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GRASS-ROOTS JUSTICE IN ETHIOPIA | Alula Pankhurst, Getachew Assefa Regional Case Studies
p. 237-247
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2 In the city of Addis Ababa according to the Federal Police Commission FREEMIUM
types of crimes recorded in included 9572 cases of intentional/non-
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intentional homicide, 7007 attempted homicide, 8583 cases of robbery,
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44213 cases of theft, 119037 cases of assault, 9731 cases of
embezzlement, 8046 cases of fraud, 3121 cases of rape, 86132 cases of
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rule breaking, and 88565 cases of other crimes in 2002-3 (CSA, 2004:
377).
3 Yeka Kifle ketema where the research was carried out is situated in the ePUB / PDF
northern part of Addis Ababa. The Kifle ketema has a total area of about
128 km2 and comprised 11 urban kebeles and peasant associations. Based
on the results of the National Population and Housing Census of 1994, the
total projected population of the Yeka Kifle ketema in 2004 was estimated
to be over 260,000 people. There is a slight predominance of females
(53.11%) over males (46.89%). There is a substantial variation of population
density among 11 kebeles and PAs. The ethnic composition of the Kifle
ketema is diverse including Amara, Oromo, Tigraway, Sebatbet Gurage,
Sodo Gurage, Silte, Kembata, Wolayta and others. With regard to mother
tongue, most residents are Amharic speakers. The majority of the
inhabitants are Orthodox Christians, although there are also Muslims,
Protestants, Catholics, traditional believers and others (CSA, 1995: 59-61).
Jurisdiction
9 Regarding jurisdiction one of the elders involved in litigation in his, 60’s
stated, ‘Such mechanisms are used to resolve disputes between family
members or husband and wife, between neighbouring residents, between
dwellers of different kebeles and disputes at a village level. So far I have
judged informally about seven cases and served as chairman and as
secretary of the dispute resolution institutions at different times of which
there was only one criminal case was resolved in CDR.’ In addition, all
residents from all walks of life are eligible for services. In fact, he stated
confidently, ‘there is no one-who is actually excluded from the CDR
service.’ He also argued that there was no specification regarding amounts
of money involved. He concluded: ‘We do not ‘judge’ serious civil, and
criminal cases which involved a lot of money’.
11 Once the elders have obtained the consent of both parties to participate,
they go first together to one party and then to other party in order to
obtain first-hand information. The guilty party knowing that the issue is
under consideration and that the formal system may make him accountable
and decide against him and if he regrets his action and does not want to be
taken in front of law court; he may request elders for their CDR service.
15 This type of the CDR institution in which disputes are resolved traditionally
requires various types of skills or qualifications in order to perform the
CDR service capably. One informant stated that there are usually one priest,
secretary and member(s) in the CDR process. These members of the CDR
institution, as ‘informal judges’ must have the required skills and
qualifications to become eligible ‘informal judges’ and deliver the CDR
service effectively and efficiently. Regarding who can taken on the role the
same informant stated: “Those people in the area who had dispute
resolution experiences, are capable of convincing disputants, of bringing
peace and let it rule over others, and generally those residents who are up
to the standards of the criteria of the community for appointing ‘informal
judges’. Therefore, those judges are capable of providing the CDR service.”
The appointment process of ‘informal judges’ is situational or contextual,
although certain basic skills for handling or resolving disputes are required.
17 The CDR meetings often are adjourned and the process takes several
sessions with time gaps in between. For instance in the case of the youth
who fought over the football the elders met them three times over a period
of two months.
Types of Evidence
18 Peacemakers in the locality usually try to check all available evidence from
different witnesses who have something to say about a case under
consideration. Disputants must present detailed evidence including of
injuries and if they have witnesses, they have to present them. The
peacemakers assess and evaluate the evidence by posing various questions
and through probing both disputants and their witnesses. The ‘judges’
then discuss the aspects of the presented evidence among themselves in
order to reach at the ‘truth’ and make decision(s) on the dispute under
consideration. At times, if the ‘informal judges’ find it useful to refer to
precedence to assess the evidence, then they do so. Witnesses are just
called by one of ‘judges’ without a written formal letter, and the witness is
expected to appear in person in front of the peacemakers.
Traditional Beliefs
19 There are blessings both at the outset and at the end of the CDR session.
During the blessings, the priest usually asks for God’s favour and
protection, leads prayer asking for a good outcome and things that bring
happiness before and after the CDR process. The peacemakers in the
locality mostly perform this CDR in the light of church-based laws and
higge-libbuna, meaning law-conscience.
Announcement/Record
22 In some cases the decisions are given orally; however, the secretary of the
CDR team may also keep notes, keep files and case folders and read the
decision to the litigants. The disputants are asked by the elders are
whether they agree or not. If they reach at consensus on certain aspects of
the dispute, then the disputants sign their agreement.
Possible Outcomes
24 Among the outcomes there may be apology, reparation and the award of
damages. In case the elders require an apology the wrongdoer must ask for
an apology, and the victim, in turn, must express his willingness to accept
the apology. The wrongdoer, for example, may say: ‘As I am the wrong-
doer, you make apology to me in the name of the Almighty God.’
Reparation may include coverage of medical expenses, payment of some
amount of money as reparation for physical injury or disability, providing a
sheep to be slaughtered as a sacrifice for blood-reparation, and some
other financial expenses related to the dispute and its consequences taking
into account the wrong-doer’s economic status.
Enforcement Procedures
25 Sanctions can be applied as a means of enforcement of the decision(s).
These can include financial penalty and informal enforcement mechanisms.
The disputants may appear in front of iddir members, and the iddir leaders
may take the decision that the disputants may be removed from iddir
membership if they fail to comply with the decision, and then no
community member will participate at times of mourning, as well as
happiness. Moreover, if the disputing parties intend to join other iddir or
go to another place in the city, the iddir leaders will not give them a release
letter from the iddir. If they request the kebele office for the release the
elders may write a letter to the office which states that so-and-so are
socially labelled as people who are bad to the community, and this may be
included in the release paper.
Remuneration
26 The forms of remuneration for those involved in the CDR can be in cash
and/or in kind. The CDR institutions that are held at some places, for
example, in the compounds of the Saint Trinity Church, Saint Giorgis
Church, Saint Urael Church, Saint Estiphanos and others involve financial
transaction as per diems for those peacemakers involved in the resolution
process. Some other peacemakers are critical of this. As one of them put it:
‘Those ‘peacemakers’ who think in their belly and fail to give space for
God’s words regarding dispute resolution usually receive a sum of money
as per diem in order to ‘judge informally’ the married couples who are
litigants in front of them. For such elders, especially those who are
pensioners the CDR is a lucrative business.’ At the consensual resolution of
a dispute the disputing parties (mostly the wrong-doer) may contribute
money in order to invite the elders to have drinks which is said to ‘moisten
their throat and to create favourable social environment’ so that the
disputants can be reconciled.
30 ‘In our locality, women do not participate and have a say in the CDR
because this is considered as work of men or it is not usual practice. Since
time immemorial, CDR has never given chance to women to participate in
the CDR process. If women got the chance to take part they could come up
with noble ideas and opinions that could contribute toward resolving
disputes successfully and fruitfully.’
34 A greater integration of the CDR with the formal justice system could create
opportunities for elders to make use of their social skills and find a
fulfilling role in life. However, there may be impediments to greater
integration notably since the ‘informal judges,’ are mainly interested in
establishing reconciliation between litigants by creating an opportunity for
amity rather than ‘justice’
Recommendations
35 To enhance the integration of CDR with the formal justice system, the
following suggestions are put forward:
The already existing positive links between the CDR and the formal justice
system should be strengthened, the possibilities stated and those
impediments and barriers to integration should be reconsidered in a broader
view, together with commitments on the part of concerned officials to work
shoulder-to-shoulder for effectiveness of the justice system of the country
The integration of the two systems should recognise the value of the CDR for
maintaining peace and promoting reconciliation and harmony.
The integration of the CDR with formal justice system should enhance
practical conditions for teaching-learning process and experience sharing
through two-way perspective.
The integration should enable records on the case under litigation in one
dispute resolution system serving as input for other if the case must be
reconsidered or appealed at another level of the justice system in the country.
The integration with formal justice system should enable the selection,
training and eligible placement of ‘the judges’ for the CDR service so that
they work in collaboration with the formal system to resolve disputes.
The integration should create additional opportunities for work and good
contexts for enhancing the role of the elderly in social life.
List of Informants
Name of Date of
N° Social Status Place
Informant Interview
Ferensay
1 Ato Assefa Ex-diplomat & pensioner Jurte 3, 2004
Legasion
Ferensay
8 W/ro Marie Teacher and housewife June 7, 2004
Legasion
Shambel
9 Employee at a local NGO Hanna Mariam June 14, 2004
Woubshet
NOTES
183. Some people call such decisions ‘yewiha fird,’ literally ‘justice of water’
meaning unbiased decisions which reflect justice in essence from elders’
perspectives.
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