a Chapter 20 s Movements—Early Activities working O° working class was one of the new social classes which emerged as a sh colonialism during the [ater half of nineteenth century. The growth pained SOW with persons employed in organized industry being only around rrillions i 1911 in a population of 313 millions. But they were concentrated and Bomba and Calcutta w them to organize economically as well a8 politically. Both in the British and Indian owned enterprises, the living wf woning covtion were very-abpling, compounded by Ts ave He conditions iT the tea plantations. Even in mines and railways, although jeeruitment was technically free yet it was carried out by intermediators ba demanded money. Restrictions on the working hours were-seldom— Faposed with a working day of 16-18 hours quite common. The government being wedded to the policy of Inissez faire did not take any steps to protect the interests of the workers. In fact, the conditions of the workers in India were worse than the early factories of Britain. In 1874, attention to these evils was drawn by Major Moore, the Chief Inspector of the Bombay Cotton Department. His eport led to the establishment of a Factory Commission in 1875. But the employers in India were opposed to the introduction of any factory act. The Bombay Millowners’ Association organized powerful opinion against the ‘yexatious and useless restrictions in the conditions of work of labourers’. As jresult, the Factory Acts of 1881 and 1891 were enacted to regulate the employment of children and women in the industries, limiting their hours of work and certain other benefits. What is important to remember is that these hes came into existence not as a result of any agitation or movement of the Indian working class; they were the result of the efforts of certain Indian social reformers or British philanthropists, and the Lancashire interests who had become jealous of the cotton mill industry that was being developed in India. : To improve the conditions of workers, some philanthropic efforts were made by N.M. Lokhande in 1884 who organized labour meetings to demarid shorter hours of work, He sent a memorial signed by 5500 mill workers to the Bombay Factory Commission, putting some demands of the workers. Fle even started a journal Dinaliamdu and formed a Bombay Millhands Association in 1890, Similar activities were started in Calcutta by Sasipada Banerjee among the Bengali jute mill workers in 1874. But his education was more about how ‘bea good worker and to inculcate a middle class Victorian morality of lt, sobriety and self-help. He also started a journal Bharat Sramajeeb. (369)i | legislation such as Factories Act; 1881.and 1891 were 370 Colonialisin aj . r "4 Nation, lish, The workers did fight back occasionally in their own wa 4 Ssitations were mostly saporadic, spontaneous and uinorganizgs tt the , on inmediate economic grievances and lacking ANY Political im, ¢¥Olts 9 first campaign against the slavish conditions of labour in the te, tion, of Assam was started by Bengali intellectuals such a8 Dwarka ny lentaye in 1880s. The first attempt at organizing the industriaj Workers A! Gane Working hours also took place in Bombay during 1880s, Twat? {or 5 a Were reported in Bombay and Madras between 1882 ang 1909, five Sti, Whole such labour protests were more a kind of ‘community ¢¢ Xt ont tather than a clear recognition of class’. The Amalgamated Socie Servants was founded in 1897, the membership of which wag Teste ily to salaried upper staff of railways, mostly Anglo-Indians, few unc’ as Printers Union in Calcutta and Postal Union in Bombay were ajo? su in the first decade of twentieth century.” $° forms hy, The early nationalists paid little attention to the inspite of their wretched conditions. Also they had diffe Plight of the Workers employed in the European and Indian enterp: rent percept; t rises. The early 2°! is c Rot supported so nationalists because (as mentioned above) the government initiatiy, dictated by the British manufacturing interests which when faced "2 growing Indian competition, wanted to reduce the working hours for jit thereby reducing the competitive edge enjoyed by the Ly * laboug dian industry. ¢ the nationalist movement was in its initial Stage, the leadership diq Not wig to weaken the common struggle against the British tule by creating ay division within the ranks of Indian people. As Dadabhai Naorojisaid, ‘Congic) must confine to questions in which the entire nation has direst Participation: Also the early Indian leaders saw rapid industrialization as a Panacea for the problems of Indian poverty and were not ready to countenance any measug which would slow this process. It was only when the national movement gained some strength and a number of ideologies such as Marxism and socialism evolved within it. that efforts were made to organize the trade union movements and make the workers politically conscious to fight British imperialism. Swadeshi Movement and Rise of Labour Unrest 1 Swadeshi_ movement during’ 1905-08 is consider: of indastiel uae i na. The munbeca-lks grew shop 2 Swadeshi leaders enthusiastically threw themselves into the tas onan stable trade_unions, strikes, lepatat collection drive an off survey entitled Administration oj 3 0. i der industrial unrest and ‘the rise of professional agitator as qui Q tation henomenon. It was’ during this period that a shift occurred from 38 ne Las purely economic questions to the involvement of the workers“ Movements i a7 wi i agitati i ve of the day- The eran agitation in Bengal following partition ior pave @ poost to strikes in Bengal industries owned by:the British ig oer 1905, the enti see On ye itt iit 8 Septem! z re Swadeshi public hailed a walk out of ‘a cjerks of Burn Company in protest against the new work a gen chs was followed by a tram strike in Calcutta. The first labout tio Union, was formed in O a ne ative HH ners Union, was for in October-1905. In July 1906, a strike ot Bast Indian Rail hays led to the formation of Railwaymen’s Union. oe jute mills were also frequent between 1905-08. Striking workers ar ycessed by Swadeshi leaders like B.C. Pal and C.R. Das. Four ete i jeaders—Aswinicoomar Banerjee, P.K: Roy Chowdhuri, Premtosh ot "K. Ghose—dedicated themselves to the labour struggles. They fot ed a number of agitations, particularly inindustries dominated by oi pital. But on the whole, there wera no really political strikes. Tilak’s a es ‘guring Swadeshi revolved around boycott of foréign-goods-and .wadeshi was advocated because through it, ‘the work in mills would i nd the employees would be benefitted’. The first-political strike jets Bombay in 1908 following the arrest to Tilak but after that there nationalist jnterest in the workers movement till the first world war. 13520 igo apparent from the fact that Keir Hardie, the British labour jadet who visited India gave no reference to any Indian working class efyent in his book published in 1909. Similarly, another labour leader ay MacDonald in his book The Awakening of India (1910) referred merely pie possibility of the formation of trade combination by the Indian workers ee inthe future Labour Movements During the First World War The ferment of war made the worker in ht i se rights. They realized, ie advantage 6 seapan trade unions. the ower of Col necte argiing and Saks 2 our nee fights. Various © oF CTO contributed 0 strengthen the above MOVERS during and after the war. During the war, there was significant increase in tte number of industrial workers. Employment in the organized industry increased from 2 lakhs jin 1911 to 2.6 lakhs in 1921, Wages remained ow i. periods of high prices and super ros eer bar ‘Algo a relative shortage of Tabour in The pasar prod ee vies od fom position of the workers. The result was spurt in the strikes and formation of tade unions. The precursor in this respect was the Ahmedabad strike in March 1918 led by Gandhi and the great Bombay textile ? strike in January 1919. Workers in Century Mills went on. strike on 31 December for 25% increase in their salary. The Century Mills workers persuaded other labourers of the Parel industrial area to join them. Soon the entire working class of textile tills of Bombay were on the streets closing down 83 mills. The strike spread ‘v the clerks of mercantile houses, dock labourers-of the Royal Indian Marine and Parel railway engineering workers. The leadership of these strikes was =374 Colonialism and Nay "Onalis, cotton excise and the workers won for the country a — ™ in hd which was pending for the last 30 years. Also labour militar Hi la -push wages significantly higher in Bombay textile mills, litancy Communist Penetration in the Trade Union Movement Following the directions of the Comintern, communists q active part in the trade union movement, from early ‘tent € take Congress of Comintern in 1924, emphasized that ‘The Tnanties. The Party must bring the trade union movement under its Rae Conte, fig reorganize it on a class basis and purge it of all alien clementa*® tet there was considerable communist penetration in the lab The various communist groups and labour and kisan parties in qi of the country organized themselves into an All India Workery 4 Party (WPP). The WPP functioned as a left wing of the Cone & communists became members of the Congress and gained mi the Congress organization. Simultaneously, communist influence unions became very strong. The Communists were quite poe on the Kharagpur railway workshop strikes in Febfuary and September 1g" historic six months. long general strike by the Bombay textile 927, 1928, the communist led Girni Kamgat Union acquired a prominent Their influence spread among the workers in the railways, jest municipalities and paper mills in Bengal and Bornbay. Activists of wre a leading role during 1928 in the Calcutta Corporation scvangers' sitet strikes in the jute mills in Changal and Bauria. By late 1928 oa influence was spreading fast in Bombay particularly among the crat workers and oil depots. The Indian working class began to constitute as an independent class organization. A considerable section of the wal followed their own leadership in the national movement. The workers ji the demonstrations organized by the Indian National Congress as a pal against the Simon Commission mostly under their own flag, with thei slogan and under their own leadership. In December 1928, the “a working class gave a striking demonstration of its growing politi involvement and maturity when led by WPP they marched into the Conge session, occupied the pandal for two hours and passed a resolution demands Purna Swaraj. The Girni Kamgar Union led by the Comumunists had 2) 60000 members at its height, as against 9800 of its rival under NM. ost only 27000 of well established Gandhian Ahmedabad Textile Labo Association. ‘By the end of 1928, the Government was anxiously od that there was hardly any single public utility service which was r01 by the wave of communism’. : ur trade 2 ess. Vf © : ass, In order to curb the communist influence on the working Government resorted to-two pronged strategy. On the one handy sell repressive laws like the Public Safety and Trade Disputes Act *™ apeasants’ Movements sand aes : 375 ae radical Ce Re of the labour movement and started the i ee ee 5 ee it attempted to wean away a substantial 1 oe et Tabor Sheet Bh concessions by the appointment of a Fh commission OF the Ri Sharp differences arose within AITUC on the jon of boys o Pe ‘oyal Commission and tepresentation at the Seen oot eeesed by Na rich ultimately led to a spit in 1929. A Wiper of trade Uni ed by NM. Joshi left AITUC and formed the Indian ie UO er one labour movernent also received a set back as a peutof te shift in the stance of communist led wing of the movement due age in the Comintern policy. Communists left AITUC and formed their \e ganization ‘called All Indi: S rate labour orga n called All India Red Trade Union Congress. ied to the isolation of the Communist from the national movement Tha nembershiP of Girni Kamgar Union fell from 54000 in December 1928 to Spout 800 iN 1929. civil Disobedience and After . inspite of organizational conflicts at political level, the workers did anticipate in the civil disobedience moment. The textile workers of Sholapur, eck labourers of Karachi, transport and millworkers of Calcutta and the mill workers of Madras clashed with the government during the movement. insholapur, textile workers went on a rampage after government firing on the anti-British procession and attacked government offices, law courts, police gations and railway stations. The government had to impose martial law to ash the insurgents. In Bombay, about 20 thousand workers struck work on {February 1930. On the day Gandhi started the civil disobedience movement by breaking the salt Jaw, the workers of GIP railway union prostrated * themselves on the suburban railway tracks with red flags in front of them. The police had to open fire to remove them. But on the whole, there was no major labour upsurge during the civil disobedience movement. _la the meantime, the communists abandoned their policy of isolation and reentered the mainstream of national politics. They joined AITUC in 1935 and in association with the Congress Socialist Party and left nationalists such asNehru and Bose formed a broad leit front within thie Congress. The election of 1937 were wholeheartedly supported by the working class.” In pursuance of the 1931 Congress resolution on Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy, the Congress election manifesto of 1936 declared that it Would secure for the working class a decent standard of living, fixed hours of work and conditions of labour, establishment of suitable machinery for | Settlement of disputes between the empoyers and the workers, adequate | | Provision for the protection of the workers against the economic consequences Old age, sickness and unemployment, right to form unions and go on strike. a ee ‘Congress rule in the provinces, the trade union movements showed Phenomenal rise. Their number increased from 271 to 562. The number of Kesi aN oe Coloniatisnn ang N ‘Atio, strikes also increased considerably. The major indus iat gm years included a general strike in Bengal jute mills, 8 Beri, di Kanpur cotton mills, textile strikes in Amri ar, Ahmeds, Of s¢ provinces, a strike in Martin Burn’s Kulti and Hirapuc’ on ed : 1938 and a six month long struggle in Digboi oit Works (24 sgt Ma some Congress efforts to rally the working clays, the bul, 485am,_ “ty remained either under liberal of leftist leadership. But they Kk of track of the Congress also came under severe pressure which P™daboe Bomba Trades Dispute Act 1938, The Act imposed conan sixmonths offal forillegal strikes (butno corresponding ue arbigg th at i and new trade union registration rules making it diffi Fotos by the management. The entire trade union movemee © be Fecopat organized a protest rally on 6 November 1938, followed oe" the & successful general strike throughout the province, Neher’ © a the whole a -good one’. ‘ When the Second World War was declared and India wae fo the war without the consent of the Indian leaders: tre work’ @ Paty Bombay was amongst the first in the world to hold’ ¢” anti-waec ea which 90,000 workers participated. Apart from this, these were seve,st8ia on economic issues during the war. However, with the German syste Russia and the latter joining the Allied powers, the Communist Party at its stand and disassociated itself from the anti-war stand of the Indian ian! Congress. The CPI did not participate in the Quite Indy movement, Bu spite of non-participation of the Communists, the working clay on Rot rena, aloof. Immediately after the arrest of Gandhi ori 9 August 194s there wes strikes and hartals by the workers in Delhi, Lucknow, Kangen Bombay, Nagpur, Ahmedabad, Jamshedpur, Madras, Indore and Bangzione Tenn Steel Plant was totally closed down for 13 days during which tine tern, slogan of the labour was ‘they will not resume work until sre government has been formed’. But on the whole, the role of the workets was short-lived and limited. It was very low in the pockets of communist influence. The post-war period once again saw the renewal of Jabour activity. Te workers participated in numerous meetings and demonstrations organize! on the issue of INA trials. The Communist led general strike paralyzed industrial Calcutta on 12 February 1946 on the issue of seven years rgont imprisonment to Abdul Rashid of INA. During the RIN miiliny, two opi developed. The Bombay CPI called for a general strike which was a by the Congress Socialist leaders like Aruna Asaf Ali and Achut Pato od On the other hand, Sardar Patel advised people ‘to go about ea nba business as usual’. Despite the Congress opposition, 3 lakhs workersin Hi refrained from work. Violent street fight with crowds ‘erecting rom ork and covering them from nearby buildings’ continued for two days it districts of Parel and Delisle Road. 4 Y a pari ti ound atgad peasants’ Movements 397 yh iti 1 ears of British rule saw a remark, sat : tkable increase in stri he ic issues resulting 5 from the post-war impact sich ete otter pes 20 ow ges, Theré was a 85 days tram strike a dor é st lea Sa iy ty 1947, followed by port employees and ie en jnalls a heaton Vesela senuary pi se wave - ah en : ppage ‘kes in ree we tt ere largely due to on eee and strikes in Coimbatore, i a Se ain Conan agitation. So much so that c re il fe 2 tee higher Wages and lee reac St srkes everywhere. most of the Congress leaders were in jail durin, ists had come to dominate the AITUC. Under | ot ess decked to sors a separate trade union org: | 2 Congress Wor! ing Committee advised the Congr | 1 our field to follow the lead given by Hind Mazdoor Sevak Saat a | the all India version of Gandhi’s Textile Labour Association of we edabad). In 1947, the Congress formed the Indian National Trade Unio ization (INTUC). The Congress Socialists also formed their own labour ggnization Flindu Mazdoor Sabha. Thus by the dawn of independence, the tue union movement in India had been sharply divided-on ideological and pateal lines. a since ig the war period; the these circumstances, anization. In August Role of Peasantry Apatt from the working class, the conditions of peasantry as a class during the British rule i ic. As explained earlier, the introduction of pivate property in land through zamindari and ryotwari system by the British goremment led to a number of changes-in the land tenure system in India which affected the peasantry-adversely. Prominent among them were the high land revenue burden, fragmentation of land, role of moneylenders, transfer of land from cultivators to non-cultivators and rural indebtedness. Saporadic peasant ‘agitations and spontaneous rebellions took place in the nineteenth century on the issue of land revenue, increase in rent, extortions ty landlords, evictions and pauperization through money lending. These reals brought the agrarian question to the forefront and it began to figure Pominently in the national movement after 1920s. Like the working class, easantry as a class not only participated in the national movement but it ‘bo devetoped its own independent movement with the aims and objectives diferent from the Indian National Congress. Peasant Struggles in Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries The second half of nineteenth century was the beginning of a new kind of nontt struggles in India which centered mainly on the rent question; The - tant among them were the Indigo Revolt of 1859, agrarian unrest in Be “Bengal, agrarian outbreaks in Poona and Ahmednagar districts of378 indig ters, Bengal, the indigo plan indigo under extremely op| cultivators. The discontent 0} when, misreading a government ig free to grow whatever crop they lil 3 ler duress anc ts with whatever weapons they could collecs not to grow indigo und planters and their Jathiya f the indigo growers reached its peas’ i Colonialism and Nationatis, ‘om iy Maharashtra in 18: d the Kuka Revolt in Punjab. In the indi ‘ aharashtra in 1875, an v ud awe conditions with a great | S toga to tter (which declared that the r ked) the cultivators asserted theig Werg resisted the physical pressure indigo strike and disturbances spread to all the indigo ae of Bengal 1860. Factory after factory were raided and burnt, and | ie facto seca were beaten, The planters could not withstand the unified resistance of ryots and they were compelled to close down their factories, In 1860, indigo revolt merged with the rent disturbances that came in the Wake oi Rent Act of 1859. The ryots refused to pay the rent charged by the planter zamindars. The government appointed an Indigo Commission esed the coercion and corruption in the system of indigo cultivation tt the basis of the report, the cul their choice. - In 1870, the Bengal tenants were hit by econoinic depression and re to pay rents, disobeyed the dictates of the courts and obstructed their evi and its:rep, tivators were allowed to grow the crops t An agrarian league was formed in Pubna to resist the demands of the zamindats. The league organized mass meetings and rent strikes and challenged the zamindars in the court. The struggle spread gradually to other districts of Bengal. This forced the government to undertake legislation to. Protect the tenants from the worst aspects of zamindari oppression through the Bengal Tenancy Act, 1885. In 1865, the Maratha peasants rose against moneylenders who, with aid of the court, threatened the: 2m with eviction due to non-payment of rent, Here the situation had been worsened due to three developments at a time, During 1850s the American Civil War had led to rise in co’ 1864 the decline in exports and Simultaneously the Government raised land revenu ton exports but ir depression led to a crash in the cotton prices, e by 50% in 1876. The peasants united against the moneylenders and organized a complete socia boycott against them. The village servants, barbers, washermen, carpenters) . ete. refused to serve them. The’ accounts and deeds. The Decc: plunder of property’, ‘murdero stacks of produce belonging y also seized and publicly burnt debt bonds, ‘an Riots Commission referred to ‘wholesale us assault on the moneylenders’, ‘burning of to moneylenders’. The government acted«nd Peasants’ Movements 379 gsland passed fe" capHtaliste and moneylenders’ and ‘the homogeneous go eter of the com: nu i Plas disappearing. With the extension of ae Jand increases its value and land transfer was accelerated. Darling ied that mortgage which was tare in the days of the Sikh rule became 138 ie nent feature in rural economy in the 1870s. To the ruling class the apm psiation of owner cultivators posed a ‘political danger’. A Land optee an Act, 1900 was enacted to restrict the sale of agricultural land by pienattijtural tribes to non-members. ay ¥ apart from these, there were a number of no-evenue movements when ‘yernment attempted to increase land revenue in temporarily settled arene areas of Kamrup and Derrang districts of Assam. The chief 1 acteristic of.all these agitations was that they were instinctive and ajareteous. Instead of touching the root cause of the evil, the anger was jnst the zamindars, moneylenders.or-owners of the tea gardens. They did age question the colonial structure. The struggles-were directed towards 101 Sie and limited objectives and redressal of particular grievances. But in acess, the peasant developed a strong awareness of his legal rights and in gted them in and outside the courts. He was also able to wring considerable sfcessions from the colonial state. But the movements as a whole lacked an adequate understanding of the colonial state. ‘The Indian National Congress being an elitist urban association did not any heed to the peasant problems. ThoughGokhale drew the attention Mine government towards the famines, rural indebtedness, illiteracy and ignorance at rural level, his efforts were limited only to petitioning or prayer. Itwas only because of the miserable conditions produced by the first world war, impact of Russian revolution and the wave of anti-imperialism started after the war that some peasant associations began to emerge, influenced by the ongoing struggle for national freedom.” pont Organized peasant movements started after 1920s. But before that, there were numerous spontaneous kisan movements during the twentieth century. For example, Mewar was the scene of important peasant movements. There were 86 different types of cesses on kisans in Bijolia and in 1905, the kisans Collectively refused to cultivate land and tried to emigrate to neighboring areas. A no-tax campaign was started against the Udaipur Maharana in 1916. Peasants’ refusal to contribute to war loans was another element in the Bijolia ovement which later developed Gandhian contact and continued into 1920s. According to Stephen Henningham, powerful peasant movement developed 1919.20 in Darabangha Raj in North Bihar. High prices adversely affected allthose who had to buy part of their food while population pressure led to | Conflicts over lafid, grazing areas and timber. Peasant meetings voicing Bievances began to be held from 1919 onwards. The movement, however, ible to get some concessions from "mained Peaceful and the peasants were al the Darbangha raj. "hnatfen peasant movement was in the Oudh region of kKCotoniatis a ea Nationatisn F ffered from a vari ited Province. The peasants sul e Variety oj Siocon (of unpaid labour begar while the combination of co°S8*8 ang domination made the jajmani system an effective instrument of With | the lower castes being obliged to supply the cloth or ghee f, *Ploita market price to higher castes, landlords or better off kisi, tee ae or. was started by one Baba Ram Chandra and the demands ang men ‘ fairly moderate such as abolition of cesses and begar, refusal to eyjys O88 wel land, social boycott of oppressive landlords organized through 2 baa Contacts were also established with Nehru and in 1920, an Qugh P2"hay was founded headed by Nehru. This helped in establishin, over the peasant movement in UP. Peasant Mobilization under Gandhi Before the arrival of Gandhi.on the scene, the English class dominated Congi e more for industrialieaa mig industrialists than for the amelioration of the conditions of i Isa) s, 8 Congress leade id easant Gandhi was one o! tical leaders of India to organiz, asaln and espouse their cause. It was during Gandhian era that the cones ess) | embarked upon peasant mobilization and became linked with the masses. According to Barririgton Moore, the alliance between the ~ ind the Congress was forged and maintained via non-viole ‘Ppurgecisie became reconciled with peaceful peasant movements, The na “J Spirit of defiance of authority generated by the national movement fr 1820 onwards promoted the growth of peasant movement almost through the country. The techniques of peasant mobilization evolved by Gandhi were meetings, processions, signature campaign and satyagraha. ‘ Peasa | \ } During 1917-18, Gandhi ized the peasants of Ch aan ah 4 the indigo planters who were mostly European. Under the Tinkathia system, the peasants were bound to grow indigo on 3/20 part of their land and sell it to British planters at prices fixed by them. They were liable to unlawful extraction and oppression by the planters. Gandhi held a systematic inquiry into the grievances despite threats of imprisonment. He moved from village to village collecting evidence-of the ryots and produced-such an irrefutable evidence against the long sufferings of the peasants that the Government was forced to appoint an inquiry commission with Gandhi as one of its) members. On the basis of the report, the Government enacted a law, Champaran Agrarian Act 1917, which made the tinkathia system illegal. But_ as pointed out by Ranga, the agitation of Gandhi did ‘not lead to any fight i against the main cause for the terrible poverty and sufferings of Champarat peasants, namely, the excessive rents and exorbitant incidents of debts’. Hee Gandhi was helped not only by the new converts to his ideas like Rajendis Prasad, A.N. Singh and J.B. Kriplani but also by the local moneylendets mahajans and traders, all of whom ranged against the planters who interfere with a ‘free and undisturbed transfer of tenant's property into their hand amwe Peasants’ Movements 381 at . Wr -18,Gandhi led another movementof the peasants in the Kheda district nie who were protesting against the collection of land revenue which of 41d not pay due to the failure of crops. Gandhi launched a satyagrah Ho re peasants refused to pay the land tax. Meetings were held throughout and strict, 2337 ryots signed the pledge not to pay land revenue. As the ae Urpent tried to Suppress the movement by attaching the ryots’ property, gvezasants began to waver. A section of the educated middle class represented bePejabhbhai Patel, Mahadev Desai and Indulal Yajnik stood by Gandhi. overnment was forced to yield ground and arrive at a settlement giving i relief to the peasants. ‘gut on. the whole, till 1919 the Kisan mov nt. The UP Kisan Sabha put before the conten’ which included among other thin ass ‘which they have been cultivating, (ii) in the zamindari areas, the tenant tae ship of the land rights should be procured and given to the tenant, (iii) ow! Jess than 5 bigas (or which is Necessary for the sustenance of Peasant femily) should be tax free. However, these proposals were not accepted. peasantry and Non-Cooperation , ement lacked any political Indian National Congress a igs—(i) make peasants owners of ‘The Indian kisans were aroused to political consciousness during the rion- cooperati Sen risall for ton-payment of taxes and land revenue given by the Indian National Congress had great effect. The peasants Fterpreted the political struggle for Swaraj in terms of a struggle against the heavy land ind sections of them sympathized with, supported and participated in the movement. In the Outh area of U.P. where kisan sabhas anda kisan movement had been gathering strength since 1918, non-cooperation helped to fan the struggle and soon it became difficult to distinguish between non-cooperation'and a kisan meeting. In Punjab, the Akali movement to wrest control of the gurudwaras from the’corrupt mahants was a part of the general movement. The bulk of 15506 Akali volunteers listed in the government report came from the Jat Sikh peasantry, particularly from Jullundur, Hoshiarpur, Amwitsar, Shaikhupura and Lyallpur. While the Akali movement primarily remained peaceful, a dissident Babbar Akali group emerged calling for no- tevenue movement and eventually adopting terrorist methods against loyalist moneylenders. In Rajasthan, the Bijolia movement in Mewar won a partial victory in 1922. In Midnapur, a cultivators’ strike against a White zamindari company was led by a Calcutta medical student. Defiance of forest laws became Popular in Andhra ‘region. Apart from these, there were peasant struggles which were not organized by the Congress such as the struggles in the Gunter Disttict, Karnataka and Oudh Rent Act of 1921 which partly met the demands othe peasants. Apart from these, the Moplahs Rebellion of 1922 had both ‘ommunal and economic roots. The economic discontent of the Moplahs who Were mainly Muslim agriculturists intensely exploited by Namburis who were ie382 Colonialism and Nationatisn in Brahmin landlords was diverted by the Muslim communalis channels, with the result that a revolt predominantly economic in conn religious in form broke out leading to tragic loss of life and pro, nett big peasant upsurge in Outh associated with Baba Ramchandra guint” 7 widespread agrarian riots in Rae Bareli, Pratapgarh, Fyzabad an, as ‘ated in between January and March 1921. Congress and Khilafat leaders po Pt Baba to keep away from the affected areas and when the later was ana on 10 February, Motilal Nehru and Gauri Shankar Misra did not mot’ effort to get him released. Ramchandra later charged the Congress yt betrayal. After the withdrawal of the non-cooperation movement, the pay were asked to:pay the land revenue. The Congress resolution emprestt that ‘withholding of rent payment to the zamindars is contrary to the Con, a resolution’ and assured the zamindars ‘that the Congress movement ge way intended to attack their legal rights’. The more radicals among the Congress started the Eka ; vement for unity in heehee oi dis otal athe Lucknow and Si stricts. The social base of this movement tenants Hd aoe Erte aTETtholn lord. Their b; was the conversion of produce rent (bn) into cash. As the movement san in Hardoi in the winter of 1921, the peasants took the.oath to Pay only ¢ recorded payment. Madari Pasi a low caste peasant who emerged as its lead, was described as a ‘notorious badmas’ and the movement was crushed It was after the end of non-cooperation movement that the process of formation of independent class organization of the Indian kisans started Ryots’ associations and agricultural labour unions were formed in Andhia 4 1923. The Peasants and Workers Pary was formed by thé communists in Benga 1 in 1925-and a number of kisan sabhas were started in Punjab, United Provies and U.P. during 1925-28. In 1928 representatives of Bihar and UP kisan sabh; presented a memorandum to the All Parties Conference presided over b Motilal Nehru which embodied demands such as universal franchise fundamental democratic rights and national independence. The Andhra Provincial Ryots’ Association was started in 1929. They formed an all India Workers and Peasants Party in 1926 but it could.to little in the countryside 5 into because of the lack of cadre. Bardoli Satyagrah During 1928-31, the peasants of Bardoli distri struggles against the government, The first was led by Vallab The main issue of the Bardol satyagieh was the sem caynene ot , Inspite of the decline in cotton prices, the Bombay government announced evenue hike of 22% in Bardoli in 1927 and turned down the proposal of the ‘ots to pay at the old rates. It was decided at a mass meeting that the ryols would ‘refuse payment of the revised assessment until government is preparedts! Mowements 383 4 peasat! | a amount of the old assessment...until the Government appoints Oy fribunal to settle the whole question of revision by investigation artial the spot’ The local leaders persuaded Sardar Patel to organize 9 Seanpaig In February 1928, the Satyagrah started. Patel showed mw tional talent by setting up village camps and drawing in the rolls: Anavils, Banias and also the scheduled castes into the i phe peasants refused to be cowed down by large scale attachment tad land: Patel and the local leaders made skiffful use of caste as, social boycott, religious appeals and bhajans or devotional songs jatiO y movernent a SUCCESS. Nearly half of the population of this district in the Kaliparage (scheduled castes and tribes) who worked as tenants seultaral Jabourers. They were also persuaded to join the movement. 267 once was told that their gods Siliya and Simaliya had become old aval now deputed Gandhi to look after them. ‘A Satyagrah Patrika was id Mout from Surat which contained reports about the movement, speeches overs, pictures of the jnbti and other news, The volunteers moved ‘one village to another collecting signatures to the satyagrah pledge. snphasis was laid on the mobilization of women and many women ‘Mithuben Petit, Bhaktiba, Maniben Patel, Shardaben Shah were. muted for the purpose. Sometimes women outnumbered men in the woings: they even held their own meetings. They composed songs, looked ier the fields when their husbands were arrested and followed them to the courts or the railway stations. Students were another special target and they cy asked to persuade their families to remain firm. gardoli soon’ became’ a national issue. Ahmadebad workers raised Rs. 1300 through one anna collection. The Bombay Youth League and other smaszations mobilized the people of Bombay for huge public meetings and fronstrations. Punjab was offering to send.jathas on foot to Bardoli. Gandhi shifted to Bardoli on 2 August 1928 in order to take over the reins of the ovement if Patel was arrested. The Government continued to adopt repressive measures. It attached land, crops and cattle’s of the peasants. By hy the holdings of non-agriculturists were declared forfeited and about 51000 acres of land had been confiscated. Even so they could not collect nore than a sixth of the total revenue. At last, the government opened ‘egptations with Patel and a compromise formula was found. On behalf of the Bardoli peasants, a Gujarati businessman deposited the arrears of revenue nie government treasury and lands were restored to the original holders. he Broomfield Committee which conducted a public enquiry in Bardoli "duced the rate of assessment from 22 percent to 6.25 percent. pydte Bardoli movement was virtually a movement of the Patidars. As saitgre writes, ‘the satyagrah hardly brought any change in the agrarian With eweture’. He quotes Patel who advised the tenants to live in peace upper caste landowners and moneylenders. BEES See % Sa ae ge . 2 3 hig; } q | Vayalar fought bloody battles with the administration. In Bengal, the tebba Colonialism and Nation ism x : stiof measures to alleviate the conditio passed a mune ote were passed in 1934, in Punjab the Te Hang, five Debt passed in 1984, n Bengal, the Moneylenders aqy etn te ae Ruliel of Indebtedness Act in 1935, Since all these pa appreciably improve the conditions of kisans, their g"Alim aT ; ise weds grow and find expression in the kisan movements,“ SOnt conti Congress and Kisans o eve of 1937 elections, the Congress manifesto include, conse programme of radial improvement in the conditions of wha ‘after the elections, the Congress formed government in seven states 2% governments introduced certain agrarian reforms but the kisan |g considered them inadequaie due to the pressure of Massive Peas movements. Kisan Sabha had a membership of 50,000 in 1938, The - numerous local struggles in Burdwan, in Garo Hills, in Monghys. zamindari movements in Kalipatnam and Munagala in Andhra, ant a zgitation in Layallpur and Sukur and campaign against revenue enhancer in Amritsar and Lahore. Within the broad front represented the AIKS, socal and communists were becoming increasingly prominent: The Sabha organizet 2 number of meetings and marches to. bring pressure on the government implement their demands. Gradually, Congress ministers and leaders adoni, a hostile attitude towards the Kisan Sabha militancy. District committees jy Champaran, Saran and Monghyr banned Congressmen to attend the Schajananda meetings in late 1937. When the Congress formed the minis it tumed its back on the peasant movement. The bakasit movement in B; and the Marlis movement in Maharashtra had to earn the wrath of the Congress. But as Bipin Chandra pointed out, this tended to happen only when both left wing activists and the right or conservative Congressme took extreme positions and showed an unwillingness to accommodate eat other. Post-War Upsurge P ur. Avo AIKS and many leaders like Sahajananda, Indulal Yagnik, N.G. Ranga left the organization. After the end of the war, many peasant struggle were renewed: In Telengana peasants organized themselves to resist the landlords oppressi? and played important role in anti-Nizam struggles, the peasants of Punnapiéwork stt¥g& {ve Jed. by Bengal Provincial Kisa, Ki jotedars and bargardas in area: ‘ pure, 24 Parganas and Kulna. Midn: + and Peasants’ Movements Ws 387 in Sabha soon developed into a clash S like Ran, gpur, Jalpaiguri Mymensingh, conclusion The peasantry as a class wement: It began. to move. me snizations, formulate its own ‘ational as well as its own class that without the support of the Pp opulation, they could not win fr Rention towards them, Cong: groups approached the peasa immediate demands on ‘which th of taxes, abolition of ille, 8ained consciousness during the national , though very slowly, to build up its own demands and increasingly Participate in the movements. The India nationalists also felt Sasantry, who formed a large section of the eedom. As a result, they began to pay greater ressment, socialists, communists and other gal cesses or feudal levies a ind beggar or vethi, ending of oppression by landlords or their agents. Except ina far™ pockets of Gujarat and Bihar, the demands of the apni of the movement. Also the str existing structures but only not become a part ‘Beles were not based on the overthrow of the in allievating the oppressive aspect. The mar, forms of mobilization were m¢ formation of kisan sabhas an non-payment of rent and ta remained unorganized and p in the world at the time of 2, + Shankar Ghosh, Socialism, Democraci aaron a eetings, conferences, ral d direct action such as civil disobedience and es. But on the whole, the kisan organizations . Pde) 282 class was among the most backward independence. ies, demonstrations, Essential Readings - Sumit Sarkar, Modern India. ~ Bipin Chandra, India’s Struggte for Independence, . GK. Sharma, Labour Movement in India. 'y and Nationalism ii India, Eric Stokes, The Peasant and the Raj. Sunil Sen, Peasant Mo yeinents in India—Mid-Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, | 4 Barringt Origin of Dictatorship and Democrac Ys Tom Plassey to Partition,Chapter 21 Women’s Role in the National Movemey, 4 States People’s Movement in the Princely’ States, Tribal Participation | ‘As mentioned earlier, the national movement was a multi-class which involved different : cctions of indian society. Apart fr Hewo, and peasants, women as a cla az eople in the princely States, ang trib living in different parts of Indi 30 gained political conciousness, establish their a aaeanare al a ASS tram taraovemeny In this cha Bl wwe shall discuss their contribution to the enrichment of freedom strugsht®™_ FaGB Women Participation in the National Movement A cursory examination of the national movement reveals that it was dictated or male dominated. However, one of the most amazing event 4 contemporary Indian history was the rapid entry of the Indian women ee the national movement. The process was initiated right with the formation Indian National Congress and was accelerated after 1919, While-for the nineteenth century reformers, the women question represented an amalgam of social practices and issues such as child marriage, child widows, sali gy _ women education, for the nationalists, the question related to women's role and status in the nation-building project, ie., was their participation in the national movement necessary, and if so, in what capacity—as equal partners, leaders or subordinates? The participation of women in the freedom strugele was a countrywide phenomenon and some features such as spread and continuity of both constructive work and mass political campaign were common to all types of organized participation. Women participated in the | national movement while fulfilling their domestic and social roles. men i ireedom struggle ‘can be broadly ied into passive or invisible p: oepeben arn ive or direct participation. As the adage says, ‘Behind every successful man, there is_ women’, Women’s indirect contribution, though valuable and significant, is often lost sight of and difficult to gauge for want of documentation. These were the women who provided shelter, food and cover, carried messages ot arms or instilled a passion among their children to serve the country, telling | them about the heroes and martyrs who had sacrificed their lives for the freedom of the country. They provided a communication channel for the message of nationalism when literature relating to nationalism was proscribed, censured or withdrawn from circulation. The women’s invisible participation | provided greater force: which received little formal acknowledgement. — Similarly, women’s active participation in the quasi-nationalist peasants’ and \ (388)1 Role in the National Movement, States People’s Movement... 389 wor 13° truggles remained invisible. Thousands of them took part in strikes, es, street demonstrations and also became members of trade unions ' $0088 sabhias. Active or direct participation refers to personal involvement one oF all the facets of the movement spread over time. But this type in @9Y “pation by women is bound to be limited compared to men’s because Hl ae a were constrained by their domestic and traditional social roles. " | ith the establishment of the Indian National Congress, the question of al emancipation of women was amalgamated with the political at . l soccipation and national regeneration. The politicization of women was | O itated by those members of the female intelligentsia who had absorbed q rationalist literature. Many became leaders in both women’s and national i ements. Pandita Ramabhai was a delegate to the Indian National Congress in 1889 alongwith nine other eminent women. Sarojini Naidu believed that the fate ‘of women was linked with the fate of the nation. As she said, ‘It is well for us to remember that the success of the whole (nationalist) movement fies centred in what is known as the women question. It is not you but we sero are the true nation builders’. She appealed to women not to ignore their larger responsiblity. Similarly, Sarla Devi Chaudhurani became the accepted mobiliser of youth in the nationalist cause and was reported to be far more dangerous to the British raj than her husband. Partition of Bengal and Women’s Participation The partition of Bengal in 1905 galvanized and transformed women participation in the national movement. Women were mobilized through publication of pamphlets, public meetings held exclusively for women and Pew nationalist associations. But zanana participation during this period was influenced by a passive role model in both private and public spheres. Because” of the traditional social customs, women had to limit themselves to covert participation within the narrow confines of dead weight of traditions. ‘Political radicalism and social conservatism’ tended to go hand in hand. The swadeshi movement prescribed some role for the women within the confines of accepted | gender ideology. They boycotted the British goods and used swadeshi, crushed | their glass bangles, and observed non-cooking days as a ritual of protest. | According to Bandyopadhyay, the most popular imagery of nation was used to mobilize women in support in Bengal partition around this time was Lakshmi, the Goddess of the property who had allegedly left her abode because of partition and it has to be brought back, protected and looked after: Apart for this, inspite of rigid compartmentalization within and outside domestic sphere, women played vitally important indisect role as grihi sabhyas on the periphery of revolutionary organizations. Basically it took three forms: the ability to inspire those within and outside the kinship nexus to patriotism, sympathetic support—individual and collective, and limited participation within the framework of family. A careful examination of the male ai) tColonialism: and Nationa sm i i 390 svolutionaries reveals the indistinct presence of female inspiration, ¢, revo may and suppotis also mentioned in the contemporg * Sng A large number of women graced the Allippess, Zita Rajnitik Say cu Commilla in February 1907 chaired by ipin C andra Pal and applaugeel radical overtures. Two hundred ladies paid homage to Bhubaneshwar wither of Bhupendranath Dutta when he was convicted for the puty aeavo seditious articles in Yugantar, Apart from this, since women’ cas restricted, marginal activities such as sheltering absconders, sronetary assistance, concealment of arms and ammunitions were un, within the narrow domestic boundaries. with or without the kno family members. Between 1910 and 1920, women were involved in wider range of actiyn: The collaboration of women in zenanas as grikakartris was sought after credentials to rebel fugitives in search of shelter and as couriers sometim®" disguise. For the first time in the history of Bengal, women abscondeq = were convicted for participation in revolutionary activities. Some Brit women also became active supporter of Indian nationalism during this pend such as Annie Besant, Dorothy Jinarajadasa, Margaret Cousins, Sister Nivedied In Allahabad, women of Nehru family became active in the field of women: upliftmentand raised women issues long before Motilal and Jawahaclal jumpag into the struggle for freedom. Three important journals—Stree Darpan, Grihalakshmi and Chand—dealing with women’s problems were published fron Allahabad. The Indian National Congress formally took the position on women’s rights at the Calcutta session in 1917 demanding that the same tess be applied to women as to men with regard to franchise and eligibility tg all elected bodies concerned with local government and education. Women were partially enfrarichised under the Government of India Act, 1919. They not only exercised the limited suffrage granted to them but participated in the mass movements started by the Congress. As O'Malley wrotes, ‘At the very moment when the Congress and Gandhi were calling on them for a nation effort, they recognized that the prophet and the paramount power had each placed a valuable weapon within their reach. With one hand, they grasped! passive resistance and with the other vote’. 4 Women Participation in the Non-Cooperation Movement and Civil Disobedience Movement dertay lettake Wedge of From 1920 onwards, female politicization gained an unprecedented intensity and power from the christmatic personality and constructivé programme of Gandhi. It was Gandhi who brought women into the publi sphere but at the same time keeping them. within their traditional spher®: a call for participation of women was couched in the religions symbol tht # not appear to be subverting of the traditional values abouit feminity. His 4models for the Indian women were Sita, Damayanti and Darupa@:i's Role in the National Movenient, States p jon cople's Movement... 391 jiven a new meaning, W; ols were 8} 8: Women were ne husbands but extremely virtuous and cap; of vce for the welfare of their family, Society and gat ne accepted the natural division of functions fepresented as no slaves able of making supreme the state. But at the same re acs between man and women whe e women have to take care of hearth and home. But from her limited Id help th i innit i a he could help the nation by spinning, by Picketing of foreign cloth ; : in winning Swaraj through ‘nis, with their passitivity, faith and infinite capacity for suffering and sacrifice. Passive resistance for women, leaving undisturbed the normal domestic infrastructure or the traditional image of Indian feminity, gained © instant social approval and provided an Opportunit in extra familial terrains. According to Sucheta Kriplani, Gandhi inspired confidence not only in women but also in the guardians of women - their husbands, fathers and brothers. Gandhi's status was high and the standard of conduct that he laid down for his work was equally high. Therefore, when women came out and worked in the political field, their family members knew that they would be quite secure, they were protected. Women ; participated in a big way in the non-cooperation movement. Gandhi + recognized the plight of the women as the direct consequence of the economic depredation of colonialism. But his approach was pragmatic. He laid stress v on that part of non-cooperation in which women could participate without having to make the attempt to break free from their fetfers. He appealed them to adopt swadeshi as their goal and to use charklia as a means to achieve that goal. They were given the responsibility to popularize swadeshi. He talked in their idiom. For instance, in a meeting in Allahabad, he told women that under Ravana’s rule, even Sita wore rough clothes of tree bark for fourteen years. So those who know that weariag khadi was an important step towards liberating the country should not hesuate to accept the spinning and weaving of Kadi as a pious duty. Women were thus given some idea of their role in their fight for economic freedom. As he wrote, ‘The economic and moral salvation of India thus rests mainly with you. The future of India lies on your knees for you will nurture the future generation’. Gandhi used women’s role in the swadeshi and khadi-movement to convince men that women’s Participation. as equal was essential if the sw. i and boweett movement Was to succeed — an argument that he later es: :sded to the + umning of full fteedom for India. He termed kiiadi as essentially women’s movement because it brought women an income basic for their survival, forced men to acknowledge women’s higher skills in this activity and unleashed women ‘Ss spirations to break through purdah and. other barriers of inequality. He even &xhorted well-to-do women to support the movement in their dual ory ~ 88 consumers and producers. He pleaded them to understand the dignity ba |392 Colonialism and Nationatisy fy : mM s from being productive and independent because only g, ‘understanding could help them to identify with poor women, oma themselves and achieve the new identity necessary for nation-building. ge Pale believed that only women could influence the growth of that new ia and better values for next generation. Women on their part, apart fro! spinning, participated in the mass movements, picketing of liquor gy0M marched in demonstrations, courted jails, faced lathi charges ang b . , From the docile domestic servants of their husbands and other wnat lets they rose tothe level of citizens voting political programmes and panigi. in political movements. On the whole, relatively few women participated in the non-coopetay movement but the significance of their participation lies not in numer fa the fact that women organized meetings and demonstrations. It was import for women who for centuries had been deprived of any initiative. Thon some women from elitist educated families had come forward to participa for the most part women’s meetings were addressed by men. i that come: The 1920s and 1930s represent a transition in Gandhi(s views on women from the concept of women’s rights to a far more dynamic role. Women’s energy would be unleashed for the nation-building process through an assertion of their productive and creative roles, as equal partners, participants leaders, conscience keepers and beneficiaries. In 1925, Gandhi had added India’s political salvation as a goal for women in the nation-building, As h wrote ‘....unless women in India work side by side with men, there is n salvation for India, salvation in more senses than one, I mean political salvatior in the greater sense, and I mean the economic salvation and spiritual salvatiot also’. : 4 At the time of civil disobedience movement, the national leadershi expected that women will reniain content with their supportive constructi role and would not seek involvement in direct action. But women even defi Gandhi in confronting the forces of repression. For instance, Margaret Cousi sent a spirited letter on behalf of Women’s Indian Association protesting the: division of work by sex. In fact, 1930s saw hordes of women pouring out off their homes, women ofall classes and castes supporting the national movement The modes of protest were processions and prabhat pheries, picketing of foreign cloth and liquor shops, and defying the salt law by manufacturing salt. This salt was then sold to collect money for the national movement and a bonfire of foreign cloth was lit. Enthusiasm was kept high by celebrating days and weeks such as Mahila Divas, Charkha Week, Boycott Week etc. Enthusi for khadi reached such heights that on the insistence of women, even dietie in temples began to be dressed in khadi. There was no immediate personal gain for the women who came out to fight for swaraj nor could they haves foreseen any distinct possibility of loaves and fishes. They braved offi repression and accepted personal sufferings.1g Role in the National Movement, States People’s Mi lovement.., wot 393 ing the brief stint of Congress mini: pul ‘ministers, secretaries and deputy, a re also members of local boards wel 1 pal stries, a ny 4 number of Indi pe Indian women Ker of provincial legislatures, yeoeremnon matte weniger pat of society: among the women who para oe and middle ye ration | movement were Kasturba Gandhi, Ume Ne ‘in the non- (00 Pranarani, Gynanvati Devi, Ramakali Devi in UP, Krishn; ehru, Sarala howe anti Devi, Kamalkamini Devim R; ” \a Devi, Sakuntala " ; ; Dex ‘ampyaru Devi, i, pet vat Narain, Bhagwati Devi, in Bihar, Duvvuri cubheat Peddace tesharamma, Vendantam Kamal Devi B, Rajyalakshmamma, Dussathe mes 5 a Dieters, ko h in Godhavari. District of Andhra Pradesh, Unnave Kk! shin cae Pyshmibayamma Mutnuti Krishna Rao, Gadicherla Hari Sarvotamma Rao Women Participation in Revolutionary Activities Even when the majority of women joined the Gandhian movement, a inorty opted for the path of revolutionary politics though they recognized the significance of:the mass character of Gandhi's movement. As Ujjalla Majumdar later observed, ‘We respected Gandhi's great role in mass awakening but failed to find a single instance in history of swaraj through non-violence. Freedom had to, be seized by force not obtained by mutual concessions’. Ironically, such ideas were developing within the Congress itself which provided a well-established organized broad based forum both for the ‘overt ventilation of grievances and covert recruitment for the secret organizations’. Apart from it, the large scale spread of institutionalized female education helped in major socio-political shift in the position of women. For example, as Ishanee Mukherjee has pointed out, for the first time in the history of Bengal, female youth power appeared, with an intellectual approach to militant nationalism,. Extremist ideology spread rapidly through private conversation, circulation of prohibited literature and contacts between novices and dadas. A number of educational institutions in Calcutta provided the female activist leadership such as Bethune Collegiate School, Scottish Church Collegiate School, Victoria Institution, Diocesan College and Brahmo Girls’ School. In East Bengal, Faizunnissa Girls School, Comilla, Dr Khastagir Girls School, Chattogram and-Eden High School, Dacca also provided the women rebels. Apart from the schools, socio-politically committed women sanghas and samities such as Deepali Sangh also provided disciplined forum for potential concrete action. Participation in their social work programme for the removal of overall disabilities of women—educational, social, economic and political - came essential for women’s involvement in revolutionary activities. This dual role model for women envisaged women’s emancipation from social dage as well as freedom from political domination. _—| Colonialism ard Natiy 1 Malisny in, . vert manifestation of female militancy occurrg Ig, ae fon of Indian National Congress fF December 1s! iy female volunteers Who formed ee a oe hi meer Corps org en Bde Subhash Chandra Bose uncer the lea ership o Col Latika Gosh teu in public in full uniform. At the All ae ae Conference 2 ui Para attended by more than 1000 women, Subhas andra Bose openjy Ist that brave youth should resort to violence Be a pol litical Weapon ang decal every young women and man especially w one folk to carry dag, org esl, participation in direct acts of violence marked a watershed in the hi Feral eaven's armed response to British coloniaol rule. The Chattogss yg Bajroha in April 1930 brought women rebels, hitherto under egy.” Yuk i Ghosh and Suniti Chowdhury of the Faizuunic, to the sa antre stage. Santi ; School assassinated C.G.B, Stevens, DM. of Comilla on 14 Decomp:” Sil School assassinate: f Bina Das shot at the Governor of Bengal, Sir Stanley Jackson at fe 13, Convoction of the Calcutta University on 6 February 1932. Pritilata wat led seven male compatriots ina successful attack on Pahartali Europea, deday Chattogram and committed suicide on 24 September 1932. Kalpana gt participated in many of Surya Sen’s dynamic schemes Starting with 2 Chittagong Dynamite Conspiracy on 5 May 1931 and ending with his can.® at Gairala on 2 February 1933. Ujjala Mazumadar assisted in the assascinen® attempt on Sir John Anderson, Governor of Bengal at the Labong Race Co tion Darjeeling on 8 May 1934 and was.condemned to life imprisonment, pa Mukherjee directly involved in the Inter-provincial Titagarh Conspiracy Cau absconded for four years until she was ultimately apprehended on 20 jana, ~ 1935. These incidents demonstrate the increasingly visible participation of women in revolutionary activities as full-fledged comrades-in-arms, According to Leela Kasturi, important aspect of the politicization of women during the freedom struggle was a radical change in the preception of women’s worldview. Gandhi’s emphasis on women’s moral superiority over men removed for the first time the age old stigma of women’s inferiority and inspired them with a new self-confidence. A number of women began to protest against the dominant value system which aimed at perpetuating patriarchy. One feature of this new phenomena was the reinterpretation of the conjugal relations by women. Women became conscious of a wife’s right vis-a-vis her husband, particularly in the context of polygamy, and insisted upon mutual obligation. Many women argued in favour of women’s right to divorce. Simultaneously, there emerged a demand for a redefinition of roles: the idea that husband and wife had equal rights and duties with regard '0 family and running of the household. The protest was also made, against the suppression of women/wife’s personal development’. Women also start resenting their economic dependence on their husbands. But taken as a whol ines Protests were limited by their marginal support base and minority lt e2dership. q —_ I395 ! 1g Role int the National Movement, States People’s Movement... 5 woe en's Organizations Wo’ - eat 5 asa IN siongwith political participation, women's own movement weer ; t. In, stant part of and. at separate | from the national movement a «ca Epauhurand formed te B Bharat Stri Mahamandal after serious Ha ces with the male leadership of thy saregences WI e le National Social Conference. After om nce | d worki al women’s aif 9, women ‘perience in org: ‘ing and inulacalawomep 5 Mecitions : ake the leadership into the stands, 3 al and na en's associations. Although the ow tciations thus for ttain Bl ndapmaciutesyetiheinhlstory e bd ith the history of the Indi ime eocitions e educati _ t redeemed. by their desire to serve.all v ne this phase, the’ ing did-no! epresent the lower caste, illiterate, rural, ert and poor working women. The Women’s ssociation (WIA) pees ormedin(917/iniMS8ra8, In the ame year, Sarojini Naidu led adelegation Mforomen to the Constitutional Reforms Commitee, demanding unt eral, a - The Indian women’s movement believed that the enfranchisement of women would lead!to legislation for social reforme:The gelegation’s memorandum asked for women’s feanchise on the some basis wg that of men’and improved facilities for women’s education:and healthcare. After the enactment of Governmentiof India‘Act, 1919)the Madras\Legislative’ Council granted voting right to women the 19207 This was followed by ee : 3 mbay Legislatix incial-leg atures had gen ie Women and’ Hamen® ‘Angelo contest ly. The demand for » erved’seats. The Nati uncil india! was formed in:1925'and the All India Women’s Conference'in'1927::By.theiend-of 1930; both organizations SO i together cl was a vigorot beyond fund r. 0 influence government policy on-equal rights for women insomeareas: Tt was involved with the issues of suffrage, education and social'reform. The WIA’s founders included women like Margaret Cousins and Annie Besant who were Tot merely suffragists but also political radicals and critics of imperialism in their own country. The All India Women’s Conference was originally prctived only to discuss women’s education and social and legal reforms. But by 1932, it had become involved with women’s political rights and all (testions which affected women and children’ and social problems such as iotchability. Since many members of WIA and AIWC were also members of Indian National Congress, this close relation led to a unity of women’s and the national movement, When the first Round Table Conference was li Ant306 Colonialism and Nationaty sm in held, at the request of All India Women’s Conference, Radhabai Indi ara) and Begam Shah Nawaz attended as delegates. At the time of Table Conference, an eigitt member drafting committee hendee°"4 Raye Naidu demanded universal adult franchise, mixed general @o,eY Sarai opposed reservation, nomination and cooption for women, “perate ant National Congress passed the fundamental rights resoluaen® Indisg demanding equal franchise for women. fon in qo3t! The Lothian Committee Report suggested that 2 to 5 percent | provincial councils be reserved for a period of 10 years and the vre°3* i the wives of property owners be enfranchised. But the women orn teats rejected the suggestion because it was felt that (i) the right of Wonmiatia not be dependent on the marriage which is not under the control ofy Shoulg and (i) it will double the vote of the propertied class and put the iso™ } class at a disadvantage. Similarly women’s organizations rejected dew for reservation of seats and stood for the unity of womenhood and nod between Muslim and Hindu wonien. © division, a8 ded for reservatior Of 41 seats. for women in the provincial tures/and the right to vote was extend, to morgavomen making ubsuatior nen ard women) Oxy tetand married women of 21 years and/above with the same property and taxati qualification ya pmenSierege yematSclg TER But in view of widespread) iliteracy and absence of ownership, only a few could enjoy the benefit, Conclusion | f the important. e ti 'd to the higher castes of 1e ommunity and fat lars. Some women. ~ came from the families of advocates owing agri land. While most of, them were followers, joinii sions, attending meetings, picketing shops, some Worteni RE Ee aS couse courage and organizing power, Participation generated’in them only a very limited degree of awareness of these.issues. They had not yet begun to question the basis of their role or status as individuals. They participated within the framework of their traditional role and with the consent of their male relatives. Aspirations for political freedom assumed the glory of moksa or ultimate salvation. They took to charkha as a religious duty. They did not perceive as individuals free to make their own decisions. To a large extent, they were tradition bound. The influence and effect of their participation was very temporary on their overall status. | women activists reveal that majority. States Peoples’ Movement in The Princely States ’ Apart from the British territories, there were 562 princely states in Ind which occupied about two-fifth of the area and consisted of 25 percent of 7 eeig Role in the National Movement, States People’s Movement. 397 7 rritoric i " gation. TRE ° aa ies of the states intermingled with those of British p°ethe people of the states belonged to the sam: igi dia. ineuistic groups. A le race, same religion, e and linge i. aro ve number of states were ancient. Some of them Se 0 oe meaty dee of be Maga np ie wide guthoity and honour, the states difeed. The Simon Commision inst erated two features of Indian states: (i) they were not British territory (ii) their subjects were not British subjects. The relation was one of framount power and each of them was ascertained from a Treaty or other written document or usage or agreement. The duties of the British Crown was t0 protect the tulers of the states and his dynasty from internal disorder and external attack, to conduct their external relations, to provide for their defence and regulate disputed succession. Internally, these princely states enjoyed autonomy except the right of the paramount power in the case of ass misgovernment. The princes were reasonably in firm control over their territories and employed autocratic methods against sources of opposition. In wider perspective, the princes acted as Indian spokesmen for ‘order’ and as mediators between foreign British and Indian social and religious groups. as Nehru wrote in his Autobiography, most of the states were known for their backwardness, semi-feudal conditions, personal autocracies, devoid even of compassion or benevolence. Inspite of British paramountcy, the semi-feudal tonditions were retained, autocracy was kept, the old laws and procedures tontinued to function and all the restrictions on personal liberty, association and expression of opinion continued. However, a few states made some progress. In Travancore, the percentage of literacy was 47 percent and in Cochin 35 percent. Some had introduced local self-government or advisory and popular institutions. But none surrendered its sovereignty to the people. None of them had their own currency. Many of them were connected with British India through roads and rails. There were no travel restrictions on the British Indian subjects. Many adopted British laws and employed British officers on deputation. During the fag end of nineteenth century, as a result of Indian economic development, the relations of the princely states with British India expanded, tending to multiply contact between the peoples of both regions and expose the people of the states to the thought and action of British India people. Similarly, as the states and the British India became more differentiated in the extent of political agitation, the princes became less attractive as allies to Indian national leaders. Establishment of All India States People’s Conference (AISPC) it ent nd The advancement of national movement in British India and accompanying increase in political consciousness about democracy, responsible. government and civil liberties had an inevitable impact on the people of the states. The Political needs of the people of the states were also democratization of their Polity and end of feudalism. The non-cooperation movement and Khilafat YFLad > Colonialism and Nationa, ism 400 : in a 7 hat the people of.the states must fight fo: their earlier stand # orerneesina fi F thei. 5 rted the adoption of resolution cailin ir a themselves, he supportes bate subjects. & UPON the mts to accord fundamental rights ‘to thei Government of India Act, 1935 2 1930s, two development brought about a change in the « faite oe Tonmentof india Act, 1935, and (i) formationst Congress nation 4 in the provinces. The 1935 Act proposed the formation of Feder comprising of the British India and the Indian States, in which the states to send representatives to the federal legislature. However, the Tepres, enters of the states were to be nominated by the princes. Congress ant demanded that the representatives should be elected by the people, mS a great sense of urgency to the demand for democratic governments =" states. A number of Praja Mandals grew fastin many states like Jaipur, Kasha Rajkot, Patiala etc. In 1937, when the Congress accepted ofices in the prov it created a new sense of confidence and expectation in the people of Indi states. The Princes had to reckon with a new political reality that the Congres, ‘was not just an opposition party but a party in power with the capacity influence developments in the contiguous Indian states. In 1938, there were numiber of movements in the Indian states demanding responsible govermen, These developments brought a significant change in the Congress Policy, Ti] 1938, the Congress had stuck to its policy of non-interference. But seeing th new spirit that was permeating the people and their capacity to struggle Gandhi and the Congress changed their attitude on this question. In 193¢ the Tripura session of the Congress declared its new policy: ‘The gres awakening that is taking place among the people of the states may lead to relaxation or to a complete removal of the restraint which the Congres imposed upon itself, thus resulting in an ever increasing identification of th Congress with the states’ peoples’. Similarly, Gandhi explained that whe - there was all round awakening among the people of the states, the policy non-interference would be a cowardice. The moment they became ready, tt legal, constitutional and artificial boundary was destroyed. In 1939, Neht was elected as the president of AISPC and he declared that “keeping in vie the integrity and unity of India, the same full measure of political, social an economic freedom and the same full measure of responsible government wi guarantee of civil rights should accrue to the people of the states’. F Pronounced states’ governments as out of date and the treaties with tt British as ‘moth eaten documents not binding upon the people’. He refert to the Indian National Congress as the representative of the will of Indi: People, recognizing no bar which limits its freedom of activity in any mann Pertaining to India and her people. In 1939, in the context of rapid advance of popular movements in t! Princely states, Gandhi himself joined the movement. He decided to tY e- iL se401 — secnigue of Sea mass stiggle in his native state Rajkot. He dic, close associate Jamnal fal Bajaj to lead a sal th in Jaij ea i Eeonailiniereniien aire tyagrah in Jaipur. He oe begat : 7 ‘ajkot in a movement which had the local Praja Parishad under U.N. Dhebar. The unpopular wes Rajkot had imposed numerous monopolies disliked by Tocal traders fin ped summoning ah advisory elected council set up earlier, while Miro the revenue ofthe state was being swallowed up b the pri tl of ehe ruler. Kasturba Gandhi and Manibehn Patel duitel ear po vey 1939 and Gandhi himself went to Rajkot and started a fast on 3 00 fhe Rajkot intei meen b . jowever, the Rajkot in tvention proved a failure because the British st el Department instigated the Diwan to withdraw the concessions he wi offered at one stage and to encourage the Muslim and the untouchable Minar for mote eee I ecpored Reform Committee. Gandhi himself wed out of the Rajkot affair declaring that his method was not sufficiently gon-violent. Meanwhile a Ane of movements developed in numerous Ayer states Tike Mysore, Travancore, Hyderabad, parts of Rajasthan and tp states of Patiala, Kapurthala and Sirmoor. In Mysore, the movement for Jegalizaion of the Congress and responsible government culminated in a Hood path at ‘Viduraswatha in Kolar district where 30 persons were killed in te firing ona crowd of 10,000. In backward Orissa, issues like forced labour, taxes on forest products, extortions of gifts on. festive occasions or tenancy rights called for political reforms. Powerful movements developed in Nilgiti, Nayagath, Talcher and Ranpur resulting in numerous violent incidents with titals fighting back with bows and arrows the armed power of the princes. Gandhi tried to get the Orissa movements called off in return for some token political reforms but 'the question became a bone of contention between the Milowers of Gandhi and the socialists/communists who were leading the isen Sabha in the province. In the Hyderabad state, a small Muslim elite held 90 percent government jobs and urdu was the sole official language ina suté which had 50% Telegu, 35% Marathi and 11% Kanadda speaking areas. ‘There was total lack of civil liberties and worst kind of feudal exploitation like veti and compulsory payment in kind. Here popular awakening started as a middle class language based cultural associations petitioning against cultural and religious repression and for political reforms. The Congress policy ‘of non-interference in the affairs of the state gave an opportunity to Hindu organizations like Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha to campaign against the tyranny of Nizam. It was only in 1938 that the state Congress was founded on secular basis and it started a satyagrah demanding its own legalization and responsible government. Simultaneously a vande mataram movement emerged among the students of Osmania who left the university when the Nizam banned the patriotic hymns. The Congress movement was called off by Gandhi in December 1938 on the ground that it could get mixed with Hindu dominated associations. A Nizam state committee of the Communist Patty of India was established guided by the already strong movement in | a7 Coloniatisny On id Ny, coastal Andhra, The Communists penetrated into the 7, ‘is, vith amazing rapidity and built the Bteaest gue releMgan, hy with amazing g gues Ban, sustained till 1951, In Travancore, Cochin arch 8! i? move movement was built under leftist leadership and gui a8. are, In August 1939, the Travancore state Con, aga the autocracy of Dewan, Despite the satyagrah in large number and jathas m parts of Kerala, thus greatly contributin evelon ore (ig linguistic unity. The coir workers went On strike in Octobe et of - not only wage increase and union Fecognition but alge Prisoners and responsible government based a was forced to call off the tepressive measures against the Con, Tage in order to islolate the Alleppy workers, 'Bress 'BICSS Starte, a brutal re ressich Wer Son ‘arched into Trava, etdeny 8 to the q, nu S Cripp’s Proposals and Cabinet Mission Plan During the Quit India movement, the Congress ; between British India and the Princely states. The isting, extended to the people of the states az well and they formaljy, 88 wg igsle for India’s independence, The people of nd states also aed ited the British must quit India andthe states he integrated with the rest The Cripps proposals in 1942 indicated that after the new contin would be necessary for. the prin 2 revision of Made no call for gy the federation of states with the Indian the constitution-making body through) elected representatives; the Princes desired their free choice about atext to the union or representation by their Nominated members, In March 194) the Cabinet Mission Presented to the chamber of Princes a memorandum a state treaties and Paramountcy which stated the Position of the bit government in relation to the states that during the interventing period? the installation of independent states of India and Pakistan, paramo ne é ot be transférred to the new Bone Th he states were expected to cooperate wa the constitution making tof It adviged the princes to improve their administration, to, form Brodit smaller states and establish common administrative organs t0 the id Popular elements in the Sovernment. It asked them either to ie ature federation or make special-politiea Compact. It suggested thatthe ny thepcuation with the new states should be determined by negotiate a the federation should be for three subjects only - defence, foreign ‘ons pa 2 F ation communication, and that representation of the states in the constit (1 je nail Meet, Stas Pols Monee. fa int - pole! an ‘§ 1 member per one million inhabitants ivi eo tased oF ¢ abitants thus giving iF ld oeeeszent Assembly The method of selection was et fo the ei i ye tio" of States ae, a new upsurge of the state peoples movement had begun in yen ging everywhere political rights and elective representation Mj demare nt Assembly. The Congress criticized the Cabinet Mission fre ons providing for elected members from the states. Nehru who ft (" nol Fr two sessions of All India State People's Conference in 1945 ded Ov ared that the states refusing to join the Constituent Assembly e treated aS hostile. Apart from verbal threats and speeches, the Myld OF eadership, particularly Sardar Patel assisted by V.P. Menon, tackled congo ation of the states with the rest of India by using popular movements eine fo extort concessions from the princes, while simultaneously s? is peoples’ movement once the princes, were brought to heels. By oe 1947, all states except Kashmir, Junagadh and Hyderabad had 5a gto sign an Instrument of Accession with India acknowledging central ad over tree areas of defence, external affairs and communications. at ifcation of Inia was certainly Sardar Pate’ greatest achievement tehat js worth remembering is that considerable role was also played by spe existence or the potential presence of mass pressures. The eastern states’ spion formed: BY recalcitrant princes crumbled in December 1947 in the face m jextul Praja Mandals and tribal agitations in Orissa states like Nigiri | 1Panal and Talcher. Junagadh was brought to heel by a combination of gopular agitation with Indian police action. The Congress launched a Mysore Pe agitation in September 1946 which forced substantial political changes jnademocratic direction. The Dewan of Travancore was persuaded to give tp his dream of continued personal power through the American model by pointing to the communist menace. Thus by the time of independence, most of the states Rad become a part of India. Tribals’ Participation Before 1920, tribal political activities were more in the nature of revolts— sporadic, isolated and spontaneous. Led by tribes who were settling down 2s agrarian communities, they resisted erosion of agrarian and forest rights. Inspired by the primeval dream of freedom, the movement aimed at total ‘isiucturing, of the primitive system which was breaking down under the impact of colonial economy. Certain tribes like Bhil and Minas who had been uprooted and lived in conditions of turmoil had adopted banditry as a form “f social protest. Alter 1920, the tribal groups tried to participate in the national movement .- though the message and personality of Gandhi, The tribes which responded Were Santhals, Orsons, Bhils and Gonds. Certain sections of these tribes had405 Cotoniatism ang Nation iy, al movement for political separatism starteq in in cas the most advanced of the tribal regions frosean Poin ang, political consciousness and industrial progress, The tribal ca View oT Encentrated in a geographically distinct ioe ei tianity emit big way which gave them a sense of identity, a history and q mune he, the notion of private property right in land, Promoted ed, care, and also emphasized separateness from the rest, There Were hed Bengalies formed a sizeable professional and land Owing 6, mtr fall Muslim were significant in trade and profession, Durin, the first Munity a separatist movement, it sought to secure employment 4°" ed uch tise oft reservation in the services and legislative bodies and format’ trib state joined to Bengal or Orissa. The second phase from 193g to 194 OF a sill rise of militant movement under Adivasi Mahasabha. ormati 4? say was promoted by two factors: the Bengalies felt that thar interest! Sie \were not safe and so they could combine with the tribals to form Bit state. Also the Muslim League in mid-1940s toyed with the idea off Sepa corridor passing through the tribal areas to link East ang West Pakie™ing 3 Mahasabha demanded not the formation ofa sub state merc: ete se fyom Bikar: However, the Sabha was routed by the Coo in Pat, lection in 1946. The movement later took the form of Jharkh; sl 10n, ‘and agita On the whole, the tribal involvement in tegional politics Passed by the sessions. Very few leaders showed any keen awatenees of the t 1940. Tribal isolation was a backlash of a sense of neglect. an 0 fear of losing identity. : Essential Readings i - Leela Kasturi and Veena Majumdar, Introduction to Women and indian Nationalism 2. M. 'Inderdevi, Women and Indian Nationalism : A Case Study of Andhra Pradesh. Neera Desai, Women-in. Modern India. ~ BR. Nanda, Essays in Modern Indian History. Bipin Chandra, India’s Straggle for Independence. Singh, Freedom Movement ‘and the Tribal Sub-movements 1920-1. Sumit Sarkar, Modern India... ar ‘Ishanee Mukherjee, Women andthe Armted Revolution in Colonial Beryl. . AR. Dasai, Sobial Background of Indian Nationalisin. : Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, From Plassey to Partition. LEN Xap w Ssin Chapter 22 anti-caste Movements - Phule, Peri and Ambedkar al aitnoush Ha et ens | uggle of lower castes against the» goon Secaclactenen theses oe eee le he anti-caste moveme in the familiar sense of organized resistance it x=1 itis F new e structure had its roots in . logical foundatio expression of resistance to the caste tem 0 fra {its arguments in religious form. ‘orm. Right from the early e Buddhism and | ‘inism down to the Bhakti movement in the » sition to the caste system taking the religion- fact, extends well down to modern times that aks a new awakening of the oppressed castes and the birth of the contemperay Sranntaes anti-caste movements. Allanti-caste movements thus, ,om the beginning to the present, invariably appear engaged in religious: feontatiO with Brahma a ting the eeenioreeacy way into the tem les or outright en With the coming of Islam in India, nae eserecnicemae th d joined the invaders, pa id persecution and partly in s« afer status and fortunes. Those who Seed Coe eee of Muslim invaders imitated the customs and manners of their new masters. They gradually merged and integrated into Muslim society. Besides those who formally embraced Islam, whether voluntarily or under compulsion, there were millions of those who belonged to the artisan castes like weavers, masons, carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, basket makers, potters, dyers etc,, who ‘slowly became Muslims. However, unlike the Muslims, wh led. India o1 tealoroce their developed ¢ British conique as based on thei superior tet jue of production that was much more efficient than | technique The British colonization with its emerging bourgeois liberal ethos and as a part of their ruling strategy, gave an opportunity to the lower classes in terms of caste and religion. For example, the institutional changes (judiciary, civil'administration, commodity markets), cultural changes (modernity, western mode of living, English education, exposure to western treasure of knowledge and scholarship), economic changes (zamindari and tyotwari systems based.on private property), and emergent social changes that came in during the colonial rule gave ample incentive to the aspirations of the lower castes. According to Bandyopadhyay, the British colonial rule disengaged caste system from its pre-colonial political contexts but gave it a (407), , =. Colonialism , 408 and Nationats, new lease of life by redefining and revitalizing it within ig we knowledge, institutions and policies. The pportunities Strict, mobility offered by British rule helped various groups of oer t their economic and political status and to translate that into 1, £0 ing Oi ranks in the caste hierarchy. But the development Spportunigi® e changes created came into conflict with traditional Social re} °S thar th still shackled them through caste bondage. Thus the contradiat whe the caste structure and the rising consciousness and expectation, (Ons wind classes gave rise to a number of anti-caste movements, These f the. lowe broadly exposed the fraud perpetuated by Brahmins in the name Yemen They denounced their exploitation and praised British rule antl the enemy. They also did not outrightly support the mainstreay 4 liberation movement being led by Indian National Congress, "ations for ji A major cause for the rise of caste movements was the grievang, by the educated among the low and backward castes Gradually, byte half of the nineteenth century, people from within the organizing movements against caste discrimination, equality and justice. Such movements broadly took three forms - (i movements creating new sects, (ii) aping the upper class sanskritization, (iii) anti-Brahmin and anti- caste movements, “lower” east Religious Movements The first type of movements were the Bhakti movements, For exay the Satnami movement in Central India, founded by a leader ramcy Chas who came from a “low” caste worked among the leatherworkers and organized movement to improve their social status, that eventually b independent religious sect. There was another Adi Hindu movem the Chamars of Punjab and Adi Dharmam movement among the dalits of UP; within one sect, a single caste and one guru. All these sects were founded by leaders who came from “low” castes and worked amongst them. They tried to change those habits and Practices among “low” castes which provoked “upper” castes’ contempt. They tried to create a sense of self-esteem amongst