was attended by
25 people from this group. The purpose of the meeting is to prevent the
Council of Communists from joining the Council and to achieve re‐
elections by all means. One of the group ‐ the Cossack Vasiliev S.A.
(sergeant of the White Army 160), emphasizing his hostile attitude
towards the Soviet regime, demonstratively appeared at church mass
in galloons, with the sergeantʹs shoulder straps, with two
medals; Citizens present in the church greeted Vasiliev, shouting
joyfully: ʺWell, glory to you, Lord, that our old has returned to us.ʺ No
action was taken by the police.
In the Council stts. Nekrasovskaya most of the places behind the
kulaks. A former White Cossack officer who lost his leg in a battle with
the Red Army was elected chairman. After the elections, the Cossacks
say: ʺNow we will show how to take the land of the Cossacks.ʺ These
threats are not only in words: on March 22, a member of the presidium
of the newly elected Council, together with other three ʺpublic
workersʺ, driving through the steppe during the day, met a
339
nonresident, caught him, beat him, stuffing earth into his mouth,
saying: ʺHere is your land and freedom., hereʹs the Cossack land for
you. ʺ The chairman of the village council did not take any measures
against these individuals, as a result of which 38 people from other
cities came to us the next day and demanded the immediate arrest of
the participants in the beating and humiliation, which was then
executed.
In with. Perelyub in the village council went: 1) a deserter of the Red
Army, a former chief of staff of the green army, who actively
participated [in the struggle] against Soviet power, after the defeat of
the green army 161 hid, but, being caught, was sentenced to 15 years in
prison, released early , 2) who was in the camp of White Cossacks, who
took an active part against Soviet power, for which he received 5 years
of forced labor from the Samara Revolutionary Tribunal, 3) the son of a
priest, who was also in the camp of White Cossacks for three years. The
poor peasantry, seeing such an abnormal phenomenon, remained very
dissatisfied with the elections.
340
2. Kulak bias
Centre. Tambov province. Morshansky. The treasurer of the Morshansk
VIC makes illegal advance payments of public money; so, they were
issued for trade to one merchant 200 rubles.
Northwest. Vologda province. In the Zaborsk parish. Totemsky u. VIK
member Tyukachev shelters kulaks from taxing them and draws up
lists of pre‐conscripts that have been incorrectly settled, adding years
to their relatives, thanks to which pre‐conscripts from kulak families
are exempt from pre‐conscription training. A member of the same VIK
Burtsev issued a certificate for obtaining timber to kulaks and former
traders, to kulak Shabanov he issued a certificate as needy, and when
Shabanov received timber, he immediately sold it for 300 rubles; having
received such a sum, Shabanov arranged a feast where the above two
members of the VIC were treated. The same members of the VIC
themselves are engaged in forcing moonshine both for themselves and
for sale. The property and cattle described by the poor for non‐payment
of tax were sold to kulaks for a pittance.
Crimea. In the Chorgush village council of the Sevastopol region, there
is a strong bond between former landowners, officers and kulaks,
headed by the chairman of the village council. In the last days of
341
February, anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside collected signatures
from peasants, kulaks and landlords to remove from the region
members of the RCP, the most active and prominent workers. With this
verdict, one of them was sent to the Crimean Central Executive
Committee. The chairman of the village council knows about all this,
but does not say anything to anyone, he himself is non‐partisan and has
caused antagonism in his work between himself and the organization
of the RCP.
3. Arbitrariness
North Caucasus. Stavropol District. S. Krugolesskoe. The chairman of
the village council (member of the RCP), together with the chairman of
the Sadovsky village council, raped the cleaner of the village council
(member of the village council) and another citizen. The chairman
threatens to take revenge on the village correspondent for an article in
the local wall newspaper about the unsanitary state of the village.
4. Tax creation
342
5. Narsud
that I found a criminal who burned down your village, letʹs go and we
will catch him. And we really went in society and caught Lobanov in
the forest and brought him to society, and in society everyone
unanimously decided: to kill Lobanov as a whole in society for stealing
and setting fire to the village. To this we will sign ʺ(about 50 signatures
of peasants). I certify the validity of this decree. April 18, 1925.
Representative of the district village council N. Bartenev.ʺ
In this case, the prosecutorʹs office arrested 6 people and is conducting
an investigation. It should be noted that this lynching of the peasants
over the arsonist was caused by the situation itself, since the population
of the Serebryano‐Prudskiy region is terrorized by regular arson attacks
that took place in March and early April, as we reported in report No.
1. To a large extent, by such actions of the peasants, to arrange lynching
favored by the weak organization of the struggle of local authorities
against the criminal element. For example, 11 people arrested in
Serebryanye Prudy on suspicion of arson were soon released by the
local inheritor, although, according to the general opinion of the
districtʹs population, the arson came from this gang. As a result, the
population loses hope for the fight against criminals from the local
judiciary and takes on this mission.
343
Another typical case of lynching was also noted in the Korsakov
district, where the main role was played by the chairman of the district
council (member of the RCP (b)), who, suspecting one peasant of
stealing a ham from another, tied this ham to a suspect in theft and took
him with harmony throughout the village ...
Northwest. Novgorod province. In Troitskaya Vol. Novgorodsky u. two
cases of incorrect sentencing by local peopleʹs court were noted,
namely: the peopleʹs court sentenced to a fine of 3 rubles. from each
householder der. N. Bohr, accusing them of arbitrariness, expressed in
the unauthorized mowing of grass. It was established by the local
community that only 12 people were cutting the grass, and the court
awarded 66 householders, i.e., the whole village, guided by the general
list when passing the verdict, without taking into account the protests
of the representatives of the society, proving the innocence of 54
householders. These lists also included those citizens who no longer
live in the village.
APPENDIX 4
LAND MANAGEMENT
The struggle of the peasantry for land and conflicts over land
management
West. Gomel province. April 10th. In 1922 a group of peasants from the
village. Uveritsa Rechna parish. and the uyezd, mostly poor and
middle peasants, in the amount of 25‐30 people led the preparation for
entering the village, but since not all society agreed to take the form of
village land use, a land conflict arose between the population. Due to
the disagreement between these groups, a court land case arose, which
was considered by the county land authorities, and the project for
entering the village was approved. The group, which did not want to
land tenure, did not agree with the project approved by the UZS and
GZO and filed a cassation appeal to the supreme land control in
Moscow. While this case was being resolved, part of the townspeople,
after the approval of the land management project of the UZO and
GZO, with the onset of spring began to transport their residential and
non‐residential buildings to the allotted village. ʺFighterʺ. A decent
number of peasants moved to the village. At the beginning of March
this year. A group that did not want to land tenure sent an authorized
person to the supreme land control in Moscow in order to find out the
result of their appeal, and [he] brought a certificate that all decisions of
the land commission in their case were canceled and the case was
transferred to the Rechitsa UZO for re‐drafting the project. The PEC
issued an order to the village council of the village not to disturb,
harass, and not interfere with further resettlement to the village. Village
council village. Uvoritsa, headed by the chairman, the secretary and
several members, did not obey the order of the PEC, the next day they
appeared at the VIC and began to protest categorically. On the night of
March 28‐29 this year. houses and gates of those overlooking the village
were smeared with tar and large crosses and the letters ʺBʺ were
written, which should have meant “death to the group of the
village. Fighterʺ. On the next day, the VIC at its meeting once again
confirmed its previous order, which was reported to the PEC. The
latter, at a meeting of April 1, 1925, decided not to interfere with the
345
transfer of land from the center to the village. The group of those who
do not want to settle in land categorically stated that they would not
obey the resolutions of the VIK and PEC, they would not recognize
them and would act and do as they themselves know, as they act on the
basis of the decision of the center. After the departure of the PEC
representatives, a group of those unwilling to settle the land entirely
left for the village land, began to plow the repulsed plans for the
construction of the townspeople162, breaking and chopping fences,
sheds. The crowd was armed with stakes and axes, in front of the crowd
the prosperous peasant Daniel Severinov carried a white flag. Shouts
were heard from the crowd: ʺDown with the communistsʺ, ʺDown with
land management, down with the Red Army, down with the poor.ʺ To
settle the conflict and prevent carnage, messengers were sent to the
PEC. In the village. Levashakh of Rechitsa parish a group of people
unwilling to settle in land categorically declared to the townspeople
that they would not give the land allocated to them for the village to
plow. To settle the issue, a commission from the VIC left, but there are
no results yet.
346
the Orsha okrZO for execution. A land surveyor went to the land
management site from Orsha, but this surveyor turned out to be the
son‐in‐law of one kulak from the village. Tushkovo, which for a long
time dragged out to the place. At that time, the kulaks filed a statement
of their disagreement with the Orsha regional district administration,
where, in spite of the fact that the Supreme Land Court, as well as the
regional district law, had approved the case, they ensured that an
attitude was sent to the Goretsky District Administration to review the
case. By the decision of the land court at the RIK, it was finally
forbidden to carry out land management in the
village. Tushkovo. After this decision, the poor again turned to the
Orsha okrZO with a petition for a new revision, where they accidentally
met with the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land of Belarus,
Comrade Prishepov, who ordered to immediately investigate the case
and personally report the results to him in Minsk. The kulaks,
apparently, were not afraid of this either, and they only say that it cost
them 100 rubles to bribe the Gorky authorities, and if they collect 300,
they will bribe the Okrug ZAO.
Ukraine. Kharkiv province. In the Zmievsky village council of the same
district in 1923, about 400 dessiatins were nationalized. land, which is
distributed among the members of the KNS, but the kulaks, having
organized, drove the poor from the land they previously owned and
initiated a lawsuit. As a result, the land is still controversial.
In the Akhtyrka district in the Bogodukhovsky district, the well‐to‐do
peasantry group together and hold meetings with the aim of disrupting
land management. For this purpose, they have nominated three
commissioners, who must campaign against land management.
In with. False Sumy District there is a group of up to 40 people who set
themselves the goal of disrupting land management.
Kiev province. In the Shevchenko district, about 70 kulaks from the
villages of Vesely Kut, Zatonskoye, Velikaya Volnianka, Dubovka,
Kosyakovka, Antonovka of the Koshevatsky district and some villages
of the Vinogradsky district organized a meeting on the farm of the
Zhivotovsky kulak with the goal of organizing in the spring and not
giving the selected surplus land that the poor are endowed with. At the
meeting, they assigned a representative in each village, who should
347
organize kulaks for a common struggle against the local authorities and
the poor, as well as collect money to send delegates to Kharkov and
other centers. At the same meeting, the Land Code and other orders
concerning the selection of surpluses were sorted out with their fists.
Podolsk lips. In with. Belaovtsi of the Proskurovsky district, the kulaks
oppose land management in every possible way, and there were cases
when on this basis the kulaks knocked out windows in the houses of
the poor.
In with. The kulaks from Krasnoselskaya Gaisinsky Okrug do not allow
land management to be carried out and declare that ʺall the communists
will be beaten, but they will not be allowed to conduct land
management.ʺ
Ekaterinoslavskaya lips. In the Krivoy Rog district, the obstacle to land
management is the opposition and stubborn resistance of the kulaks,
who in 1918 and 1919. captured the best tracts of land. So, in the
Mikhailovsky district, fists captured more than 3000 dess. land. The
same was noted in the Adamovsky region, where, thanks to the
weakness of the village councils, the land of state funds was sown with
kulaks.
Donetsk province. In the village. Reznikovka of the Artyomovsk district,
the opposition of the kulaks to the land management caused a sharp
anger on the part of the non‐cheaters, who posted an anonymous
announcement with the following content: “Reznikovʹs sex of the
kulaks. For the last time I declare that if you interfere with land
management, you will have a ʺSt. Bartholomewʹs nightʺ for 50 yards to
the cradle. This is already there, the night is scheduled, and there are
people who drew lots and whose hand will not tremble, and will give
you eternal cuts, such cuts that the legs and heads will be chopped
off. The last and final blow to you. Choose any ‐ either death to you, or
land management for us, otherwise the ʺSt. Bartholomewʹs nightʺ is on
the nose, and you, damned, will not have mercy. Here is a letter for you
in conclusion of the words, I ask you not to disrupt the ad, if someone
rips off, then a bullet will hit his forehead. ʺ
348
the meeting, the question of not allotting land to nonresident was
raised. One of the drunken Cossacks suggested applying the old tsarist
laws in land management. At the suggestion of the presidium of the
meeting to the policeman to take the drunk out, the enraged mass of
Cossacks began to shout: “Who has the right to arrest, we don’t want
land, we don’t need land management, these sons of bitches ‐ the
townspeople immediately want to catch up with us, take all the land,
we should have driven them out long ago from here, hang, beat the
townspeople and communists. ʺ After that, they all went to the exit. It
is characteristic to note that while the kulaks and the Cossacks are
feverishly grouping themselves together to fight, the poor remain
passive.
In the hut. Kukharevsky at the general meeting was the question of
allotting land to nonresident and demobilized Red Army soldiers. A
member of the village council, a Cossack who spoke, said: ʺGive them
land near the sea, where there are telegraph poles for them, bastards.ʺ
Salsky district. Land Society with. Bogoroditsky was divided into two
groups of ʺindigenousʺ and ʺnonresidentʺ. The indigenous population
categorically denies newcomers in land, despite the fact that many of
them have been living in the village for thirty years. All persuasions of
local authorities do not lead to any result. The Cossacks say: “Let the
state give from its reserve fund, and not take the last from us. It seized
all the land of the landowners and transferred them to the state farms
for which we have to work. ʺ
Stavropol District. In with. Kugult, at a meeting on the issue of land
management, local kulaks shouted that they would not obey the
circular of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land and such circulars can
be bought as much as necessary for money, and they drove the speaker
from the rostrum without letting him finish.
Kabardino‐Balkar region April 11 at stc. Aleksandrovskaya Urvan district,
a handful of prosperous people with the support of the middle peasants
and the poor, taking advantage of the absence of the executive
committee, decided not to give land to all nonresident living in the
village, arguing that there is such a statute. 75 families ‐ 243 souls ‐ were
excluded from the general land use, which were given only 3 fathoms
of land each. In view of this, the latter are doomed to starvation, having
349
no crops. The land dispute in the regional Central Executive Committee
and the regional land administration has not been resolved, and the
sowing campaign has already begun.
Inactivity and red tape in zemorgan
Centre. Moscow province. In Sergievsky u. peasantsʹ complaints about
red tape in the UZO for land management. There are cases that have
been waiting for a land surveyor since 1920, but the peasants have
already paid a deposit for the work.
In the UZO, preparatory land plots lie for months or more
unconsidered. Sessions of the county land council are not
convened. Ready proposals and resolutions are signed without any
meeting. Preparatory cases to be returned for additional preparation
are not returned but lie motionless. Out of 84 cases, only 4‐5 cases were
prepared and sent to the Ministry of Education and Science. The RCD
commissioner is often absent, without leaving a deputy, due to which
a lot of statements accumulate, which lie without any movement, since
no issue is resolved without an authorized person; so, for example, the
statement of the peasants der. Abramovo Sharapov parish not allowed
for more than 6 months.
In Pushkin parish. Moscow u. the land redistribution process has been
going on for two years.
At the Koydanovsky Minsk District District Congress of Soviets, on the
report on the activities of the old RIK, many pointed to the red tape in
the land department. It was stated that one peasant had to visit the land
department 92 times.
Abnormalities and abuse
Belarus. In the Kalininsky Okrug, an abnormality in land management
is unsystematic and illegitimate since all cases were limited to a simple
withdrawal of settlements without further arrangement. The
population grumbles about the high rates of payment and the slowness,
as the queues have to wait for years.
In the Beshenkovichi district of the Vitebsk district, the poor complain
about the incorrect establishment of land norms. So, for example, a farm
with two labor units at 9.5 dess. convenient land, which is entirely
preserved, and the economy with two labor units and 4.72
dess. convenient land is not subject to allotment (cutting).
Ukraine. Donetsk province. A group of peasants ‐ 19 farms arrived from
Siberia to the Sergievskoe society of the Artyomovsk district and
occupied a plot of 400 dessiatines, on which they settled down and used
it until recently. The regional administration suggested that these farms
remove buildings and move out, allegedly on the grounds that,
according to the law, non‐Ukrainians cannot receive land in Ukraine
without the permission of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land. The
peasants in this group are predominantly poor.
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
352
Review of the political state of the USSR in May 1925
Top secret
July 3, 1925.
Moscow
Ex. No. ... Top secret Store as Tov code ....
An overview of the political state of the USSR for the month of May
1925 is being transmitted.
The review was compiled on the basis of state information data from
the OGPU Inform Department, supplemented by materials from the
OGPU departments: Secret (anti‐Soviet parties and groups) and
counterintelligence (banditry).
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with
the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
The PP of the OGPU and the chiefs of the OGPU governorates should
acquaint the heads of the OGPU DTO with the overview. In addition,
they can give an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional
committees, provincial committees, regional committees and the
Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP, as well as the chairmen of
the executive committees and the Central Executive Committee from
the autonomous republics.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
WORKERS
The general mood of the workers continues to be quite Soviet in
May. At the same time, the size of the strike movement and the growth
of economic conflicts, which have assumed significant proportions in
the textile industry and some other sectors, indicate an undoubted
increase in activity in the working environment. This activity at this
stage is not of any pronounced anti‐Soviet character, but is directed
largely against the administration and is mainly limited by the
framework of economic demands. Most of the strikes in May are in the
353
nature of demonstrations to draw the attention of the Soviet
government to the situation of the least paid groups of workers. At the
same time, there is a tendency towards a longer economic struggle and,
which is especially characteristic of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province., to
involve neighboring enterprises in the strike movement in order to
ensure the success of the strikes. Hence the ʺcreepʺ of some strikes. The
workers usually think here, too, that they are fighting not against the
Soviet regime, but exclusively against the distortion of its directives by
the administrative apparatus (for example, a letter from textile workers
to comrade Rykov with a request for protection).
One of the reasons for the growth of the strike wave is also the fact that
despite the relatively low authority in many cases in the eyes of the
workersʹ cells and especially the factory committees (which in the eyes
of the workers are compromised by the compliance of the
administration by the fact that they did not defend the demands of the
workers) the mood of the workers very often does not find legal exit on
the trade union and party lines.
Textile industry
Strike movement. The wave of the strike movement in the textile
industry reaches its greatest development in May. A total of 12 strikes
were registered (almost 50% of all strikes per month). The movement
covers factories in the Moscow province. (5 strikes) and Ivanovo‐
Voznesenskaya (6 strikes). The strikes in May were protracted (half of
the strikes last from 1 to 5 days) and were transferred from one
enterprise to another. Only one of the Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya
lips. about 12,000 workers went on strike in May.
354
In Moscow province. one of the largest is the strike at the Krasnoye
Znamya factory of the Yegoryevsko‐Ramensky Trust, 6,000 workers,
which involved 1,800 workers and lasted from May 27 to June 1; the
strike arose on the basis of the compaction of the working day in the
mule department by removing one piecer from each pair of machines,
and the issue was not coordinated with the workers and the very
rationality of this event was controversial even for the plant
management itself. The most active instigators of the strike were
individual members of the RCP and the factory committee; they began
work after leaving the previous number of piecers. On May 7, 200
spinners of the Glukhovsky district of the Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky
trust went on strike for the second time (after the April strike) due to
the underdevelopment of the basic rate; the strike lasted an hour, but
the strike mood gripped the workers of the entire factory (up to 14,000
people). On May 11, the workers of the Zubovsk district of the Bukhara‐
Russian partnership went on strike, demanding an increase in rates by
50% (average rate of 26 rubles). On May 8, 44 weavers went on strike at
the ʺRed Uzbekistanʺ factory because of the underdevelopment of the
basic rates they had received earlier. At the Khapilov factory, 20
weavers went on strike on the grounds of poor quality of raw materials.
Transition to an increased number of machines. The immediate cause
of the strike movement was the transition to work on an increased
number of machines and sides. However, the main one should be
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considered dissatisfaction with the low level of wages. The tightening
of the working day and the transition to a new method of work were
not usually accompanied by an increase in the generally low rates
typical of the textile industry. With the transition to several machines
and sides, earnings, as a rule, increased for only a small group of people
who were transferred to the best technically machines. In Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk Gubernia, in addition, the fact that the transition to an
increased number of machine tools before the revolution was not a
success for the capitalists, the factory owners, was strongly influenced
by the long strike sustained by the workers on this basis. As a result,
here in almost all factories the innovation met with resistance from the
workers,
Unpreparedness of the campaign. A very important point was the lack
of preparation of the campaign (organizational and technical) on the
part of the administration, trade union organizations and provincial
committees. In many cases, the measures were introduced without a
preliminary explanatory campaign exclusively in the administrative
order (Weaving factory No. 2 of the Orekhovo‐Zuevsky trust,
Teikovskaya factory of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province., Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk, Vladimir and Yaroslavl provinces). During the transition
to an increased number of machines and sides, the shortcomings of
technical equipment, severe wear and tear of machines and poor
quality of raw materials were often not taken into account. Discontent
for these reasons was noted at most enterprises (Khapilovskaya m‐ra
Vigontrest, Vysokovskaya m‐ra Tver cotton trust, factory ʺRed textile
workerʺ of the Serpukhov trust, factory named after Nogin,
Zubovskaya factory of Bukhara‐Russian trust and others in Moscow
province; B. Kokhomskaya, Staro‐Dmitrovskaya, Spinning mill in B.
Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya m‐ry and a number of factories in Ivanovo‐
Voznesenskaya province.). The movement was caused not so much by
the fact of a significant tightening of the working day, but by the
shortcomings with which this campaign was accompanied.
Downtime due to the fault of the administration is very numerous (lack
of raw materials and materials, poor quality of raw materials, etc.). At
the Polyanskaya paper‐spinning factory in Moscow province. idle time
on this basis reaches large proportions and does not take into account
why workers do not earn their basic salary. At the factory ʺRed Mayakʺ
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of the Leningrad province. cars sometimes stand for whole days. At the
factory ʺKrasny Uzbekistanʺ (Moscow), due to a lack of raw materials,
25 and 90% of all looms were stopped for one day. Similar phenomena
have been reported in many factories.
Underdevelopment of the basic salary. All these abnormalities further
exacerbate the situation, since the inability to develop higher standards
leads in a large number of cases to a decrease in the already rather low
wages of textile workers. At the Paper Spinning Mill of the Orekhovo‐
Zuevsky Trust, with the transition to 4 sides and a simultaneous
increase in the speed of machines, earnings of some categories fell
sharply by 50%. Low earnings due to non‐production of norms are
noted at most factories in Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. However, it
should be noted that in isolated cases those working on 3 machines earn
significantly more than those working on 2 machines (for example, the
factory named after Nogin of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensky State Trust, the
Bolshaya Krasnaya factory of the Shuisky district). In these cases, there
was dissatisfaction among the topics remaining on 2 machines, that the
transition to 3 machines with the provision of better equipped machines
leads to a decrease in the earnings of the rest of the workers. At the
weaving factory ʺRab [ochiy] landʺ of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
province. workers declare that the transition to 3 machines is not
voluntary since those who remain on 2 machines (worse) are reduced.
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Ramensky Trust, factory ʺProletaryʺ trust Mossukno, Yuryev factory
ʺProletarian avant‐gardeʺ Vladimir province. and etc.).
Metal industry
Strikes. In the metal industry, conflicts over higher yields and lower
prices are less severe than in the textile industry. May gives a strong
decline in strikes (2 strikes against 10 in April). It should be noted,
however, that the conflicts here are far from limited to these strikes. A
partial strike in the shell shop of the Perm Gun Factory on 4 May, lasting
4 hours, was caused by a decrease in prices and an increase in rates; the
workers presented a demand to reconsider the developed norms within
2 weeks. The strike at the Petrovsky mechanical plant in Kaluga
province, which took place on May 18‐19, was caused by a delay in
wages; The strikers organized a strike committee, which included
members of the bureau of the RCP cell and the chairman of the factory
committee.
Dissatisfaction with higher rates and lower prices. Rising rates and
lowering rates continue to be one of the main reasons for worker
discontent. In many factories, due to the excessive increase in the
norms, the workers ʺdrive outʺ only bare rates, without receiving
additional work (the plant named after Petrovsky, Yekaterinoslavskaya
province). At the Bryansk plant ʺProfinternʺ in the Bryansk
province. on this basis, a member of the RCP called on the workers to
strike and declared: ʺEnough to be silent, we must quit work, then they
will think of us.ʺ
Dissatisfaction is aggravated by the reduction in prices without the
knowledge of the workers (Boltorezny plant in Leningrad province,
Perm gun plant in the Urals, Electrosila in Ukraine). At the latter, due
to the halving of prices on the initiative of the appraiser, the shop
359
foreman, the candidate of the Communist Party of Ukraine,
campaigned for a strike, declaring: ʺThis will be so as long as the
workers do not allow themselves to sit on their necks, the workers did
the revolution not in order to live in povertyʺ; in some of these plants,
productivity drops.
Demand for an increase in wages. Since at most enterprises, workersʹ
earnings are low and do not rise for unskilled workers above 17‐20
rubles. (factories of Ukraine named after May 1, ʺKrasny Progressʺ,
Sudostroitelny named after Marty), and among qualified workers it
decreased (sometimes almost by half, at ʺKrasny Sormovʺ in Nizhny
Novgorod province. instead of the 60 rubles they produced in April,
may no more than 35 rubles), workers put forward demands for an
increase in wages (Leningrad factories, factories of Ukraine and the
Prioksky Mining District). At the Electrosila plant in Kharkov
province. workers demanded an increase in the extra earnings from 50
to 70%. At some factories, anti‐Soviet elements are campaigning for
higher wages (Kiev ʺArsenalʺ and other factories).
Skilled workers leaving. Failure to meet the requirements entails the
departure of workers from enterprises (Sormovo factories, Leningrad
ʺRussian Dieselʺ, ʺEconomizerʺ, Marty Shipyard ‐ Odessa province). In
connection with rumors about high wages in other cities, workers at
Odessa metal factories take the payment and leave, the same is noted
in other areas (Nizhny Novgorod).
Mining
Chemical industry
Strikes. Rising norms and decreasing prices caused 3 strikes at glass
factories. On May 5, 400 workers of the plant. Bukharin (Guskombinat
of the Vladimir province). The strike on May 6 spread to the
neighboring factory of the same plant (factory named after Zudov). The
initiator of the strike was the factory committee, which, despite the
signing of a collective agreement, incited workers to demand higher
rates, as a result of which 200 workers of the gutta went on strike. On
May 8, the Guttinsky shop of the Velikodvorsk glass factory in Ryazan
province went on strike, since the workers were not announced the
prices for piecework for April; 250 workers out of 850 people went on
strike.
Construction workers
Movers
Dissatisfaction with low wages and growing unemployment. In May,
the strike movement among loaders on the basis of small wages,
already noted in April, intensifies. In Samara, on May 11, 460 water
transport loaders went on strike together with city loaders. The
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organizer was a loader, a member of the RCP, under whose leadership
a strike committee was created and a demand was made to raise wages
from half a penny to two kopecks per pood and to dissolve the loading
and unloading bureau. After the announcement by the gubernia trade
union about the dissolution of the loadersʹ trade union, on May 14,
about 100 workers began to work, and on May 18, all the rest, and half
of the loaders applied for re‐joining the Union. The strike of loaders
working from the transport office at the Sokol stationery factory in
Vologda province, which took place on May 9, also caused by
extremely low earnings (in fact, with a 12‐hour working day, earnings
do not exceed 1 ruble). Finally, on May 14, 905 loaders of the Minusinsk
railway went on strike. (Altai province), demanding an increase in
wages by 25 kopecks. in a day. Strong fermentation is noted among
Odessa loaders on the basis of the forthcoming reduction and acute
unemployment. There were calls to ʺslaughterʺ the communists.
Timber industry
Delayed wages and low rates. The reasons for workersʹ dissatisfaction
are still the systematic delay in wages and extremely low rates (Kaluga,
Arkhangelsk, Novgorod, Pskov [provinces], the Urals, etc.). At the end
of May, workers at the Krasny Profintern timber mill in Yuryevets
(Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province) went on strike on the grounds of low
rates. The demands made by the workers (increase in wages, increase
in staff, change of the pre‐order, etc.) were partially satisfied. Salaries
are especially scanty at the logging sites of Verkhne‐Volgoles and
Dvinles (Pskov province), where workers working from sunrise to
sunset receive 40 to 50 kopecks. in a day.
Workersʹ mood
The strike movement in the textile industry and conflicts in a number
of other industries are not accompanied by the manifestation of any
significant anti‐Soviet sentiment on the part of the workers. The
movement has the character of intensifying activity in the struggle on
an economic basis. Part of the strikes, as noted above, is also intended
to draw the attention of the higher trade union and party bodies to the
mood of the workers.
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The nature of the strike movement. One of the most characteristic
moments of the economic conflicts in May is the striving striving to get
involved in the movement of neighboring enterprises. Communication
is established by sending a delegation or sending notes. The striking
workers of the Teikovo factory sent 5 delegates to Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
to inform the strikers of the Staro‐Dmitrovsky factory. The workers of
the Staro‐Dmitrovskaya factory send their two delegates to the
neighboring Bolshaya Dmitrovskaya factory with an appeal to join the
strike. At the same time, the delegation was sent to a number of
factories (Novo‐Voznesenskaya, Zaryadye, Rabkrai). The workers of
the B. Dmitrovskaya convent sent a note to Staro‐Dmitrovskaya with
the following content: ʺWe workers greet you for your dedication and
advocacy for the improvement of the workersʹ lives, and we ask you to
come and stop our factory and make a general strike.ʺ An employee of
Chesnokova from the Small Linen Convent of the State Trust came to
the Zaryadye factory and campaigned for a joint strike performance. At
the factories of the Gostrest of Kineshemsky, Shuisky and Rodnikovsky
districts, in connection with the strikes of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensky
textile factories, agitation was noted to support the strikers, while it was
indicated that ʺif they do not support, then the Soviet government
promised to the Teikovo workers will not be fulfilled.ʺ In many
factories of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. The satisfaction of the
demands of the Teikov workers caused the following rumors: “The
Teikovites went on strike, demanding better working conditions and
higher wages, hence the conclusion that they cannot improve their
situation with silence and requests, a strike action is necessary”
(Zaryadye factories, Voznesenskaya, Staro‐Dmitrovskaya). “It is
necessary to apply Teikʹs experience in our factories” (B. Dmitrovskaya
and the factory “Rabkrai”).
The promotion of activists from among the workers and former
communists. Another characteristic moment of the movement is the
promotion of individual activists from among the workers into groups
that are leaders of the strike movement. At the Teikovo factory of the
Ivanovo‐Voznesensk Textile Trust, the strike is led by an initiative
group of 15 former communists and 20 non‐party people headed by
Maleeva (also a former member of the RCP and a shop delegate). At B.
Dmitrovskaya the most active were a former member of the RCP and
two weavers. At the factory ʺKrasnoe Znamyaʺ of the Yegoryevsko‐
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Ramensky Trust, a former member of the RCP was the leader; among
the active leaders of the strike were former members of the RCP, some
communists and members of the factory committee. A number of
activists showed up at other textile factories in connection with the
strikes. It should be noted that groupings based on economic demands
with the participation of especially active workers ‐ former members of
the RCP and often communists were also noted at a number of other
enterprises in various industries (Arzhenskaya Cloth Factory in
Tambov Gubernia, Bytoshevsky Glass Factory in Bryansk Gubernia
and Glass Factory named after I. Zudov in Vladimir province,
etc.). Usually, activists are very popular among non‐party people and
behave very cautiously, in any case, they do not show themselves in
any speeches of a political nature. The nature of the conflicts in May is
largely determined by the sheer lack of authority in many enterprises
of factory committees and party members, as well as in the
administration. In a number of cases the trade union organizers
completely discredited themselves by supporting the line of business
executives without any regard for the real possibilities of working on
conditions offered by the administration. At the Staro‐Dmitrovskaya
convent and in other factories, workers refuse to negotiate with local
authorities and the administration, demanding a commission from the
center. The following fact is quite indicative: at the M.‐Kokhomsky
convent, a group of workers went to the former owner of this
manufactory Shcherbakov, now working in Textiltrest and in charge of
the M.‐Kokhomsky convent, with a request to increase their wages. The
demand of the strikers at the Teikovskaya field and in April at the
Glukhovskaya field (to be re‐elected as factory committee) is
characteristic; the active leaders of the strike, Moiseeva and Maleeva,
were included in the re‐elected factory committee of the Teikovskaya
factory. At the Krasnoye Znamya factory of the Yegoryevsko‐
Ramensky Trust (Moscow Gubernia), at a meeting of the striking
muleschikov, the workers attacked the factory and the cell, pointing out
that they were not defending them; ʺCommunists are exploitersʺ. At the
Stodolsk Cloth Factory named after Lenin in the Gomel province. at the
meeting to renegotiate the collective agreement, the workers who spoke
pointed out that the agreement, discussed by the factory and the
administration, is presented to the workers only to assert that the Union
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and the trust are one and the same, and although the Union is Soviet, it
looks at the workers worse than in bourgeois states ʺ.
Dissatisfaction with the factory committees. Dissatisfaction with the
factory committees is manifested in the demand for them to lower large
rates. A candidate of the RCP of one of the weaving factories of the
Orekhovo‐Zuevsky trust, on the basis of a reduction in prices, wrote a
statement demanding a reduction in rates to elected officials; the
statement had 78 signatures. Workers of the 2nd Republican factory in
Kostroma province. they say: ʺWe need to relieve our factory
committees and trade unions, because a lot of people have settled there,
and this is a big overhead expense.ʺ At the Tula factories, some
meetings at the Armory factories during the reporting campaign of the
Metalworkers Union did not take place at all, the workers said: ʺWhat
should we do there, just listen that the Board of the Metalworkers
Union is getting big pay and does nothing for us.ʺ
365
agreed, one worker said in his speech: the time of the revolution has
gone bad; Obviously, the Vikings will have to be called up to rule. ʺ In
connection with the strikes at the textile factories, at the factory
them. Shagov State Trust of Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya
Province. dissatisfaction was expressed with the fact that the Soviet
government concealed such phenomena as strikes from the working
masses and did not want to cover them in the press. On May 29, at the
Prokhorovka convent, anti‐Soviet leaflets were found protesting
“against the deception of the masses by the Soviet government and
against the dictatorship”; leaflets called on ʺall class‐conscious workers
to unite and act in an organized manner.ʺ
Unemployed
In April and May, a number of excesses were noted among the
unemployed, accompanied by very pronounced anti‐Soviet
protests. The movement covers the same areas where the movement of
the unemployed took place last summer (Belarus, Ukraine, some Volga
and Siberian provinces and the Far East). Unskilled workers and
construction workers are especially active everywhere; these are the
366
groups that experience chronic unemployment. In some areas, the
movement also covers other groups: textile workers in the central
provinces, metalworkers in Odessa province.
The reason for the growing dissatisfaction at this time is
disappointment in the hopes of getting a job during the construction
season. Even those groups of union members who get a job are not
satisfied with it due to the low wages in the construction industry,
which have been established due to the large supply of labor. The
members of the trade unions sent to work continue to consider
themselves unemployed, since the present meager wages (on average
30% lower than last year) of construction workers for the summer
season cannot provide them for the whole year.
Excesses at labor exchanges. AT In May, the tense mood of the
unemployed resulted in a series of speeches, especially in Minsk and
Kiev. The mood of the unemployed in Belarus is constantly noted as
extremely agitated; lately there has been a definite pogrom mood
among the unemployed, there have been calls to smash institutions,
beat up workers of the Peopleʹs Commissariat of Labor and rob
367
shops; anti‐Soviet sentiments are especially strong. On May 30, due to
a slight delay in the issuance of benefits, a crowd of unemployed people
in Minsk burst into the office of the Peopleʹs Commissariat of Labor, the
chairman of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars Comrade Adamovich
could not calm the unemployed. The next day, a crowd of unemployed,
in view of not being sent to work, contrary to promises, tried to beat the
Peopleʹs Commissariat of Labor; the latter barely disappeared into the
building of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars, and a huge crowd of
unemployed followed him. On the proposal of the Council of Peopleʹs
Commissars, the unemployed were nominated to discuss the situation
of the unemployed. In connection with the arrest of the active
instigators of the protest and the unemployed who threw a stone at the
labor commissar, the unemployed were allocated delegates demanding
their release, and agitation was conducted to move in a demonstration
to the GPU. The situation remains tense. In Bobruisk, unemployed
builders tried to remove from work those working on the military
buildings of the fortress; the engineer who invited them to disperse was
beaten; the unemployed were removed with the help of the Red
Army. The situation remains tense. In Bobruisk, unemployed builders
tried to dismiss those working in the military buildings of the
fortress; the engineer who invited them to disperse was beaten; the
unemployed were removed with the help of the Red Army.
In Kiev, numerous excesses and demonstrations were noted among the
unemployed during May. On May 8, the head of the labor exchange
and one of the representatives of state institutions who were recruiting
the unemployed were beaten by the unemployed. On May 13, a crowd
of 500 unemployed people with a banner captured in one of the clubs
went to the SHSG, demanding work. Representatives of unemployed
railroad workers came to the unemployed, promising to support their
movement. During May, the excesses on the stock exchange did not
stop.
A number of excesses of the unemployed were noted in Odessa,
Kharkov, Saratov, Siberia and Vladivostok.
Anti‐Soviet character of the unemployed. The demonstrations of the
unemployed were strongly anti‐Soviet in nature. Individuals who
stood out from among the unemployed tried to impart an anti‐Soviet
368
character to the movement, throwing out the slogans: ʺTo act by other
meansʺ, ʺto take up arms,ʺ etc. In Minsk, agitation was carried out to
show the workers of the West ʺthe true position of the workers of the
USSR.ʺ Among the unemployed in Kiev, some individuals are
campaigning to ʺtake up arms and go to the gangs, disrupt all sorts of
meetings and arrange it so that they know abroadʺ; rumors spread that
ʺRussian troops stationed on the Polish borderʺ would come to the aid
of the unemployed.
During the May Day demonstrations, there were a number of cases of
attempts by the unemployed with separate demonstrations under the
slogan ʺGive us workʺ (Bobruisk, Pervomaisk, Saratov and
Vladivostok). The Omsk Labor Exchange is campaigning for the
organization of a ʺunion of the unemployed.ʺ In Vladivostok, a group
of unemployed people tried to come out on May 1 with a black flag and
the slogan: “Give bread and work to the former fighters for Soviet
power”; the arrested ringleaders were found to have appeals on behalf
of the ʺWorkers ʹand Peasantsʹ Committee of Impactʺ (see Appendix
No. 2).
The claims of the unemployed. The demands of the unemployed, put
forward during the demonstration by the groups of ringleaders, were
demagogic in nature. Basically, they boiled down to the requirement
“to reduce the salaries of responsible workers and specialists to 100
rubles. with the aim of creating a fund to help the unemployed,
reducing family members of communists and non‐proletarian
elements, reducing the number of Komsomol members sent to work.
ʺ In view of the prevailing unskilled composition of the unemployed,
in some places there is dissatisfaction with the extraordinary sending
of demobilized Red Army soldiers to work (see Appendix No. 2).
PEASANTRY
The political mood of the village
The political mood of the countryside in the period under review is
characterized mainly by the continuing growth of the political activity
of all strata of the peasantry and the intensifying class struggle. The
overwhelming part of the middle peasantry is generally passive and
expectant, often with distrust of the new course proclaimed by the
369
party, expecting its real results. Against this background, the general
growth of the political activity of the village at the moment, due to
inertia on the part of the grassroots Soviet apparatus and especially the
lack of coordination of the work of the cooperatives, KKOV, land
management, often takes an anti‐Soviet direction (the demand for the
organization of peasant unions, the transfer of power to non‐party
peasant conferences instead of Soviets, etc.).); these demands mainly
come from the middle peasants and the poor.
Along with this, we are witnessing a further increase in the activity of
kulak and anti‐Soviet elements in the countryside, unleashed by the
latest re‐elections to the Soviets; it finds its expression in the desire on
the part of these groups to seize power, to influence the work of the
grassroots co‐apparatus, and most importantly ‐ to lead and direct the
growing political activity of the countryside towards the anti‐Soviet
side. The intensification of activity in these groups, and especially the
pressure on the poor from the significantly changed composition of the
grassroots co‐workers, leads to a sharp exacerbation of the class
struggle in the countryside. In a number of regions (Ukraine, the North
Caucasus, Siberia), two assets are being created: one from the poor and
former workers of the Soviet apparatus, the other from new employees
of the apparatus, mainly from the well‐to‐do part of the countryside
and often headed by the kulaks.164.
Peasant unions
The demands for the organization of peasant unions continue to be
presented at various meetings, conferences and congresses. In the
Moscow province. in Serpukhovsky u. such requirements were put
forward at meetings dedicated to May 1. A number of individual
performances were noted in the Kursk, Yaroslavl, Cherepovets,
Poltava, Kiev, Novonikolaevsk provinces and in the Stavropol district
(North Caucasus). In Ustyuzhensky u. Cherepovets lips. even an
initiative group of peasants from three neighboring villages was
created with the aim of creating a peasant union; the group included
the peasants‐leaders, as well as several glass factory workers associated
with the village.
Registration of the idea of cross‐unions. Most of the speeches put
forward the peasant union as an organization that should resolve issues
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of the peasant economy, which are unsatisfactorily resolved by existing
organizations (cooperatives, KKOV, land authorities, etc.). In the
highest degree characteristic in this respect is the program of the
peasant union, set forth in a letter to the editors of the ʺKrestyanskaya
Gazetaʺ, drawn up by a middle peasant s. Winery of the Stavropol
District (the letter was intended for a wall newspaper, and a group of
middle peasants and poor peasants of this village associates with it).
The program of the cross‐union of the peasant of the Stavropol
district. The author of the program presents the plight of the peasantry
as a prerequisite for the organization of a ʺgreat, tightly welded peasant
unionʺ, whose labor ʺonly those who do not want, do not use
them.ʺ The program covers the creation of a comprehensive peasant
cooperatives and the resolution of the land issue. The author criticizes
the existing cooperation, which covers only an insignificant part of the
peasants: ʺThat member, and that is not a member, and contributions to
it are three kopecks.ʺ
Organization of cooperation. Cooperation should cover all members
of the peasant union (that is, all the peasantry, since the union, as a
monopoly owner of land, leases it only to members of the union) and
act as an intermediary monopoly in the exchange between agriculture
and urban industry. Specifically, the author presents it as follows:
“Letʹs say, a member of the cooperation invested 100 poods. wheat and
received 100 rubles. a receipt: on the delivery of goods from factories
and factories, each member can take all his invested labor ‐ what he
needs”, collected 100,000 poods. bread and made an agreement with
the worker comrades that they accept bread from us for 1 ruble. 20
kopecks, and we, members of our cooperation, rent for 1 ruble; here
5000 poods already remains in place, which we can turn wherever we
want and by 100,000 rubles. buy a product ʺ.
Resolution of the land issue. The main point of the land program of
the union is the requirement that ʺall land should be our great peasant
union.ʺ Persons belonging to another union should not use land (this is
directed against employees in the Soviet apparatus, who also receive
land at the same time). The Union leases land to its members for 3
rubles. per tithe per year for 1‐2 years without limiting the size of the
lease, but so that there is enough land for all members of the union. The
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land is leased to the poor for free for up to 2 years and in the amount
that he can work with his labor.
Help the poor. The program of the union provides for broad assistance
to the poor (ʺthe union must provide great assistance to the peasants,
devastated by the revolution, war and famine,ʺ ʺwe must arrange so
that we do not have horseless peasants in the peasant unionʺ). For this,
in addition to the rent, a special tax is imposed on members of the union
who have livestock (“put 1 ruble for a horse, 1 ruble for a bull, 50
kopecks for a sheep”).
Most of the rent and fees for livestock go to distribution among poor
peasants for the purchase of equipment ʺeither irrevocably or for 10
years without interestʺ; the smaller part is given by the union for state
needs (ʺalso give a piece to the air fleet, etc.ʺ). Taking upon itself the
care of the underpowered peasants and some assistance to the state, the
union will relieve the peasants of all other state taxes.
The Cross Union as a Mutual Aid Organization. Most often, the idea
of a cross union is presented in the form of a mutual aid organization. In
Kursk province. at a non‐partisan conference in Podgorodischenskaya
parish. the peasant proposed creating an alliance to support the poor
and provide them with work during a crop failure. In the Poltava
province. at a meeting of members of the CNS in the village. Brialovka
of the Kremenchug district, there were proposals to create a peasant
union instead of the KNS. In the Cherepovets lips. the initiative group
that was created imagines the union as a body that collects membership
fees based on the profitability of the economy in the general treasury,
from which assistance is given to the poor peasants.
Cross unions as a political organization. Along with this, a number of
speeches have in mind the organization of the cross union as a purely
political organization. At a non‐partisan conference of one of the
volosts of Kursk province. it was proposed ʺto liquidate the Soviets and
organize peasant unions instead.ʺ In the Stalingrad province. at a non‐
partisan conference in stc. Stepano‐Razinskaya in the debate on the
report on the gubernial congress of Soviets spoke a teacher who insisted
that non‐party conferences of peasants transfer the functions of the
Soviets [to the peasant unions]. In Novo Nikolaevskaya lips. at the May
Day meeting in the village. Novo‐Coen made a peasant call to organize
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in cross unions; to the indication of a member of the RCP that ʺwe
already have poor organizations, like KKOV and agricultural
collectivesʺ, the answer was: ʺFirst we organize, and then we will go to
collectivity.ʺ Finally, the appeal is definitely counter‐
revolutionary. pasted up in the premises of the village council
with. Martynovka of Shevchenko district of Kiev province, where the
cross union is presented as an international organization of peasants:
“Let us, comrades villagers, raise our red banners on May 1 and
trumpet our worldwide trumpet ‐ villagers, unite into a great world
organization. Down with the Jewish kingdom, let the preparatory
movement live. ʺ
Growth in the activity of the kulaks
373
former whites who served in punitive detachments posted a notice on
the door where the election committee was located, threatening the
communists with reprisals.
The grouping of the wealthy peasantry in the Priluksky district of the
Poltava province is highly characteristic. (v. Vecherki); at the
conspiratorial meetings of this group, issues of ownership of land and
forests were discussed, while it was indicated that since the Soviet
government changed its policy, it is necessary to also seek ownership
of land and forests.
Terror. A detailed study of the phenomena of terror in the countryside
shows the existence of very diverse causes here. So, in a number of
cases, terrorist acts are carried out by significant groups of peasants on
the basis of various abnormalities in the work of the lower apparatus,
in this regard, the increased incidence of terror against foresters and
workers of the grassroots apparatus in starving areas due to the
insignificance of assistance provided to the population is especially
characteristic. As a typical kulak terror, it is necessary to note the
phenomenon of terror against workers in land management and
against Komsomol organizations in the countryside. The following
facts are especially characteristic: in the Moscow province. (Bogorodsky
district, Kormilino village) moonshiners set fire to the estate of the
RLKSM cell secretary, having damaged the fire engine in
advance; buildings, inventory and livestock were burned down; a
member of the Komsomol was beaten during a fire, and threats were
heard to set fire to the houses of the rest of the Komsomol and
Communists. In Primorskaya lips. a group of drunks destroyed a
school with. Pavlenkov Khabarovsk u., Where the performance took
place; young people were beaten, badges with portraits of Lenin were
torn off, etc. Among the rioters was a member of the village council.
Anti‐Soviet agitation. The period under review was also characterized
by an increase in anti‐Soviet agitation in the countryside. The agitation
is mainly directed against the communists. In this respect, the speech of
the Presidential Council of S. Petrovsky Bogorodsky u. Moscow
province. at the May Day meeting: “The authorities have many
henchmen, such as secretaries of the RCP, RLKSM cells, wolves,
volunteer organizers, political educators and many others who receive
374
salaries and do nothing. All this falls on the peasantʹs neck. ʺ Another
characteristic aspect of agitation is the desire to discredit in the eyes of
the peasantry the new course of the Soviet government in relation to
the countryside. In the Oryol province. (Bogoroditskaya vol. Orlovsky
district) the kulaks say to the poor peasants: ʺThey are selling your last
farms for a tax ‐ this is the sloganʺ facing the village. ʺ Newspaper
reports of white terror intensifying in the West,165, were material for
strengthening anti‐Soviet agitation and spreading provocative rumors
in the countryside. The speech of the former chieftain
stts. Konelovskaya Donskoy district: “Itʹs great to be beating the face of
the communists abroad, it wouldnʹt hurt us to do this on our own.” The
growth of anti‐Soviet activity of the kulaks is manifested in a significant
number of all kinds of handwritten leaflets, appeals, anonymous letters,
etc., noted in many provinces.
Aggravation of the class struggle in the countryside
The respite that occurred in the grassroots co‐apparatus as a result of
the recent re‐elections, as well as the increased activity of the kulaks
and the prosperous middle peasantry, result in pressure on the poor,
leading to an intensification of the struggle between these groups in the
countryside. At the same time, the struggle is mainly around the
influence on the grassroots government and issues of land
management. The re‐election resulted in the isolation of the poor, on
the basis of which a strong development of ʺdefeatistʺ sentiments is
observed in their midst, in some places resulting in the phenomenon of
the Red Terror (Ukraine, Siberia). These sentiments of the poor are
reflected among village communists, especially in Siberia, where they
are often a source of aggravation of relations between the party and
Soviet apparatus and the peasantry. These phenomena in a particularly
sharp form [appear] in certain regions of the Union, where the group
enmity of the peasantry was largely preserved on the basis of the
preserved economic inequality of the groups of the peasantry
representing the former estates (Cossacks ‐ nonresident in the North
Caucasus, new settlers and old‐timers ‐ in Siberia), or as a result of shifts
in political life that occurred in the peasantry during the revolution (
non‐chews and the rest of the peasantry in Ukraine). In other regions,
phenomena of this kind are so far isolated, it is possible to outline
similar phenomena in regions of crop failure in the form of self‐
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imposed seizure of surplus from the wealthy part of the village by
starving peasants.
Ukraine. With the comtesams, a situation had arisen by this time when
the non‐chews found themselves in places completely isolated, having
against themselves not only the kulaks, but also the middle peasants. In
a number of cases, non‐swindlers are so terrorized that they do not even
attend the meetings of the village council. In the Kharkov province. (v.
Stavskoe) the newly elected village council (mostly middle peasants)
takes away from the non‐chews the estates they received under the old
village council. There have been a number of cases of terror against
non‐swindlers. Agitation has intensified against the Comtesams, as
well as against the KSM and RCP cells; in with. Pisarevshchina of the
Priluksky district, a note was sent to the Komsomol cell demanding that
it leave the village immediately.
The moods of non‐cheaters, as well as party members, created on this
basis, are characterized by the following facts: in the Odessa
province. (v. Olshanka, Pervomaisky District) the list of communists in
the second elections was ruined, in this connection the communists
declared: “We now have nothing to do in the Soviets, we now have
other rulers who used to drink blood from us, but now they will drink
even more when we became in power”. In the Podolsk lips. in with. In
the tribusovka, the non‐chewers at the meeting of the CNS talked about
the need to arm themselves with scythes and step on the kulaks. There
are many cases of the Red Terror in the form of arsons of kulak
households and the planting of anonymous letters with the threat of
murder or arson.
376
the White Guard, and then the Cossacks left the meeting and organized
a separate meeting. A member of the RCP, who invited the Cossacks to
disperse, was greeted with a hail of stones. In this regard, the Cossacks
announced a boycott of the nonresident, deciding not to plow their land
under the threat of severe punishment for the violator of the decree. In
a number of districts, Cossack threats of reprisals against nonresidents
were noted in view of rumors about the arrival of Wrangel. In
stts. Ternovskaya (Kuban) nonresident are so terrorized that they are
afraid to speak at meetings. In stts. Balakovskaya (ibid.), The Cossack
spoke: ʺWe, the Cossacks, have been waiting for Wrangel and are
waiting, and Wrangel will still come, and then we will outweigh all the
nonresidents.ʺ
The pressure of the Cossacks provokes a desire to repulse among the
nonresident, especially the demobilized Red Army men. The following
fact is especially characteristic: “In stc. In the Anastasievskaya Kuban
District, rumors were circulated about the alleged beating of
communists and nonresidents; in order to protect the demobilized Red
Army soldiers from other cities, they decided to form a battalion at an
illegal meeting and elected commanders; it is characteristic that the
demobilized Red Army men talk about the fact that the communists
began to support the Cossacks and therefore they will have to raise an
uprising. In stts. Popovich, there were cases when the demobilized
turned to the GPU with a request to supply them with weapons; there
the demobilized Red Army men were going to kill the counter‐
revolutionary Cossacks with sticks.
377
province, is very characteristic: in the Kansk district. partisans pursued
the state bearer, trying to kill him as an obvious enemy of the Soviet
regime. The mood of the partisans is clearly expressed in the following
statement: “In the administration of Soviet power, there are handlers
and old officers who press us because we fought against
Kolchak; under the old regime, life was easier for us”.
In the Trans‐Baikal province. appeals were circulated signed by former
partisans of an anti‐Soviet character. One of such appeals indicates that
the partisans were ʺmeanlyʺ deceived, thrown overboard, ruined, ʺa
crowd of bandits who came to the ready, settled on a hundred‐ruble
salaryʺ East in May).
Reflection of the mood of the partisans among the village
communists. The sentiments of the partisans in Siberia noted above
find their vivid reflection among the village communists, in the
majority of the former partisans. A survey of the countryside in recent
years has revealed a number of shortcomings in the work of the cells:
the continuation of the line of war communism in relation to even the
middle peasants and the wealthy, isolation from the middle peasants,
focus exclusively on the poor and even a group of new settlers. The
opinion of the village communists of the Tomsk province is
characteristic. about the re‐elections: “The poor people and the
communists who did not dare to vote presented a sad picture; so strong
is the influence of the kulaks that only a change in this policy and the
introduction of the dictatorship of the proletariat for the second time
will correct the situation, otherwise terror threatens. I myself have
heard from the poor and the communists that if the state does not
change policy, then we ourselves will raise our weapons and deal with
the bloodsuckers. ʺ The re‐election led to the fact that in some places in
the villages two assets are created: one around the village councils,
where the communists did not go, and the other around the cells; There
is a bitter enmity between both assets (Yenisei province, Kansky
district).
Red banditry. The mood of the poor peasants and the guerrillas is
sometimes poured into the phenomenon of red banditry. The following
two cases, which took place in April, are especially characteristic. In the
Altai lips. (v. Ust‐Taimak) a candidate of the RCP threw a bomb into
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the prayer house of the Baptists, and the priest and four other Baptists
were killed; the cell reacted sympathetically to the murder (“this is not
hooliganism, but a political act”). In another village (Borovlyanki,
Biyskiy u.), two middle peasants were killed; the murder involved five
communists and five poor people ‐ former partisans. The murder was
revenge for the beating of the communists. In the village. Solonovka of
the same province, the members of the cell, together with the head of
the district militia, killed a wealthy peasant, during interrogation the
party members declared: “Our communists are being killed, and we
have taken the path of killing bandits; our party members were afraid
of bandits and kulaks,
Land management
The intensification of the class struggle in the countryside finds vivid
expression in the struggle for land. Land management issues are most
acute in Ukraine and the South‐East. The kulaks and the prosperous
peasants adjacent to them oppose the land management in order to
prevent the cutting of excess land, at the same time, they are seeking to
return the previously taken land by all means.
Land conflicts in Ukraine. In Ukraine, conflicts between the well‐to‐do
strata of the village and those who are not scammers are a widespread
phenomenon. In the Priluksky district of the Poltava province. kulaks
use a method of intimidation, sending anonymous letters with threats
of murder, ʺred cockʺ, etc.; the non‐cheaters, in turn, begin to apply the
same method to their fists. So, when in the village. Tribusovka Podolsk
lips. on the ground of land quarrels, the kulaks in the field knocked out
one of the unkemptʹs eyes, the latter, in this regard, at a meeting of the
CNS, talked about arming themselves with scythes and attacking
kulaks. In the Shevchenko district, the relationship between the non‐
cheaters and the well‐to‐do part of the peasantry on the basis of
dispossession is so aggravated that an insignificant reason is enough
for it to turn into a massacre. The KNU members claim that if the kulaks
don’t give up the surplus [land] and the authorities do not pay attention
to it, then they will cut out all the kulaks and burn their property. In
with. In a stepped (of the same district) on the basis of land quarrels,
both sides await arson at night, one kulak economy has already been
burned down by the non‐scams.
379
The relationship is aggravated due to the fact that the kulaks take back
those that have moved away from them when cutting the land,
arbitrarily seizing and sowing them. In stts. Tauzhnoy, 200 kulaks and
wealthy peasants forcibly seized their former land, on the basis of
which up to 70 court cases arose. The same is observed in other
provinces. In the Kharkov province. in a number of villages, well‐to‐do
peasants organize and self‐tax to hire lawyers and petition for the
return of land taken away during dispossession.
Land conflicts in the North Caucasus. In the North Caucasus, the
struggle of the Cossacks and nonresidents over land is still acute. In
with. Kanelovsky, the Don District, the Cossacks, opposed to the
allotment of land to other cities, say: ʺOh, I would give them land, as
we gave in 1905, so that only heads were lying everywhere.ʺ On the
hut. Zadonsky, a secret group was organized from nonresident on the
basis of land disputes with the aim of setting fire to buildings and
killing livestock belonging to the indigenous population. The struggle
here is especially intensified in connection with the change in the
composition of the new Soviet apparatus in the direction of
strengthening the representation of the kulaks in it. In stts. When
discussing the issue of allotting land to nonresident Cossacks and some
members of the village council, the Cossacks and some members of the
village council shouted: “We need to think about our own people who
will arrive from abroad (i.e., must be sent to their province. ʺ In
stts. Velichkovskaya Popovichi district The Council and the Cossack
part of the population at the general meeting decided to annul the land
management in 1922 and go over to the forms of land use in 1912; the
nonresident, especially the demobilized Red Army soldiers, are very
indignant and embittered and threaten the kulaks to repeat 1918. There
are cases of unauthorized seizure of lands by nonresident Cossacks.
The high cost of land management. As one of the abnormal
phenomena of land management (in addition to widespread abuses of
the land management apparatus), it is necessary to note the high cost of
land management work. It sometimes leads to ugly forms of
enslavement through land management of the poor. So, in the
Levokumsky district of the Tersk district (North Caucasus) only for the
payment of the sums due for land management, the poor give their
plots for a year or two to the wealthy for their use. In the
380
village Skorzhinsky, Levokumsky district, Tersky district, four well‐to‐
do householders leased most of the land of the poor for a period of 12
years without any payment, subject to repayment of land management
costs (see Appendix No. 4).
Situation in areas of crop failure
In the reporting period, there was an aggravation of the situation in
areas of crop failure, especially in the Center: Tambov, Orel and
Voronezh provinces.
Hunger. In these areas, the famine in places resembles the Volga region
of the twenty‐first year in size. In the Tambov province. in total, about
800‐900 thousand people (25‐30%) currently need help, and about 50%
of the total population feeds on surrogates. Cases of starvation are no
longer isolated, over 75 of them have recently been registered. The
number of swollen and stomach diseases is also very high. In only one
with. 650 people fell ill from surrogates and 20 families were swollen. In
Kurdyukovskaya Vol. hungry people (14,000 people) eat grass, oak
bark, etc. There were several cases of eating fell, in the
village. Borisoglebskiy burners because of a dead cow that died from
anthrax, a fight broke out between the starving, who took her corpse
piece by piece. In the Voronezh province. hunger also affects a very
significant part of the population. In Rossoshansky. 157054 people feed
exclusively on surrogates, 56884 people sit completely without bread,
8381 people are sick from hunger. Art. Melovatsky KKOV registered
10,000 hungry people. In Bogucharsky u. 20,568 people eat
surrogates. In Usmanskiy u. 72,065 people need food aid, of which
Several cases of consumption in food fell and one case of poisoning on
this basis.
In the Oryol province. about 328,700 people in need of immediate
assistance (up to 20.3%). In Orlovsky u. about 40,000 people are
starving. In Dmitrovsky u. in only two volosts more than 2 ʹ/ 2 thousand
people are starving, in 8 volosts of the Yeletsky district. recently there
have been 16 deaths due to hunger and 370 stomach diseases. In
Streletskaya parish. up to 80% of the population go hungry, and in
Lama parish. up to 25% of starving people are swollen. In the
Baklanovsky district, 75% of the population eats potatoes and
surrogates, there are many deaths from hunger, and in only one
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village. Cossacks over 200 families are swollen, in Pokrovskaya
parish. about 90% of the population go hungry.
Partial famine is also noted in Ukraine: in the Yekaterinoslavskaya
province. in the Melitopol district there are 30,000 in dire need and in
one NovoSergievsky district 8,000 people are starving. In the Kiev
province. up to 100,000 people are registered in the Shevchenko district
in 13 districts. In the Odessa province. (Odessa district) in 4 districts
over 7,000 people are starving, in the Kherson district (Kachkarovsky
district) there are 6,000 hungry people, in the Zinovievsky district
(Elizavetgradsky district) about 20,000 people are starving.
The decline of the poor, and partly of the middle peasant farms,
enslaving deals with the growth of the (relative) wealthy gave an
extraordinary aggravation of class hostility in the countryside. A
number of cases have been noted when a crowd of starving people went
to rich peasants and raked out grain and flour from their barns. In
with. Gladyshevo, Tambov province. the crowd so ʺcleanedʺ the bins of
the priest. Burning houses and barns among the rich is much more
common. This phenomenon has recently assumed a mass character; so,
in Lipetsk u. Tambov lips. there have been 290 arson cases recently.
382
Mood. The mood of the peasantry in the most starving regions is in the
majority hostile. There are a lot of rumors and talk about the purchase
of bread by the Soviet government in the fall at the limits, and now it is
selling at triple and quarter prices. There is a lot of talk about the good
living of workers provided with certain wages, and hence the growth
of anti‐labor sentiment. These sentiments are especially widespread
among the peasantry, who left in search of earnings and returned with
nothing. Many were not accepted as members of trade unions, hence
the talk about the advantages of workers with their unions over the
peasantry. Individual co‐institutions strongly contribute to the growth
of such sentiments; so, for example, the Talovsky elevator (Voronezh
province), releasing the waste of the best quality to the employees and
workers, refused the peasants, referring to the fact that ʺthe peasants
have a KKOV.ʺ When the vacation was allowed, then the garbage
began to be issued absolutely unusable. In the Tambov province. the
mass of abuses by the grassroots co‐apparatus in the distribution of
semssud and food aid (this phenomenon is also noted in the rest of the
provinces), as a result, gave a number of attempts on grassroots co‐
workers and the growth of anti‐Soviet sentiments. In with. Taloka at a
general meeting, one of the speakers offered to go with a black poster
to the elevator for bread, and in one of the villages of Tambov u. there
was an attempt to burn down the pre‐village council (see Appendix No.
5). Taloka at a general meeting, one of the speakers suggested going
with a black poster to the elevator for bread, and in one of the villages
of the Tambov u. there was an attempt to burn down the pre‐village
council (see Appendix No. 5).
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES AND GROUPS
Mensheviks
THE USSR. In the reporting period, no vigorous activity of Meks was
noted. The investigation into the case of the Leningrad Mensheviks
arrested in April confirmed the testimony of the Menshevik AP Banzina
about the existence of a connection with foreign Mensheviks through
the Finnish Ambassador in Leningrad, published in Pravda on May 16,
1925.
The liquidation of the Odessa and Leningrad groups was carried out. In
Leningrad, the remnants of the local organization were finally
383
liquidated. 26 people were arrested, only the leaders and active
workers of the local organization. In Odessa, a group of Menshevik
youth was liquidated, 18 people were arrested, and literature and some
of the equipment for printing literature were confiscated. An operation
carried out on the Sormovo group of Meks found the numbers of the
Socialist Bulletin.
Abroad. At the invitation of the Central Committee of the French
Socialist Party, Dan came to Paris as an expert on Russian affairs. The
foreign delegation of the RSDLP (m) in an information letter to the
USSR speaks out against the merger of Russian trade unions with the
Amsterdam International 166.
SRs
In view of the operations carried out, the AKP did not appear vigorous,
with the exception of the distribution in Leningrad on May 1 of
hectographic leaflets signed by the Northern Union of the Socialist
Revolution.
Abroad. In May, Chernov continued to travel to the Baltic countries
with the aim of establishing a united front of emigrant organizations to
fight the Bolsheviks and friendly relations between the ZD AKP with
the Social‐Democratic leaders. In an essay read in Riga, Chernov
reported on the agreement between the Socialist‐Revolutionaries and
the PPS, which he described as an outstanding event in the history of
384
the struggle of the socialists against the Bolsheviks and the
USSR. Chernovʹs negotiations with the Ukrainian Radical Party 167 on
the issue of a united front were unsuccessful due to the fact that the
latter consider the treaty with the PPP to be directed against the self‐
determination of Ukraine.
Union of Left Socialist Revolutionaries and Maximalists
THE USSR. The information bureau of the association in Moscow does
not carry out any work. The surviving members of the party on the
ground, fearing failures, refrain from work for now. Attempts to
establish work were noted only in Moscow.
Anarchists
In Moscow, the underground activity of anarchists among the students
intensified. Leaflets signed ʺworkers anarchistsʺ were pasted up and
scattered around. Underground anarchist groups also showed
noticeable activity in a number of provinces. At the factories of the
North‐Vyatka mining district, Vyatka province. local anarchist workers
are actively campaigning and the number of anarchist sympathizers is
growing. In the Ishim and Kungur districts (Ural), anarchists are
campaigning against the measures of the Soviet government and public
organizations. In Leningrad, the underground work of the anarchists is
to grope for connections between individual groups, they continue to
collect money in favor of the arrested. Orenburg anarchists keep in
touch with the Meks and Socialist‐Revolutionaries. In the Kiev
province. noted the desire of the anarchists to equip the printing house
together with the Socialist‐Revolutionaries.
The operations carried out against the anarchists during the reporting
period revealed an underground group of anarchists in the Yaroslavl
province. and found 100 pieces of leaflets, intended for release on May
1. Among the arrested 9 anarchists ‐ 5 Komsomol members and
members of the RCP. The leaders of an anarchist underground
organization (Belarus) were arrested. The main nucleus of the Samara
underground organization was liquidated, and 61 copies were
found. underground magazine ʺRenaissanceʺ.
Monarchists
385
In connection with the Bulgarian events in a number of provinces
(Nizhegorodskaya, Saratovskaya, Vladimirskaya, etc.), a wave of Black
Hundred provocative rumors about the impending war of the
European states with Soviet Russia, about the imminent fall of Soviet
power and the imminent return of Nikolai Nikolaevich swept. Artists
from Umansk, Voronezh province. provocative rumors spread about
the impending ʺpeasant revolutionʺ, which would end in the beating of
the urban population. In the name of the Ostrogozh district body of the
RCP and the KSM and the militia, a threatening letter of monarchical
content was received on behalf of the ʺlocal organizationʺ, threatening
to kill everyone in view of the return of monarchism. In the Saratov
province. there are a lot of rumors about the imminent action against
Soviet Russia of the Baltic states, supported by Britain and America. As
before, monarchist and Socialist‐Revolutionary newspapers and
proclamations were sent out from abroad. Monthly, there are 4‐5
thousand copies of them at one Moscow post office.
RELIGIOUS CURRENTS
Orthodox clergy. The death of Tikhon still continues to serve as a
source of various interpretations and judgments among the
churchmen. The most reactionary part of their death is considered by
Tikhon a heavy blow. Those who are more conciliatory towards the
Soviet regime consider the death of Tikhon the beginning of a new era,
when the persecution against the church for its counterrevolutionary
nature will cease. The majority, however, behave expectantly. Tikhonʹs
will be considered by many to be not authentic. A significant role in its
compilation and publication is attributed to Metropolitans Tikhon of
Ural and Peter. The latter, as the locum tenens of the patriarchal throne,
most of the bishops in Moscow are dissatisfied and do not dare to
oppose him only for fear of a church schism. Peter, seeking support, is
trying to rely on the right‐wing churchmen (Danilovites), who are
trying to take him under their influence. Metropolitan Peter is little
known in the provinces. Speeches against Peter, except for the
Yekaterinoslav Bishop Ioannikiy, who declared himself Metropolitan of
ʺAll Ukraineʺ, were noted by Bishops Boris of Ryazan, John
Morshansky and Eurasius Rybinsk. Bishop Seraphim of Orlov and John
of Ustinsky ‐ on the eve of the declaration of independence. At the local
level, a number of leaders of the reactionary church are trying to obtain
386
a legal basis for the creation of local administrations and thereby legally
unite the churchmen of their region (Crimea, Ural, Amur province). For
closer unification, attempts were noted to convene church congresses
(Transbaikal and Irkutsk provinces, Tatrespublika). The reactionary
part of the churchmen uses Tikhonʹs death not only for oral, but also for
written anti‐Soviet agitation. So, in the Bryansk province. a pogromous
appeal ʺTo All Christiansʺ was issued. It should be noted that large
preachers (bishops, etc.) have recently begun to conduct anti‐Soviet
church agitation. In a number of places, several cases of
commemoration of the king were noted, as well as the distribution of
the pogrom book of Nilus among the peasants168 (Tomsk province). The
village councils and VIKs sometimes support the reactionary direction
of the church, which is especially noted in the Urals and Tambov
provinces.
Renovators. The main activity of the Renovationists during the period
under review was limited to preparing the ground for the upcoming
387
council, convening pre‐election diocesan congresses, conferences,
etc. On the part of the Renovationists, there is a tendency towards
reconciliation with the Tikhonites on the platform of the 1923
cathedral. 169 Individual cases of reconciliation through the transition to
the Tikhonites are few. In connection with the uncertainty of the
situation in the Tikhonov church, the reactionary churchmen in some
places began to go over to the renovationists (Ryazan, Yekaterinoslav
and Ural provinces).
BANDITRY
Central District. There were no changes in the state of criminal banditry
in the Central District during the reporting period. Only the liquidation
of a number of criminal gangs in the Nizhny Novgorod, Voronezh and
Orel provinces is noted.
Northwest region. In the North‐West region, the activity of intelligence
work on the part of Finland and Latvia is noted. In the area of
Petrozavodsk u., a number of illegal crossings of Finnish
counterintelligence agents from among local peasants were noticed. In
Sebezhsky u. a gang of 8 people is operating, headed by an agent of the
Latvian counterintelligence service, Serguchenko. There is some lull in
the area of criminal banditry.
Western region. In the West, there are two spy gangs of Plesnyak and
Shumsky‐Shpakovsky operating; the appearance of Ivanovʹs gang,
formed in the Luninetsky region and transferred to our territory, has
already shown itself in active speeches. In addition, the activity of
criminal banditry in Belarus (in the Bobruisk and Minsk districts), in
the Smolensk and Bryansk provinces is noted. Over the past period, the
Plesnyakov and Bogdanov gangs have been liquidated.
On the territory of Poland, the formation of sabotage gangs continues,
and instead of the exposition of the 2nd Department of the General
Staff, Balakhovich now took up this matter directly.
The raids of sabotage gangs from the Romanian and Polish territories
continue. Raids were carried out on the border post of the Kamenets
border detachment and in the area of the Mogilev detachment, where
the gang crossed into our territory.
Middle Asia. In Turkmenistan, the Basmachi are active only in the Lenin
District, where a number of small groups and gangs united under the
general command of Yak Kazar‐oglu with the aim of robbing and
protecting the smuggling smuggled from Afghanistan. In Uzbekistan,
most of the large kurbashs who surrendered continue to group around
389
themselves smaller kurbashes and horsemen, trying to seize power in
the villages by means of terror, violence and night robberies. Most of
the most prominent of them carry out justice and reprisals against the
terrorized population and collect taxes from them. This situation forced
the removal of 25 kurbash and 37 accomplices and an additional
campaign to explain the campaign. The Basmachi are especially active
in the Kashka‐Darya region, where a significant number of permanent
and incoming gangs operate.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
True to the original: Secretary of the OGPU Inform Department
Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
Textile industry
Glukhovskaya m‐ra Bogorodsko‐Shchelkovsky trust. May 7 this year the
workers of the spinning department (200 people), having found out
from the checkbooks received in their hands, that in April they again
had underdevelopment, stopped working. The high spirits of the
spinners were passed on to the rest of the workers throughout the
factory. The break in work lasted for one hour. The mood of the
workers is agitated, there is an accumulation of working groups
discussing the situation. The possibility of new complications is not
excluded. The total number of workers is about 14,000 people.
Zubovskaya mr of the Bukhara‐Russian partnership. On May 11 at 12
noon, workers stopped working, demanding an increase in wages. We
started work the next day after it was explained to the workers that the
question of rates had been submitted for permission to the textile
workersʹ department. In particular, workers have put forward a
demand to increase rates by 50%. The average rate at this time is 26
rubles. (total of 650 workers).
F‐ka ʺRed Uzbekistan” Podolsk district, workers 1490 people. On May 8,
544 workers in the weaving department went on strike for 4 hours
because of the poor quality of raw materials and the underdevelopment
of the basic rate due to the administrationʹs wrong label on the sizing
machines.
Hapilovskaya f‐ka Vigontresta. The workers of the weaving department,
including 20 people, did not work for half an hour because of the poor
quality of the duck. We got to work after promising the best quality
duck.
391
Strikes across the USSR. Teikovskaya factory Textile Trust of Ivanovo‐
Voznesensk province. (7280 workers). On May 6, a strike broke out at
the factory on the basis of the transition to 3 machines and 4 sides. 5,000
people took part in the strike. The administration and the factory
carried out this measure, completely disregarding whether the worker
could cope with the work on 3 machines. The initiators were a group of
15 former communists. The direct reason for the strike was the
directorʹs order to fire two female workers who did not agree to work
according to the new method, and one of them injured the head of the
factory guard who was trying to force [her] out of the factory gates. The
strikers made demands: 1) not to switch to 3 machines and 4 sides, 2)
demand payment for downtime in February and March 3) immediately
hire workers who, in the opinion of the strikers, were illegally fired, and
4) dismiss the director and chairman of the factory committee. On May
8, a provincial commission was formed in the amount of 5 people from
representatives of local authorities and 7 elected from the workers,
which proceeded to resolve the demands made by the workers. On the
first point, it was decided: to cancel the transition to 4 sides, on the
second ‐ to pay workers for the days of the strike from May 6 to 9. On
the issue of removing the director and chairman of the factory
committee, it was decided: the factory should be re‐elected ahead of
schedule and the director removed from work if the facts of poor
management of work and inattention to the workers are confirmed. A
meeting was convened by the commission to announce the decision to
the workers. The workers began to go to the machines, but some of the
instigators of the conflict and individual Leninists called on the strike
to continue until representatives from the center arrived. Especially the
chief leader of the strike, the shop delegate Maleeva, insisted on
this. The workers were distrustful of the arrived member of the Central
Committee of textile workers and even demanded an identity card from
him. The workers began work at 1 pm on May 9 after the Central
Committee chairman promised to resolve all other issues in the near
future.
Staro‐Dmitrovskaya block Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. On May 13, the
workers of the Staro‐Dmitrovskaya mry, in connection with the
satisfaction of most of the requirements of the workers of the Teikovo
factory, went on strike, demanding the abolition of work on 3 machines,
the settlement of prices at all textile factories, the abolition of auxiliary
392
workers, the improvement of the quality of weft and warp, payments
to workers for absenteeism not working through the fault of the
administration, the issuance of a loan in cash, the issuance of overalls
to apprentices and additional payments to them for March up to 60
rubles. per month. The workers elected a 10‐member commission to
discuss these requirements. May 14 this year the workers of the
morning shift did not start work, the more active of them tried to call
the workers of the B. Dmitrovsky district, the Novo‐Voznesensk factory
and the factory “Zaryadye” and “Rabkrai” on strike, sending
delegations for this purpose. Arrived on May 14, Deputy. The workers
did not allow the chairman of the Textile Trust to speak, shouting that
they would negotiate with a commission from the center. On May 15,
the workers of St. Dmitrovsky convent showed up to work on a dial
tone, but they did not resume work, and 8 communists intending to
start work were met with noise and shouts. Some of the strikers who
worked on single machines were removed. At 11 oʹclock. in the
morning, the strikers contacted Teikov on the phone and asked
Maleeva (the main leader of the Teikov strike) to immediately arrive in
Ivanovo‐Voznesensk; In addition, the worker Kislyakova, on behalf of
the strikers, sent a telegram to Moscow to the department of textile
workers at the All‐Union Central Council of Trade Unions with a
request to send a commission to discuss the issue of transferring to 3
machines. At the St.‐Dmitrovskaya convent during the performance
there were 5 people, those who came from the Teikovskaya convent
and informed the striking workers about the state of affairs at the
Teikovskaya factory, and at the St.‐Dmitrovskaya convent, unknown
persons submitted a note with the following content: “We, the workers
of the B. Dmitrovskaya convent, greet you for your loyalty and
advocating for workersʹ interests; come to us, stop our factory for a
general strike. ʺ The strike of workers at the Staro‐Dmitrovskaya factory
of the Textile Trust ended, and the workers began work on May 18,
provided that their demands were analyzed in a conflictual manner
within 6 days. The mood of the workers is agitated, and a repeat of the
strike is possible.
On May 20, workers of the water department of the Bolshoi
Kokhomskaya field went on strike for the second time, demanding an
increase in wages. Through the efforts of the management and the
factory committee, the workers got down to work. On May 21, both
department shifts went on strike, again demanding an increase in
wages by 25% and the issuance of 5 rubles. apartment. In connection
with the strike of water workers, the bank and other departments were
suspended due to a lack of raw materials. A total of 500 people went on
strike. The strike ended on 22 May. The workersʹ demands have not yet
been met.
Weaving factory No. 1 (of the same trust). There are 2,500 workers. At the
factory, dissatisfaction with low wages continues in connection with the
transition to 3 machines. There have been cases when the daily wages
of weavers on 3 looms were 29 kopecks lower. earnings of working on
2 machines. The reasons for the decline in earnings are: poor varieties
of warp, duck, unequipped machine tools, low prices and a deliberate
decrease in the intensity of labor by workers.
395
Spas‐Nudolskaya factory of the Multicolored Trust (430 workers). The
director of the factory gave an order to switch the weavers to 3 looms,
and this issue was not coordinated either with the cell or with the
factory. The mood of the workers is unsatisfactory.
High rates and low rates. F‐ka them. Rudzutaka of the Flaxut Trust,
Moscow Province. Strong dissatisfaction of workers with low wages
was noted: coil winders generate an average of 20 rubles. per month, in
view of the large production rate, the shortage of coilers per day is
expressed in the amount of 9 poods. The mood of the winders was
agitated by the refusal of the factory committee and RKK to increase
their wages.
396
Weaving factory of the Orekhovo‐Zuevsky trust (2,375 workers). On the
basis of low prices and low salaries, the candidate of the RCP wrote a
statement demanding a reduction in the rates of elected persons
(factory and others). 78 people signed the statement.
F‐ka [named after] Karl Marx of the Kovrov trust of the Vladimir
province. Due to high standards, productivity in some departments
decreases. In the weaving department, a worker on one machine with
an 8‐hour working day produces no more than 2 meters.
Metal industry
Strikes. Perm gun factory (Ural). On May 4, a strike took place in the
shelling shop of the Perm Gun Plant on the basis of a sharp decline in
prices and an increase in production rates. The head committee did not
take any part in the revision of the prices, arguing that he must approve
the prices and norms after they were worked out. On April 30, in the
shell shop No. 2, the plant management posted new prices indicating
that they will be introduced from May 1, the last RKK have not been
approved. Due to the fact that in the shell shop, in addition to an
397
excessive reduction in prices compared to prices in other shops, the
ranks were also reduced, the workers intended to go on strike on the
same day, but, thanks to the late time and the factory committeeʹs
promise to settle this issue on holidays, the workers agreed to work
until the end of the shift. On May 4, the workers called the technical
director and the representative from the factory, who were presented
with requirements: either to leave the old rates and norms, or to revise
the newly developed ones within two weeks; after the director and the
factory committee agreed to the latter, the workers began work after a
4‐hour break. The main initiators of the strike were two old workers,
former members of the RCP, and a group of 11 non‐party members.
Plant ʺTrudʺ of the Uman district of Kiev province. The foundry workers
went on strike on May 9 due to delayed wages for the second half of
April, and no casting took place that day. In the rest of the shops, work
continued. The strike ended the same day.
Agricultural machinery plant them. Petrovsky (Odessa province). On May
13, workers went on strike on the grounds of delayed wages (advances
of 2‐5 rubles were issued). The strike began in the carpentry shop,
where the initiator was a member of the presidium of the Metalworkersʹ
Union. The carpentry shop was joined by a paint, foundry and
others. The next day, a representative of the okr trade union bureau, the
chairman of the okrpartkom and the chairman of the okrRIK, arrived at
the plant and offered the workers to start work, while the workers
continued to strike, demanding immediate payment of wages. The
strike was liquidated by notifying the workers that the money had been
received and would be given out.
398
telegram from Moscow that the money had been sent to pay the
salaries.
High rates and low rates. Mechanical foundry A CMC (Moscow). There
is a sharp discontent among workers in connection with the reduction
of prices; an application was filed with the factory against the
decline. The initiators are individual members of the RCP.
The Krasnoye Sormovo plant (Nizhny Novgorod province). At the plant,
there is a strong dissatisfaction with motorists on the basis of lower
prices. The monthly earnings of motorists, which previously reached 60
rubles, currently does not exceed 34‐40 rubles. There have been many
conflicts in the stamping department due to the high rates and low
prices.
The Krasny Putilovets plant, Leningrad province. In the crucible‐foundry
workshop of the Krasny Putilovets plant, there was a reduction in
wages by 20‐25%, which caused discontent among workers.
In the model workshop of the same plant, there are cases of workers
falling from too much fatigue. The reason is low prices, forcing the
worker to strain unbearably.
Plant ʺElectrosilaʺ Ns 1, Kharkov province. The appraiser on his own
initiative in the turning shop has almost halved the prices. On this basis,
conflicts are noted. Shop foreman Klimenko (KP (b) U candidate),
instead of settling conflicts, kindles passions, declaring that this will
continue as long as the workers are allowed to sit on their necks.
399
The Krasny Arsenal plant, Kiev province. Due to the reduction in prices
by 30%, there is a departure of highly qualified workers from the
foundry. Sharp dissatisfaction with low prices is noted in the machine
shop. Newly employed highly skilled workers do not put up with low
prices and take the calculation. Some shops are campaigning for higher
prices.
Izhevsk factories (Votsk region). In the sawtooth workshop of the Izhevsk
factories, there is a sharp dissatisfaction among the workers with the
new prices, there is a tendency to switch from piecework to day
work. The workers dissatisfied with the established rates say: “You
work like an ox, up to 600 poods. you drag a day on yourself, and the
earnings are not more than 17 rubles. ʺ
Mining
High rates and low rates. Mine No. 1 of the Gorlovsky Ore
Administration of the Artyomovsky District. On May 10, the mine
workers refused to work due to the increase in production rates. The
workers are promised to revise the norms. The WASH MoD insists that
the norms should not be revised due to production cuts.
And the Nzher mines (Siberia). In some cases, the prices for piecework in
mines at the Angerskiye mines turned out to be 50% lower than the old
ones. The workers say: “In order to raise labor productivity, the worker
needs to increase nutrition, since workers will work on bread and water
with a 70% loss of working capacity only until the summer, and then
they will only be suitable for transfer to social security. Such actions on
the part of our heads are non‐proletarian since they build their well‐
being on the unhappiness of the worker. ʺ
400
Suchanskiy coal mines of Primorskaya lips. In early May, a change of 36
miners went on strike on the grounds of low prices (mine No.
2). Dissatisfaction with low prices and the possibility of a strike is also
noted at mine No. 9.
Chemical industry
Plant them. Zudova Guskombinat of Vladimir province. On May 6, 250
workers in the gutta went on strike. The workers of this plant until now
were not familiar with the rates under the new contract. The chairman
of the factory committee Turbin (obviously of a Menshevik deviation),
having arrived from the delegatesʹ meeting from Gus‐Khrustalny,
misinformed the workers, promising colossal increases. When, after
having worked for a month, the workers saw that the new collective
agreement only gave rise to day laborers and cut the wages of
pieceworkers, they became agitated and demanded the arrival of the
chairman of the regional union of chemists Mikhailovich. Instead of
settling the conflict, the members of the factory committee and
chairman Turbin tried to inflame the workers. When Mikhailovich and
the representative of the district committee of the RCP arrived, the
factory committee entered into an argument with them, despite the fact
that the collective agreement had already been signed,2 cop. instead of
6 and a production rate of 45 instead of 55 per day. As a result, on May
8, the workers of the gutta quit their jobs. It was clearly seen that the
strike had infiltrated from the. Bukharin, some of whom were the
401
instigators of the conflict at the plant. Zudova. In Velikyodvorie, some
elements are trying to kindle the workers of the hot gutta workshop and
involve them in a strike, and Turbin and Volkov put a lot of effort into
this. On May 8, a member of the Central Committee of Chemists arrived
in Velikodvorie, reproaching the factory committee for allowing a strike
without the sanction of the Central Committee of Chemists. On May 9,
a general meeting of workers was convened, at which questions were
raised: 1) about the resumption of work at the plant and 2) about the
choice of representatives for immediate consideration of prices. Five
plenipotentiaries were selected to review the prices and the question of
reopening was voted on. The majority of votes decided to start
work. The strike lasted one day. The decaying elements among the
workers are the head office of Turbin and the members of Volkov and
Kudryavtsev, who receive 260 rubles each. per month. The pre‐
commission for surplus salaries acquired a piano, a gramophone, etc.
Velikodvorsk Glass Factory, Ryazan Province. On May 8, the Gutten shop
of the plant went on strike, as the workers were not announced the
prices for piecework for April. Some workers have campaigned not to
start work until prices are announced. At 8 oʹclock in the evening on
May 8, the plenum of the factory committee decided to immediately
start work, after which it would enter into negotiations with the
administration on the issue of prices, but, despite this, the workers did
not start work. On May 9, the workers of the gutta decided to introduce
about 5 people from the workers to participate in the commission for
the development of quotations, after which they began work on the
same day. The strike lasted 26 hours, with 250 out of 850 people on
strike.
Glass factory ʺDruzhnaya Gorka” (Khimprom, Leningrad province). For
the removal of one worker from work by the red director for violating
internal regulations, the workers protested: they went on strike for 30
minutes. The red director (Dashkevich) was dismissed by the Union for
a tactless act.
Timber industry
Tverskaya lips. Mologoles. A group of 26 peasants who worked on the
banks of the river. Mologa in the warehouse of the Mologoles ʺKulyakʺ
concession and receiving 1 rub. per person for a 12‐hour working day,
May 23 this year demanded an increase in wages to 1 ruble. 50
kopecks on the refusal of the foreman to increase their wages, the
peasant workers went on strike.
Karelia. Integrated logging of Drevtrest and Lesprom. In the development
of the forest, workers went on strike on the basis of low wages. The
strike lasted one and a half days. Prices for unloading one fathom of
firewood did not exceed 1 ruble. per callout 1 cub. fathoms of firewood
at a distance of 10 fathoms, along the bank of the river ‐ 1 rub. 20
kopecks. The workers demanded to be raised to 1 ruble. 50 kopecks per
fathom.
Construction workers
Low rates. Leningrad province. 300 carpenters at the shipbuilding office
went on strike due to low wages and the lack of a collective
agreement. The carpenters worked for nothing for 3‐4 ʹ/ 2 months
without receiving any wages.
Altai lips. On May 20, three cartels working from the Barnaul state
construction office, including 75 people, went on strike, demanding: 1)
the timely payment of wages, 2) the transition to a single rate of work,
3) an increase in wage rates. The direct reason for the strike was non‐
payment of wages. The workers, having arranged a meeting, decided
to stop work and convene a citywide meeting of workers of the entire
Union of Builders, at which they [began] to insist on the dispersal of the
state construction office, which allegedly deliberately delays the
delivery of construction work and which consists of former contractors,
foremen, etc. The news of the strike was met with great sympathy
403
among the majority of the members of the Union, in view of the
increasing unemployment since half of April. At a general meeting of
workers on May 21, workers, when asked to start work, said: “We
cannot work, when we are hungry. We are not allowed to earn even 30
rubles during the season. per month, and the chapters themselves
receive 150 rubles. ʺ The strike was liquidated on May 22 with the
proviso that the conflict commission would revise the rates. If the rates
turn out to be unacceptable, then convene a general meeting at which
to elect a committee to protect their interests.
Movers
Samara lips. May 11 this year in the city of Samara, loaders working on
water transport refused to carry out unloading work. After lunch, the
city movers joined them. A total of 460 people refused to work. The
motives for the termination of work were put forward by the loaders as
follows: 1) improve their financial situation by increasing wages
(previously received on ʹ/ 2 cop. from a pound of transported cargo), at
the moment they demand an increase to 1 and 2 kopecks, 2) the
dissolution of the loading and unloading bureau headed by the head of
the bureau (member of the RCP). The ideological inspirers of the strike
are Grigoriev, chairman of the board of the workersʹ committee of
loaders. On May 13, loaders headed by Grigoriev organized a strike
committee called the Revolutionary Committee. Formed around the
404
head of the bureau Konovalov, a group of 45 loaders (all members of
the RCP) are called by most loaders a ʺgroup of spiesʺ. On May 12, a
general meeting of the Union of Loaders was held at the transport
workersʹ club, which was attended by a representative of the gubernial
trade union, comrade Kiselev and Chairman of the Union of Loaders
Comrade Endrzhai. Since at the meeting they did not come to any
decision, for the movers did not stop their demands, then the
representative of the gubernia trade union announced the dissolution
of the loadersʹ trade union. On May 14, out of the number of strikers,
100 people, economically less well‐off, expressed a desire to join the
Union again and have already started work, then up to 50% of the
movers applied for re‐joining the trade union.
Workersʹ mood
ʺPrivolskaya communeʺ of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. Discontent of
workers with the factory is observed. The workers, having re‐elected
the old composition of the factory committee for drunkenness, lose
respect for the new, since the latter does not protect their interests.
Teikovskaya factory, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. The striking factory
workers, among other demands, also put forward a demand for the
immediate re‐election of the factory committee. The re‐elections on
May 17 were attended by the main leaders of the Teikovo strike,
405
Maleev, Mineev, Kuvshinov and Moiseev; some of them pointed out:
ʺArrests and violence against workers are taking place not only abroad,
but also in our country,ʺ and sought to ʺkindle the passionsʺ of those
present and turn them against the communists. The new factory
committee included 6 communists and 9 non‐party people, including
Maleev and Moiseev.
Tula arms factories. The reporting campaign of the Metalworkersʹ Union
at the Cartridge Plant was held with a passive attitude on the part of
the workers. Some meetings did not take place at all, as all the workers
dispersed, many workers said: “What are we going to do there. To hear
only that the board of the Union of Metalworkers gets big stakes and
does nothing for us. ʺ
Stodolsk Cloth Factory named after Lenin of the Gomel province. Out of
2,000 workers, only 300 gathered at the meeting to renegotiate the
collective agreement. Slatin, a former Menshevik, who spoke, pointed
out that the Union had approached the workers in the wrong way,
demanding an increase in the intensity of labor. The collective
agreement was discussed themselves, and the workers are presented
for approval. Unions and trusts are one and the same thing, and
although the Unions are Soviet, they look at the workers no better than
in bourgeois countries. Those who advocated the collective agreement
were not allowed to speak.
Prokhorovskaya m‐ra (Moscow). On the night of May 22, leaflets were
found at the Prokhorovskaya convent and in the Presnensky tram
406
depot protesting against the arrest and exile of the anarchists, against
the deception of the masses by the Soviet government and against the
dictatorship. The leaflet encourages all conscious people to unite and
act in an organized manner.
Plant ʺKrasny Bogatyr” Rezinotrest Moscow province. In connection with
the suicide of Savinkov, anti‐Soviet agitation was observed on the part
of a former member of the RCP, who accused the Soviet government of
waging a civil war, he also opposed the trade unions, pointing out that
they were economic, not political, organizations.
Plant ʺRed Arsenalʺ of the Leningrad province. Among the workers of
the instrumental workshop, agitation is being conducted against the
Soviet regime, which allegedly led the country to ruin and is now
leading to Hindenburgism.
ʺVesuviusʺ match factory, Gomel province. The mood of the non‐party
workers is unsatisfactory, and the dissatisfaction with the members of
407
the RCP is especially strong. Cases were noted when at general
meetings, when party comrades spoke, shouts of ʺdown withʺ were
heard and the chairman of the meeting left his seat, walked among the
workers and persuaded to listen to the speaker.
Kodrinsky glass factory (Kiev district). The son of an administrator (a
former member of the RCP) opposes Soviet power, pointing out that
now it is not the dictatorship of the proletariat, but the dictatorship of
the party. Trotsky was removed from office because he demanded the
dictatorship not of the party, but of the proletariat.
Linovitsky sugar factory, Poltava province. A group of seven workers is
systematically campaigning against the Soviet regime and the
Communist Party. This agitation hinders party and professional work.
408
there is no freedom of speech: if you say something against the bosses,
they will write it down in counterrevolutionaries. The proclamations
end with attacks on the trade unions (the shop of the bosses) and on the
cooperatives (the profits from the cooperation are in the pockets of the
red bosses, and the workers and peasants need to contribute shares).
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
APPENDIX # 2
MOOD OF THE UNEMPLOYED (May Content)
Moscow province. The Central Labor Exchange has recently registered
126,000 unemployed people, of whom 5,500 are employed in public
works and 13,000 work in labor collectives. The influx of unemployed
people over the past week exceeds 24% compared to April 1, 13% of
those arriving at the exchange are newcomers.
The influx of the unemployed in sections of laborers and builders is also
observed at the regional offices of the labor exchange; Thus, 250‐300
people arrive at the Krasnopresnenskaya Exchange every day, of which
the exchange manages to register only 120‐200 people. The daily
demand for laborers is 5‐10 people. According to the
Zamoskvoretskaya Labor Exchange (section of laborers), there was a
daily congestion in connection with the parcels of 3‐4 people to public
works, which generated a lot of scandals and fights. There are 12,000
unemployed at the Sokolnicheskaya Labor Exchange (section of
builders), of which 90% are peasants. Every day 500‐600 people arrive
at the exchange, and 100‐150 are sent to work.
The mood of unemployed laborers and builders in Moscow is
extremely excited. Mass dissatisfaction is caused by the insufficient
provision for public works, low wages in public works, in which
women working on turning out stumps earned an average of 20‐22
kopecks. per day, and high rates. At the Zamoskvoretskaya labor
exchange there was a demand to convene a general meeting of the
unemployed and the establishment of control from the unemployed
over the activities of the exchange. Agitation of certain individuals
against Soviet power and the growth of anti‐Semitism were noted. Low
wages and high standards entail unemployed refusal to work. On the
409
Rogozhsko‐Simonovskaya exchange, 36.4% of all cases of sending to
work were refused in May.
The difficult financial situation of the unemployed is aggravated by the
lack of housing, which causes a massive gathering of unemployed in
the open air in Sokolnicheskaya Roshcha and Kalanchevskaya Square.
The nervous mood that has recently been observed among construction
workers is caused by the introduction of a new tariff guide, according
to which the salary of construction workers is reduced to 21% on
average, and in some places even 30%. So, in the construction season of
1924, the asphalt worker, without concluding collective agreements,
received 1 ruble for a square fathom. 90 kopecks, and this year earns 1
ruble under collective agreements. 29 kopecks Dissatisfaction in some
places results in open calls for demonstrations and strikes on a citywide
scale, refusal to work against the established reduced prices for
construction work.
Vladimirskaya lips. In view of the notification received that from the
factory ʺ5th Octoberʺ (Strunino) they will be transferred to work at the
factory ʺKrasnoe Echoʺ of Pereslavl district. 600 people and refusal to
give work to the unemployed who were at the labor exchange, among
the latter Lapin (a former member of the RCP), Aksenov, Turusov and
Zemtsov (Gorbaty), former members of the RCP, campaigned for
organizing a strike of the unemployed, who are listed on the Pereslavl
labor exchange to 1000 man.
Belarusian SSR. Minsk. As of April 1, the number of unemployed in
Belarus has reached 7,800, of which about 6,000 are in Minsk. In Minsk,
the number of unemployed has recently increased by several hundred
410
people, and every day more and more unemployed are arriving, mainly
there is an influx of peasants. The financial situation of the unemployed
is bad. Government assistance is very limited. The mood of the
unemployed is always defined as unstable, thanks to which the
unemployed are good ground for the spread of anti‐Soviet agitation
and all kinds of provocative rumors. Unemployed people come to the
Central Election Commission and the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars
almost every day, expecting to receive some kind of material assistance
or employment.
At the end of April, a number of excesses took place at the Minsk Labor
Exchange. Unemployed sections of unskilled workers, dissatisfied with
the sending of exclusively demobilized Red Army soldiers to public
works, tried to break the partition behind which the employees worked,
and only the summoned alongside the police managed to free the
premises from the unemployed. After that, the unemployed went to the
building of the CEC, demanding that the chairman of the CEC
Comrade Chervyakov and singling out delegates for negotiations. The
instigators of the scandals are the unemployed Libes, Nosov, Lebedev,
Libeznik and others, who called for the destruction of the exchange, and
the latter threatened to beat the head of the labor exchange. The
unemployed Turin campaigned among the unemployed about the need
for war and a general Jewish pogrom.
In connection with the influx of the unemployed and the beginning of
public works, the mood of the unemployed‐demobilized Red Army
soldiers worsened. A demobilized Red Army soldier, a member of the
Union of Builders Loiko, said to the unemployed: “During the war we
were needed, at that time we risked our lives and did not take into
account anything, and when the war ended, we were sent to the stock
exchange, where we had to sit without work for 6 months or more and
no one pays attention to us. Soon, patience will run out, and we will
begin to beat the Jews so that not one remains. The Soviet government
persecuted the nobles, but the opposite happened ‐ there were now
more nobles. What equality and brotherhood is now, when one is dying
of hunger, and if he turns to someone for help, then they do not want
to talk to him. This is what we have won for ourselves. ʺ
411
Unrest among the unemployed at the Minsk Labor Exchange in the last
days of May and the first days of June turned into an acute form. The
unemployed sections of unskilled laborers, of whom more than 3000
people are registered at the Minsk Labor Exchange, having learned
about the arrival of peat bogs from Kaluga to the peat extraction of the
water supply and power station in Minsk, were outraged, considering
this act wrong, and filed a complaint with the RCI and the Central
Control Commission. It was decided that the artel of the Kaluga
residents, as highly skilled workers, would remain at work as a
demonstration for the unemployed at the Minsk Labor
Exchange. Leaving the kaluzhan people fueled the fermentation even
more. The unemployed, gathering daily in front of the labor exchange,
said that the administration was to blame for their plight. Some of the
unemployed incited the rest to beat the administration, throwing them
out of the second floor, other loners said, that everyone needs to get
together to arrange a demonstration around the city, so that all
countries know that it is not so good for a worker in the USSR, as they
write in the newspapers. Discontent on May 30 at 5 pm resulted in a
scandal on the stock exchange. From one oʹclock in the afternoon,
unemployed people engaged in public works began to gather in the
yard of the stock exchange to receive their wages. It was three oʹclock
in the afternoon, and the money had not yet been issued. The
unemployed rushed into the office of the labor commissar to beat
him. Bursting into the office of the commissar, the unemployed began
to demand money, raised swearing, began to throw chairs, beat
inkpots, etc. The arrived chairman of the Council of Peopleʹs
Commissars Adamovich persuaded the workers to calm down, but
they continued to scandal and calmed down only when they started
issuing money. But here a second scandal arose, since, when sending
the unemployed to public works, they were promised to be paid 1 ruble
each. 50 kopecks, and calculated at 1 rub. 25 kopecks
In the morning about 9 oʹclock. In the courtyard of the stock exchange,
a crowd of several hundred unemployed gathered, waiting for the
parcel, to whom it was announced that the parcel would not take
place. This embittered the unemployed, and the entire mass of the
unemployed rushed into the office of the Peopleʹs Commissariat of
Labor, threatening to throw him out the window and demanding
immediate employment. A detachment of militia was summoned, but
412
the militiamen failed to calm the unemployed, after which a
detachment of Red Army men from the division of the GPU troops was
summoned. The Unemployed Peopleʹs Commissar of Labor Erofeev,
who came out at that time, was surrounded, demanding to give work,
threatening him with beatings, swinging fists, etc. Erofeev managed to
escape from the crowd, and he ran across the square to the building of
the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars. The whole mass of the
unemployed rushed after him, and only at the entrance to the building
of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars, the latter were detained by the
police and the Red Army. During the chase, the unemployed
screamed whistled at Erofeev, and one of them threw a stone at
him. The chairman of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars,
Comrade Adamovich, who invited them to return to the exchange and
send their delegates to him. In the crowd of the unemployed, there was
talk that “we are being bullied, you (pointing at the police) are going
against us, you must know how we are starving, and therefore must go
along with us, we are not afraid of victims, we will all lie down here, let
us be shot, we donʹt care when and where to die, give them to us, we
will arrange our own lynching over them (this is in relation to the
administrators of the Peopleʹs Commissariat of Labor and the
Exchange), we will destroy them here. ʺ A definitely pogrom mood was
created among the unemployed. There are calls to smash institutions,
beat Soviet central administrations, and rob shops.
On June 2, a crowd gathered again in the courtyard of the exchange,
and some individuals called for lynching the administration, again go
to Chervyakov and Adamovich to demand work, etc. The unemployed
immediately learned that one of them had been arrested on June 1
(Fleer, who threw a stone). This message aroused strong indignation
among the unemployed, among them it was heard that it was necessary
to gather the organized and go to demand the extradition of Fleer.
On June 5, having gathered at the labor exchange, the unemployed
learned about the arrest of some of their leaders. This message again
caused indignation, the unemployed said: “If we keep silent, then in a
week we will all be transferred to the basement. We must demand the
release of our arrested comrades, we must all prove that we are not
afraid of arrest, but the Soviet government ‐ the power of the workers
413
is afraid of its own unemployed. We must all come out together and
demand work, as well as the release of our comrades. ʺ
The mood among the unemployed remains tense. Excesses in the future
are, in all likelihood, inevitable.
Bobruisk. On April 30, the unemployed (there were 1,141 people on the
Bobruisk labor exchange as of May 1), having gathered at the exchange
building, they demanded to give them a flag to participate in the May
Day demonstration, suggesting that they write the slogan on the flag:
“Give a job,” but after negotiations the unemployed, having received
200 lunches, went their separate ways. The initiators of the statement
are the demobilized Red Army soldiers. There was talk among a small
part of the unemployed that if they were not provided with work in the
near future, they would have to go into the forest and organize gangs.
The situation of the unemployed of the Union of Builders is bad. During
the May 1 holidays, they spoke in favor of protesting in the streets,
arguing that many people who did not take part in the revolutionary
movement of recent years, in strengthening Soviet power, are now in
positions of responsibility and live luxuriously. Some of the
unemployed called on the workers for a union strike.
On May 6, in the Bobruisk fortress, a crowd of 250 unemployed from
the labor exchange came to the workers engaged in the development of
bricks, which began to persuade the workers to quit their jobs. To the
unemployed came the head of the work in the fortress ‐ an engineer
who tried to persuade them to disperse, otherwise promising to exclude
them from the exchange lists. The unemployed became very agitated,
and some began throwing bricks at the engineer, who quickly
disappeared. The Red Army men were called in to restore order.
Ukrainian SSR. Kiev. Starting on May 4, anti‐Soviet agitation has been
intensifying in all sections of the labor exchange and middle
bureau. There is talk that ʺif we knew, we would have turned the barrel
the other way,ʺ voices are heard calling to ʺslaughter the
communists.ʺ On May 8, one of the representatives of state institutions,
who recruited unskilled workers, and the head of the labor exchange,
comrade Mikhno, who tried to calm down the unemployed. On May
13, a crowd of 500 people gathered, which went to the GIK, on the way
414
they were joined by the unemployed lonely. Passing one of the Kiev
clubs, the demonstrators captured the banner. Those who approached
the unemployed were told that they should go to the SSGC, where the
issue of unemployment would be discussed. At the meeting, the
unemployed Chaly (intellectual) showed himself especially sharply,
throwing demagogic slogans into the crowd like that ʺtoday is the last
and decisive battle, we must put the question of unemployment
squarely before the authorities: either today or never.ʺ The crowd
roared and raged. A resolution was adopted, proposed by
representatives of the SHGS, which spoke of the need to take urgent
measures to eliminate unemployment as soon as possible.
On May 15, the mood of the unemployed did not subside. The
excitement was especially supported by the unemployed food worker
Dotsenko, who gathered around him the unemployed and led a sharp
agitation among them, which boiled down to a call to ʺtake up armsʺ,
because otherwise, in his words, ʺnothing will come of it.ʺ At a meeting
of the commission for the development of the requirements of the
unemployed, the unemployed Chaly proposed a resolution that boiled
down to the demand to remove all wives and members of communist
families from work, to reduce the rates of responsible workers and
specialists to 100 rubles, and to send no more than 10% of Komsomol
members to work. If these requirements were not accepted, Chaly
threatened to “achieve their satisfaction in other ways,” but after a long
debate, a resolution proposed by the SHSU was adopted.
On the same day, at about 7 oʹclock in the evening, a meeting of
unemployed food workers opened, the meeting was stormy, and the
speech of the pre‐union comrade Musatov was constantly interrupted
from places. When the latter began to prove in numbers that
unemployment was declining, he was not allowed to speak. There were
shouts: ʺLie, we donʹt need numbers, give us bread, give us work.ʺ The
speeches of all the speakers of the unemployed were reduced to a
demand to give complete freedom to private capital, since this is ʺthe
only measure that can help the unemployed.ʺ A. Averchenko, a
member of the presidium of the meeting, urged the unemployed,
despite the fact that “there will be arrests today or tomorrow,” not to be
afraid to speak. According to him, “in a year or two, unemployment
will be eliminated since we have reached an economic dead end. The
415
day is not far off when there will be shouts of ʺlet the king‐fatherʺ,
etc. Moreover, the unemployed Dotsenko said: “Not only can you
expect demonstrations from a hungry crowd, but you can also expect
more. We must remember the fifth year. We have nothing to lose, we
are on the brink of death ʺ171.
Both at the labor exchange and in the middle of the buildersʹ bureau,
individuals carried out intensified anti‐Soviet agitation. They all called
for new demonstrations. Among these persons, the unskilled laborer
Zadorozhny was especially prominent, who ridiculed the delegates
who “could not talk” with the representatives of the SHSG and “sold
for 4 rubles. and lunch cards. ʺ Then he said that it was necessary to
ʺdisrupt all meetings and arrange it so that they know abroad, and if
they find out there, then we have nothing to fear, we should take up
arms and go to the gangs in the forests.ʺ In case of dissatisfaction with
the demands of the unemployed, he proposed ʺto gather and organize
a demonstration throughout the city, choosing an initiative group for
this in advance, then beat and beat those who sit on soft chairs, issue
orders and circulars, receive special orders and do nothing.ʺ
At the same time, rumors persisted among the unemployed that ʺif the
requirements of the unemployed were not met, Russian troops
stationed on the Polish border would come to their aid.ʺ One of the
agitators gathered a lot of listeners around him and began to say:
“Comrades, why are you silent, how long will you be afraid of this new
nobility. They have money for the organization of the May 1 holiday,
which cost no less than 10,000 rubles, to repair the burnt‐out Odessa
theater, 150,000 rubles. they also found money for organizing various
clubs and corners, for conducting agitation about China, for
maintaining a pack of party members, they have money, but for the
workers they have no money. They are fighting against classes, but they
themselves create such, they destroyed the nobility, and they
themselves became nobles. If the worker has managed to acquire some
hovel in his life, they oppress him and do not accept him into the Union;
if the peasant is hardworking and does not drink, he managed to
acquire 5‐6 dessiatines, then he is a kulak. They took the peasantry and
divided it into several categories, removed the seventh skin from us,
peasants, in order to fill our bellies, in order to walk freely, and this is
called workers ʹand peasantsʹ power”.
416
The greatest aggravations are in the section of laborers and
builders. Anti‐communist agitation was carried out especially sharply
here.
On the same day, rumors spread among the unemployed that some
unknown person, judging by the reprimand of a Pole, had proposed to
subsidize counter‐revolutionary agitation among the unemployed, and
in this regard, there was intense talk in the metal workers section that
the demonstration was provoked by a counter‐revolutionary element.
On May 22, the unemployed Chaly appeared on the stock exchange,
who began to agitate very carefully for a new general meeting of the
unemployed, bypassing all sections. He proposed to schedule a
meeting on May 24 in the royal garden, saying: ʺIf the authorities do
not allow us to arrange a meeting, then we will gather, take stones in
our pockets and go to smash the executive committee.ʺ
On May 23, three typewritten leaflets were posted in the middle of the
buildersʹ bureau with the following content: “Comrades,
unemployed. Not the ghost of hunger, but real hunger makes itself felt
stronger and stronger. Our wives, children and ourselves are exhausted
in search of earnings, our daily piece of bread. Everywhere we get the
answer ‐ no work. Comrades, we, the 30,000 unemployed in Kiev, know
well that neither comborbez nor the middle bureau create work, public
works will not save you from starvation, since through them you can
arrange 3,000‐5,000 people, but what remains to do for the rest of 25,000
people ... Existing on one lunch card with your family is not a long way
to make money. At the last general meeting, much was said about the
incorrectness of the actions of the labor exchange, but this is not the root
of evil, etc.
At the general meeting of the unemployed of the Union of
Metalworkers, the mood of the masses was very stormy. Attacks
417
against communists and responsible workers were noted. Individuals
tried to disrupt the meeting, and threats were heard all the time at the
presidium and leaders of the Union. One of the unemployed proposed
ʺin order to eliminate unemployment to free the bourgeoisie and all
merchants from taxes so that they can expand their enterprises.ʺ
At a meeting of unemployed water workers, delegates to Moscow were
elected with a complaint about the Union and the State Chapters, which
allegedly did not hold resolutions of general meetings of water
workers. After the meeting, one of the unemployed beat the head of the
personal table of Goschap Zhurak, explaining this with revenge for the
fact that Zhurak, settling personal scores with him, dismissed him from
Goschap.
On May 1, this initiative group thought to organize a demonstration
demanding an improvement in their life. On May 1, one of the
unemployed, having come to a general demonstration, brought a poster
with the slogan: ʺLong live May 1 — you give a job.ʺ
Kharkiv province. On the morning of May 19, up to 500 unemployed
people working in public works in the Klochkovsky district quit their
jobs and gathered near the office of the district, where two unemployed
spoke out, demanding an increase in wages in connection with an
increase in production rates. The chairman of the public works workersʹ
committee, who spoke, promised to settle the issue of wages in the
coming days. After that, the unemployed began to work, and the
administration made a temporary concession and slightly increased
wages.
Donetsk province. The unemployed in Artemovsk and Mariupol are in
very difficult material conditions. Most of the unemployed have
absolutely no means of subsistence. In Artyomovsk, demobilized Red
418
Army soldiers apply to the chairman of the All‐Russian Central
Executive Committee with a request to influence the local labor
exchange in terms of providing them with work and material
assistance. General indignation is caused by the fact that the
unemployed, who have not found work for a year and a half, are
expelled from the Unions.
Astrakhan. As of April 10, 10,738 people are unemployed. The situation
of the unemployed outsiders is difficult; they sold everything they had
‐ shoes, underwear, etc. We have to spend the night in the open air or
on the piers. Most of the unemployed want to go back, but they do not
have the means for this. The GIK has created a special commission for
unloading the shelters. The commission was released 5,000 rubles, for
which it was able to send 1,300 people, then the dispatch stops due to
lack of funds. The unemployed sent an anonymous letter addressed to
the chairman of the unloading commission, with the following content:
“On the 10th day of April and until April 13, the unemployed of Penza,
both Tambov and Saratov, are asking for the pre‐governorate executive
committee ‐ send us immediately to our homeland because we stopped
in Astrakhan, but there is no work in Astrakhan, and all the money has
been eaten, and all the clothes, there is nothing to get home with. Please
do not refuse us, otherwise the workers of the city of Astrakhan are
sending us to start, and they will help us, in two days we will start
differently, firstly, there are many of us here, so a hungry person will
be worse than a beast. First of all, we will begin to rob cooperative,
grain, as well as all bread shops, and so that this does not happen, then
we ask for dispatch in two days, you know what the workers can do,
and there will be many victims, and unpleasant rumors about the USSR,
and on us foreign countries will laugh. Do not allow this to happen, the
good is far away, and the bad is even farther away. We ask you to start
sending, do not delay, otherwise we will start, look, make no
mistake. The quieter you go, the further youʹll getʺ.
Saratov province. On May 1, one unemployed ‐ demobilized Red Army
soldier called on all the demobilized to get together and come out with
a poster ʺletʹs work.ʺ
Altai lips. At the Barnaul Labor Exchange, there is a tendency to
convene a citywide meeting of the unemployed in order to influence
419
the construction workersʹ department in order to provide work as soon
as possible. On April 22, a group of unemployed protested loudly
against the personal list sent by Gostorg about sending 21 people to
work. One of the unemployed snatched this list from the hands of the
head of the labor exchange. At the same time, the unemployed
Zakharov said: “To hell with the trade union, he promised to give work
back in March, and everyone does not give it; it’s bad that the
unemployed are poorly organized, otherwise they’d take their
membership cards back and throw them back.”
Omsk lips. At the labor exchange there was a case of propaganda of the
intellectual Maslov for organizing a union of the unemployed. Maslov
motivated the need for such an organization by the inaction of the
administration of the labor exchange. There are over 6,000 unemployed
people in the city.
Vladivostok. As of April 1, there were 6509 unemployed. On May 1, a
proclamation by the unemployed demobilized was supposed to
organize a demonstration with a black flag and the slogan: ʺGive bread
and work to the former fighters for Soviet power.ʺ Three appeals were
found in the possession of the leader Semin. Exactly the same
proclamations were found pasted around the city, in which, among
other things, it is said: “Comrades, Red Army men, military men,
demobilized, unemployed workers and peasants. The Workers ʹand
Peasantsʹ Committee of Influence calls on you just as in the old days
honest fighters called on May 1 all advanced workers and peasants to
take to the streets in order to defiantly present an ultimatum to the
tsarist government and show that they were right in their demand, and
among the workers and peasants to show that power is not in the
people in power, but in the hands of the people ... When you were in
the army, they told you everywhere and everywhere ... that the gates
will be open for you everywhere and everywhere ... now see for
yourself that the promises are right ‐ first of all, not the demobilized,
but the newly baked members of the RCP, who speak a lot, but do little,
and give you the right to walk freely on all streets and search a
recommendation from a party member of the RCP and just as freely at
the labor exchange to stand in line with a stomach free from food for
several months until ... you have to take someone by the throat. The
Workers ʹand Peasantsʹ Committee for Influence calls on all comrades
420
to reveal a protest against the adventurers who are representatives of
the authorities in order to get rid of the arbitrariness and violence of
those gentlemen who arrange their well‐being at the expense of
underdeveloped and intimidated non‐party workers and peasants ...
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 3
THE POLITICAL MOOD OF THE VILLAGE
1. Cross unions
Orekhovo‐Zuevsky u. In Vospushenskaya parish. the local paramedic
raised the issue of organizing peasant trade unions.
Podolsky May 29. The chairman of the Svitinsky district council raised
the issue of peasant unions during the re‐elections in Voronovskaya
parish.
Resurrection u. In the village. Krasnovidovo Pavlovsk parish On May
22, in a teahouse, while talking about the closed Aleksin factory, the
peasant Bukashkin said: “That is why we are not allowed a peasant
union, that they are afraid of us, because we have a lot of strength, and
if we were in a union, we would show how close the factory, and,
besides, our union would protect us from an unbearable tax, otherwise
the Soviet government does not see how and in what situation the
peasant is. Whether you are strong or not, but drive the agricultural tax,
and if there was an alliance, he would show them from whom to take,
and from whom wait. ʺ Bukashkin is a moonshiner.
421
Kursk lips. April 17. At the volost non‐party conference in the village of
Ivanovo, Lgovsky district. the peasant Gridin said in his speech: ʺIt is
necessary to liquidate the Soviets and organize peasant unions in their
place.ʺ After a series of speeches by delegates, the conference did not
agree with Gridinʹs proposal.
The peasants of the vil. Kuchino, Stulovo and Pakhnovo of Sominskaya
vol., Where such interviews are mainly arranged, since the members of
the group live in these villages. All like‐minded people come from
peasants (according to their development, the leaders of the village),
some of them work at the Smerdoml glass factory.
The group intends to contact the editorial office of a local newspaper
for clarification in order to inquire about the existence of a central union
in Moscow.
Ukraine. Kiev province. May 20. In the premises of the village council
with. Martynovka of the Shevchenko district, two appeals were found,
written in Ukrainian; in the proclamations, the peasants were called
upon to prepare for May 1 for a speech and it was indicated that if they
423
were silent, then the servant, ʺthrownʺ at them by the workers, would
reign again for centuries. The appeal ends with the words: “Let us,
fellow villagers, raise our red banners on May 1 and trumpet our
worldwide trumpet ‐ villagers, unite into a great organization. Down
with the Jewish kingdom, let the preparatory movement live. ʺ
Poltava province. May 20. In with. Brialovka of the Kremenchug District
at a meeting of members of the KNU, there is a bias towards the well‐
to‐do element and there are demonstrations demanding the dissolution
of the KNU and the creation of a peasant union. Up to 12 members of
the CND were noticed in such speeches.
North Caucasus. Don district. May 1. In the city of Yeisk, a member of
the City Council S. Medvedev is working hard to create a union of grain
growers. Medvedev is closely associated with an employee of the
South‐Eastern Selbank, who is trying to move to the Yeisk Agricultural
Partnership, where it is possible to get closer to the grain growers,
Kondratenko, a former Socialist‐Revolutionary, participant of the 1st
All‐Russian Peasant Congress.
Stavropol District. May 15. In with. The winery in the RIC filed an
application from a group of peasants demanding the organization of a
peasant union to protect the interests of the peasantry, and free
cooperation, and free Soviets.
June 1st. Around May 10, two peasants came to the wine club and asked
the head of the club to review and correct an article they had for the
newspaper. The head of the club sent the submitters of the letter to the
regional executive committee; having been to the district executive
committee, the applicants turned to the district committee, where they
submitted an official application for organizing a peasant union. The
letter, called ʺDuma of a Peasant on Labor,ʺ turned out to be drawn up
by a peasant s. Winery Ponomarenko. The question of the need to create
peasant unions in the village. The winery comes from the so‐called
ʺVyshinskaya hundredʺ of this village, inhabited mostly by the poor
population. The rumor about the creation of peasant unions was among
424
the peasants even before Easter week; who first spoke about the union
is not established, the ideological inspirer of this is the peasant
Ponomarenko M.K., a middle peasant by social status, has a small farm,
a former Red Army soldier, last year he was elected a member of the
village council, but was dismissed for systematic non‐attendance at
meetings of the village council. Judging by the information collected,
Mr. Ponomarenko, in conversation with the peasants, spoke in favor of
such a state system, under which there should be no police, no courts
and other bodies of state power.
M. Ponomarenko is obviously an anarchist object. The draft and the
original of this letter are kept by Ponomarenko. Ponomarenkoʹs
associates in the case of peasant unions are: Krashenitsa Grigory, a poor
man, developed, evasive, known from the court as a malicious
person; Fedorenko Kondrat Trofimovich, middle peasant, former
sergeant major, attitude towards Soviet power is hostile, does not enjoy
authority among the peasants; Bondarenko Illarion Karpovich, an
ordinary peasant, a poor man, weak‐willed, undeveloped, sympathetic
to Soviet power; Trukhachev Stepan Gavrilovich, although he denies
his attitude to the peasant union, he claims that there is a group of 500
people in the village who wants to have a peasant union, so that the
land is not redistributed, that it is state‐owned, that there are no taxes
other than land,
We have groped for tendencies towards the organization of peasant
unions in all districts, except for the Moscow and Turkmen regions.
Here is a copy of the letter from the peasant Ponomarenko:
ʺDuma of the peasant on laborʺ (Letter to the editor)
425
the peasants, must all as one get down to business, since our fellow
workers have learned what was needed. And only then can we shake
off all the parasites from our shoulders, let them no longer roam in our
darkness. We peasants there is only one left separated, like sheep in the
field, and everyone who wants to attack us and shears us. Itʹs time for
us to get down to business ourselves. We must arrange our union. We
must arrange our own cooperation, but not the same as it now exists ‐
we have that member, and that one is not a member, contributions are
three kopecks. We must arrange for our union such cooperation so that
all members of our union would be members of the cooperative to one
person and not put three rubles in contributions, but put all their
surplus of our labor there. And so that this work we have invested in
cooperation could be appreciated by us ourselves, so that we can
establish the correct price for each pood of bread handed over, as well
as other products handed over by us. We ourselves must send all our
products of our labor wherever needed, where people cannot live
without us, and we cannot live without them. We must do a great job
with these comrades — the exchange of our peasant labor for their
factory labor. May the insatiable creatures that eternally devour our
labor no longer be gorged by our labor and our blood sweat. We can
arrange it like this: say, a member of the cooperation has invested 100
poods. wheat and received 100 rubles. a receipt for the delivery of
goods from factories and plants, each member can take what he needs
for his invested labor. You can also say this: here we have collected
100,000 poods. grain and made an agreement with the worker
comrades, they accept grain from us for 1 ruble 20 kopecks, and we,
members of our cooperation, hand over for 1 ruble, 5000 poods
immediately remain in place, which we can turn this bread wherever
we want and by 100,000 rubles. buy goods. We must arrange the correct
land use ourselves by our peasant union, all the land should be our
great peasant union; citizens in another union should not use the
land. Did our great teacher V.I. Lenin say this badly, that the land to the
one who cultivates it, and we now do it like this: our former chairman
is in the Union of employees and receives a decent salary there and
immediately receives land, which he does not works, and many such
citizens. Since you are in the Union whatever, you should not use the
land, because you don’t work, and if you don’t work, then don’t take it,
otherwise it turns out that you get from the Union for your labor, you
426
put a foot on your peasant comrade, so that he would work for you for
the land that you did not create it. And if anyone wants to receive and
cultivate the land, then we ask to our peasant union, no one will
contradict. We have to arrange so that we do not have horseless
peasants in our peasant union, and we must give them great help to our
fellow peasants, former grain growers ruined by war, revolution and
hunger. We must arrange so that in two years all the poor peasants will
work on their own horses, both with their own labor and in their
fields. How can this be done? Thatʹs how. We will declare our union the
lease of land for one year, and if possible, then for two years, no more,
and put the price of 3 rubles. for a tithe, and reach the surrender of land
as much as anyone needs up to those limits, if only according to the
census there were no obstacles to anyone. The poor can be given land
for free for the same period of up to two years, and given how much he
can work with his labor. For example, we leased the land for two years
and dismantled 20,000 dess. Here we already got 120,000 rubles, now
we still have a profit to put 1 ruble. per horse, 1 rub. [for a cow], for a
bull 50 kopecks, the same sheep; If you take it right into account, then
there will be many shares, and we must distribute this money among
the poor peasants for the purchase of horses, bulls, cows, etc. and give
them either irrevocably or for 10 years without interest. I think ‐ in this
way we will arrange a bright life for the people. Now, comrades
peasants, we must give a part of the fleet, etc. And I think that this
would have ended all those taxes in kind that have been borne by us to
this day. If we arrange this, give ourselves great help to our fellow
peasants, then I think our government will allow us to do those bright
deeds for the lives of all citizens, and if we don’t do this, then we will
not see anything good. Finishing my thought, although not soon, my
desire will be fulfilled.
Long live the great alliance of the multimillion peasantry.
Long live the great alliance of the workers and peasants of all countries.
Tendencies towards the organization of peasant unions were noted in
all districts of the district, except for the Moscow and Turkmen regions.
427
Volga region. Penza lips. In Lomovskaya parish. N. Lomovsky In a
conversation with a group of peasants, the secretary of the Sero‐
Plyuchinsky village council, Podboronov, said: “The Soviet
government, which had promised a lot to the people, as a result did not
give anything, but oppressed by unbearable taxes; but look at the
worker ‐ he is united in his Unions, which firmly stand for the workers,
give an organized rebuff in case of any violence, but the peasant is
scattered and he needs to demand the organization of an alliance for
liberation from the yoke of rapists ”; the peasants present fully
supported Podboronov.
In Luninskaya Vol. Penza u. The peasantry, faced with the question of
not hiring them as not members of the trade union, is extremely angry
against the workers and alarmed by the anti‐Soviet element, at
meetings they demand the immediate organization of peasant unions.
2. Terror of the kulaks
429
down. The cell secretary himself was beaten during the fire. While
extinguishing the fire, deliberate damage to the fire engine was
discovered. Threats were heard to set fire to the houses of other party
members.
430
Poltava province. In with. In Petrivtsi, a woman was killed and a man
(Ivashchenkoʹs husband and wife) was wounded because they were
active participants in land management. It was established that
Ivashchenko was elected village correspondent at the meeting, after
which he gave notes to the newspaper ʺChervona Lubenshchinaʺ,
passing them through the village council. In one of these notes, he
pointed to the appropriation by the chairman of the village council of
winnowing machines, threshers and seeders selected during
dispossession of kulaks, and also informed about the harboring of land
by the chairman and secretary of the village council from taxation. Of
these notes, only one got into the newspaper, on which the
investigation was conducted. In addition to these notes, Ivashchenko
filed allegations of abuse with the REC, but there the complaint was not
given a move, allegedly for lack of corpus delicti. During the land
management, Ivaschenko, together with 1/7 of the village, stood out in
a wedge, but when the village remained dissatisfied with such a
division, Ivashchenko came out of the wedge and began work with the
unearthed part of the village for the general land management. On this
basis, the village administration accused him of clandestine lawyer
work, forgeries, etc., and then the chairman of the KNS and the
secretary of the RLKSM called Ivashchenko into a separate room and
threatened to kill him if he did not quit his land management job. The
murderers were three Komsomol members, and behind them, as a
participant who supplied weapons, is the chairman of the KNS Finenko
(party member). The murder was preceded by a drinking binge, in
which the killers and the chairman of the CND took part. The killers
shot at Ivashchenko twice at point‐blank range, the first bullet
wounded him in the chest, the second hit the forehead bone, made a
ricochet, and Ivashchenko survived. The participants in the murder,
without suspecting it, killed his wife with two shots, to hide the traces
of the crime. It has been established that the peasants of the village are
strongly terrorized.
3. The mood of the poor and former partisans
ʺOrder No. 7
§ 1. Here, comrades Bolsheviks, you crushed the peasants with a stone,
you put them on a train ... so that they cannot stand up with all their
feet and they can no longer live.
§ 2. You demobilized the Red Army, you let them out of the Red Army
naked and you don’t give any help. What do you think, if a worldwide
revolution breaks out, then you do not exist, then we take rifles and go
against you, we have to go because you deceived us at every step? What
do you think, whom are you fooling, you exist through us, when we
stood guard and looked vigilantly towards the enemy, but it did not
work out that way ‐ it is not the enemy whom you call enemies, the
enemy is the one who took us away from the plow and from their own
mothers who were left without a piece of bread and the authorities do
not pay attention to it?
§ 3. We, the Red Army men of 1901, confirm that if you don’t check our
farms and don’t give help, we will go against you and crush that leper
dog that did all this. During this holiday we will issue 40 leaflets against
the authorities.
§ 4. The demobilized Red Army men join the Mensheviks and all the
peasants.
§ 5. Whoever finds it, read it and pass it on to another comrade, and we
also ask you ‐ raise an uprising, we are with you, and we will help you.
Help us and join us, we are with you, waiting for you.
Demobilized Red Army soldiers. ʺ
432
Altai lips. On the night of April 20‐21 in the village. Ust‐Talmak
Soloneshensky district, Biysk u. a grenade was thrown into the house
of the Old Believer priest Cherepanov, where the prayer was taking
place, from the rupture of which one of those present was killed, the
other four were wounded, two were seriously and two were light.
Discussing what had happened, the peasants unanimously accused the
local cell of the RCP (b), pointing out that the latter did it on the basis
of a struggle against religiosity. Proceeding from this, the peasants
demanded the arrest of all members of the cell and part of the poor who
were marching with the cell. The chairman of the village council
summoned the secretary of the RCP cell, Bulygin, to the village council,
who was told the opinion of the peasants that the cell was a participant
in the murder and that the peasants wanted to arrest all the members
of the cell and part of the poor who followed the cell before the police
arrived.
Bulygin rejected participation in the murder of the cell and said that he
would not let the cell members be arrested. At this time, those who
arrived from the scene reported that they found traces leading from the
window into which a grenade was thrown to the apartment of Sysoev
Peter, a candidate for party membership. Upon receipt of this news, the
village council organized a commission consisting of the chairman of
the village council Zinoviev, local citizens Efimov, Sysoev Isak,
Makariev Kalistrat (all wealthy, of the Old Believersʹ faith), Bulygin (cell
secretary) and Makariev Antip (party member), which, following
traces, reached houses of Sysoev Peter. The peasants accompanying the
commission began to demand the arrest of all members of the cell,
indicating that the murder was committed by the latter, and if not
arrested, then they (members of the RCP) would cover the traces of the
crime.
Bulyginʹs assertion that the cell was not to blame, and it is not known
whether Sysoev was guilty, did not help, the peasants insisted on their
own. Bulygin then agreed to isolate the members of the cell. The village
council decided to search the members of the cell and part of the poor
and arrest all members of the cell, except for those who participated in
the commission Bulygin and Makariev. Some of the members of the cell
433
and the poor were detained in the village council, some were subjected
to house arrest under the supervision of peasants‐Old Believers.
On the third day of the investigation, Sysoev confessed that he had
thrown a grenade into the prayer room without the participation of
anyone. Sysoev explained the reason that prompted the crime with
revenge for suspecting the Old Believers of counter‐revolutionary
activities.
In fact, Sysoevʹs anger against the Old Believers, according to him and
the testimony of the peasants, lies in the fact that the local Old Believers,
since 1920, have been constantly persecuting and mocking him as an
outcast of their environment. So, in 1920, local Old Believers Sysoev
was suspected of stealing a bridle, hung on the gate and beaten; after
the death of Sysoevʹs father, his uncle Cherepanov Nazar (an Old
Believer) seized part of Sysoevʹs fatherʹs property ‐ 16 beehives, books
for 3000 rubles. and so on. In the same 1920 in the village. Ust‐Kalmak,
with the participation of Sysoev, searches were carried out in order to
identify weapons and military uniforms, which later served to increase
the hated attitude towards him. Peasants‐Old Believers considered it
humiliating to talk to him, meetings of Old Believers with him were
always accompanied by ridicule and abuse at his address. All this,
Sysoev pointed out, and that,
Sysoev ‐ a peasant with. Ust‐Talmak, 21 years old, the son of a local Old
Believer priest (self‐baptized) 172, Sysoevʹs father was killed in 1919 by
partisans on suspicion of him being connected with the Kolchak
authorities. After the death of his father, Sysoev began to visit the
family of his sister, who married a communist, and gradually
succumbed to the influence of her husband in the sense of a gradual
departure from the ideology of the Old Believer environment. After the
overthrow of the Kolchak region, Sysoev joined the party in 1920,
entered the service in the food detachment in 1921, and three months
later transferred from the food detachment to the troops of ChON 173,
where he took part in suppressing the bandit movement in the
Soloneshensky region.
In 1922, after the liquidation of the gangs, Sysoev returned home and
was engaged in peasant farming; in view of the fact that he lost his
membership card, he, at the suggestion of a newcomer to the
434
village. Ust‐Talmak instructor of the party committee, it was necessary
to re‐join the party; however, Sysoev did not do this, and thus was
considered mechanically to have dropped out of the party. In Leninʹs
week 153, which was held by the Biysk Ukom at the beginning of 1925,
Sysoev joined the party as a candidate, approved by the district
committee, but the Ukom had not yet been approved by the Ukom
before the crime was committed.
From the moment of unification, an economic struggle began between
the two societies, fueled by discord of religious beliefs. The struggle
went along the line of a dispute over land, since the Makarovites
possessed a large amount and better quality of land, over pastures for
grazing cattle, because of the distribution of allotments within the
village, taxation, volsboros and other self‐taxation. The struggle
between the Talminians and the Makarovites was especially acute
during the last campaign of re‐elections to the Soviets; at the pre‐
election meeting, the well‐to‐do element managed to seize the meeting,
then the communists, Komsomol members and a significant part of the
poor peasants, Talmin residents, left the meeting. The well‐to‐do, using
this opportunity, closed the meeting, recording the minutes that the
meeting was disrupted by the cell.
At the re‐elections themselves, which took place on November 22, there
were no Makarov leaders Zinoviev (now the chairman of the village
council), Sysoev Isak (a member of the village council commission who
initially investigated the crime), Tupyakov Savva (a former party
member who came out in 1920, middle peasant, old believer, in 1920
was the chairman of the village council) and several others who drank
in a neighboring village on the occasion of a wedding with an old
believer. Thanks to their absence at the re‐election meeting, the
435
Talminites won the victory and brought four Talminians and one
Makarovite, a party member Antip Makariev, to the village
council. Among the Talmin residents, Bulygin (secretary of the cell),
Belyaev Mercury (party candidate), Bulygin Savva (non‐party middle
peasant) and Burykhin Ermolai (non‐party middle peasant) were
elected to the village council.
When the head of the Makarovites returned after drinking and learned
that the Communists and Talminians had won the elections to the
village council, they began to campaign among the Makarovites that
the village council was elected incorrectly, that less than 75% of the total
population participated in the elections. As a result of the agitation, an
application was submitted to the regional executive committee, signed
by 130 people, exclusively from Makarovites, demanding to declare the
elections illegal and appoint new elections to the village council. The
regional executive committee satisfied this demand. The cell,
dissatisfied with the decision of the district executive committee,
decided to boycott the new elections, and at the re‐election meeting the
cell not only did not put up its list, but even the whole, together with
the Komsomol organization and part of the poor people of Talmin
residents at the re‐election meeting, refused to participate in the re‐
election, explaining its refusal to vote by, that at this meeting the
number of those gathered was no more than at the previous one. The
village council was elected exclusively from the Makarovites ‐ well‐to‐
do, non‐party, Old Believers, and only a member of the party Makariev
Antip, a Makarovite, nominated by the Makarovites themselves, was
elected as a candidate for membership in the Village Council.
The newly elected village council immediately took the line of
orientation towards the Makarovites, the village council itself, which
had previously been in the Talminsky building, was transferred to
Makarovka, and the newly elected chairman of the village council
Zinoviev gave his house for free for the village council
building. Contrary to the order of the regional executive committee on
the allotment of land to the visiting peasants, which previously
belonged to the Makarov settlement, the village council did not carry
out this order. In connection with the onset of the moment of pasturing
livestock for pasture and the need to fence off arable fields from
pastures, the village council tried to shift a significant part of the work
436
on the garden to the Talmin residents, and in this case it met stubborn
resistance of the latter. The poor old believers from Talminka, who
blocked at the re‐election meeting with the Makarovites, assessing the
work of the new village council, said: “Here we have chosen the kulak
council, flayers, you are on our neck and go. Communists correctly told
us that the village council should be elected from among the poor. ʺ
The rural cell of the RCP and the Komsomol organization consist, in
addition to one member of the party Makariev‐Makarovtsa, from
Talʹmina. The cell and the Komsomol, releasing the middle peasant part
of the village from their influence, pushing it onto a bloc with a
prosperous element, became the leaders of the poor peasants, as a result
of which the Talminians always prevailed at village gatherings before
the re‐elections of the village council when resolving issues. At the
same time, the cell struck at the cultivation of the peasantry, attributing
the label ʺkulakʺ indiscriminately to all, even the diligent peasants.
The aggravation of relations between the cell and the middle peasant
and well‐to‐do part of the village was further deepened by the wrong
organization of the anti‐religious work of the cell: constant ridicule by
the cell members about the religiosity of the Old Believers, frequent
instructions to the Old Believers that they could not pray without
permission from the police, and there were cases when, for example, in
1923, a member of the cell, the chairman of the village council
Kazazayev summoned an old believer priest to the village council and
took away his signature that he would not hold prayer meetings
without the permission of the police; in 1925, shortly before Easter, a
member of the cell, Sindyakin, came to the prayer house of the Old
Believers in order to check the audience.
The latest re‐elections to the village council, which ended in the defeat
of the cell and knocked the cell out of the ʺcommand heightʺ along the
Soviet line, especially pushed the cell to anti‐religious work.
Under the influence of such a general mood, Sysoev Peter, who linked
the defeat of the cell with his personal grievances from wealthy Old
Believers, decided to commit a crime, and it is possible that the moment
that formalized in the mind of Sysoev [the decision] to throw a grenade
was a conversation in the apartment of Vasily Belyaev (candidate for
membership RCP), albeit with a humorous content, as Sysoev puts it,
437
about a bomb, where Belyaev expressed in a conversation that Easter is
coming up now, Kerzhaks (Old Believers) will gather to pray and it
would be nice to throw a bomb. Participation in the crime of the cell as
a whole or of its individual members, except for Sysoev, has not been
established, but that the members of the cell generally sympathize with
this act, it follows from the fact that one of the cell members, when the
peasants evaluated Sysoevʹs act as hooliganism, answered that it was
not hooliganism,
On the night of the first day of Easter, i.e., from 19 to 20 April 1924, in
the village. Borovlyanki, Baschelaksky district, Biysk u. two local
peasants Pavletsov and Buinov (the first middle peasant, the second
farm laborer) were killed.
The commission that went to the scene of the incident found that the
following were involved in the murder: 1) Korchagin Fedor, secretary
of the RCP cell, party member since 1920, 2) Shestakov, party member
since 1920, former partisan, 3) Astana Ivan, member party since 1920,
former partisan, 4) Lubyagin Pavel, party member since 1920, former
partisan, 5) Usov Anton, party member since 1920, former partisan and
Chonovets, 6) Usov Procopiy, non‐partisan, former partisan , poor man,
7) Egor Usov, 18 years old, non‐partisan, the son of a middle peasant,
lives with his father, 8) Grigory Lubyagin, 23 years old, non‐partisan,
poor peasant, 9) Alexey Terentyev, 18 years old, non‐partisan, poor
peasant, 10) Afanasy Lubyagin, non‐partisan , a poor man, on
mobilization he served with Kolchak, under Soviet power he served in
the militia.
The very fact of the murder took place under the following
circumstances: on the first day of Easter, the murdered Pavletsov was
invited to visit the peasant Lubyagin Afanasy, in addition to Lubyagin,
Pavletsov was visiting Pastukhov Vasily, Butakov and other local
peasants, who, getting drunk, beat Lubyagin out of revenge for the
Christmas fight and took off his boots. Having escaped, Lubyagin ran
to the village council and announced what had happened to the
chairman of the village council, Subbotin (a poor man, a former
partisan), who was there, the latter immediately gave the order to the
village executive Baikalov (a non‐partisan, poor man) to help out and
bring the horse left by Lubyagin in the fence of Pavletsovʹs
438
house. Fulfilling the order, Baikalov, accompanied by Lubyagin, went
to Pavletsovʹs house, but on the way he was met by the above company,
consisting of Pastukhov, Butakov and others, and with the words: ʺAnd
we are looking for youʺ, was thrown from his horse and beaten
unconscious. The chairman of the village council and member of the
party Zhestyakov, who learned about this, gathered the above‐
mentioned participants in the murder, the latter armed themselves with
all the weapons they had and went to look for the participants in the
beating. Approaching Pavletsovʹs house, they fired a preliminary shot
into the air, after which they offered to open the door. The door was
opened by a farm laborer Buinov, who had accidentally spent the night
at Pavletsovʹs passage from another village, who was immediately
killed by a rifle shot from a rifle; Having finished with Buinov, the
company entered the house and, finding the owner Pavletsov lying on
the bed, killed him with the second shot from the rifle. Hearing the
shots, Pastukhov, Butakov and others who were at that time in another
house, fearing to be killed, fled.
From the conversations of the peasants, the commission found out that
there are 147 householders in the village, of which 20 are middle
peasants, the rest are poor. Under Kolchak, almost all those capable of
carrying weapons participated in partisan detachments, and later in
Chonovski detachments to eliminate gangs. The village, due to the
distance, is almost completely cut off from the district center,
abandoned and remained by itself all the time. Not only the peasants,
but also the cell as a whole, have absolutely no idea in the village about
the existing revolutionary legality. In the village, moonshine, revelry,
disgrace and fights were firmly established in the village, in which the
cell itself takes part. Members of the latter are engaged in forcing
moonshine, drunkenness and fights on a par with non‐party
peasants. And due to the fact that individual members in each such case
used weapons,
S. Borovlyanka even before the revolution was famous for his
hooliganism and especially fist fights. On this basis, the village was
divided into two camps ‐ ʺupʺ (residents living in the upper part of the
village) and ʺdownʺ (living in the lower part), and Vasily Pastukhov (a
poor man, a former partisan, serves as the leaders and leaders of the
upper part) in Chonʹs detachments, was a party member, but left the
439
party in 1921) and Butakov (middle peasant, partisan, serves in Chonʹs
detachments, was in the party, but left in 1921). From the testimony of
the peasants, it is clear that everyone was afraid of Pastukhov and
Butakov: if they are drunk, then, according to the peasants, do not get
caught ‐ they will definitely beat them. To characterize them, you can
add the fact that they were twice convicted by popular court on charges
of hooliganism and fights. There is a society decree to evict them from
the village as vicious, undesirable and generally harmful element. The
leader of the lower part of the village is Shestakov (a party member
since 1920, a partisan, participated in the liquidation of gangs in Gorny
Altai). The peasants speak of him in the same way as of Pastukhov and
Butakov.
Before the revolution, fistfights often took place, but during the
revolution, due to the fact that almost the entire village was drawn into
partisan detachments, reconciliation occurred between the two warring
camps. From the moment Pastukhov and Butakov left the party, clashes
between “top” and “bottom” begin again, for example, if Pastukhov or
someone from his company in a drunken state meets someone from the
lower part, then he is immediately beaten, and vice versa. It is
characteristic to note that Pastukhovʹs company included almost the
majority of the middle peasants, and due to the fact that the cell
consisted of residents of the lower part, the middle peasants living
below, thanks to their hostility to the cell, for a number of reasons
supported the “top”.
The first serious skirmish took place on Christmas Day 1924. On this
holiday, a company headed by Pastukhov gathered for a drink at
Grigory Korobeinikov, who lives in the lower part of the middle
peasant, and Pavletsov, now killed and his relative Sosnin Serapion,
who was adjacent to this block, also came here on horseback. After
drinking, Pavletsov and Sosnin, leaving the fence of Korobeinikovʹs
house, met several young guys on the street, offered the latter to go for
a drive with them, the youth agreed. But as soon as they got into the
sleigh, Sosnin drove the horse, and Pavletsov, by striking them in the
face, began to throw them out of the sleigh. To protest against this, a
noise arose on the part of the youth, the Pastukhovs with a company
came out of the house of Korobeinikov to shout, and, having learned
what was the matter, began to beat up the youth, among whom there
440
was a part of the Komsomol the latter immediately reported the
incident to the cell. The latter reacted to this in the following way:
quickly gathering its members and members of the youth union, as well
as part of the non‐party poor peasants who stood on the side of the cell,
among the latter was Baikalov (beaten by Pastukhov and his company
on Easter), and armed with rifles, with pitchforks, and some of them
simply by hassles, they came to the place of the fight, where, due to
their relative numbers and superiority in weapons, they easily coped
with the company led by Pastukhov, which, due to the small number,
was thoroughly beaten and forced to hastily retreat and take refuge in
Korobeinikovʹs house. Further events and the siege of the house of the
latter is depicted as follows: the communists quickly organized a
headquarters next to the besieged house. Nikolai Usov, a party member
since 1920, was appointed chief of staff.174 against the gangs of
Kaigarodov, posts were set up on all roads and written passes were
installed. According to Usovʹs testimony, at the same time the
messenger was brought to the notice of the incident to the head of the
district police in the village. Bashelake that there is a riot in the village
of the well‐to‐do, who beat party members and Komsomol
members. The courier who returned said that the head of the district
police was absent, his deputy senior policeman Artamonov (now
arrested for a crime ex officio), refused to go to the scene, and sent a
note in which he suggested that the rioters should not be arrested, but
shot on the spot. Having received the note, the opinion of the party
members split into two parts, one part was against executions, the other
for executions, the latter indicated that since the police wrote, we must
comply, since the police are responsible for this, but in view of the fact
that that the chief of staff Usov was also against the shootings, who
even threatened that if the shootings took place, he would resign from
his powers given to him as chief of staff; it was decided not to carry out
executions, but to confine themselves only to shots in the air. The next
morning Pastukhov with a company of 8 people surrendered, after
which they were sent to the district police station (Bashelak village), but
the latter were soon released and returned back. After that, there were
still several small fights. but the latter were soon released and
returned. After that, there were still several small fights.
441
As a result, the commission came to the conclusion that the combination
of all the above reasons led to the event that took place on the night of
April 19‐20. g.
From a survey of a number of peasants by the commission, it was also
established that the village is currently experiencing the same situation
as it was during the gangster movement; peasants, fearing each other,
sleep in the hills and baths. When asked by the commission to one
peasant (middle peasant) why he does not sleep at home, but
somewhere in the mountains, he replied: “If Pavletsov had not slept at
home, he would have been alive.”
The village is 12 versts distant from the regional center (now the
regional center, previously the volost). However, over the past two
years, none of the higher bodies (even the district committee) has been
to the cell, the cell has not received and does not receive a single
newspaper, naturally, in such conditions of abandonment and the
absence of leadership of the Party organs, the cell was drifting with the
flow, driven by the breeze of war communism.
The cell was engaged in administration, command, the cell was a
monopoly on official posts in Soviet and public work, the cell was
power and, maneuvering with tax rebates, it escaped the tax itself and
led some of the poor peasants of the lumpen‐proletarian coloring,
which irritated the rest of the peasantry.
The atmosphere of fights and hooliganism forced the cell to be
constantly under martial law, such vigilance allowed the cell to
instantly create, in the full sense of the word, an ʺactive military
organizationʺ in a Christmas fight.
In such a situation, the cell, of course, broke away from the peasant
masses, closed within itself, went to closed meetings, about which the
local peasants say something like this: “Who knows what they (the
442
communists) talk about at their meetings, maybe they decide, who
should be killed. ʺ
The cell is drinking, driving moonshine, taking part in fights. It is
characteristic that when in March with. Mr. the secretary of the cell was
in the district committee, then the instructor of the district committee
talked with him the whole night about the new course of the party in
the work of the village; the next morning, leaving the district
committee, the secretary of the cell said that he did not agree with the
partyʹs course and believed that with this course the party would give
the kulaks and counter‐revolutionaries an opportunity to seize power
and deal with the communists.
DVO. Transbaikal lips. In the city of Sretensk on May 10, two
proclamations were removed from the telegraph poles with the
following content: 1. “Down with the commune and down with the
Komsomol, long live the old partisans, partisan detachments, thatʹs
enough, we have suffered, down with”. 2. ʺTime has passed, down with
slavery, long live freedom, beat the communists, save yourself from the
yoke of the commune.ʺ
On May 11, a letter (Sretensk) addressed to the workers of Steinʹs
printing house was seized with the following content.
May Day responses.
ʺFinally, the memory of Pogo daev (the commander of the partisan
division) was honored, joy burns in our hearts, when the banners are
bowed, they sing over the one who honestly fell.ʺ
“Comrades.
From the rostrum on May 1 belated praises of the partisan were heard,
they remembered his exploits, his heroic victories. Yes, the partisan
won his freedom with his blood. Lacking a rifle in his hands, with his
courage he fought off carts, procured weapons and food. But what did
the partisan get? He was basely deceived, thrown overboard, ruined,
thrown into prison, many were shot ‐ this is the reward the partisan
received. A crowd of bandits, who came to the ready, settled on a
hundred‐ruble salary and drinks the labor blood of a peasant. Some
confiscate his property and sell it robbed in the middle of the day
443
without a price, while they themselves shout, we will destroy the poor,
strengthen agriculture. From the words of the speaker (at the rally on
May 1) it is clear that the struggle is close, that it is inevitable, capital is
advancing. The partisan, if the hour of struggle strikes, will again leave
the plow, leave the family and rush to fight with fierce force. He will
beat those who outraged him, they ruined him, threw him into prison,
he does not wish for the best from the victories to come ‐ he has already
experienced another freedom. But for the desecrated native land,
everyone has a thirst for merciless revenge, from the rostrum, in clubs,
corners everywhere you can hear ʺLenin, Lenin, Leninism.ʺ What is
Lenin? A figurehead, a Jew hireling, a fugitive convict who smashed
the power of Russia, made libertines and libertines out of young men
and wives, out of children ‐ at the corners of the dying homeless ‐ these
are the exploits of Lenin.
Long live the coming struggle, long live the red partisans” (no
signature).
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
APPENDIX 4
LAND MANAGEMENT
1. The struggle of the peasantry for land
Kursk lips. At the Rakitin non‐partisan conference of Borisov u. it was
decided by a majority of votes to take away the land from the sugar
factories and distribute it to the peasants. A member of the Tomarovsky
village council, the Lesnichy, actively campaigned for this
proposal. The decision was recorded in the protocol, and the peasants
are waiting for the results.
444
Belarus. In March, the foreman of the Peat Plant of the Minsk City
Power Plant Leibman measured the swamp adjacent to the swamp of
peat factories on the banks of the river. Tsny in the Minsk district,
which, according to the available permission, was to go into
development. To meet them from the village. A crowd of peasants
came out of the swamp, which did not allow the swamp to be
measured, tore up the exposed pickets and milestones, declaring that
they would not give swamps until they were given land in return.
Poltava province. In the Priluksky district, land hijackers ‐ kulaks use, in
order to disrupt land management, the method of intimidating
peasants with anonymous notes, which is especially developed in the
Turov district. Most often, they threaten to ʺlet the red roosterʺ, murder,
etc. In some places, the kulaks scare them with a “power coup,” stating
that after the coup, those who divided the land will pay the price.
Podolsk lips. In with. For the tribusovka of the Tulchinsky district, the
kulaks, fearing that the land was being hidden, have grouped together
and are waging a stubborn struggle against land management. There
was a case when fists on the field knocked out an eye of a non‐
chewer. Nezamozhniki tied up the leader of this group of kulaks and
brought him to the village council. At the meeting of the KNS, there
was talked to arm themselves with scythes and to step on the kulaks.
Kiev province. In with. Due to land confusion, many wives of the Red
Army men and widows were left without land in the stupichnom of the
Shevchensky district. In the fields, the non‐chewers quarrel with their
fists every day, and sometimes it comes to mutilation, and at night they
expect the possibility of arson. In early April, the non‐chewers (who
exactly has not yet been established) set fire to the kulak economy.
Kharkiv province. In the Sumy Okrug, in the villages of Belikovka,
Ternakh, Tokaryakh and M.‐Chernetschyn, land management is
hampered by kulaks who operate in an organized way; so, in
with. Ternach organized a group of 100 kulaks, who self‐taxed to hire a
lawyer; in the village. Belikovka organized a group of well‐to‐do
people from 50 families, which petition for the return of the land taken
away during dispossession. This group also self‐taxed to hire a lawyer.
445
In the villages of Luchikovka, Markovka, Golubovka and
Khut. Serobabin elected well‐to‐do peasants as commissioners for land
management, who hired a lawyer to conduct a case on leaving their
land (since they are multi‐land). The lawyer they hired took a deposit
of 800 rubles from them. and supposedly left for Kharkov.
Kiev province. In the Shevchensky Okrug, the issue with the selection of
surpluses is becoming more and more acute, this is especially
noticeable in Malo‐Kaligorsky, Medvinsky and partly Kishensky
districts. The reason for the aggravation was that the organization of
the KNS, when transferring dispossessed land to the non‐spawners, did
it without the approval of the court commission and did not draw up
any acts. By virtue of the last resolution of the center, a certain period is
set for the selected surpluses, and if by the end of this period the kulaks
will use the surplus land, then those are assigned to them. In this
regard, the organizations of the CNS have recently begun to submit
applications in large numbers for securing surpluses, but the decisions
of the OkrSudzemkomiss are often in favor of the kulaks. Non‐self‐
employed people then transfer these cases to the cassation authorities,
and in the meantime, anarchy of land use reigns in the localities. So, in
the villages of Sukhaya Kaligorka, Stupichnoye, Krasny Brod and on
the hut. In Petrovka, land‐use relations between non‐chews and kulaks
are so hostile that an insignificant reason is enough for this atmosphere
to be discharged into carnage. Members of the KNS declare that if the
kulaks do not give up their surpluses in the future and the authorities
do not pay attention to this, they will cut out all the kulaks, burn their
property, without waiting for the case to be examined by the court
commission. They also declare that the Soviet government supports the
kulaks and does not allow the surplus to be taken away from them.
Don district. In with. Kamenovsky, the new composition of the village
council, chaired by a Cossack, a former military official, created a new
land commission, which decided to reduce the allotment allocated to
the poor by four times. At the meeting, the kulaks shouted: ʺWhat is the
land for a poor man, let it go and work.ʺ
446
In with. In Novo‐Minsk, nonresident Cossacks said to the Cossacks:
“You don’t want to settle down, don’t need to, we’ll recruit an artel of
grain growers, we will take the land where we need it, and drive you
out of your farms.” In response, one of the Cossacks shouted: ʺYou are
afraid for the landlord and landlord, so take it, and do not meddle with
us, you damned bastards, otherwise we will kill you with a
pitchfork.ʺ In response, there were threats from nonresidents to set fire
to the farm. The dispute almost ended in carnage.
2. Seizure of land with fists
447
Odessa lips. In the Pervomaisky district in the village. Tauzhnoy, 200
kulaks forcibly seized their former land, in connection with this, 70
court land cases arose in the village. The kulaks threaten to kill the
members of the KNU if they take measures to get the dispossessed land
back.
In with. Mieczyslawka of the same district, 45 court land cases arose in
connection with the seizure of land by kulaks. The number of court
cases is increasing every day.
Poltava province. The fists of the dacha of the Poddubny Land Society
seize the land dispossessed from them and sow it. The non‐freemen
sent a walker to Kharkov with a complaint, bypassing all instances. In
conversations about this, the non‐cheaters say that now the kulaks have
taken over and nothing can be done with them.
Kiev province. In the Kiev district in the village. Makarovka, the land
was taken from two kulaks and given to the non‐chewers, but the
kulaks nevertheless began to cultivate their land, and when the
chairman of the KNS appeared on the field, demanding an explanation
from them, one of them grabbed an ax, trying to kill him, but the latter
managed to take the ax away. after which the kulak called for help his
two sons and two peasants, who, attacking the chairman of the KNU,
hacked him to death. The half‐dead chairman of the CNS was rescued
by the non‐chews who arrived in time.
On the hut. Staraya Buda of the Kiev district, the kulaks sowed the
surplus land taken from them, the non‐chewers turned to the police for
assistance.
In the Uman district in the village. Potter kulak Posulich seized the
surplus land taken from him, which was given to the hut‐reading room
and one widow. When the bailiff came to summon him to the village
council, he, threatening with a hunting rifle, categorically refused to
appear in the village council.
Kharkiv province. In the Sumy district of the Lebedinsky district in a
number of places, such as: in the Ryabushkinsky and Kamenovsky
village councils, kulaks seize the land previously dispossessed from
them, referring to the decree of the VIII All‐Ukrainian Congress of
Soviets on the actual land use.
448
3. Abnormalities and red tape in zemorgan
Moscow province. There are a number of abnormalities in the work of
the Sergievsky UZU. The conditions for leasing arable land and
mowing have not yet been worked out. The applications remain idle for
5‐6 months. There is no accounting for state property. Church and
private lands, being nationalized, are used by clergymen and former
servants of the landlords without any rent. There is no accounting for
subsurface resources. The land management meeting took place 2‐3
times in six months. Fictitious meeting minutes are often drawn up.
Voronezh province. Land management in the village. Losevo Bobrovsky
u., Produced by land surveyor Smirnov, was the subject of squabbles in
land societies due to incorrect delimitation. Individual societies are
deprived of the new boundaries of livestock driving and watering
during land use. Despite the approval of the plan for the delimitation
of the province, the whole society, with the exception of the Hut
citizens. Nameless and 6th hundred, categorically refuse to enter the
new borders and insist on the use of land according to the old
demarcation.
Vyatka lips. The peasants of the villages of Kosogor and Ilyinskaya
Sochnevskaya vol. Yaransky u. the amount was paid for the
measurement of the land three years ago, but land surveying work was
not carried out and land allocation records were not issued to them. The
same was noted in the villages of Palnik and Shalkov of the same
volost. Settlements of Yaransky u. ‐ V. Beloe, Malkovo, Shopory and
Rasputinskoe renegotiated contracts twice due to the increase in the
cost of land management work and now they are summoned to the
county for the third time for the same, although they paid the first two
times 30% of the cost of the work, and with the third call lost hope not
only for the measurement of the land, but also for getting their money.
Smolensk lips. Land disorder in Demidov district among the peasants it
grows and often comes almost to open clashes, which is caused by the
abuses of land managers and the red tape of the land authorities. On
this basis, in the villages of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Kotovshchina
Demidovo‐Prigorodnaya Vol. the peasants have not sowed the entire
area for a number of years, since the surveyor, dividing the land, draws
up a plan for six months; in the uzem department this plan with queues
449
is considered for five months, after which it is sent to the gubernia, but
the kulaks, buying time for sowing, file complaints, again six months
pass. GubZU returns the case with a complaint back to the UZU for
revision, where the queues are again looked through for three months,
and as a result, it is resolved on the basis of Art. 218. Land
Code 177... This article became a scourge for the majority of the
peasantry. Thanks to this, the second Kotovschina did not sow a winter
wedge last year, and also a spring wedge during the current sowing
campaign. Land surveyor of Demidov UZU Lifets, performing land
surveying work in the villages of Ivashnevo, Gorodnya, Panovo and
Skugarevo Troitskaya Vol. Last autumn, received money from peasants
for work without a receipt, did not finish the work, did not hand over
the money to the UZU. Peasants condemn UZU, demanding either the
completion of work, or the return of money.
Armavir district. On the hut. Gorkaya Balka, land surveyor Chervyakov
arranged real drunken orgies. Once he made a widow who turned to
him for help to dance naked in front of him, promising to give a better
land for this. The peasants of the farm filed 64 applications against him
addressed to the prosecutor. Chervyakov is still free, and no measures
are being taken.
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
APPENDIX 5
CONDITION OF AREAS OF NON‐NATURAL
Centre. Tambov province. In the villages of Rasskazovskaya parish. The
consequences of the hunger strike are extremely strong, in the villages
of Picher, Verkhne‐Spasskoe, Grachevka, Podosklyay, Gurovo,
Alekseevka, Staraya Lyada and Nizhne‐Spasskoe. In the villages
450
mentioned above, 5‐6 people die every day, especially children. In
with. NizhneSpasskoe May 23 p. Mr. D. Ya. Balabaev suffocated from
hunger. By Rasskazovskaya Vol. a commission for the examination of
the starving was organized, which included a doctor, but as a result of
an examination in the village. Gurovo starving people account for 60%,
of which 15% are sick and will not recover.
In with. Ternovka Ternovskaya parish Borisoglebsky u. at the general
meeting of peasants held on May 6 of this year. the peasants who made
speeches expressed their dissatisfaction with the Soviet government
and the Communist Party, saying: “If the local government does not
petition to send us bread, why are the communists, our defenders,
silent, not informing the center of our hunger situation? We couldnʹt
stand the strength, we ask you to give us bread, or else it will be
autocratic to the State Bank, let them shoot us then, it is easier for us to
die from a bullet than starving. ʺ The peasants greeted the message of
the authorities that no grain would be dispensed in the next two days:
“Letʹs go with black posters to the state grain elevators for grain; when
we had bread, several representatives came to us almost every day,
explaining the state of the state, we believed them, went to meet,
It is noted that peasants gather in a crowd to rich kulaks in order to
select grain from the latter without permission; so, for example, in
with. Gladyshevo peasants, together with SKKOV, went to the priest of
the Gladyshev Society, from whom they took about 30 poods. bread
451
with the words: ʺWhen we have it, then we will give it back,ʺ along the
way with the bread they carried away a ham from the ceiling. In
with. Volkhonshchina, Kamensk parish. on the cuts of a rich old man,
the peasants unloaded about 100 poods. rye. In Yasnevyi Kusty, the
peasants took about 30 poods of rye from the prosperous peasant
Semiletov, in the village. Bolshaya Danilovka Mordovian parish. bread
was unloaded in six yards.
In Lipetsk u. due to famine, 290 fires have recently been recorded. Up
to 100 heads of cattle, 2 old men, one woman were burnt; especially
frequent fires in the village. New in Gryazinsky par.
In Borisoglebsk u. agitation is underway for the poor with a red flag to
rob the well‐to‐do, hiding grain reserves and not lending bread (village
Gubarai). In with. Sukmanovka peasant woman, who was denied
bread, came to the VIK and began to shout: ʺGive us a king.ʺ Such cases
were noted in Uvarovskaya, Bolshe‐Alabukhskaya, Muchkapskaya
volosts. Arson is becoming more frequent in many volosts. In
with. Mordove Tokarevskoy par. burnt down 70 houses in the
village. Potrebovke Fedorovskaya Vol. 8 houses burned down, the first
to catch fire was the house of the candle elder, from whom the peasants
asked for bread.
452
Voronezh province. Widow with children s. Glory to Usmansky u. feeds
exclusively on carrion of a horse that has died of hunger from a fellow
villager. In addition to consumption, the population of the villages of
Veselovka and Novo‐Cherkutinsky of the same Usmansky district
fell. he also feeds on bard from the Pushkin winery, which is obtained
with great difficulty; an employee of the winery lost a cow from
anthrax, the crowd, waiting to receive the bard, did not allow the body
to be buried and took the carrion home. In with. Pushkino, one woman
who ate carrion died.
According to the Usmansky PEC for March, of the total population in
the district in need of food aid, there are 16,467 households with 72,065
eaters, which was 24% of households and 21% of the total
population. Of the indicated number of farms, 7188 have no livestock,
6096 farms (including those with livestock) do not have any income.
During the transaction in the village council, citizens complained about
Malikov because he bought too cheaply, and Mrs. Barabasheva was
afraid that the transaction would not be upset.
In the area of Dobrinskaya and Talitskaya volosts, 25% of the
population is sowing on the basis of an onerous deal with prosperous
farms. So, 15% are sowed by renting it out and 10% are renting half of
their land, and the rented rest of the land undertakes to plow, sow, and
the harvesting back falls on the shoulders of the rented poor.
453
Oryol lips. In the Ladiesʹ parish. Eletsky u. difficult situation in 7
districts, people swell, and in Kamenskaya Vol. 85% go hungry, there
are cases of swelling in 3 villages [and] 6 starvation deaths. The people
are so angry that they will commit any crimes. In addition, in
Dolgorukovskaya vol. the hungry eat uncooked pulp from the treacle
plant, the pulp is disassembled from the pits, where up to 800 people
accumulate, everyone immediately climbs into the pits, and there was
a case when some could not get out with buckets. Assisted at 14
pounds, eaten. Citizens go to village councils demanding bread.
In the Cossack parish. the population feeds on the wastes of the starch‐
treacle plant, in other volosts chaff, tree bark, leaves, rot, greens, and
quinoa are consumed. There were 23 deaths and 396 diseases. In the
Lama parish. 25% of the population is swollen and emaciated. 3 cases
of eating dead cattle were noticed, the existing cattle are being sold
intensively, in a short period of time the number of young animals has
decreased by 55%, adult cattle by 20‐25%.
In the village. Olki of the city of Chernykh for 3 measures of potatoes
removed 25 fathoms of the land of the spring wedge, the same in the
Cossacks, and the village councils do not know about this and the
negotiators themselves also hide.
The peasantry complains about the rise in prices for grain: “They took
from us 50‐60 kopecks, but they sell it 5 times more expensive, before
the merchants took 10 kopecks. per pood, and the state takes 2
rubles. 40 kopecks, expressing their dissatisfaction with the allegedly
inept policy of the authorities, as in the delivery of bread from
provinces that are more prosperous in terms of harvest.
In three volosts of Volkhovsky district. how the population is looking
for a way out of a difficult situation to earn money, some of those who
left the road return (coal mines), pointing out unemployment: ʺOnly
party members work, non‐party people are thrown outʺ; returning
454
home in rags, they advise others not to go. These rumors lead the
peasants to think: ʺIt is true that the factories are idle when there is no
work, and therefore unemployment, in the old days there was enough
work for everyoneʺ; returnees say that the workers are satisfied with
their situation, only low earnings. The peasantry, comparing his life
with the workers, [says that] ʺthe worker lives much better, a month has
passed ‐ he has received a salary, and the peasant has nowhere to take,
they sell cattle for tax, wherever he goes ‐ itʹs cool to the peasant.ʺ
In the Cossack parish. from 5000 poods the potatoes being worked on
by the starch scraps plant are not enough to satisfy the hungry.
There is a crowd near the plant, like in a fair, they come on horseback
and even spend the night waiting for the pulp. Pulp is released for a
fee. “The Soviet government takes money for the garbage, and earlier
this bastard was driven into the field,” the peasants say. The angry rush
into pits up to the waist in water with small children.
In the village. Luzhna Pokrovskaya Vol. the house of the chairman of
the village council Zhelyaev was burned down, arson is supposed to be
due to the non‐delivery of seeds to wealthy citizens, an inquiry is
underway.
In Dolgorukovskaya vol. Eletsky u. at midnight the house of Sadilin, a
member of the Chebotarevsky partnership, was burned down. Revenge
is assumed for the failure to issue a spring loan. In with. Nikolsky
Eletsky u. the citizen burned Riga 178 in order to obtain insurance, and
in the Berezovsky district, the number of fires increased for unknown
reasons. Reported in the State Insurance.
In with. Plosskiy Eletskiy u. There were two attempts to set fire to
Faustovʹs fist, the fire was stopped in a timely manner, the cause of the
fire was the revenge of the poor for refusing to issue aid, and according
to other sources, an attempt to use the fire to arrange a robbery.
In with. Taldino Dmitrovsky u. 65 courtyards burned down, with. Up
to mahi ‐ 116 houses, with. Borodino Volkonskaya parish ‐ 3 houses,
s. Gnezdilovo Lubyanka parish ‐ 3 houses, s. Bratsalovo ‐ 2
houses; citizens partly set fire to themselves to obtain insurance, or
mostly to settle personal accounts for various reasons.
455
In the village. Aleksandrovka Military Vol. Orlovsky u. the house of a
wealthy peasant was poured with kerosene and a grain barn was set on
fire, which contained 200 poods. bread, an investigation is underway.
In the village. Bumakovo Krasnikovskaya par. Volkhovsky u. the arson
burned down two sheds. The next night, during the general meeting, a
secondary fire broke out, up to five more barns burned down, panic
among the population. All things are loaded on carts, adults do not
sleep at night, [as] ʺthey will have to burn againʺ; arson is expected in
order to receive a premium, since the buildings are insured.
In the village. Grekova Lenin parish. Livensky u. at night, by means of
arson, two well‐to‐do households with bread were burned down,
revenge for not giving out bread is expected. Together with them, four
yards of the poor were burnt down.
In the Military Vol. Orlovsky u. the loan was given with the consent of
the society, but there was one case when the chairman of the
commission, a member of the VIK, Volobuev, issued a special order to
the former landowner Protopopova (Bashkatovskiy district) 13
poods. oats and a portion of buckwheat. The loan was given without
the knowledge of society, and the population is outraged.
In many counties, starving people are burning the buildings of the
wealthy. In the village. Grekova from arson burned down two well‐to‐
do farms with bread, along with them burned down two yards of the
poor. In with. Lavrovo Orlovsky u. 46 yards burned down. In
with. Kirovo Orlovsky u. 39 yards were burned down. The poor
threaten the wealthy with arson because they do not mutually provide
bread.
Numerous fires are reported due to hunger. The starving people set fire
to the kulak farms. In the village. Aleksandrovka Voinskoy
Vol. Orlovsky u. the house of a wealthy peasant was poured with
kerosene and a grain barn was set on fire, which contained 200
poods. of bread. In the village. ʺ3rd warriorʺ Orlovsky u. the house of
the well‐to‐do was set on fire; the door was tied with wire before the
arson. In with. Chernave Eletskiy u. fires start in several places at
once. In Kudinovskaya vol. Livensky u. three farms of wealthy
peasants were set on fire in a week.
Kursk lips. Due to crop failure, as previously reported, many peasants
of Shchigrovsky u. sent to the Donbass and to other places that have a
sufficient number of factories and plants available, but most of them
return home due to their refusal to accept them for service, as not
members of the Union. Peasant der. Krivtsovo Nizhne‐Terbuzhskaya
vol. Davydin said: “The position of our poor brother at this time is
devilish, since the fact that there is no bread, and here the prices of
bread have soared so much that you involuntarily say: where does the
government look ‐ after all, a pood of bread costs more than 3 rubles,
but perhaps for such the price is affordable for the poor to buy bread. ʺ
Due to the acute need for bakery products in the area of Borisov
parish. Borisovsky u. there is discontent on the part of all strata of the
peasantry, which blames the authorities for bringing the peasant‐grain
grower to poverty, hunger strike and final ruin. The peasantry says:
“They have taken all the time from us, taken it and brought it to a
hunger strike, and now, when we have no bread, no crops and cattle
are dying, now no one will help us and will not give us how much they
gave us seeds for sowing, how much we were given bread at a cheap
457
price. Flour for 3 rubles. 50 kopecks for a pood, and even then you have
to stand in queues for a long time. They beat my boots to go to
Borisovka for bread. ʺ The poor peasant of the provincial town of
Khatmyzhsk Kutsin said: ʺNo, they killed Nikolka and there is no
sense.ʺ To the rural authorities he said: “When you torment and
torment, you will stop sucking the last blood from us. Hunger
tortured. There is nothing to buy bread, there is only one outcome ‐ to
steal from the rich, but the main evil is that there is no work. So, I
personally went to the mine in Donbass, and what: I passed two months
and did not find a job anywhere, and not because there is no job, but
was not hired just because I am not a member of the trade union; there
were 5 people with me, and no one entered. Is this order, I am also a
professional grain grower, I also give help to the state, but due to
poverty and lack of bread now I have to go to look for work on the
side. In the Red Army, we were told: ʺYou, comrades of the Red Army,
as soon as you come home, you will see that everything will be available
to you,ʺ and now I see that all this is nonsense, two months passed, but
there was no sense, and came home on foot. Two citizens came to the
village council of this village to ask for bread; in conversation they
said who are citizens of the Voronezh province, went to find work in
Donbass, but they did not find one, because they are not members of
the trade union. Thanks to this order, hunger and cold await us at home
and nothing else, and our commune is to blame for it, that it
distinguishes between peasants and workers, their eyes are all turned
to different workersʹ unions, but she does not notice our brother, a
peasant, but everyone says that the power ours, what the hell is ours ‐
she is the one who has the chervonets. ʺ
Ukraine. Poltava province. In with. Komarovka two farm women, not
finding work, one hanged herself, and the other said that she would
also hang herself if she did not find work. The farm laborers go to any
conditions, just not to starve. For example, in the village. Vasilyevka,
farm laborers are hired for 15 rubles. in year.
Kiev province. In the Uman district in the village. The princes of about
100 poor farms, unable to seed the land, leased it to the middle peasants
and kulaks, in the village. About 20 farms of the poor have been
guarded and leased their land to the kulaks and middle peasants.
458
Podolsk lips. In the Tulchinsky district of the Tulchinsky district, where
70% of the peasants are starving, the latter express their dissatisfaction
with the Soviet power because of the high tax, since, in their opinion,
this was the reason for the difficult material situation of the peasants. At
the same time, some peasants declare that the Soviet government is
more worried about the workers and that they live better than the
peasants.
Correct: Secretary of the OGPU Inform Department
Soloviev
459
Review of the political state of the USSR in December 1925
Top secret
ʺ_ʺ January 1926
Moscow city
At the same time, an overview of the political state of the USSR for
December 1925 is being transmitted. workers)
This survey, in view of its top‐secret nature, should be kept on par with
the code. Making copies and making extracts is not allowed in any case.
PP OGPU and chiefs of the lips. and reg. departments of the OGPU can
give an overview for reading to the secretaries of regional committees,
provincial committees, regional committees and the Bureau of the
Central Committee of the All‐Union Communist Party, as well as the
chairmen of the executive committees and CECs of the autonomous
republics.
When reviewing 5 applications and one table.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the [Department] Information and PC of the OGPU
Prokofiev
WORKERS
December saw a strong decline in the number of strikes and the number
of workers on strike; in total, according to incomplete information, 18
strikes were registered with 1537 strikers (against 49 and 5615 in
November). The threat of a decrease in real wages due to the rise in
high prices should be regarded as a serious point that emerged in the
reporting period. On this basis, on the part of the workers, there are
demands for an increase in increments upon renewal of collective
agreements and an increase in wages in addition to contracts. In the
metal industry, interruptions in the supply of raw materials and fuel,
which caused a number of shutdowns of entire shops, created a
nervous mood among the workers. General financial difficulties led to
interruptions in the payment of wages in small, mainly industries.
460
Metalworkers
Strikes. In December, a sharp decrease in the number of strikes and
their participants was noted among metalworkers (4 and 273 against 13
and 1019 in November). All strikes are insignificant, and their main
demand is to raise wages in one form or another. More serious attention
should be paid to the strike of 200 workers of the Podolsk plant
(Moscow province) on the basis of non‐payment for under‐production
due to the poor quality of the material. (I, 1‐6) ʺ.
Interruptions in the supply of raw materials to enterprises. Recently,
the metal industry has been experiencing interruptions in the supply of
raw materials and fuel to enterprises, which has caused the shutdown
of workshops at a number of factories (Moskovsky District, Ukraine,
Siberia, etc.). In some cases, reductions in the number of workers are
planned in connection with this. In this regard, among the workers
there are fears of a possible increase in unemployment, accusations are
461
heard against the administration for not taking timely measures to
provide enterprises with raw materials and fuel.
Delayed wages. At a number of metal factories there is a delay in
wages, which sometimes reaches 1‐2 months in the periphery (Siberia,
Transcaucasia). In the Center and in the North‐West, isolated cases of
salary delays for several days were noted (1, 23‐26).
Textile workers
Strikes. The strike movement in December dropped significantly; only
6 strikes with 290 participants were registered against 14 and 2635 in
November this year. On the basis of dissatisfaction with the leveling of
wages in the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province. there were 3 strikes
against 8 in November (1.46‐50).
Leveling wages at Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories. Dissatisfaction over
the leveling of wages among the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk textiles, having
reached its highest tension in November, has clearly subsided in
December. However, since the source of misunderstandings has not
been eliminated (a number of abnormalities in prices that were
admitted during leveling), the dissatisfaction cannot be considered
completely eradicated. The fact that the outcome of conflicts on the
basis of leveling was 90% not in favor of the workers, led to disbelief in
the work of the trade organizers with the forthcoming renegotiation of
collective agreements. Examples of abnormalities worrying workers
are the following facts: at the Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya convent,
printers receive fewer raklisgs; at the Shuisk factory, women working
on mules receive almost twice as many bank brochures (before the war,
the difference did not exceed 5 rub.), the wages of a weaver on a
jacquard loom are three times that of a weaver working in calico, etc. (I,
64‐69).
Demands for higher wages. Highly skilled textile workers (foremen,
apprentices, locksmiths, turners) at a number of enterprises in the
Moscow and Ivanovo‐Voznesensk provinces consider their wages low
and, taking advantage of the lack of qualified labor, move to enterprises
with higher pay. At the Rabkrai factory of Ivtekstil (Ivanovo‐
Voznesenskaya gubernia), the bankʹs abandoned craftsmen, if their
salaries are not increased, intend to collectively leave for Leningrad. In
462
some factories, wages lagged far behind the general wages in the Union
of Textile Workers. For example, at the Gorbatovskiy rope and rope
factories “Setesnast” (Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province), a textile
master earns no more than 25 rubles. per month, average worker ‐ 10‐
15 rubles.
Dissatisfaction with the level of wages due to the rise in high
prices. Dissatisfaction with the level of wages is also due to the rise in
food prices, which was noted at a number of enterprises. The stokers of
the Yazykovskaya Cloth Factory filed an application for an increase in
their earnings by 30%, motivating their application with an increase in
prices for agricultural products (I, 51‐27).
Lower prices sometimes cause lower product quality. Thus, up to 10
thousand meters of sailcloth was rejected at the 1st Republican F‐ke by
order of the Moskhozupra, which was worked at reduced
prices. Similar facts were noted at the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories (I,
58‐63).
Miners
Strikes. In December, there was only one strike among miners (at the
Kytlym platinum mines, Ural) due to high rates (1.27).
Salary issues in the oil industry. Discontent among miners continues
to be fueled by low wages. This issue is especially acute in the oil
industry. In Grozneft, at the Staro‐Grozny fields, dissatisfaction with
low wages gripped 60% of the drilling workers. The presidium of the
minersʹ conference received an anonymous letter from the drilling
workers demanding to improve their situation. Discontent is also very
strong among the unskilled workers of the distilleries of Grozneft, who
463
receive a bare rate (about 25 rubles) without any extra work. At Azneftʹs
fields, one should expect a decrease in discontent, which was noted in
October‐November due to an increase in high prices and the
cancellation of a 25% increase due to the decision of the Arbitration
Court in Moscow on a 12% increase in wages (I, 28‐30).
Wage issues in the coal and iron ore industries. In the coal industry,
significant worker dissatisfaction is caused by low wages and poor
working conditions. At the group of mines named after Dzerzhinsky,
due to the non‐approval of the expected 60% increase under the
collective agreement, productivity dropped sharply. In the Shakhty
region, low earnings in a number of cases are caused by poor
equipment of mines and difficult working conditions (frequent
collapses due to fragile fastening, etc.) mine ʺOctober Revolutionʺ of the
Vlasov mining department, etc.). On this basis, the workers are forced
to work, and in some mines the working day reaches 12‐14
hours. Processing is also caused by increased rates (the October
Revolution mine).
Other industries
Strikes. In December, there were 7 strikes in other industries against
21 in November. Of these, among the builders ‐ 3 and in the silicate
[industry] ‐ 4 (I, 43‐45).
Delayed wages. The most serious aspect of the economic situation of
workers in small‐scale industry is the long delay and incomplete
payment of wages (65 facts were noted per month). The largest
percentage falls on the sugar industry (7), timber (10), construction (8)
and silicate (5). In 35 cases, the delay lasts from 2 weeks to 2‐3
months. At some enterprises of the Far Eastern Military District, wages
are paid in kind.
Concession workers
Factory employees
In connection with the renegotiation of collective agreements, which in
most enterprises is accompanied by an increase in workersʹ wages,
factory employees (office personnel) in a number of regions are
dissatisfied with the low wages compared to workers. This mood is
most vividly revealed at the textile factories of Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
province, where, due to the leveling, the wages of some groups of
workers have increased, while the increase in wages for employees is
either postponed from month to month, or is completely
canceled. Employees say: ʺWe are an unnecessary element; we are not
considered human.ʺ At B. Dmitrovskaya, the employees intend to go
on strike. Employees are also worried about overtime pay related to
urgent tasks (annual reports, payroll calculations, etc.). A number of
enterprises do not pay for overtime work. By demanding overtime pay,
employees are trying to maximize pay and thereby increase their
earnings. Employees of the Donugol of the Ukrainian SSR (120
workers) presented to the administration a demand for payment for the
work on drawing up an annual report in the amount of a 2‐month
salary, threatening to strike if they refused. Similar facts were noted at
the Podolsk Mechanical Plant (Moscow Gubernia), the Tula Arms Plant
and the Zlatoust Mechanical Plant (I, 122‐126).
Workersʹ political mood
Questions about profit sharing. The sentiments of backward groups of
workers noted in recent surveys, which were revealed so far in vague
conversations about ʺexploitationʺ, incomplete wages of workers, etc.,
found their form in the reporting period in the demand for workers to
participate in the profits of enterprises. This slogan finds the most
fertile soil among workers employed in the light industry, which is
profitable, and above all in the textile industry. At the Krasny Perekop
textile factory (Yaroslavl Gubernia), the workers, referring to the 4 1/2
465
million profit received by the factory, demanded a 7% increase. A
proposal was made ʺto go from words to deeds and to divide all the
profits of industry among the workers.ʺ “The factory gave 200,000
rubles in a year. profits, some of this would go to the workers,” say
some workers at the factory. Uritsky (Moscow).3 ‐ State and 1 / 3 ‐
equally distributed among the workers. ʺ The same proposal was made
at the 7th printing house in Kiev. These moods are not yet widespread
(I, 82‐90).
Leveling tendencies. A characteristic feature of the mood of workers,
mainly of low‐grade workers, is the “leveling” mood directed against
those receiving higher ranks (administration, professional workers,
etc.). Non‐party and communists of the Bone Processing Plant
(Leningrad) declare that “receiving 80 rubles. a month, we are ready to
receive 50 rubles, but let the red directors and other communists receive
the same amount”. At the Belevsky distillery (Tula), the workers of the
bottling department, with the approval of the factory committee, made
a ʺsalary equationʺ, equating the pay of the 5th, 6th and 7th categories
to the 4th; the money remaining after this was equally distributed
among all the workers (I, 91‐94).
466
Berson proves to the workers at the Stepanovskiy sugar plant (I, 95‐
107).
Workers and trade unionists
In the relationship between workers and trade union organizations, a
number of facts of inept implementation of new methods of work on
the part of trade union organizations draw attention to themselves. On
this basis, there have been cases of general failure of the communists
during the re‐elections, as, for example, at Art. Kshen M [Oskov‐] K
[Ievsko‐] In [Oronezh] railway. the village of Kursk province, in the
local food industry workers number 8 in Astrakhan; the workers at the
same time viewed the communists as representatives and guides of the
ʺold courseʺ. Sharp dissatisfaction is expressed in general when
nominating lists of candidates for re‐elections. The workers of the
Staro‐Dmitrovskaya and Malo‐Dmitrovskaya m‐ry (Ivanovo‐
Voznesenskaya gubernia), after the list of candidates for commissioners
of the cooperative had been read out, left the meeting shouting ʺthere
is nothing to do here, they chose without us.ʺ In a number of cases, anti‐
Soviet individuals and groups demanded a ʺsecret ballotʺ during re‐
elections.
Relationship between workers and administration
PEASANTRY
Re‐election of the Soviets
468
typical case took place in the Voronezh province, where in the
village. B. Polyanka for 5 hours they rang the bell to collect the
gathering, and yet no one showed up; only after a personal tour of the
peasants, members of the electoral committee managed to collect up to
42% of voters. In a number of cases, meetings were convened several
times to no avail. Analyzing the cases of passive attitude towards
elections, indifference, disinterest of the population in re‐elections, it
can be noted that such sentiments are manifested mainly with poor
preparation of the election campaign and where the local grassroots
soviet compromised itself in the eyes of the peasants or failed to
abandon the methods of ʺcommand ʺ. In this respect, the following
statements by the peasants of the Saratov province are characteristic:
“Those who want to make their way to the Soviet go to the
Council; when there is order in the Council, then we will participate in
the meetings ʺ(Atkarskiy u.),ʺ tell the authorities not to be chased in
vain: we will not go anyway, since they know even without us who to
be appointed chairman, we are considered they never listen to fools”
(Volsky u.) (II, 1–40).
The middle and the poor in the re‐election. Materials on the
participation and role in the re‐election of the middle peasants and the
poor, available in Orel, Kostroma, Kursk, Voronezh, Astrakhan,
Ulyanovsk, Saratov and Stalingrad provinces, Krivoy Rog,
Zinovievsky, Kherson (Ukraine), Tersky, Stavropol, Chernomorsky
(North Caucasus), Tomsk (Siberia) and Troitsky (Ural) districts allow
us to note the following characteristic moments. Where, apparently, the
party and Soviet bodies did not carry out sufficiently serious work to
organize the poor and rally them with the middle peasants, in some
places the middle peasants actively speak out in re‐elections against the
candidates of the poor peasants, together with the wealthy and
kulaks. So, in the Oryol province. in one of the volosts, before the
elections, groups of middle peasants were organized, nominating their
candidates and not wanting to choose the poor (ʺwe are tired of
trampsʺ). In the Saratov province. in one of the villages of the Saratov
parish. the re‐elections were led by a group of middle peasants under
the influence of the well‐to‐do part of the village; the poor, farm
laborers and members of the Komsomol were rejected and they were
not allowed to vote. In the Kostroma province. There was a case when
voters were divided into two groups: on the one hand, the middle
469
peasants, on the other, the poor; the well‐to‐do and kulaks were passive
about the re‐election. The performances of the middle peasants,
together with the well‐to‐do and the kulaks, were noted in a number of
villages in the Kostroma, Kursk, Voronezh, Astrakhan provinces,
Nemrespublika, Krivoy Rog, Zinovievsky and Kherson districts. Here
the poor were not organized, behaved passively, in some places they
were afraid to vote against the candidates of the kulaks (Voronezh) and
even voted for them (Kursk). At the same time, the ʺdefeatistʺ moods of
the poor are characteristic: ʺNow the poor cannot get into the Soviets,
Poor groups. Partial information on the organization of groups of the
poor by party and council bodies is available for the provinces: Kursk,
Voronezh (Center), Ulyanovsk, Saratov (Volga region) and districts:
Troitsk (Ural), Tersk, Stavropol (North Caucasus) and Tomsk
(Siberia). In most of these provinces, meetings of the poor took place in
an orderly manner. Attempts to organize the poor have only met with
failure. In the Astrakhan province. In the Baskunchak region, the
electoral commission and local party organizations failed to hold pre‐
election meetings of the poor, since the latter in most cases is under the
influence of kulaks. In the Synod parish. Volsky u. also failed to
convene pre‐election meetings of the poor. The correct line of rallying
the poor with the middle peasant was not taken everywhere by local
organizations. So, in Ostrogozhsky u. Voronezh province. in a number
of districts, middle peasants were not invited to meetings of the
poor. How the middle peasants reacted to these closed meetings of the
poor is shown by the following statements of the latter: ʺThe poor have
appointed their village council in advance ‐ there is no need to go to re‐
electionsʺ, ʺas the poor decide ‐ in their own way, it will not be, at the
gathering we will turn our way.ʺ Here there was a case when the poor,
having organized themselves, outlined their list of candidates for the
village councils, when at the very re‐elections the poor saw themselves
isolated from the rest of the village, then there were refusals of their
candidacies and even speeches with disqualifications. Closed meetings
of the poor were also held in the Stalingrad province. In a number of
provinces, the poor took part in the re‐elections together with the
middle peasants. In the Kostroma province. in Bashutinskaya
parish. the middle peasants and the poor nominated general candidates
for the Soviets. In the Tersk and Stavropol districts, in places, farm
laborers, poor and middle peasants united in re‐elections. It should be
470
noted that in almost all the provinces where it was possible to organize
the poor, the latter showed a cheerful mood and was very active. The
following rebuke of the poor peasant to the kulak is characteristic:
ʺYour business is to be silent: it is not your power that is being built and
you are not building it, but we, the poor, are building itʺ (Kursk
province). In the Kostroma province. in one of the villages of
Nerekhtsky u. the kulaks, together with the wealthy, nominated their
candidates, but the poor, having organized themselves under the
leadership of the old chairman of the village council, ran their
candidates, the kulaks and the wealthy left the meeting. In the Tersk
district, a case was registered when the poor, farm laborers and part of
the middle peasants, having united to prepare for the elections,
allocated an asset of 10 people who conducted hundreds of interviews
with the population. scheduling to the Council of Communists and the
Poor. Along with the positive phenomena noted above, it should be
noted that ʺpartisan sentimentsʺ are not outlived in places among the
poor.293, in connection with which the latter does not quite correctly
understand the tasks of the groups of the poor. “Wait, we’ll elect to the
Council of Communists, then we’ll shake you,” the poor people declare
to the kulaks (Ulyanovsk province). These sentiments were even more
vividly manifested at one meeting of the poor with the middle peasants
in the Tomsk district, when the poor declared: ʺTo fight the rich in the
village, you need to organize a gang of 10 people and kill all the rich in
a secret orderʺ (II, 73‐103).
The tendencies of the kulaks towards political equality. The current
pre‐election campaign is characterized by an attempt by the kulaks,
striving to achieve political equality, in their own way to explain the
democratization of the re‐election and, in general, the new policy of the
party and the Soviet government in the countryside. “Now everyone
has the right to be elected, now there are no kulaks, but there are
business executives,” declare the kulaks and the well‐to‐do of the
Samara province. ʺThe Soviet government relies on the well‐to‐do and
the kulaks, and if so, they should be in the village councilʺ (Primorskaya
province). “We, the wealthy, are real good workers. We have created a
good economy for ourselves and will also benefit the Soviet
government. We must enjoy the respect of Soviet power, elect and be
elected to the Soviets, we must not be constrained by any restrictions,”
declares the kulak of the Kursk province. Even more interesting is a
speech at a non‐partisan conference in one of the volosts of Kaluga
province. Miller (former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of
Bolsheviks): “Previously, the Communist Party and the Komsomol
472
themselves appointed leaders to Soviet and public organizations, but
they failed with this policy. Why not give power to workers and
activists, whom the local authorities call kulaks. After all, landowners
are better than the poor. Why canʹt a landowner sit in the peopleʹs court,
if heʹs honest, why canʹt he work in the executive committee? In some
places, the fists and the well‐to‐do are marked by the slogan ʺSoviets
without Communistsʺ (Krivoy Rog, Donskoy Okrug and Primorskaya
Gubernia). In Primorskaya lips. at pre‐election meetings, the kulaks
and the well‐to‐do gave instructions to the candidates ‐ ʺto protect from
the pressure of the Soviet regimeʺ (II, 41‐49). In general, however, anti‐
Soviet speeches in the current re‐elections do not have the same
acuteness and the slogan “Soviets without communists” put forward in
some cases by kulaks and anti‐Soviet elements does not find the same
response in the countryside as it did in the previous election
campaign. This indicates a significant shift in the mood of the village
for the better.
Antagonism to the city
During the reporting period, 82 facts were registered in 24 provinces
and districts of the Union, characterizing the mood of antagonism
towards the city (of which 54 cases were in 8 provinces of the
Center). The main reasons for this sentiment are still the divergence of
prices for manufactured goods and agricultural products and
commodity shortages. “The workers cheat the peasants by taking cheap
grain and ripping off three skins by the chintz,” the peasants declare at
a meeting in Voronezh province. In the Kostroma province. at the
meeting, the peasants pointed out: “The authorities keep writing that
industry is developing, and urban goods are not only not getting
cheaper, but they are no longer at all. It is imperative to convene a
congress of workers and peasants, where the price of the goods should
be set. ʺ An interesting decision of the general meeting of workers
together with the peasants at the Kazitsky starch‐treacle plant in Oryol
province., where it is pointed out the need to regulate the prices of
goods, to wage a commodity struggle against high prices, and most
importantly ‐ ʺhe is thoughtful about the needs of workers and
peasants.ʺ It is characteristic that dissatisfaction with the working class,
as the culprit for the high cost of manufactured goods, has recently
begun to spill over into a demand for an increase in the working
473
day. “The worker needs to add an extra hour of his working day in
order to reduce the price of city products,” declares the poor man of the
Tambov province. The opposition of the peasants to the workers leads
to the conclusion that ʺSoviet power is the power of the workers, but
not the peasantsʺ and that ʺthe peasants need to organize and fight
back.ʺ Below are the most typical performances of this kind. “The
revolution liberated only the workers and communists,” declares the
youth of a number of villages in the Voronezh province. “If the workers
go to meet the peasants, then they will live in harmony with them, and
if this does not happen, the peasant will establish his own order. ʺ ʺWhy
do they say ‐ the power of the workers and peasants, when in reality
the power of the workers aloneʺ (Voronezh province). ʺIt is necessary
to organize the peasants against the workers, because the workers live
on the shoulders of the peasantsʺ (Oryol province). ʺThe peasantry,
squeezed in the clutches of the workers, will lose patience and will fight
the workersʺ (Tambov province). “The power of the peasants is in the
hands and has given nothing for the peasants. It is necessary for the
peasants to organize themselves and to resist the Soviet power” (speech
of the middle peasants of the Leningrad province). Attention is drawn
to the statement of a peasant in Tambov province: “The trade union of
workers must be dispersed; the peasants have no place in the factory
and the plant because the workers are afraid to give up the benefits they
receive. The workers recaptured all the gains from the peasants, and the
workers were not the only ones who won the revolution. ʺ The speech
of the chairman of the village council, who proposed to organize a
cross‐union (at a ceremonial meeting together with the peasants of the
workers of the Krasny Stroitel plant in Moscow province), is also
interesting; when a proposal was made to send a telegram with
greetings to the XIV Congress of the Party295, he demanded not to
mention the peasants in the greetings, ʺsince they do not pay attention
to the peasantsʺ (III, 1‐10).
Agitation for peasant unions
Compared to November, in December there is a slight increase in the
number of cases of agitation and demonstrations for peasant
unions. Instead of 58 in November, 71 cases have already been
registered for the reporting month. Of these, in the Center ‐ 46 (in
Moscow province alone ‐ 29 cases), in the North‐West ‐ 5, in the Ukraine
474
‐ 3, in the North Caucasus ‐ 6, in the Volga region ‐ 4, in the Urals ‐ 2, in
Siberia ‐ 2 and in the Far Eastern Military District ‐ 3. The increase in the
number of detected cases of agitation and speeches for the cross‐unions
is undoubtedly connected with the ongoing mass campaigns for the re‐
election of the Soviets and KKOV. The main argument for organizing
the peasant unions continues to be the need to protect the interests of
the peasantry in regulating prices for manufactured goods and
agricultural products: “Peasant unions must be organized on an all‐
Russian scale so that the workers do not dictate the prices of grain, but
the peasants” (Voronezh province). ʺThis cannot continue, some
handful of workers are leading the peasants, exploiting them and
taking everything for factory production, and if there is no peasant
organization in 1925, then it will be in 1926ʺ (speech at a meeting of a
peasant of the same province) ... In Kursk province. at a volost non‐
party conference, the chairman of the village council said: “If we had
an alliance, we would not have given bread to the city at the price at
which they take it. We would force you to sell industrial and
manufactured goods at the pre‐war price. ʺ Attention is drawn to the
resolution adopted at this conference, in which the conference asks for
permission to organize ʺa peasant union of all of Russia in order to
regulate commodity circulationʺ, as well as to allow ʺa non‐party
peasant press under the leadership of non‐party workers.ʺ In a number
of cases, the peasants demanded to organize a cross‐union instead of
the KKOV, which was especially clearly revealed during the re‐election
of the KKOV in Moscow province. Here, at one of the meetings for the
re‐election of the KKOV, at the suggestion of a former member of the
CPSU (b), a resolution was adopted, which said: “We demand the social
rights of the working people of the USSR. We demand the organization
of peasant unions. ʺ In Vyatka lips. At a plenum of one village council,
a middle peasant who spoke in the debate said: “The KKOV line is
narrow. The peasants need to organize a peasant economic‐trade
union, the structure of which should be the same as that of the workersʹ
trade unions. ʺ It is interesting to note that this union was put forward
by him as an organization of ʺstrong peasant farmsʺ, in these words he
painted the activities of the future cross union: because they seized the
land and do not cultivate it, hindering the development of peasant
farms. ʺ In addition to the demands of the cross unions as purely
economic organizations, there are isolated cases when the cross union
475
is presented as a political organization. In this respect, the
aforementioned demand of the non‐party peasant press, connected
with the demand for the organization of a cross union, put forward in
the resolution of the volost peasant conference of Kursk province, is
characteristic. In another case, a note with a proposal to organize a cross
union, submitted at one of the meetings in Voronezh Gubernia,
required ʺproportional representation of peasants and workers in the
district VICs and in the government in general.ʺ In Vladimir Gubernia,
when putting forward a proposal to organize a cross union, the
peasants indicate that it is they who could ʺspeak with the
government.ʺ In the Pskov province. at the meeting, three peasants and
a local teacher, calling for the organization of a cross union, declared:
“Only then will we be strong, and whomever we decide, we will lead,
but now we have nothing to choose. We can elect only up to the volost,
and in the VIC our candidates. ʺ An interesting speech at the party
meeting of the Novgorod province. a non‐party peasant who declared:
ʺI see nothing comes of it, but let us organize our own party of non‐
party people, and we will show how to work.ʺ The idea of a cross union
meets in some places the sympathy of the Komsomol members; for
example, in the Barnaul district, a member of the Komsomol in a
conversation with his comrades said: “The workers won power, but the
peasants did not. I will withdraw from the Union and organize my
youth union, work out a program and charter with the principle: to
defend the peasant power against the Soviet power of the workers.
ʺ Similar sentiments are noted in other cells of the district. In Moscow
province. protests for the cross unions were noted by the workers of the
Krasny Stroitel cement plant, where during the campaign for the 20th
anniversary of the 1905 revolution at a meeting, the workers pointed
out: “The workers enjoy various benefits so that these benefits can be
received and the peasants need to create a peasant trade union” (III, 11
‐ 22).
Kulak groups
In addition to the above‐mentioned pre‐election groups, in December
10 kulak groups were identified in 8 provinces and districts of the
Union (3 in Ukraine, 2 groups each in the Volga region and in the Far
Eastern Military District, and one grouping each in Belarus, the North
Caucasus and Kazakistan). Noteworthy is the group of kulaks and rural
476
intelligentsia in Belarus, called the ʺDumaʺ, which has existed for 20
years; the group is headed by a person with higher education. Among
other groupings, it is necessary to note the grouping in the Zaporozhye
district (Ukraine), which numbers up to 60 people and aims to seize
local authorities and secure large tracts of land. In the Volga region, one
of the groups is headed by a former landowner, in addition to whom
the group also includes a teacher, a priest and a psalmist; the other
group is headed by the village council.
ʺRedʺ banditry
Cases of manifestation of ʺredʺ banditry continue to take place. In
recent months, they were noted: in the Center ‐ 6 cases (Oryol province),
in
Ukraine ‐ 4 (Priluksky and Korotensky districts), in the North Caucasus
‐ one case (Kuban district), in Siberia ‐ 5 (Barnaul district) and in the Far
Eastern military district ‐ 6 (Buryat‐Mongolian republic). In total, 22
cases were registered in the Union. Of these, 7 murders, 2 beatings, 8
arson, one attempted murder and 4 cases of threats. In the Buryat‐
Mongolian Republic, cases of ʺredʺ banditry are noted mainly by the
Komsomol members (III, 30–41).
The attitude of the peasants to the punitive policy of the Soviet
government
The mood of the broad strata of the peasantry is still influenced by
dissatisfaction with the punitive policy, which encompasses many
regions of the Union. The development of criminality, especially in the
central non‐rich provinces, in the Ukraine, in the Volga region and
Siberia, is regarded by the peasants as a result of the weak punitive
policy of the Soviet government and causes them to criticize the
insufficient fight against horse thieves, thieves, murderers, hooligans
and other criminal elements of the village, for their early liberation and
release, for a weak fight against waste. In Oryol Gubernia, where the
cases of theft and horse‐stealing have become more frequent due to
poor crops, the peasants believe that ʺthieves should be shot, and the
authorities are very soft on them.ʺ There are villages in Podolia where
up to 100 horses were taken away by horse thieves. According to the
statements of the peasants, the police are inactive, criminals are
477
punished poorly. The peasants often remember about the sergeant who
had less theft, while declaring: ʺContrary to all laws, we will commit
lynching against thieves, because we have no other way out.ʺ The
peasants of the Gomel and Penza provinces say that “the Soviet
government condones criminals” and recommend that all amnesties
and early releases be abandoned. In various regions of the Union, there
have been cases when peasants, considering the punitive policy weak,
not protecting against horse thieves, thieves and murderers, themselves
deal with the caught criminals. These lynching, almost always ending
in murder, are often highly organized. So, in the village. The eternal
Maikop district, where the peasants killed three fellow villagers
suspected of extortion and arson, lynching was premeditated; it was
planned to kill 12 people. Communists, members of the Komsomol and
the local government took part in the lynching. During the
investigation, the peasants said: “We confess that lynching is illegal, but
this should have been done in order to get rid of the robbers who
terrorized us and did not allow us to work in peace. Maybe there will
be more lynching, as the authorities are weakly fighting the robbers,
releasing them a week after their arrest. ʺ There are cases when the local
authorities are more persecuting peasants who committed lynching
than bandits and criminals. So, in the lynching of the arsonists in the
village. Novoselok of the Tula province. (which took place in the
summer of 1925), the participants in the lynching were immediately
arrested, while the 11 people who were loyal to the authorities,
suspected of arson, were released by the inheritor, which created the
idea of complete impunity for the criminals among the peasants. Such
facts
EASTERN NATIONAL AND AUTONOMOUS REGIONS
ORDER
Political status. There is a decrease in the number of banditry in the
interior and an increase in foreign ones. In the interior regions, on
December 1, 1925, there were 11 gangs of 117 people, on January 1, 1926,
5 gangs of 98 people. In foreign regions on December 1, 1925 there were
9 gangs of 135 people, on January 1, 1926, 11 [gangs] —190 people. The
increase in the number of banditry in foreign areas is partly due to the
transfer there of some gangs that previously operated on our
478
territory. In the elimination of banditry, the presence of a large number
of weapons in the population remains a serious obstacle. In Adjarian,
up to 80% of the population have weapons, mostly rifles, 95% of this
number do not have a permit to carry them. The attempt to register
weapons met with opposition from local authorities, including local
executive committees, and failed. In connection with the re‐elections in
Ajaristan, the aspiration of a group of local workers, displaced last
autumn, to seize power again is noted. Supporters of Khimshiyev
(former chairman of the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars) and
Motskobili (former chairman of the Central Election Commission) are
campaigning among the population that they have suffered for their
loyalty to the people and that their displacement will lead to the
enslavement of Adjara by Georgia. Agitation in some cases is carried
out through the workers of local councils.
Soviet apparatus. In a number of cases, the extreme contamination of
the Soviet apparatus is emphasized. In Adjarian, 70% of uyezd and
volost (temsk) workers are the most prosperous people. About 50% are
politically unreliable elements, 25% are former police officers. In
Abkhazia, village councils are headed by former active members of the
Menshevik organization. In Armenia, even in the district bodies,
positions of responsibility are held by former Dashnaks, who in the past
actively supported the intervention. In Azerbaijan, in Lankaran
u. judicial apparatus littered with former bailiffs under the Musavat
government 296... On the part of the workers of the grassroots Soviets,
theft and bribery were again noted in a significant number of cases. In
Ajaristan, up to 20% of executive committees, including uyezd workers,
are noticed in this kind of abuse. In Azerbaijan, one of the chairmen of
the district executive committee appropriated 4‐5 thousand rubles. In
Armenia, minor incidents of waste and appropriation were noted in
almost all counties. Arbitrariness and arbitrariness continue to develop
among workers in Georgia. There are cases when peasants, driven out
of patience, attacked representatives of the authorities (V, 7). In
Ajaristan, the inactivity of the Soviet apparatus draws attention. A
significant part of the workers of the village councils is almost
completely unfamiliar with their duties. The land apparatus is unable
to regulate land relations. Among the population, land disputes are
extremely developed, resulting in active clashes.
479
NORTH CAUCASUS
Political status. In the auls of flat Chechnya, agitation about the return
of Elderkhanov is noted. Supporters of the latter, mainly traders and
clergy, agitate that Elderkhanov is the only true defender of the
Chechen people. Removing him will lead to the death of the Muslim
religion, which already finds expression in depriving mullahs of voting
rights. The population is called upon to draw up sentences for the
return of Elderkhanov. Among the bandits who voluntarily
surrendered, there is dissatisfaction with the deprivation of their right
to vote, in connection with which they are supposed to initiate a
petition for a full amnesty. Domestic banditry in a number of areas
continues to remain stable. In the Kabardino‐Balkarian, Adygea‐
Cherkess, Ossetian and Ingush regions, the total number of gangs rose
from November to December from 34 to 41 people. On the part of the
gangs, a number of robberies and clashes with the police were noted. In
addition, in Dagestan, a major clash was noted on the basis of blood
feud between the clans of Isibillazul and Isalazul. As a result of the
collision, one was killed, three were wounded and 7 farmsteads were
burned. In Chechnya, in the Nadterechny district, a clash of a
detachment of the district militia with bandits who voluntarily
surrendered was noted on the basis of the latest robbery. In parallel
with the manifestation of activity among the bandits, there continues to
be a tendency towards voluntary attendance. During the reporting
period, 3 prominent bandits voluntarily surrendered, including their
associate Gotsinsky (V, 9‐15).
480
in the Novo‐Chechensky and Nadterechny districts. In Dagestan,
attention is drawn to the extreme contamination and inactivity of the
Soviet apparatus up to the district and central bodies. Thus, the
apparatus of the Peopleʹs Commissariat for Land for 75% consists of
elements alien to the authorities, including former White Guards and
officers. In the Samur Okrug, 70% of district offices are littered with
persons who were on trial and deprived of the right to vote. In the
Darginsky district, many Soviet workers are entirely under the
influence of Sheikh Ali‐Gadzhi Akushinsky. In the land authorities,
controversial cases lie idle several years and land disputes are not
resolved by 75% or more (V, 16).
MIDDLE ASIA
Soviet apparatus. Numerous cases of bribery, illegal extortions from
the population, debris and connections between grassroots workers
and the Basmach element continue to be revealed everywhere. In the
Samarkand region.
in Katta‐Kurgan u. the unions of the Koshchi (poor) in a number of
cases are 60% bays. In Surkhan‐Darya region. even the chairman of the
regional union Koshchi is a former emir official who still maintains
contact with the Basmachi. Only in Fergana and Zeravshan regions, 25
large cases of bribery were registered in the reporting
period. Numerous minor cases remain undetected. In Kyrgyzstan,
embezzlement and extortion is allowed even by district workers. So,
the chairman of the Dzhelyal‐Abad Union, Koshchi, out of the collected
1,500 rubles. he appropriated half for himself.
Criminality is extremely developed among the workers of justice. In the
Kara‐Kalpak autonomous region, a person who wanted to report a
crime was killed on the way by the peopleʹs investigator of the Kara‐
Kalpak autonomous region. In Kyrgyzstan, office. The State Prosecutor
of the Karakol‐Naryn District collected over 2000 rubles from the
population ʺfor a petition for a tax reductionʺ. and 20‐pound,
opium. The criminally negligent attitude towards their duties as
employees of the Soviet courts contributes to the success of the activities
of the spiritual courts. In Dyushambinskom wilaya of Tajikistan in the
past month in the sharia courts 297 received 129 cases, and in the Soviet
‐ 56 (V, 17‐21).
481
Land reform. In Uzbekistan, the bayism and clergy continue to
campaign against land reform, with rumors spreading by them,
supported by some reform campaigners. In the Fergana
region. eminent representatives of the reactionary clergy traveled to the
districts in order to carry out the mentioned agitation. In the
Samarkand region. The Komsomol members sent out for propaganda
declared that the land would be taken away from both the bais and the
poor. In connection with the noted among the bulk of the dekhkans,
cases of a negative attitude towards the reform continue to be
revealed. In Kokand u. even those who feel a lack of land are advised
to turn to the bays, who, as devout Muslims, themselves will endow
those in need with land. In Samarkand district
In addition to agitation against the reform, the Baystvo splits up and
sells the available land surpluses. In the Tashkent region. only in
Osman‐Ata and Ak‐Kurgan volosts 17 cases of distribution of land
between their relatives and workers were registered. In Zengi‐Ata
parish. 41 cases of land sale were identified.
In Turkmenistan, attention is drawn to the reflection on the reform of
generic contradictions. Even the poor declare that they do not need
foreign land and water and that they would rather die than allow the
land of their kind to be passed on to other families. Threats are heard at
the land workers, and in some cases the bai persuade special persons to
kill members of the land commissions (V, 22‐26).
KAZAKISTAN
Soviet apparatus. In connection with the re‐elections, a grouping‐clan
struggle for power unfolded in full. In a number of cases, fights and
mutual thefts of cattle have been noted between the fighting groups. In
most cases, the groupings are headed by former volost rulers, horse
thieves, big bai, Alashordyns, etc., in this regard, some increase in the
influence of these elements in the new composition of the Soviets is
possible. Workers of district bodies, including party officials, are
widely involved in the grouping struggle. In the Central Asian regions
of Kazakistan, the struggle for power is accompanied by numerous
cases of bribery. In the Syrdarya province. a case of giving a bribe of
3000 rubles to a volost electoral commission was noted. (V, 30‐35).
ANTI‐SOVIET PARTIES
Anarchists
In December, an intensified activity of anarchist groups in a number of
districts was noted. In Moscow, a group of anarchists was arrested,
whose task was to blow up the Council of Peopleʹs Commissars and
other co‐institutions and commit terrorist acts against Soviet
workers. In Leningrad, active anarchist elements have been established
among the militia, intending to arrange exs. In the Murmansk
province. the anarchists establish contacts with abroad, from where
they receive illegal literature. In the liquidated anarcho‐underground
groups of Bashkiria, many weapons and illegal literature were
found. At Ivanovo‐Voznesensk factories and factories, anarchists are
campaigning under the guise of non‐party people. In Rybinsk
(Yaroslavl Gubernia), proclamations were circulated by the anarchists
for the October celebrations. The special interest of anarchists in the
work among the youth of the RLKSM (Pharmazavod named after
Semashko in Moscow, Yaroslavl, Ural, Komi‐Zyryansk region). In
483
Primorskaya lips. a group of anarchists is campaigning among the
military units of the city of Khabarovsk.
Monarchists
In the Yaroslavl and Vyatka provinces, several cases of monarchist
leaflets and appeals from the Union for the Salvation of Russia and the
Central Action Committee were received by mail. In the Bashkortostan
Republic, 7 cases of White Guard appeals and newspaper clippings
were found. In the town of Uglich (Yaroslavl Gubernia), two anti‐Soviet
leaflets were pasted up calling for the beating of Jews.
Zionists
In Ukraine, the Central Zionists issued an anti‐Soviet instructive leaflet
on the issue of re‐elections to the Soviets. In Poltava “Gashamer‐
Gatsoir” a bulletin “Voice of the Underground” was issued. A leaflet
issued by the Gashamer‐Gatsoir organization in Simferopol says: ʺWe
send our curse to the enemies and traitors of the Jewish workers.ʺ The
work of Poaley Zionists in the Gomel province intensified.
CLERGY
Autocephalous movement. In Ukraine, autocephalists are striving for
their legalization, trying to rehabilitate themselves before the Ukrainian
government, declaring their complete loyalty. At the same time, a
number of facts of their anti‐Soviet actions were noted. In the Kiev
Sophia Cathedral, a kind of mystery was arranged, timed to the day of
the anniversary of Petliuraʹs entry into Kiev. Metropolitan Lipkovsky
writes in letters abroad about the oppression of the church by the Soviet
regime. After being denied exit visas, the autocephalisks were
appointed delegates to the Stockholm Conference of Ukrainians living
abroad. The tendencies of creating an autonomous Belarusian
Orthodox Church are growing in Belarus.
Baptist sectarians. There was a split among the Baptist leadership on
the basis of attitudes towards military service. At the plenum of the
Central Council, it became clear that the uncontrolled spending of $
30,000 received from abroad over the past 3 years was revealed. The
condition of local communities is shaky. The separation of evangelical
Christian groups continues. The struggle on dogmatic grounds takes on
harsh forms. In Dzhetysuisk, Achinsk, Samara, Krasnoyarsk and
Vyatka, there are signs of economic struggles, expressed in
485
unwillingness to work for wealthy ʺbrothersʺ for low wages, and
dissatisfaction with the introduction of mandatory tithes. In some
areas, there have been cases of refusal to serve in the Red Army in arms.
BANDITRY
Western edge. In the inner region, along with a strong decrease in
group and registration banditry, there is a slight increase in small‐
criminal banditry (in the Smolensk, Bryansk, Gomel provinces and the
Mogilev district).
Ukraine. The accounting sabotage gangs of Ovcharuk and the former
Kushnir and the criminal‐political gangs of Vashchenko and Sapon are
very active. The gangs committed two robberies on transport, robbed 3
cooperatives, the Dzigovskaya post and telegraph office, the cash desk
of the Nenarchansk rural power station and the Pliskovskaya district
financial account. Within a month, the leaders of the Sapon, Dubina and
Kocherga gangs were killed, the Chernilevsky gang and a number of
unaccounted criminal gangs were liquidated in full. There are 113
bandits and 16 gangs in Ukraine (132 bandits and 18 gangs in
November).
DVO. In connection with the onset of winter, the activity of criminal
and political banditry and hunkhuzism decreased. The number of all
486
types of banditry has also significantly decreased. In total, the Far
Eastern Military District has 12 gangs with 67 gangsters (in November
there were 14 gangs with 139 gangsters). There is also a decline in
foreign banditry due to poor supply of white bandits and the internal
process of decomposition of white bandits on the Chinese side. Due to
the lack of leadership of the white bands from the foreign monarchical
centers within the bands, an antagonism arises between the leading
elite and the rank and file, in which the tendencies towards voluntary
transfer and turnout to our territory are intensifying.
Deputy Chairman of the OGPU Yagoda
Head of the Information Department of the OGPU Prokofiev
Correct: Secretary of INFO OGPU Soloviev
APPENDIX No. 1
[WORKERS]
Metalworkers
1. Strikes
2. F‐ka ʺLuch” Vladmetalltrest (281 workers). On December 11, 25 fellers
quit their jobs, demanding a 10% increase in wages (before that there
was a 25% increase), the rest of the factory workers said that in case of
refusal, the fellers would need to support them. On December 12, the
administration promised to meet the workersʹ demand and the conflict
was settled.
3. Pervomaisky plant GOMZ (former Tashin plant) of Nizhny Novgorod
province. On December 8, 1925, 300 workers of the Patchinsky,
487
Saltykovsky and Glokhminsky mines of the plant went on strike and
did not start work for 3 and a half days, demanding an increase in prices
and the abolition of deductions for candles and tools. After negotiations
with the Vrid Prezavkom and a representative of the Union of
Metalworkers, the workers stopped the strike, stating that they would
not have quit their jobs if the RCP member Lesin, who was observing
the work, had not answered their request with abuse and a proposal to
“get out of the mines in 24 hours. The workersʹ demand to cancel
payment for candles and tools is satisfied.
4. Plant ʺKommunarʺ No. 3 (Zaporozhye). December 15 at 11 a.m. day
in the foundry went on strike 8 cupola workers, demanding an increase
in wages for 2000 poods. casting not taken into account when
paying. After a 4‐hour strike, the administration agreed to meet the
workersʹ demand.
V. Dneprovsky plant (Ukraine). November 16 60 workers of the first shift
of the rail‐bolt workshop from 6 oʹclock. mornings did not start work,
demanding a wage increase. After 6 hours. the workers stopped the
strike on condition that the issue be resolved on the same day. The
investigation found that the plant management, despite the strikes last
month, did not take any measures to eliminate the causes of concern to
the workers (improper organization of work in the workshop, causing
downtime that is not paid, lack of tools, etc.). On November 17, without
waiting for the promised response, workers filed a second application
demanding a 90% wage increase. On November 18, at a general
488
meeting, this demand was rejected by the majority of the workers in the
workshop.
2. Collective bargaining and rising costs
9. Power plant (Odessa). The workers are extremely unhappy with the
new collective agreement. At the general meeting, everyone, including
the party members, spoke out against the proposed conditions, stating
that a slight increase would not improve the situation, since the cost
was growing. An agreement was not reached and the case was referred
to the arbitration commission. Due to dissatisfaction, the intensity of
work decreases.
11. Vladikavkaz power plant. Due to the rising cost of living, workers
have submitted 14 applications for higher wages.
12. Tagil Plant (N. Tagil Mining District). At the delegate meeting of
representatives from the shops, where the question of concluding a new
collective agreement was discussed, all the workers of the section
rolling shop came, having suspended work. When discussing the
production rate, the workers declared that their rates were too high,
and it was necessary to lower them. Some said that no norms were
needed at all. The secretary of the cell, who spoke in defense of the
489
norms, was bombarded with ridicule and obscene language. Then the
workers of the section rolling shop went to another room, where they
conferred for a few minutes and, returning, unanimously declared that
they did not need production quotas.
13. Cartridge plant them. Volodarsky (Ulyanovsk). With the rise in prices
for basic necessities, there is ferment among the workers. The 15%
increase in the factory recently, according to the workers, was
completely offset by the 25% increase in the prices of food on the
market.
3. Dissatisfaction with billing
On November 25 last [1925] Vorontsov and Zhirbis drew up a
statement to the RKK, signed by 18 workers (including members of the
All‐Union Communist Party), with a request to increase the prices for
blacksmithing. It is characteristic that while the average earnings in a
workshop is 80‐90 rubles. a month, Vorontsov and Khryushin generate
120 rubles, and Zhirbis ‐ 130 rubles. Anticipating that RKK might reject
their request, Girbis suggests lowering quality and reducing
production.
16. At Krasnoy Vyborzhts (Leningrad) one group of workers earns 100‐
125 rubles. a month, other workers 65‐70 rubles, workers explain this
by nepotism.
490
18. Factory ʺKrasnaya Zvezda” (Zinovievsky District). Skilled workers
complain about low wages, stressing that unskilled workers earn more
than 60 rubles, while locksmiths, on average, 45 rubles. There have been
reported cases of skilled workers selling workwear due to low wages.
19. Carriage Works GOMZ (Tver). There are no fixed prices for work at
the plant. When workers demand to give them a quote when they
receive work, they answer: ʺWork, you will not be offended.ʺ As a
result, after completing the work, the prices are significantly reduced.
4. Interruptions in the supply of plants with raw materials and fuel
24. The Krasny Put metal plant (Moscow). Assembly shop on the eve of
a shutdown due to the lack of round and broadband iron.
26. State Mechanical Plant No. 1 named after Lenin (Tver province). There
is an acute shortage of new cast iron and high‐quality iron. It is not
expected to receive it in the near future. Wire stocks in the nail shop ran
out on January 1, the shop was suspended, and some workers were laid
off.
491
28. F‐ka ʺNail” (Poltava). Due to the lack of raw materials, the nail and
block shops do not work.
31. Nizhne‐Salda plant (Ural). Due to lack of fuel on December 13, blast
furnace No. 6 was shut down, in connection with which the enterprises
of Metallotrest were threatened, since the blast furnace feeds cast iron,
besides Salda, also the factories of Kushva and Tagil.
32. Plant them. Zinovyeva (Omsk District). Due to the lack of cast iron
and iron, several workshops (foundry, pipe, etc.) stopped.
Textile workers 1. Strikes
On December 14, the water ladies went on strike again. There were 54
water looms, as a result of which, due to a lack of yarn, 100 looms did
not work. On December 15, the water ladies started to work. The water
ladiesʹ request was not satisfied. The administration posted a notice
warning the water women to be fired in the event of a new strike.
34. Faculty of the Rodnikovskaya m‐ry (Gostrest). On November 30, the
foundry workers (15 people), having come to the RKK meeting,
announced that they would not work at the rates of the leveling
commission (9% lower than the old ones), and asked to transfer them
to day work, RKK refused. The foundry workers quit their jobs and on
December 2 this year. stated the calculation. December 2 this year to the
foundry delegates, the directorate announced that temporarily, until
the issue was clarified, the prices would be increased by 10%. This
settled the conflict, and from December 3 of this year. the foundry
492
workers started to work. Turner Panayev was the main initiator of the
conflict.
2. Workersʹ dissatisfaction with the level of wages
493
the 7th category). They motivate their demand by the rise in prices for
agricultural products by 20%.
42. Faculty of Saratov m‐ry (Saratov). Workers claim that the rise in food
prices has ʺcanceled out the increase in wages.ʺ
43. Dyeing and printing factory ʺVictory of the proletariat” (Yegoryevsko‐
Ramensky trust, workers 2362 people, Moscow province). The
departure of skilled locksmiths and turners to other factories is
observed due to the refusal of the administration to raise the wages of
the workers of the machine shop.
44. F‐ka Rabkrai (Ivtekstil, Ivanovo‐Voznesensk province). Bank of the
abandoned apprentices unhappy with the salary. The apprentice
Bolshakov says: ʺSince apprentices are not appreciated here, they only
have to go collectively to Leningrad, they need specialists there.ʺ If in
two weeks the salary is not increased, the apprentices intend to leave.
3. Leveling wages (Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya province)
RKK decided to resolve this issue by reducing wages at other factories
to the level of the Yakovlevskaya factory, which caused sharp
discontent on the part of the workers. The question has been submitted
to the Flax Administration (Moscow) for permission. Waiting for
494
refusal, the workers are preparing a joint strike of machine shops in
three factories.
48. Novo‐Ivanovo‐Voznesenskaya m‐ra (Ivtextile). The printers get fewer
raklist workers. The workers ironically say about the printing master
that ʺas a reward for the good performance of his duties, he should be
transferred to a raklist.ʺ This abnormality in the payment of foremen
affects the quality of work.
49. Shuiskaya factory number 2 (Gostrest). As a result of the increase in
leveling, female workers on mules earn up to 70 rubles. a month, and
the bank is only 40 rubles. Workers point out that before the revolution
the difference in wages did not exceed 5 rubles. During the cleaning of
the cars, 20 bank brosnits called the manager. department and
demanded that he petition the State [tres] tom about the equalization of
wages.
4. Dissatisfaction with billing
495
53. 1st Republican factory (Kostroma). Finishing body. On January 1, a
revision of production rates is to be expected, it is expected to increase
them by 15‐20%. Among the workers in this regard, there are such
conversations: “Previously, the employer spoiled the hardworking
workers, increased their salaries, but now, if you work well, they will
give you ... the norm. Our comrades (the Flax Administration)
demanded an increase in labor productivity, the workers did it with
honor, and received a reduction in wages. ʺ
57. F‐ka ʺRolma” (Yaroslavl). Bank‐brokers get more ribbons, gettwalits
get more card‐women, before the war there was no difference in
payment. Workers express their dissatisfaction with these wage gaps.
496
rubles. In this regard, some locksmiths intend to quit plumbing work
and learn weaving.
Miners
1. Strikes
59. Kytlym platinum mines (Uralplatina). On December 8, 8 workers in
the reconnaissance department quit their jobs in response to the refusal
of the administration to add a shift of people to the workshop, where
the working conditions for pumping water are extremely difficult.
2. Wage issues in the oil industry
60. Grozneft. Discontent with low wages gripped up to 60% of drilling
workers (3rd‐7th grade) of the Staro‐Grozny oil fields. Earnings do not
exceed 35 rubles. per month. The workers are naked. In all industries,
there is talk that the Soviet government is exploiting them, that wages
are lower than pre‐war, and only specialists are provided for
everyone. The presidium of the minersʹ conference on November 20
received an anonymous letter from the drilling workers with a demand
to improve their situation, it was indicated that ʺthe administration
considers the workers worse than cattle, in tsarist times the workers
lived better.ʺ
62. Azneft. In connection with the increase in food prices in the
Gornyak cooperative (bread prices increased by 1 kopeck), the issue of
a 25% increase became so acute that the Central Committee of the
Minersʹ Union had to appeal to the workers of Az‐Neft with an appeal
calling for calm. Since the question of the increase on the spot could not
be resolved, an arbitration court was convened in Moscow, to which
they went: Azneftʹs chief comrade Serebrovsky and representatives of
497
the Union. The arbitral tribunal has passed a resolution to raise wages
by 12% from October 1 last year.
3. Issues of wages in the coal and iron ore industries
65. Group of mines them. Comrade Dzerzhinsky (Krivoy Rog district.). At
the mines, a decrease in labor productivity is noted due to the non‐
approval of the expected 60% increase under the new collective
agreement.
66. Mine of the Nadezhda Combine (Urals). The workers at the mine filed
a collective statement indicating that there are different wages in the
faces of the same breed. The mining committee has not carried out an
investigation.
68. Suchansky mines (FEB). The artel of workers of mine No. 6 applied
for an increase in their rates, threatening to be absent from work.
4. Equipment of mines and working conditions
498
70. Mine ʺOctober Revolution” (the same mining department). At the
general meeting on November 28 on the report of the head. about the
state of the mines, a number of workers pointed out the negligence of
the mining supervision to their duties. The workers said that mining
supervision forced them to work in extremely difficult conditions and,
if refused, threatened with dismissal.
In the mechanical workshop of this mine, the rate has been increased
due to urgent procurement of equipment. The workers have to work
12‐14 hours. per day. You donʹt pay for processing.
Other industries
1. Strikes
74. Syasstroy (Leningrad Gubernia) On December 16, 28 cartelsʹ artels
(300 people) stopped working, demanding higher wages. The strike
was led by workers from Leningrad.
The next day the workers started to work, having decided to wait for
the resolution of the issue in the construction department.
Workersʹ political mood
1. The tendency of workers to share in profits
75. Factory ʺRed Banner” (8,350 workers, Yegoryevsko‐Ramensky trust,
Moscow province). Before discussing the new collective agreement,
clerks Nitochkin (a former officer) and Lobachev said that ʺthe profits
must be handed over to the workers.ʺ At the expanded plenum of the
factory committee, together with the delegates, a demand was put
forward to equalize the wages of textile workers with metalworkers
and increase wages by 30%. Worker Taltskov, a member of the CPSU
since 1925, declared: “We workers were oppressed in the past and are
now oppressed; it is necessary to increase wages by 30% and divide all
the profits of the factory: one third ‐ to the trust for the expansion of
production, one third ‐ to the state and one third to be distributed
equally among the workers. If the workers are not satisfied, it will be
worse. ʺ
77. F‐ka them. Uritsky (Moscow). Some workers are positive about the
idea of profit sharing. “The factory gave 200,000 rubles in a
year. profits, some of this would go to the workers,” they say.
500
78. Sausage plant of the joint ‐ stock company ʺMyasoʺ (Moscow). In
conversations, workers speak out for profit sharing. To the objection
that the peasantry will be against this, they answer: ʺThe peasants will
not pay attention and will bend the grudge in the same way as now.ʺ
79. F‐ka ʺRed Perekop” (Yaroslavl province). At the general meeting, the
workers demanded a 7% increase, pointing to the 4/2‐millionth profit
gained by the factory thanks to the increase in labor productivity. This
demand was supported by the chairman of the provincial council of
textile workers Smirnov and the workers of the party. The director of
the factory, Sinyavin, spoke out against it, saying that the profit should
go to the needs of industry. Speaking in the debate locksmith Pankov
said to him: ʺDzerzhinsky in Moscow explained that all profits from the
industry should be divided between the workers and because of the
words have to move to makeʺ 298... At the suggestion of Smirnov, a
resolution was adopted: ʺMake every effort to achieve a 7% increase in
Moscow.ʺ The workers said that ʺif Moscow does not increase, then we
must go on strike following the example of the Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
workers.ʺ
2. Leveling tendencies
501
82. Bone processing plant (Leningrad). Non‐party people and
communists, dissatisfied with low rates, say: “They explain to us that
we are going through a difficult period of revival of our industry. Cape
agree with this and receiving now 80 rubles. a month, we are ready to
receive 50 rubles, but let our red directors and other communists
receive the same amount. ʺ
83. Mint (Leningrad). During the lunch break, the workers of the 1st
shift of the new printing workshop called the chairman of the factory
committee Dron, who was attacked with the following shouts: “You
have broken away from the masses, you sit in the factory committee
and get 130 rubles. a month, but we have families, and we only get 60
rubles. You have become bourgeois. ʺ etc. Members of the CPSU (b)
also took part in these attacks.
84. Belevsky distillery (Tula). On December 14, when wages were paid
for 15 days of November in the bottling department, workers, with the
approval of the factory committee, arbitrarily made a wage
equation; workers receiving 5‐6 and 7th grade were equated to the 4th
grade, and the difference was divided among all workers. Workers of
the 5th, 6th and 7th categories are outraged.
85. IV plenum of the [ub] o [section] of the Union of textile workers
(Tula). Speaking in the debate, the locksmith Murzin said: “When you
piled work on us, when you reduced prices, you told us about the
bow. And what did you do yourself. As you received 100‐250 rubles,
you get it. You, as leaders, should say: ʺThis is a lot for usʺ ‐ and would
give 50 rubles each. from earnings to lower the prices of goods. And
you add everything to yourself, and subtract the worker. ʺ
3. Anti‐Soviet sentiments and anti‐Soviet agitation
a) Economic issues
502
87. 1st Republican factory (Kostroma). Some workers of the finishing
shop in conversations say: “We used to work for the owner for 10
hours. and the Bolsheviks assured us that the owner was exploiting us
too much; now we work for 8 hours, and we get tired as in 16
hours. work, and besides, the communists are constantly increasing the
norms and call it not exploitation, but raising labor productivity. ʺ
91. Cartridge Factory (Tula). The receiver of the supply department of
the plant Savostyanov (a member of the CPSU) constantly tells the
workers: “Just as we, the workers, were under the oppression of the
capitalists, so now, there is no difference, as long as you bend a hump,
you correspond, and as you break it, no one will need it. ʺ.
b) Political issues
92. Plant ʺRed Triangle” (Leningrad). Pipe workshop. Worker Rybinsky
is conducting anti‐Soviet agitation, using for this all the petty discontent
of the workers. Rybinsky attends meetings of the collective of the CPSU
(b). At the last meeting after the report of Comrade Sarkis Rybinsky
said that ʺhe would take the floor to criticize the report, but due to the
lack of freedom of speech, this is impossible.ʺ
503
order to turn them against the Soviet regime. In conclusion, Fedorov
said: “As in the old days, Moscow was at war with Veliky Novgorod,
so now the workers of Leningrad are at war with Moscow, where
American emigrants are sitting, 299 who do not want to talk to the
workers. So much for the dictatorship of the proletariat. ʺ The workers
applauded him.
97. Stepanovskiy sugar plant (Vinnytsia district). The technical secretary
of the factory committee, Berson, proves to the workers that “the Soviet
Republic has degenerated into a new form of a bourgeois country; soon
the Communist Party will have to go into opposition, because thanks
to the new methods of re‐election, Mensheviks and others will get to
the Soviets, since in our country 70% of peasants and merchants also
received the right to vote. ʺ
98. Perm gun factory GUVP (Ural). The workers of the electrical shop,
regarding the transition of the electrical shop to self‐financing, say:
ʺWell, again we will be in tight‐knit gloves.ʺ Worker Melnikov, taking
advantage of this, tries to incite the workers of the shop against the
Communist Party, saying: “You see what the Communist Party brings
you, not freedom, but bondage; the power of the Soviets is pure, but
without the communists. ʺ
Workers and trade unionists
504
1. Re‐election of the FZK
\ 00. Astrakhan lips. At a meeting of workers in the cooperage industry
(900 people), the report of the FZK No. 8 was heard. The report mainly
referred to the correspondence and reporting of the FZK. The workers
interrupted the speaker, demanding from him a report on production
and cultural and educational work. In response, the speaker burst into
accusatory speech against the workers, explaining the weakness of the
work of the FZK by their passivity. This caused an explosion of
indignation from the audience. When the re‐election of the FZK began,
as opposed to the list consisting of party members and scheduled by
the delegatesʹ meeting, the meeting put forward its own list. The
majority abstained when voting for candidates for members of the
RCP. Exclamations were heard: ʺThey already sat with us, but did
nothing.ʺ Almost all non‐party candidates were adopted
unanimously. As a result, not a single party member received more
than 40 votes, non‐partisan ‐ less than 170‐180. Thus, the composition
of FZK No. 8 after the re‐election does not have a single party member.
505
of votes, the old chairman, comrade Mosquito. Komar enjoys great
prestige among the workers. Uchprofsozh instead of Komar was
appointed Comrade Kononkov. This angered the workers, there was
talk: ʺWhy was it necessary to play a comedy with re‐elections and
shout about broad democracy.ʺ
2. Opposition groups
104. The third lithography Tabtresta (Leningrad). The general meeting of
workers for the re‐election of the factory committee was disrupted by a
group of workers, which includes: machine printers Taraskov and
Skinder, blacksmith Smirnov, engravers Podruzhinsky and
Lichtenstein (the last former Menshevik, has connections with those
deported to Solovki). This group is actively preparing for re‐elections,
which are to be held the other day, intending to nominate its list of
delegates to the factory committee.
105. Trumpark them. Konyashina (Leningrad). The conference on the re‐
election of the local committee was noisy. Burovin, the carriage driver,
said: ʺWe have nothing to do here, why did we come here when their
(i.e., the communists) mandate is ready and the elections have been
made.ʺ Locksmith Sobolev: “War communism is gone. Enough of such
506
orders that as the collective decides, it should be so. It is enough to
distinguish between the communist and the non‐party. Now let the
non‐partisan think and choose freely. ʺ He was supported by the duty
Zherebenkov. This group nominated a list of candidates for the local
committee exclusively from opposition workers. The assembly failed
the list *.
There are no messages numbered 106 and 107 in the document.
3. Dissatisfaction with the work of trade union organizations
108. Izhevsk factories (Votoblast). 25‐30% of the workers participated in
the revision of the newly concluded collective agreement. They
absolutely did not want to listen to the rapporteurs of the factory
committee, declaring that ʺwe have nothing to do at the
meeting.ʺ “Before the renegotiation, the factory committee did not want
to preliminarily work out the contract for the workshops, but limited
itself to discussing it with the technical staff. Now that the agreement
has already been concluded, it is useless to speak and criticize. ʺ
Concession workers
[1.] Lena‐Goldfield Concession
111. Revda plant (Ural). Among the workers, one can often hear such
conversations: ʺThis is what happened before ‐ the British were allowed
on the very path, and we are standing at the threshold.ʺ Some of the
workers and young party members explain the meaning of concessions
in the following way: ʺLet the British build factories, and we will expel
them in 5‐6 years.ʺ The workers are eagerly awaiting the moment of
507
concluding an agreement with the concessionaires, intending to get as
much as possible for their work, as they ʺwork for the capitalists.ʺ
112. Chemical plant (Ural). The employees and part of the workers of
ʺVater‐Zhaketʺ presented a greeting address to the concessionaires who
had arrived.
113. Polevskoy plant (Ural). Some of the workers (lumberjacks) intend,
bypassing the trade union, to negotiate wages directly with the
concessionaires.
114. Concession ʺGeorgian Manganeseʺ. With the transition of the mines
to a concession, workers expected significant material improvements,
but their expectations were not met: living conditions and wages
remained the same, while working conditions at the mines deteriorated
significantly. In a number of mines, work is carried out on a contract
basis, contractors hire piecework workers, workers are often employed
up to 12 oʹclock. per day and with difficulty earn daily wages, which
are received by workers in the mines of local manganese
producers. Until recently, no improvements have been made in
manganese mining.
The relationship of workers with the administration
115. Car repair plant (Yaroslavl province). On the basis of a reduction in
prices for piecework, the workers of the machine shop intend to take
out the appraiser Stepanov in a wheelbarrow.
117. Plant ʺBolshevik” (Leningrad province). On the basis of rudeness
and unauthorized reduction of prices of the head. In the machine shop,
engineer Pekhov among the workers noted talks about the need to
throw Pekhov from the second floor. In early December, a collective
application was filed with a request to remove Pekhov from the plant.
118. Lutuginsky state plant (Krivoy Rog district). Massive discontent of
the workers with the chief engineer, whom the workers intend to take
out in a wheelbarrow for rudeness and bureaucracy, is noted.
508
119. Mine N ° 1 of the Bokovo‐Khrustalny mine administration
(Luhansk district). Pom. Head mine Safonov is rude to workers. There
was a case when he grabbed the worker Povstyanov by the chest. The
worker grabbed a pick and chased Safonov. The latter fled. Head At the
mine, Reznikov is no less rude to workers than his assistant.
121. Grozneft. The workersʹ anger against a number of specialists (the
engineer of the 5th group, the manager of the 2nd group, etc.) for their
rudeness and frequent threats of dismissal continues to be noted. In the
opinion of many workers, two or three engineers should be beaten, and
then the Party and the Soviet government will take action.
Factory employees
509
125. Mechanical Plant No. 1 GSNKh (Ivanovo‐Voznesensk
Gubernia). The employees received a 10% increase in wages ‐
significantly less than the workers of the same factory, employees
expressed dissatisfaction with the size of the increase, indicating that
workers with piecework would be able to [go] far beyond the
established wages, while for an employee it was impossible.
127. Don Gol (Ukrainian SSR). On the initiative of the employees of the
mining supply department, a statement was drawn up in the name of
the administration demanding payment for overtime work to draw up
the annual report of the trust in the amount of two monthsʹ salary, in
case of refusal, they threaten to be absent from service. The application
was signed by up to 120 people. The local committee approved a
payment in the following amount: a monthly salary for those who
receive a load, for the rest ‐ overtime payment.
510
adopted a resolution: to give the Union and the administration a three‐
day period to resolve the issue of overtime with the trust. Employees
threaten to stop working overtime.
130. Employees of the settlement desk of the main office of the Tula
Cartridge Plant in the amount of 40 people in the morning of December
31, 1925, quit their jobs and submitted to the RKK a collective
application with a request to reconsider the issue of bonus
remuneration (the new witchcraft reduced from 50% to 15%). The
petition of their RKK was partially satisfied: the remuneration was
increased by 5%.
131. F‐ka ʺZaryadyeʺ. At a general meeting, employees demanded that
they pay half an hour before the holiday for lunch, which they do not
use because of the rush nature of their work.
Rightʺ
APPENDIX # 2
ELECTION OF VILLAGE COUNCILS
1. Participation of the population in the re‐election of village councils
a) Pre‐election campaign
4. At the reporting meeting of the Semenovsky Volost Executive
Committee and the District Council in Kineshemsky district. attended
by up to 200 people, the peasants actively participated in the debate.
6. Ryazan lips. In Elatomskaya parish. Kasimovsky u. the attendance of
pre‐election meetings reaches 90%. According to Fadeevsky,
Lobkovsky, Ivanovsky and Kochukovsky village councils
Fofanovskaya vol. Ryazhsky the population is passive towards re‐
elections, declaring: “It doesn’t matter whoever was elected, as long as
he didn’t press, but he didn’t draw up protocols, whoever is not a priest
to us is all dad”. In with. Semyonovo‐Aleksinsky Ryazan Vol. and the
county 40 people out of 187 voters came to the reporting
meeting; Shumoshi out of 688 voters was present only 41 people.
14. Tambov district In Sampurskaya, Koptevskaya and B.‐Lipovitskaya
volosts, 10‐15% of voters attended pre‐election meetings. In some
villages, meetings were called several times. In the Bondarskaya and P.‐
Uglovskaya volosts, the peasants absolutely refused to go to the
reporting meetings, convened several times. In with. Kamenki of the
same volost at the pre‐election meeting was attended by 10% of voters,
in the village. Timofeevka ‐ up to 20% of voters, in the villages of
Afanasyevka and Kulebyakino‐Barinka ‐ 8%.
b) Re‐election
Centre. 17. Tver province. In Novotorzhsky u. on Ramenskaya Vol. 40‐
45% of the population took part in the re‐elections, according to
Yakonovskaya parish. ‐ 55%, on Vysokovskaya vol. ‐ 85%.
18. In Tverskoy, along the Emelyanovskaya parish. up to 70% of voters
were present at pre‐election meetings, in some districts of Pervitinskaya
vol. the number of those present in the re‐elections reached 80%, of
which up to 30% were women.
514
19. Vyatka lips. According to Yaranskiy. from 40 to 65% of voters take
part in re‐elections.
20. Yaroslavl province. In Yaroslavl u. along Davydkovskaya vol. up to
50% of voters take part in re‐elections, and in some polling stations ‐ up
to 80%, in D.‐Gorodishchenskaya vol. ‐ up to 60%, in Norskoyvol. ‐ 63%,
in Vyatskaya vol. ‐ from 40 to 80%, along Ilyinsky vol. — up to 78%, on
Tveritskaya vol. ‐ 40‐50%.
21. In Danilovsky, along Zakobyakinskaya vol. from 50 to 60% of voters
took part in the re‐elections, in Kozskaya parish. ‐ from 35 to
83%. Mainly middle and poor people enter the village councils.
22. In Rostov u. until November 25, 170 electoral meetings were
held. Attendance of assemblies from 38 to 79% of voters with the
participation of 15% of women. The majority of the Council members
are middle and poor.
23. In Rybinsk u. the average number of those participating in re‐
elections reaches 50%. Along Bukharinskaya Vol. the elections were
cashed, as less than 35% of voters participated in the re‐elections. Only
19% of voters attended the plenary sessions of the village councils in
the volost. By Nekrasovskaya Vol. an average of 40% of voters
participated in the re‐election.
24. Vladimirskaya lips. The percentage of voters who participated in the
re‐election is significantly higher compared to previous re‐
elections. Along Bulatnikovskaya Vol. Muromsky u. from 31.5 to 46.5%
of voters participate in the re‐election. In two villages, re‐elections did
not take place due to the absence of voters.
25. According to Pereslavsky u. in some villages, the number of those
participating in the re‐election reached 70% (the villages of Konyaukov
and Kupon).
515
27. Oryol province. In Yeletsky u. along Dolgorukovskaya vol. re‐
election meetings are held with a small number of voters. In with. In
the Bratovischina of the same volost, the meeting was convened 5‐6
times, since 5‐10 people appeared each time. The poor are especially
passive. In Dmitrovskoye, in some villages 60‐65% of the population
participates in re‐elections, in Orlovsky district. in the
village. Dzherzhinovka Pesochinskaya Vol. after repeated
notifications, 150 out of 350 voters were present at the meeting; Secret
of the same volost out of 214 voters ‐ 50 people, in the village. A soldier
of 121 voters ‐ 48 people, in the Astakhovsky village council, Soskovsky
parish. out of 120 voters ‐ 63 people, in the Golorostovsky district of
Lavrovskaya vol. ‐ 70%, in other districts of the same volost the
attendance of re‐election meetings reached 60%.
31. Ostrogozhsky district in sl. Krasnaya Reklya out of 700 voters came
to the re‐election, 400 people. In sl. Rybnoye of Lutsenkovsky district
516
out of 780 voters ‐ 250 people, in the village. Zaluzhny Liskinsky district
of 800 voters ‐ only 200 people, in the sl. In N.‐Pokrovka, Liskinsky
district, in the first precinct of 850 people, 350 people came to the re‐
election, many peasants, having registered, went home, in the second
precinct, out of 1150 people, only 240 turned up, the re‐elections were
postponed.
33. Voronezh district in with. Borovoy of the Pridachensky district and
in the Tavrovsky village council of the Chizhovsky district, re‐elections
did not take place for the first time. In with. In order to summon the
peasants for re‐elections to B.‐Polyanka, the bell was ringing for five
hours, but no one came to the meeting. The election committee,
together with party members and members of the Regional Electoral
Commission, was forced to split the village into polling stations and
collect voters by itself; walking around the village, only 168 people out
of 400 voters were gathered.
34. Nizhnedevitsky u. In with. Out of 590 voters, only 190 people came
to the re‐election meeting in Shatalovka; Nikolskoye ‐ 40% of voters, in
the villages of Klyuchi, Skupaya‐Potudan ‐ 30‐40% of the population,
the poor were absent from the meetings.
Re‐elections are also going well in Syzran district, where up to 25% of
women take part in re‐elections.
517
37. Kuznetskiy In Neverkinskaya Vol. attendance at re‐election
meetings is lower than last year. In the villages of Poselov and
Nikolskoye, Nikolskaya parish.
38. Atkarsky district in with. Kologrivovka, 35% of voters participated
in the re‐elections, 25% in Koryakinsky society, 34% in Novo‐
Motilovka, Marinovka — 50%, in the village. Bakhmetyevka
Lysogorskaya Vol. ‐ 80%, of which 15% are women. In with. Fedorovka
only one youth participated in the re‐election. The peasants almost do
not know the new composition of the village council and take little
interest in it, declaring: ʺThe council is going to the one who wants to
make his way, when there is order in the council, then we will
participate in meetings.ʺ In with. In Chemezovka, re‐elections were
appointed 4 times, and the peasants refused to go to meetings, stating
that they had nothing to do there and who would be elected ‐ they did
not care. In with. Berezovka B.‐Ekaterininskaya Vol. out of 1,700 voters,
270 people participated in the re‐election, most of them middle
peasants. In with. Vyrypaevka Kologrivovskaya Vol. re‐elections were
called twice.
39. Kamyshinsky u. In with. Krasnoe out of 97 voters came to re‐
election 37 people, in the village. Rotten Protok from 700 voters ‐ 120
people, in the village. Talovka Salamati parish out of 400 voters ‐ 168
people, in the village. Salamatino out of 700 voters ‐ 330 people, in the
village. Smorodino Guselsky parish. out of 668 voters ‐ 303 people, in
the village. Ershovka in the re‐election was attended by 47% of the
population, in the village. Rotten ‐ 35%, in the village. Guselki, the first
re‐election meeting did not take place due to the absence of the legal
number of voters. In with. Krasny Yar, due to the small number of
participating voters, the voluntary election committee did not approve
the re‐election of village councils in 9 groups, for most of the other 7
groups 25‐30% of voters took part in the re‐elections, only in 2‐3 groups
the number of participants reached 45‐50%. For some groups, in order
to collect the legal number of voters, they were forcibly caught in the
streets and brought to meetings. For other groups, the commissioners,
in order not to postpone the re‐elections, ascribed the number of voters
518
to the legal norm and carried out re‐elections. There were few well‐to‐
do people at the re‐elections.
41. In the village. Tamala Repyevskaya Vol. Balashovsky the re‐election
meeting was attended by no more than 40 voters, in the
village. Storytelling Trostyanskaya Vol. ‐ 32% of voters.
2. The activity of the wealthy and the kulaks
a) Election campaign
Ukraine. 46. Krivoy Rog district. In the Novo‐Starodubsky district, in
connection with the upcoming re‐elections of the village councils, the
former active Petliurists Vorontsov, Kuznetsov, Gladkin, Shishkevich
and others, who all the time tried to disrupt Soviet work in the
countryside, are campaigning so that the village council and the RIK do
not elect communists, but exclusively “their own people ʺ. ʺThis is not
1921, and the communists should not command, and the peasants
should choose non‐party people from among their midst.ʺ
520
Volga region. 49. Samara province. In with. Labazakh of Buzuluk
u. kulaks and well‐to‐do peasants, trying to get into the village councils,
agitate: ʺNow everyone has the right to be elected, there are no kulaks
now, but there are citizens‐business executives.ʺ
b) Nomination
North Caucasus. 52. Don district. December 10. In the Khomutovsky
village council of the Bataysky district, former emigrants are nominated
to the village council, one of them is a former sergeant‐major and the
son of a former chieftain. The same in the village. Kuznetsovsky and
with. Komarovsky.
53. Stavropol District. Blagodarny district. In with. Elizavetinskoe well‐
to‐do in the village council is nominated by the former Socialist‐
Revolutionary.
Cases of former chieftains, former white officers, émigrés, etc. being
sent to the village council. marked also in the Maikop district ‐
stts. Pshekhskaya and Ryazan; in the Donetsk district ‐ in the
Efremovo‐Stepanovskiy and Bazkovskiy village councils and in the
Black Sea district ‐ with. Vityazevka.
521
campaigning against tax payments to the village council. A similar
phenomenon is observed in a number of other farms.
Nominations were also noted in the farmsteads of Cheponatsky and
Berestyansky stts. Potemkinskaya, hut. Basikine stts. Stepano‐
Razinskaya and in the farmsteads of Sokolovsky and Kudinovsky
stts. Tishanskaya ‐ across the Stalingrad province. and c. Berry Samara ‐
in the Samara lips.
57. In the village. Bada Tarbagatai parish V.‐Udinsky the well‐to‐do are
nominating a former white officer and a former gendarme to the village
council. With fists in the village. Korsakov of the Kudar‐Buryat
khoshun, their candidates were nominated to the village council.
In addition to those noted above, cases of nominating candidates for the
village council from the well‐to‐do and the kulaks were also registered:
in Kursk province. ‐ in the village. Novo‐Ozerki Shchigrovsky u. and
c. Uspenskoe Lgovskiy u.; across the Pskov province. ‐ Zalutskaya
parish. Porkhovsky U.; across the Bryansk province. ‐ Kalachevsky,
c) Organized performances
Centre. 58. Voronezh province. Rossoshansky district at the re‐elections
of the Berezovsky village council, the kulaks, together with the well‐to‐
522
do, organized a boycott against the candidates nominated by the
poor. In an attempt to defend the latter, the fists raised a fuss. In
response to the statement of the re‐election commissioner that the
kulaks ignore the legitimacy of the elections, preventing them from
defending the candidates, and therefore he relieves himself of
responsibility for the elections, exclamations were heard from the
kulaks: “You are taking off, well, the devil with you, the people want
to lead whoever is needed, well and will carry it out. ʺ A group of
kulaks nominated the former chairman of the village council Volkov,
who is on trial, and on the official statement that he could not be elected,
the kulaks shouted: ʺThe people want to elect him and this has nothing
to do with various crimes.ʺ The leaders of the kulaks were: 9
households of the Revinov brothers and 4 households of the Zhukov
brothers.
59. At the re‐elections of the Elizavetinsky village council of the
Pavlovsky district, the well‐to‐do in an organized way defeated the
candidates nominated by the poor.
3. Groupings for re‐elections
523
63. In p. Belyaevo Leninskaya Vol. Moscow u. a group of Old Believers,
following the example of last year, seeks to organize an independent
village council and bring “their people” into it.
64. Kostroma province. December 17. In the Stepanovsky district of the
Kostroma district. the kulaks and the well‐to‐do are grouped around
the son of a former landowner, whose candidacy is being nominated to
the Soviet. A local teacher is actively campaigning for his
candidacy. The numerical composition of the group is about 10 people,
the group purportedly aims to protect the poor.
In addition to those noted above, pre‐election groups are registered: in
Moscow province. ‐ 2, Tambov ‐ 1, Voronezh ‐ 2 and Orlov ‐ 3. In total,
there are 13 groups in 5 provinces of the Center.
Ukraine. 67. Odessa district. 20th of December. In the German colony
of Kandel in the Friedrich‐Engels region, a group of wealthy former
kulaks is intensively preparing for the re‐election of the RIK,
nominating their candidates. The pre‐election campaign is carried out
by the leaders of the religious communities, who declare: “We need to
lead our people to the top in order to survive from our midst this self‐
assembly (communists), as well as strangers (not Germans).
In addition to the above, there are 6 more pre‐election groups registered
in Ukraine: one grouping each in Odessa, Zhytomyr, Vinnitsa, Poltava,
Krivoy Rog and Lugansk districts.
525
here at the courses. Coming to Rostov, they hold conspiratorial
meetings. By the time of the re‐election, this group also extends its
influence on the village. Kuznetsovskoe and hut. Balabinsky.
71. In p. Novopavlovskaya Georgievsky District, in connection with the
re‐elections of the village councils, a group of the wealthy was
organized under the leadership of the priest and former officers, which
is campaigning against the communists, planning to bring former
officers Belovodov, Zmievsky and others to the Council.
In the North Caucasus, in addition to those noted above, pre‐election
groups were identified: in the Donskoy district ‐ 2, Kubansky ‐ 1, Salsky
‐ 1, Taganrog ‐ 1 and Tersky ‐ 4. A total of 13 groups.
526
Pre‐election groups, in addition to those noted above, were registered
in Stalingrad province ‐ 4, Saratov province ‐ 3, Nemkommuna ‐ 1. In
total, there are 10 groups in the Volga region.
Pre‐election groupings of the kulaks and the well‐to‐do were also noted
in the North‐West ‐ 1 (Vologda Gubernia), Far East Military District ‐ 2
(Buryat‐Mongolian Republic and Amur Gubernia).
4. The middle peasants and the poor in the re‐election
76. Kostroma province. 9th December. In Batushinskaya Vol. Kostroma
u. the middle peasants, together with the poor, nominate general
candidates for the Soviets.
78. In the village. Solonikovo Koryakovskaya Vol. Kostroma u. only the
middle peasants were present at the election of delegates to the meeting
for the re‐election of the VIC, while the poor were absent. In their
speeches, the middle peasants pointed out that “it is necessary to
choose more prosperous peasants, and if we choose the poor, then they
can incubate (that is, squander), and you will not get anything from
them, but to put them in jail is still a loss to the state, it’s better to send
the well‐to‐do, from whom, if something happens, you can get wasted.
79. Kursk province. December 14. In with. Stanovoy Shchigrovsky u. an
organized group of the poor is campaigning against the election to the
village council of the current chairman, who supports the wealthy, and
is nominating a former volunteer of the Red Army.
80. In the village. Klishino Lgov parish and uyezd kulaks ... Yeshin and
Selikhov attracted almost all middle peasants to their side, as a result of
which representatives of the kulaks entered the village council. The
527
poor are not organized and in most cases, being dependent on the
kulaks, they voted for the latterʹs candidates.
83. Rossoshansky district at the re‐elections of the Elizavetinsky village
council of the Pavlovsky district, part of the middle peasants, seeing
that the advantage was on the side of the wealthy, began to go over to
their side, as a result, the village council was elected by 80% of the
wealthy.
84. Middle peasants sl. Lutsenkovo of the Ostrogozhsky district and the
uyezd were dissatisfied with the fact that they were not invited to the
pre‐election meeting of the poor, stating that the poor had appointed
their village council in advance, the middle peasants did not want to go
to the re‐election itself. In sl. Dmitrovka and hut. Vysokoye
Davydovsky district during the re‐election campaign of unity between
the poor and middle peasants was not observed at all, and usually the
whole matter was decided by several active persons. Throughout the
district, the middle peasants were not invited at all to the meetings of
the poor, which is why the latter could hear exclamations that the way
the poor decide ‐ in their own way, it will not be, “at the gathering we
will turn our way”.
528
council they had identified. During re‐elections, the poor voted not
only against the candidates they themselves nominated, but also
challenged them.
87. In the Vorobyevsky district of Novokhopersky u. 42 poor peasants,
76 middle peasants and 43 people of kulaks and wealthy
88. In sl. Nagolnaya Rovensky district of Rossoshansky district of the
22 members of the village council, 15 are middle peasants. A similar
phenomenon was noted throughout the county.
Ukraine. 88. Krivoy Rog district. 20th of December. In Nikopol district,
regarding the re‐election of village councils, the poor declare: ʺNow the
poor cannot get into the newly elected village councils, because the
bond between the middle peasants and the kulaks has grown so strong
that they will freely beat the poor in the elections.ʺ The poor are now
very isolated, and they have the opinion that they have become
ʺstrangersʺ to the Soviet regime.
90. Kherson district. 20th of December. In the British village council of
the Kakhovsky district, all segments of the population are preparing for
the re‐election of the Soviets. The most powerful group are the middle
peasants, and until now, the middle peasants have worked almost
exclusively in the village council and public organizations of the
village, since the non‐chewers are poorly organized and the lumps do
not enjoy authority.
529
middle peasants, on the other hand, the wealthy and part of the middle
peasants adjacent to them. The first group has allocated an asset of 10
people, who conduct hundreds of interviews with the population,
scheduling the Council of Communists and the poor.
92. In p. Ninaʹs farm laborers and the poor, as opposed to the wealthy,
nominate candidates for themselves.
94. Black Sea District. December 15th. In stts. In the Crimean Crimean
District, the population in the election campaign is more active than last
year. The most active are the well‐to‐do and middle peasants, the poor
are in most cases passive, declaring: ʺWe do not care who will be in the
Council, as long as they meet us halfway.ʺ
ʺWait, weʹll elect you to the Council of Communists, then weʹll shake
you.ʺ
97. In p. Rtishchevo‐Kamenka M Ainu vol. Ulyanovsky u. the poor in
the amount of 50‐70 people, grouping together, decided to send only
the poor to the village council.
99. In the majority of villages, Synod vol. Volsky u. it was not possible
to convene the poor peasants to the pre‐election meetings. The middle
530
peasants showed themselves most actively, while the wealthy took a
wait and see attitude.
102. Khopersky District. In the hut. Zavyazinsky stc. Preobrazhenskaya
in the May re‐election of village councils were all wealthy. At present,
although the well‐to‐do and part of the middle peasants are preparing
to send their own to the Council, the poor declare, when nominating
their candidates: ʺBy all means, we will send ours, since the old
composition of the Council did nothing for our benefit.ʺ
103. Poor stts. Kremenskaya declares: ʺWe have always worked in the
Council, in the KKOV and various commissions, while the well‐to‐do
laugh at us, and so, we will wait for re‐elections, and all of them in
defiance of the Council ‐ let them laugh then.ʺ
Correct: Help. Secretary of the Inform Department of the OGPU
Kucherov
531
APPENDIX No. 3
POLITICAL STATE OF THE VILLAGE
1. Antagonism to the city
2. Kostroma province. December 16. In with. At the general meeting of
the Kosike of the Yenotaevsky District, the Smirnov brothers who spoke
at the general meeting said: “The authorities keep saying that industry
is developing, and urban goods are not only not getting cheaper, but
they are no longer at all, it is imperative to convene a congress of
workers and peasants, where the price of the goods must how workers
work 8 hours. and therefore, the goods are expensive. ʺ
5. Oryol province. December 16. At a general meeting of the workers of
the Kazitsky starch and treacle plant (town of Yelets), where many
peasants of the surrounding villages were present, a resolution was
passed on the need to regulate the prices of goods, to wage a firm
struggle against high prices and, most importantly, thoughtfully about
the needs of workers and peasants. At this meeting it is interesting to
note the speech of the peasant Bogatkov, who declared: ʺIt is necessary
532
to organize the peasants against the workers, because the workers live
on the shoulders of the peasants.ʺ
7. Lipetsk u. In with. Wolf Shovskaya Vol. Peasant Kuznetsov said in a
group of peasants: “The trade union of workers must be dispersed, the
peasants have no place in the factory and the factory, because the
workers are afraid to give up the benefits that they receive. The workers
beat back all the gains of the peasants, and because workers are not
alone won the revolution, the peasants also fought and eventually got
the fig ‐ workers have all taken ʺ 301.
533
the workers. It is necessary to organize and celebrate the 9th
anniversary with the inscriptions on the posters ʺPeasants of all
countries, uniteʺ ‐ to celebrate like the Cossacks. ʺ
In addition to the above, similar facts for the reporting period were also
noted in the Center ‐ 46 (Moscow, Kostroma, Ryazan, Voronezh, Oryol,
Tula, Kursk and Tambov provinces), Ukraine ‐ 3 (Cherkassk, Starobelsk
and Lugansk districts), North Caucasus ‐ 4 (Donskoy, Armavir, Salsky
and Chernomorsky districts), Volga region ‐ 2 (Penza province and
Bashrespublika), Urals ‐ 2, Siberia ‐ 9 (Tomsk and Barnaul districts) and
Far Eastern military district ‐ 4 (Amur province). In total, there are 82
facts in 24 provinces and districts of the Union.
2. Peasant unions
12. In the Kryukovsky district of Voskresensky u. at a meeting for the
re‐election of the KKOV, a former member of the All‐Union Communist
Party, Berlov, made a proposal to organize a cross‐union. As a result of
his speech, a resolution was adopted: “We demand equalization of the
social rights of the working people of the USSR. The workers are
unionized, but we peasants are not. We demand the organization of
peasant unions. ʺ
534
14. Vyatka lips. 5th of December. At the plenum of the Krasovsky
village council of the Kotelnichesky district in the debate, the middle
peasant Kovruzhnik (from the village of Krutiki) said: “The peasantry
cannot live without organization, the KKOV line is narrow and the two
rubles from the farm collected into the KKOV fund will be enough only
to pay salaries to employees of provincial and district bodies, and to
help the poor nothing remains. The peasants need to organize a
ʺpeasant economic‐trade unionʺ. The structure of this union should be
the same as that of the workersʹ trade unions: those who do not work
are fired, and the idlers are evicted to new places, since they have seized
land and do not cultivate, hindering the development of other peasant
farms. ʺ
16. In p. At the re‐election meeting, the peasant Isaenko submitted a
note to the popovka of the Rossoshansk district and the district with a
proposal to organize a peasant union and ʺproportional representation
of peasants and workers in the district VICs and in the government in
general.ʺ Isayenko, in defense of his proposals, with the unanimous
approval of all those present, spoke out several times, pointing out that
peasant unions should be organized ʺon an all‐Russian scale so that not
the workers dictate the prices of bread, but the peasants.ʺ
535
backs and now we were angry, under the tsar they mocked us and now
the same thing, there is no difference, on the contrary, we, the peasants,
we do not have what we had under the tsarist government. We see that
the peasants are bypassed by our government, the government pays
more attention to the workers, the peasants are completely abandoned,
there is no freedom, there is no way to organize their own peasant
union and its own non‐party peasant press. The Komsomol members,
workers and everyone, with the exception of the peasants, have their
own union, but we do not have, if we had a union, then we would not
give grain to the city at the price at which they take it. If there was a
union we would force industrial and manufactured goods to be sold at
pre‐war prices. I was devoted to the Soviet power, but now I have
completely stopped loving it, for the Bolsheviks do not give what they
promised, who promised a lot ‐ from that much is required, and we, the
peasants, must demand what we have promised. The Bolsheviks are
invaders because they are in the minority. They are mistaken in
thinking that they are in the majority. Look at the demobilized Red
Army men, they also became disillusioned with Soviet power; the war
is not over, and in the future we will need to know who to stand for. The
Bolsheviks finally lost the trust of the peasants. ʺ When voting on the
resolution on the report, the latter passed with the addition introduced
by Bondarev and his supporters. The following resolution was
adopted: “We, the non‐party peasants, have passed this
resolution. Three years of peaceful construction of the USSR have
passed, we see that we are bypassed by the government, and we see
that the government is acting more in the interests of the worker than
the peasant, and therefore we ask the Soviet government to allow us to
organize a peasant union of all of Russia in order to regulate trade,
adhering to the pre‐war time. We also ask for permission to organize a
ʺnon‐party peasant pressʺ under the leadership of non‐party workers,
such as an editor and other employees. Long live Soviet power. ʺ
In the Center, protests for the cross unions, in addition to those noted
above, took place: in Moscow province. ‐ 26 cases, Voronezh ‐ 3,
Vladimir ‐ 2, Kursk ‐ 1, Tverskaya ‐ 3, Vyatskaya ‐ 2, Ryazan ‐ 1.
536
ʺI see nothing comes of it, but let us organize our own party of non‐
party people and we will show how to work.ʺ
Demonstrations for the cross‐unions, in addition to those noted above,
were also registered in the Novgorod province. ‐ 1 case and Vologda ‐
1.
The performance for the crosses was also noted in the Urals (1 fact).
Siberia. 22. Barnaul district. 10th of November. In with. In the Kuguk
Shelabolikhinsky district, among the members of the Komsomol cell,
537
there is an antagonistic mood towards the workers and the working
part of the Komsomol. Komsomolets
Belyaev (a poor man) in a group of Komsomol members said: “The
worker won power, but the peasant did not, this is evident from the fact
that the bellies and workers go to schools, but the peasant is not taken
to school. I will withdraw from the union and organize my youth
union, develop a program and charter with the principle ‐ to defend the
peasant power against the Soviet power of the workers. ʺ The local hut,
supporting Belyaev, said: ʺThe government prefers more working
youth than the countryside.ʺ Similar inclinations are noted for other
Komsomol cells in this area.
Performances for cross unions were noted in the Tomsk district ‐ 1 case.
Demonstrations for the cross unions took place even in Primorskaya
lips. ‐ 1 case and Amur ‐ 1.
In addition to the above, cases of demonstrations and agitation for the
cross unions were also noted in Ukraine ‐ 3 facts (Kherson, Sumy and
Nikolaev districts), the North Caucasus ‐ 6 (Stavropol, Salsky, Donskoy
and Shakhtinsky districts) and in the Volga region ‐ 4 (Penza and
Saratov province).
3. Kulak groups
538
government. At a regional party conference in Surazh, a member of the
ʺDumaʺ Chernyshev, welcoming the party conference, said: ʺIf we in
theʺ Duma ʺdecided to hold what we decided to hold, then we will
stand firm on our own.ʺ The ideological leader of the ʺDumaʺ is the
owner of the mill Kuzmin (has a higher education). The group also
includes a former member of the All‐Union Communist Party of the
Soviet Union sailor Alekseev and a former manager of the factory
named after Vorovsky.
In addition to those noted above, groups of kulaks were identified in
the village. Kroslyany of the Priluki region and district and in the
village. N.‐Mlyn, Baturinsky district, Konotop district.
North Caucasus. 26. Terek District. December 3rd. In stts. Sovetskaya
Prokhladnensky district, on the basis of land management, under the
leadership of a former party member and holder of the Order of the Red
Banner Popov, a group was organized to deny land to
nonresidents. Members of the group are campaigning against the
election of nonresident to the Soviets.
Volga region. 27. Ulyanovsk province. November 21. In with. Zagarino
Golovinskaya Vol. Syzransky u. a group of kulaks was organized,
headed by the former landowner Ryabaev, which includes a local
teacher, priest and psalm reader. This group arranges their meetings
with the teacher by speaking in an organized manner at general
meetings.
539
Groupings of kulaks were also noted along the Amur Bay. ‐ 2 facts and
Akmola ‐ 1.
4. ʺRedʺ banditry
31. Similar anonymous letters were found in the villages of Nikolaevka
and Turovka, Turovsky district, Priluksky district, willow. Gute
Zelenitskaya, Korostensky District.
Siberia. 33. Barnaul district. 15th of November. In with. Rozhnov Log,
Rebrikhinsky District, a well‐to‐do peasant Zvyagintsev (former
headman) burned down a grain barn by the poor. In with. Belovo near
the miller, the poor set fire to the mill.
540
34. Arrived from the village. Sredne‐Krayushkino in the
village. Golyshevo, Beloyarsk district, farm laborer Vyatkin and the
Shabanov brothers, under the guise of allegedly having fun, were taken
to the village. Sredne‐Krayushkino of the middle peasant of Kraev
Alexei and, turning into the steppe, beat him. The reason for the
lynching was that one of the Shabanov brothers, being once a worker at
Krayev, suffered all kinds of bullying from him. According to the
chairman of the village council, this company also intended to kill the
middle peasant Penkov, but he was not at home.
36. Komsomolets Khaakov Alaguy, who lives in the Zagruy ulus of the
Olzonovsky khoshun, killed a one‐lusnik at night.
37. Komsomol members of the Idyginsky cell Raspopov Peter and
Obogonov, 12‐15 versts from Ust‐Orda, robbed the living Buryats, in
order to hide the traces of the crime, they had the intention to kill the
victims.
38. Komsomolets Malkov M. (he is the instructor of the Union of Land
and Forest), being drunk, in a fight with the youth of the
village. Marislovsky Olzonovsky Khoshun 302 killed Mr. Oschenkov.
39. Komsomolets Nazarov Andrian, living in the Tolodoisky ulus of
Bulagatsky khoshun, killed a local citizen.
40. On December 3, in the Tukhum ulus of the Khogotovsky Khoshun,
a conscript Botoev organized a secret society to combat banditry, which
included one member of the Komsomol. During one of the meetings, a
peasant from the ulus Bagatai Zorin arrived. Botoev, being angry with
him for killing his brother, ordered him ʺhands upʺ, tied him up, put
him against the wall and, having made a speech calling for the fight
against banditry, shot Zorin with a Smith‐Wesson. The party members
541
who had left Hogot were greeted with volleys to disarm the formed
society, but the latter were nevertheless disarmed and arrested.
True to the original: Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU
Kucherov
APPENDIX 4
ATTITUDE OF THE PEASANTS TO THE PUNISHING POLICY OF
THE SOVIET POWER
542
judge of the 4th section of Totemsky district. by one month of forced
labor.
1. Mogilev district. In with. Ozarnitsy noted a very alarming mood due
to the fact that 7 bandits, caught with sawn‐off shotguns in their hands
during the robbery of the mill, were acquitted by the verdict of the
district court and are at large. The verdict aroused strong discontent
among the peasants, especially since the court did not take into account
the request of the gathering to evict these 7 people as thieves known to
the entire peasantry.
9. Proskurovsky district. In with. Lukabarskoe, Volkovinets district, the
peasants beat the horse thief, the instigators of the lynching were
arrested and put in the DOPR, and the horse thief was released. After
that, the horse thieves, out of revenge, burned down the entire
household of the participants in the lynching, along with cattle and
bread.
10. Vinnytsia district. Recently, a number of bandits were seized in the
area of Cape Turbovo. The peasants are very pleased with this, but they
do not believe that the bandits will be punished according to their
merits and say about this: “They will be released soon anyway, and
543
they will return to the village, and then there will be trouble; if they
were given to us for reprisal, we would know what to do with them. ʺ
North Caucasus. 11. Maikop district. One of the peasants with. Eternal
was planted by an anonymous letter with the requirement to deliver
200 rubles to a certain place. threatened ‐ otherwise kill or burn. The
person who received the anonymous letter did not fulfill this
requirement, and his shed was set on fire. The same anonymous letter
was sent to another peasant, who also did not fulfill the demand; his
shed was also set on fire. After that, three poor people, suspected of
extortion and arson, were killed. The lynching was thought out in
advance, it was supposed to kill 12 people. The chairman of the village
council knew about this, but he did not take any measures. Members of
the CPSU and RLKSM took part in the lynching. The peasants say that
they confess to the lynching carried out, but this had to be done in order
to get rid of the robbers who terrorized them, who did not allow them
to work in peace. They also pointed out that, perhaps,
Siberia. 14. Tomsk District. In a number of villages in the Ishim region,
peasants declare: ʺSince the police do not take measures against
drunkenness and shooting, we ourselves will kill those who do this,
because we cannot live otherwise.ʺ
15. Biysk district. Peasants with. The Sarassy ‐ the Ryzhkovsʹ husband
and wife ‐ complain: ʺHere is the Soviet law for you, our only son was
killed, and the investigator released the murderer, stating thatʺ his
544
crime is small, he can live free. ʺ The same criminal is killing the third
person, when, finally, there will be a ʺbig crimeʺ. ʺ
16. Barnaul district. In with. Belove Chistyunsky district at the general
meeting in the debate on the report of the village council spoke up to
40 peasants. In the debate, the following emerged: the roof of a public
barn is torn down and used for heating. At night, the walls of the school
are dismantled. The chairman of the village council does not take
action, explaining that the bandits can kill him. In reality, the
population is terrorized by bandits. In the evenings, the peasants are
afraid to walk around the village and refuse night shifts in the village
council. The peasant Mokachev, speaking at the meeting, said: “If the
authorities are unable to bring thieves to justice, then let them allow us
to kill them; the thieves are so sure that they will not be judged, and if
they are convicted, they will still be released, that even in the daytime
they decide on daytime robberies, to beat up members of the village
council ʺ
True to the original: Pom. Secretary of INFO OGPU
Kucherov
APPENDIX No. 5
EASTERN NATIONAL REPUBLICS AND AUTONOMOUS AREAS
ORDER
545
subdivision ‐ former Dashnak, head. local tax ‐ former officer, employee
Mushegyan ‐ former officer of the British army, etc.
3. In Salyan. (Azerbaijan) the inheritor of the 2nd Salyan section until
1917 was assistant. the bailiff of Lankaran and for some time the
magistrate in Prishib. In 1918 he was the organizer of gangs in
Archevan district, after which he served as an assistant bailiff in Prishib
under the Musavats. During the Sovietization of Azerbaijan in 1920, he
took part in the battles against the Red Army and lived illegally until
1923.
4. In Salyan district (Azerbaijan) in advance of the executive committee
of the Karadonlinsky region, the money collected from the peasants in
the amount of 4000 rubles. he keeps it for the organization of the
cooperative, he does not start organizing it. In addition, from the
received from Salyan 1000 rubles. for travel expenses, he gave part of
the money to the shopkeeper, who shares the profits with him in half.
6. In Leninakan u. during the audit of the warehouse of the executive
committee No. 4 (Armenia), a waste of 800 rubles was found. In relation
to the head. the warehouse, through whose fault there was a shortage,
no measures were taken.
7. At the end of October this year. deputy. the head of the Adichensky
militia (Georgia) during the tax collection in the village. Lelovani
angered the peasants with his rude treatment of them, as a result of
which the peasants attacked him, disarmed him and wanted to arrest
him.
NORTH CAUCASUS
9. In the aul of Rugudzha (Dagestan), there was a clash between two
clans of Isibilazul and Iselazul on the basis of blood feud 304, which also
took place in 1924. As a result of the clash that took place on December
1, one person was killed and one person was wounded and one of the
clan of Isibilazul was wounded 2 people, 7 farmsteads belonging to
persons who have nothing to do with the warring clans were also
burned.
10. The Gunib okrispolkom (Dagestan) decided to take away part of the
pasture mountains from the village of Archi and transfer them to other
sheep breeders, to which the Archins did not agree and went out to
defend their mountains with weapons. A detachment of partisans, sent
to influence the Archins, returned without doing anything, while the
Archins held a holiday in honor of the victory.
11. In the Cossack district of the Kabardino‐Balkarian region. a gang of
unknown command numbering 10 people carried out a series of
robberies. The gang consists of Kabardians and Ingush who came from
Ingushetia.
12. In Ossetia, the production of robberies by the indigenous gang of
Adyrkhaev was noted.
13. In the aul of Khodz, Natyrbovskiy district, ACAD, the strike group
of the district had a shootout with Yesheevʹs gang. The bandits fired
back and disappeared.
14. The chairman of the Bemchepash aulsovet and one of the honorable
old men came to the chairman of the executive committee of the
Natyrbovskiy district, who declared that they had been detained by the
bandits and released on condition that they would negotiate with the
authorities about the conditions for their voluntary appearance.
15. In the Shatoevsky district of Chechnya, most of the bandits who
voluntarily surrendered are deprived of their voting rights, in
connection with which they express their dissatisfaction and declare
547
that since they have appeared for registration, they are no longer
bandits and should enjoy all the rights of citizenship. Their petition for
a full amnesty is expected to be supported by the district authorities.
16. In the Nadterechny district in the village. Upper Naur bandits
volunteered to carry out a robbery. When the district police tried to
arrest them, they resisted, opening fire. Four of them were arrested.
17. Re‐elections in Chechnya are scheduled for January 1, 1926, in
connection with which there is a growing interest of the population of
all strata in the upcoming campaign. Numerous groupings are outlined
and formed, deploying struggle and agitation work in favor of the
candidates they nominate. So, in the Urus‐Martan district, in particular
in Urus‐Martan itself (population of 20,000), a group of local traders
and small timber merchants, relying on the related tribes of the
Bekoevites, Nashkhoevites, Chimakhoevs, and Nihaloevites, is widely
campaigning for the return of Eldarkhanov and the retirement of the
chairman of the district Bakanaev, the current chairman and a
representative of their environment, citing the need to have an
educated person at the head of power, and not a “muzhik”, considering
Eldarkhanov a true defender of the interests of Chechens, an opponent
of their disarmament and “extermination”, and finding a great threat to
religion and Shariʹa the presence of communists in the government,
depriving mullahs, venerable old people and wealthy people of voting
rights. A similar picture is observed in the Novo‐Chechensky and
Nadterechny districts, and in the latter, the clergy calls on the
population to pass a sentence and petition the center for the return of
Eldarkhanov.
18. In the Shatoevsky district, a group of people of kulak and religious
elements, supported by the tribes that have suffered the most from
disarmament, are campaigning in favor of both Sheripovs.
MIDDLE ASIA
19. In the Tashkent region. UzSSR by order of the newly appointed
chairman of the VIK Buka vol. two citizens of the Ak‐Tepi aul were
arrested. After holding them for two days, they demanded a bribe of 80
rubles. The arrested paid 20 rubles, the rest promised to pay as soon as
possible.
548
20. In the Samarkand region. the chairman of the Makhalinsky VIK
together with the secretary tried to rape the chairman of the village
executive committee, the latter, having escaped, fled, fire was opened
at him. Chairman of the village executive committee and chairman of
the village committee of the Koshchi union of the Kulba rural
community of the Samarkand district the whole village was not
included in the income tax list, for which they later collected 5‐6 rubles
from each inhabitant of the sheltered village. Total cases of bribery,
violence and illegal extortion in the Samarkand district. recorded 6, in
the Katta‐Kurgan district. ‐ 3, in the Jizzakh district ‐ 1 willow in
Isteravshan vilayet ‐ 1.
21. In the Fergana region. the chairman of the agriculture in the village
of Yashchik (Naryn vol.) during the Basmachi period was an amine,
helped in supplying such food with food.
23. In the Zeravshan region. the chairman of the Kambasabinsky village
council (Vakbent vol.), when levying this or that tax from dehkans,
takes more than is due: instead of 1 rub. 20 kopecks ‐ 1 rub. 40 kopecks,
instead of 5 rubles. ‐ 5 rubles. 40 kopecks. etc. This chairman personally
removed the elected person in the Uba village from his post, appointing
his friend, a former accomplice of the Basmachi, to replace him. A
member of the Wakbent VIC collected from a resident of Wakbent 6
rubles. for the division of property, he handed over to the present
mullah. Guzar Dikrazan, a member of the Guzar Commission (Satarov
is a party member), received 10 rubles for his presence as an attesting
witness during the division of the property of one farmer. The
chairman of the Sermedzhan village council (Gijduvan vol.) Exacted 60
rubles from a resident of the Yasuman village for the division of the
549
property of a deceased farmer, and he also received a bribe of 20
rubles.306 wakuf earth 307.
24. In the Ferghana and Samarkand regions, the baystvo agitates that
the land reform is contrary to the teachings of the Sharia, that all devout
Muslims, in order to avoid Godʹs punishment, should abandon it, that
the Soviet government cannot supply the landlords with live and dead
implements, due to which the land reform will be postponed for 3‐5
years, which if such will be carried out, then only at the expense of the
state land fund and then only in the form of leasing land plots (in order
to receive a higher tax), etc.
25. Of the active measures taken by the city (trade) to preserve land
plots, it should be noted: there is a massive resettlement of smaller
traders‐landowners to their plots in Margelan and Kokand districts
(Fergana region), where they think to stay only until the end of the land
reform, bribing their teaikers 308 to give testimony to the land
commission that they (the owners) worked the land with their own
labor.
26. In the Fergana region. characteristic is the transfer of 200 tanaps by
one of the large bays of the city of Andijan to the influential ishan in the
village of Chem‐Bagish in the hope that the land from him, as one who
enjoys great authority and has large connections with the central Soviet
apparatus, will not be taken away.
27. In Turkmenistan, there is widespread agitation of the Baystva
against the land reform, often reaching the level of calls for an open
speech. In some places they threaten to kill members of the reform
commission, for which they persuade special persons (the Kurds,
promising to give them water for this). Baystva states: ʺIf everyone
protests against the campaign, the authorities will not be able to carry
it out.ʺ In some villages, for example, the villages of Shor‐Kala, Kara‐
Geokchi, Bakhardensky vol., Yashkala, Bukra Geok‐Tepinsky
vol. Poltoratsk district, the population of the aul is entirely opponents
of the reform: ʺIn no case will we allow redistributionʺ, ʺnot a single
member of the commission will return if they take our land, and even
transfer it to other families.ʺ
550
28. In the aul Bagir of the Poltoratsky district, in order to avoid the
transfer of land to other clans during the land reform, the surplus of
sanashik land was distributed by the inhabitants of the aul, and only
representatives of small clans united by the Geokcha clan were
allocated. The right to use the surplus of this aul Bagir during the land
reform was expected to be obtained by representatives of the clan
otamysh, as well as the Takhtamysh, already at war with each other on
this basis. It is characteristic to note at the same time the statement of
the Takhtamysh people who are in contact with the Baghir people
themselves: ʺWe would rather die than give water to the Muscles.ʺ
20. In the Samarkand region. the chairman of the Makhalinsky VIK
together with the secretary tried to rape the chairman of the village
executive committee, the latter, having escaped, fled, fire was opened
at him. Chairman of the village executive committee and chairman of
the village committee of the Koshchi union of the Kulba rural
community of the Samarkand district the whole village was not
included in the income tax list, for which they later collected 5‐6 rubles
from each inhabitant of the sheltered village. Total cases of bribery,
violence and illegal extortion in the Samarkand district. recorded 6, in
the Katta‐Kurgan district. ‐ 3, in the Jizzakh district ‐ 1 willow in
Isteravshan vilayet ‐ 1.
21. In the Fergana region. the chairman of the agriculture in the village
of Yashchik (Naryn vol.) during the Basmachi period was an amine,
helped in supplying such food with food.
23. In the Zeravshan region. the chairman of the Kambasabinsky village
council (Vakbent vol.), when levying this or that tax from dehkans,
takes more than is due: instead of 1 rub. 20 kopecks ‐ 1 rub. 40 kopecks,
551
instead of 5 rubles. ‐ 5 rubles. 40 kopecks. etc. This chairman personally
removed the elected person in the Uba village from his post, appointing
his friend, a former accomplice of the Basmachi, to replace him. A
member of the Wakbent VIC collected from a resident of Wakbent 6
rubles. for the division of property, he handed over to the present
mullah. Guzar Dikrazan, a member of the Guzar Commission (Satarov
is a party member), received 10 rubles for his presence as an attesting
witness during the division of the property of one farmer. The
chairman of the Sermedzhan village council (Gijduvan vol.) Exacted 60
rubles from a resident of the Yasuman village for the division of the
property of a deceased farmer, and he also received a bribe of 20
rubles.306 wakuf earth 307.
24. In the Ferghana and Samarkand regions, the baystvo agitates that
the land reform is contrary to the teachings of the Sharia, that all devout
Muslims, in order to avoid Godʹs punishment, should abandon it, that
the Soviet government cannot supply the landlords with live and dead
implements, due to which the land reform will be postponed for 3‐5
years, which if such will be carried out, then only at the expense of the
state land fund and then only in the form of leasing land plots (in order
to receive a higher tax), etc.
25. Of the active measures taken by the city (trade) to preserve land
plots, it should be noted: there is a massive resettlement of smaller
traders‐landowners to their plots in Margelan and Kokand districts
(Fergana region), where they think to stay only until the end of the land
reform, bribing their teaikers 308 to give testimony to the land
commission that they (the owners) worked the land with their own
labor.
26. In the Fergana region. characteristic is the transfer of 200 tanaps by
one of the large bays of the city of Andijan to the influential ishan in the
village of Chem‐Bagish in the hope that the land from him, as one who
enjoys great authority and has large connections with the central Soviet
apparatus, will not be taken away.
27. In Turkmenistan, there is widespread agitation of the Baystva
against the land reform, often reaching the level of calls for an open
speech. In some places they threaten to kill members of the reform
commission, for which they persuade special persons (the Kurds,
552
promising to give them water for this). Baystva states: ʺIf everyone
protests against the campaign, the authorities will not be able to carry
it out.ʺ In some villages, for example, the villages of Shor‐Kala, Kara‐
Geokchi, Bakhardensky vol., Yashkala, Bukra Geok‐Tepinsky
vol. Poltoratsk district, the population of the aul is entirely opponents
of the reform: ʺIn no case will we allow redistributionʺ, ʺnot a single
member of the commission will return if they take our land, and even
transfer it to other families.ʺ
28. In the aul Bagir of the Poltoratsky district, in order to avoid the
transfer of land to other clans during the land reform, the surplus of
sanashik land was distributed by the inhabitants of the aul, and only
representatives of small clans united by the Geokcha clan were
allocated. The right to use the surplus of this aul Bagir during the land
reform was expected to be obtained by representatives of the clan
otamysh, as well as the Takhtamysh, already at war with each other on
this basis. It is characteristic to note at the same time the statement of
the Takhtamysh people who are in contact with the Baghir people
themselves: ʺWe would rather die than give water to the Muscles.ʺ
553