Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Lisa Blackman
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Contents
Acknowledgments vi
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science viii
Notes 183
Bibliography 209
Index 223
Acknowledgments
The idea for this book came out of a short paper I gave at the Max Planck
Institute in Berlin at an event, “Experimental Entanglements”, organized by
Felicity Callard and Des Fitzgerald in October 2012. Thank you to the both
of them for inviting me. The event brought together humanities scholars
and neuroscientists to discuss collaboration and interdisciplinarity through
foregrounding and questioning experiment-as-practice. It became very clear
that although there was an appetite for new methods and ways of working this
was thwarted by huge chasms that were preventing the emergence of something
genuinely new and unexpected within the innovation of experimentation.
Drawing on my own training in science and the humanities I wanted to
pursue this problem further, particularly at the intersection of science studies,
affect studies, weird science, debates on datafication and feminist and queer
theories. The focus on data within the context of weird science was developed
initially at the Compromised Data Colloquium held at the Social Innovation
Centre, Toronto Canada in 2013. Thank you to Greg Elmer for the invitation.
The first foray into affect studies at this conjuncture came from an invitation
from Greg Seigworth to give a keynote at the inauguration of the first Affect
WTF conference in 2015. Thank you to Greg for his on-going support
and enthusiasm for my work. Greg is a rare breed of academic who thinks
collectively and with the utmost generosity. Since then I have presented the
research to anomalistic psychologists at Goldsmiths. Thanks to Chris French
for the invitation and for going some of the ground with me. Thank you
also to Samantha Frost for inviting me to contribute to the “Experiments in
Thinking the Human” symposium at the University of Illinois in 2017, which
further convinced me of the value of engaging with new materialism within
this context. Thanks also to the Wellcome Trust and particularly Emily Wiles
for the invitation to the “Out of Control” symposium in 2016, which brought
the weird and wonderful into science in such a productive and engaging way.
Thank you also to the numerous invites I have had to Copenhagen to present
different parts of the research. This includes invites by Christian Borch and
Acknowledgments vii
Justine Grø nbæ k Pors at the Copenhagen Business School, and Carsten Stage
and Britta Tim Knudsen at Aarhus University. Thank you to Jan Slaby for the
invite to present material as part of the Affective Relationalities conference at
the Freire University Berlin; Gary Hall for the invite to present as part of the PG
Meccsa conference on “Transformative Practice and Theory: Where we Stand
Today”. Thanks also to my Finnish collaborators including Tuula Juvonen for
the invite to the University of Tampere, Leena Rouhiainen and Esa Kirkopelto
for the invitation to give a keynote at the “Perilous Experience? Extending
Experience through Artistic Research” at the University of the Arts, Helsinki
(and our ongoing collaborations). Also thanks to fellow ghost-hunters and
artists Sarah Sparkes, Kjersti Sundland, Stephen Fortune, Sarah Wood, Birgitta
Hosea, Outi Condit and Shona Illingworth. Thanks also to Frankie Mace, Liz
Thompson and Monica Sukumar at Bloomsbury.
During the finalizing of this book I have been co-Head of the Department
of Media, Communications and Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths. This has
curtailed my research time and ability to travel but has incorporated a renewed
focus on action plans, strategic documents and cascading: thanks particularly
to my co-Head Joanna Zylinska who has made a brilliant ally, colleague and
friend (with much good humour) and to Sean Cubitt, Julian Henriques and
Hugh Macnicol for the “DMT experience” while I was Deputy and to Sean for
the year when we shared the Headship; also thanks to all my colleagues in the
department who make the department the world renowned place that it is.
Lastly a huge thank you to my partner Isabel Waidner who through her own
creative writing makes the weird into techniques for world-making. She is just
a brilliant person whom I love dearly.
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science
Things, places, people, objects, music, memories, buildings can all be haunted.
Haunting evokes images of visitations by ‘things’ not of this world; this might
include the dead and aliens. One iconic image of an alien visitation that evokes
images of alternate imaginaries and virtualities is the image of the late David
Bowie appearing in the film The Man Who Fell to Earth. Bowie falls to earth
on a mission to save his own species dying from a lack of water as a result
of a catastrophic drought. Throughout the film, as well as being out-of-space
(extra-terrestrial), Bowie’s character, Jerome Newton, is also presented as out-
of-time, represented perhaps by his androgyny and enviable fashion sense.
Although the alien in this context is aligned to extra-sensory perceptions, su-
perior intelligences and technological prowess the ending is all too human.
Through the exploitation of the alien by the human, Jerome Newton
is exposed, cheated and incarcerated such that his mission is thwarted
by alcoholism and depression. He is made ‘thing-like’, outside of human
connection, and as a hybrid human-alien life form discloses the intimate
cultural connection made between the alien and psychopathology. Newton
becomes haunted by persistent telepathic images of his own family dying
and his failure to return home and save his species. The film explores the
etymological connection between haunting and home,1 and what it might
feel like to not feel at home in one’s surroundings, milieu, country, planet or
even body, a familiar theme to many who experience their own embodiment
as ‘thing-like’. This haunting persists in his own torment and anguish made
worse by Newton’s addiction to alcohol, which does little to quell his troubles
and anxiety.
This book explores the themes of haunting and being haunted within the
context of alien phenomenologies. I am using the term ‘alien phenomenology’
as it has been specified within psychiatry and cognitive science (the field
of automaticity research more specifically) to describe experiences where
people feel as if they are being directed, moved, possessed or haunted by
someone or something else. The body is often experienced as ‘thing-like’.
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science ix
people, things, entities and power relationships. What we mean by data, what
counts as data, and how to study the cultural politics of data is a pressing concern
and one that this book attempts to tackle. I am, however, not approaching data
as code although the psychological and psychic imaginaries that shape code
are part of the story. I am not approaching data as monetized or mathematized
although some of these conceptions enter the story I will tell. The story of data
I will tell is one which primarily explores data hauntologically and analyses
how software-driven encounters, transactions, traces and practices, which
take place within media environments understood as digital or data-driven,
return media to its ghostly dimensions.
Some have argued that data is now a ubiquitous presence in our lives and
that in different ways we live with data, imagine with data, feel with data
and even anticipate futures, which have yet to come. This includes that we
are living in the midst of what Patricia Clough and others (2015) have called
the ‘datafication’ of society. The term ‘datafication’ is an important attempt to
move beyond some of the utopian and dystopian fantasies associated with the
ubiquity of data – that is that data either changes everything, or repeats and
extends forms of power that are part and parcel of older forms of surveillance
and regulation. Datafication draws attention to what exceeds human capacities
of measurement and meaning – to the ‘noise’ in the system, to the incomputable,
which sometimes allows for novelty, creativity and the generation of the new
(also see Clough, 2018).
This book is situated within these debates that explicitly concern the
challenges of twenty-first-century media and computational cultures to our
understandings of the media, mediation, representation, affect, power and
subjectivity. The book specifically looks at how software-driven transactions
are changing scientific innovation, progress, discussion, review, debate and
the nature of consensus and controversy. It explores how both computation
and science share a hauntological dimension. In order to explore this, the
book takes a field of scientific experimentation that has caught the interest of
many humanities scholars interested in contagion, imitation, suggestion and
processes and registers of experience more broadly associated with the field
of affect study. The ‘turn to affect’, as it is sometimes known, will be discussed
throughout the book, particularly as it intersects with debates on networked
affect and the question of how fads, fashions, beliefs, emotions, moods and so
xii Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science
on might spread across social media and networked culture in ways that invite
analyses of ‘contagious relationality’ (Sampson, 2012).
Affect
We can see in writings about affect2 by media theorists, philosophers and cultural
theorists that there is a renewed focus on registers that exceed conscious rational
thought or that exist at the edges of consciousness. This includes recognition
that normative conceptions of self-determination and psychological autonomy
occlude questions of how power works in registers that are never simply
conscious or rational. As many scholars across the social sciences and humanities
have argued, ‘philosophers and critics have largely neglected the important role
our corporeal-affective dispositions play in thinking, reasoning and reflection,
then it seems to follow that an account of affect and its place in our lives and
institutions is called for’.3 We encounter affect in descriptions of architecture (in
terms of atmosphere and as immersive, immaterial), in discussions of objects as
enchanted and captivating, in discussions of social media and networked affect4
and the question of what gains a reach and traction and why, and in relation to
political and governmental practices and policies. This includes the relationship
between post-truth politics and the registers of emotion and feeling.
Across a broad rubric of disciplines, which cross the arts, humanities, social,
human and natural sciences, there is a renewed interest in how our experiences
might be understood, targeted and modulated via processes understood to
exist below the threshold of conscious attention. These processes open the
subject to modalities of power and mediation understood to be suggestive or
operating with the potential for contagion or imitation, for example. They invite
consideration of what it might mean to govern through affect or what I term
processes and practices of ‘psychomediation’.5 The logics underpinning these
strategies of governance draw from the psychological sciences and particularly
theories, concepts and understandings which have attempted to understand
the suggestive capacities of human subjects – turning attention to processes
that are assumed to not be accessible to conscious awareness or control. It is
at this shared interchange and intersection between the psychological sciences
and affect studies that the book is situated.
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science xiii
importance given their focus on experiences and phenomena that are often
considered strange, weird, outside of reason, or as presenting challenges to
established scientific orthodoxies. In their book Women Who Make a Fuss:
The Unfaithful Daughters of Virginia Woolf (Stengers and Despret, 2014)
they recount how the subject matter they have focused on, which includes
‘hypnosis, addicts, witches, the Arabian babbler, peasants, the uneasy dead’
(p. 15), are topics that are not considered serious or worthy of interest for
most conventional philosophers. I would add that they are also considered
anomalous within psychology, where the designation ‘anomalous’ works to
mark out what is understood as falling outside of conventional psychological
understandings and explanations.
The definition of ‘anomalous’, that which deviates from what is standard,
normal or expected – the aberrant, freakish, odd, bizarre, peculiar and unusual,
captures the experience and phenomena that are under investigation in this
book. ‘Anomalous’ practices, phenomena, experiences and entities haunt two
contemporary science controversies within psychology, which have crossed
into the mainstream primarily via social and digital media. The content of
the controversies and their ‘alien phenomenologies’ will be introduced in
Chapter 1. They both allow new stories to be told about affect, emotion and
the psychological, which question the borders and boundaries between the
psychic and the psychological, the rational and the irrational, the self and
other, truth and falsehood, the material and immaterial and the corporeal and
incorporeal.
Vinciane Despret’s engagement with the psychological sciences and the
ambiguities, puzzles and anomalies that can be found historically and in
the present imaginatively show how we need approaches that unsettle the
polarizing logic that often frames debate and scientific investigation in this
area. This includes explanations which focus either on proving the existence
of phenomena or undermining them as evidence of so-called false belief:
is it real or unreal, true or false? In the area of anomalous psychology the
scientist is often cast in the role of judge and juror attempting to close down
on the ambiguity, hesitations, puzzling curiosities, and what continually resists
current scientific explanations. As she has argued in relation to the case of
‘Clever Hans’,11 a talented horse who challenged psychological ideas, theories
and practices at the turn of the nineteenth century, there are much more
xvi Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science
The book is centred around and responds to four main questions which relate
to the broad areas that the book is situated within: data, affect, weird science
and transmedia. These areas connect up timely questions related to science,
governance, subjectivity, data and the question of what difference digital media
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science xvii
and computational cultures are making to our lives. The first question comes
out of a much earlier tradition of work, which has explored and examined the
role of the human sciences in the government and management of human and
even non-human life. This work, which has been indebted to the thinking of
the radical philosopher Michel Foucault, has analysed how scientific concepts,
theories, practices and experimental forms of life have shaped the conditions
under which specific human subjects have emerged. This work, as we will go
on to consider in Chapter 1, has been shaped in the context of disciplinary
forms of power, which have formed the basis of technologies of the social,
such as the prison, hospital, asylum and school. These technologies for
governing life have circulated the norms through which conduct, behaviour,
thought and feeling have been judged, evaluated, categorized, measured and
circulated. They have also circulated in different ways as techniques of self-
inspection and self-production. The book raises the question of whether and
how science and governance are changing in the context of digital media and
digital forms of communication. What are the consequences thereof for how
we might understand and examine new technologies of power, and specifically
psychological and affective forms of governance, as they extend and are
extended within software and computational cultures?
These two questions are posed against a backdrop of calls for humanities
scholars to take the sciences more seriously and to see them as potential allies
or ‘critical friends’ rather than as opponents or antagonistic partners. It is being
argued that there are too many schisms between and across the sciences and
the humanities, and that there are now new opportunities for rapprochement
and for interdisciplinary and collaborative forms of inquiry. Some of these
arguments suggest that there are emergent ontologies, which can be found in
the sciences and humanities, which destabilize well-rehearsed arguments that
have positioned the sciences as deterministic, reductionist and as reinforcing
already existing inequalities and oppressions. These new opportunities are
captured by new fields of study, which cross the humanities and sciences,
including the biosocial and the biohumanities. Some of the scholars who are
xviii Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science
making these arguments have also come out of traditions of research that in
the past have been more critical of scientific ontologies and experimental
forms of life. This includes the work of the sociologist Nikolas Rose, and
of Felicity Callard and Des Fitzgerald in the context of the neurosciences;13
Elizabeth Wilson in the context of the cognitive and psychological sciences;14
and arguments made by sociologists such as Maurizio Meloni who argue that
sociology is now more open to biological suggestions just at a time when
biology is becoming more social.15
As the philosopher and software studies scholar Tiziana Terranova (2004)
also suggests, what are viewed as non-deterministic approaches to materiality
are providing renewed opportunities for humanities scholars to forge alliances
with the natural and human sciences. She asks, ‘Is it possible to draw on
scientific concepts to further our understanding of cultural processes?’ (2004:
51). There are also now a slew of books and special issues of journals devoted
to ‘biosocial alliances’ (see Meloni et al., 2016). This includes the coining of
terms such as the ‘biocultural’ (Frost, 2016), ‘political biology’ (Meloni, 2016),
or ‘New Biologies’ (Blackman, 2016), which are taken to indicate something
explicitly new about the present conjuncture. The question of whether and how
to forge alliances between the humanities and the human and life sciences is,
of course, not new, even if there is apparently something distinctive about the
present conjuncture, which brings the potentiality of possible collaborations
sharply into focus.
This shift in the positioning of science relates to the identification of common
ontologies emerging across the sciences and humanities, which emphasize the
complex, processual, indeterminate, contingent, non-linear, relational nature
of phenomena constantly open to effects from contiguous processes. These
arguments are being advanced in relation to the fields of genetics and the
biological sciences (including epigenetics and the microbiome), mathematics,
quantum physics and the physics of small particles, the neurosciences
(particularly the social and critical neurosciences), affect theories across
media and cultural theory (see Gregg and Seigworth, 2010, Clough, 2008),
new materialisms (Coole and Frost, 2010), as well as the neurosciences of
affect and emotion (see Wetherell, 2012). These common ontologies are
grounded in concepts such as biosocialities (Rabinow, 1996), naturecultures
(Haraway, 2003), entanglement (Barad, 2007; Wilson, 2015), assemblage, flow,
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science xix
The third question asks what kinds of critical research can be done in the
context of software and computational cultures. In recent years the politics
of data, its social and cultural life, and the new methods cultural theorists
might need to analyse this have been posed as central issues for the humanities
and social sciences (see Clough et al., 2015; Ruppert, Law and Savage, 2013;
Manovich, 2013; Gitelman, 2013). The politics of data open up the question
of exactly what counts as data, especially in the context of the multiple media
transactions that register our presences, both in work and play, or as many
have argued, those which blur the boundary between work and play (Gregg,
2011). These transactions leave traces, which potentially accrue ‘after-lives’
(see Fuller, 2009). As Beer and Burrows (2013) suggest, data acquire their own
social lives, becoming lively in ways that are difficult to see, comprehend and
analyse using conventional qualitative methods of inquiry.
I argue that data can be extracted, mapped, aggregated, condensed,
measured and translated, acquiring autonomies and agencies that extend and
travel beyond the original event or transaction. Dystopian arguments present
what is seen as the increasing metrics of life as the final stage in technology
acquiring its own agencies and taking over. Reminiscent of nineteenth-
century and early twentieth-century dystopian anxieties, machines, and in
this context, machine learning, are now governing humans in ways that are
impossible to see, comprehend, understand or predict. The so-called back-end
of social media, for example, provides data that is conjoined with automated
practices and analyses in complex ways. These recursive relations defy calls for
transparency and raise ethical questions about ownership of data and corporate
agendas. Data repositories potentially create surplus value, including revenue
and profit for businesses, governments, science and related actors. Particular
data banks and archives are mined, often using proprietary forms of software,
which can aggregate vast amounts of data in order to shape and anticipate the
future – or this is at least the data-driven dream.
There are many debates related to the politics of data that we will explore
throughout the book. This includes the emergence of a new interdisciplinary
object of study, ‘big data’, which is providing a new focus for scholars across
many disciplines who are repurposing usually rather positivist methods to
xxii Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science
make certain claims. Although scholars who share vastly different approaches
to the epistemology and ontology of knowledge claims are now speaking
to each other, at conferences and symposiums, for example, the axiom that
governs these debates is that ‘big data’ require new forms of processing –
new approaches and methods that challenge the well-rehearsed qualitative/
quantitative divide.17 Funding councils support these axioms, as much as
they are invested in by venture capitalists keen to harness new automated
forms of power. Positivist methods are also being remediated within digital
environments by humanities scholars, often using advanced software
techniques. These are pro-offered as potentially transforming research across
the arts, humanities and social sciences.
For some, this will potentially result in the ‘end of theory’ replacing
critical inquiry with data analytics (Anderson, 2008). Techniques based on
quantification have always been the mainstay of more positivist methods.
However, they are now regularly offered as the solution to a range of questions
that have been more central to the humanities: how to gain a purchase on
questions of power, agency, subjectivity, technology and embodiment, for
example. Those of us who have remained suspicious of the claims of positivism
(mine due to my own training within positivist science) must however recognize
that as David Beer (2013) has argued, the ‘doing of culture has changed’ (12:
author’s emphasis). Beer suggests that there are four aspects to the performance
and circulation of what in the past have been termed cultural processes that
require consideration: archives, algorithms, data-play and the body. These are
important concerns and concepts and the approach to data that I develop in
this book takes these suggestions seriously. As with any interdisciplinary field
of study this will require a movement across debates that are taking place in
many disciplines, and which importantly are far from settled.
One important question that is at the centre of this book therefore is what
counts as data. What does one analyse when one takes data as a central focus
of study and analysis? This question is far from clear, particularly when one
moves away from instrumentalist, mathematized and monetized definitions
of data and pause to reflect on what exactly can be translated into data. If data
is considered a process of translation, which creates a use or surplus value
from digital traces, then what exceeds these data analytics and strategies of
pre-emption and anticipation? Are there other strategies open to cultural
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science xxiii
theorists who might not want to engage software techniques as the sole way of
understanding some of what inevitably are new forms of power?
Against the popular rally that big data represents the ‘end of theory’ and the
capacity for humanities scholars to engage in critique, there are many adjectives
being used to describe data that introduce nuanced critique and qualification
into such arguments. This includes the description of data as beautiful, small,
smart, anticipatory, aggregated, false, raw, cooked, compromised, lively, inert
and so on. My own chosen adjective to approach data in the context of post-
publication-peer-review (PPPR) is haunted. This adjective is inspired by the
work of Matt Fuller (2009) in software studies. He has used the concept of the
‘after-lives’ of data, to explore the agency and autonomy of data as it moves on
from the particular event that originated it and becomes active. The agency
or what I call aliveness of data allows for a consideration of the social and
cultural life of data, which exists beyond more instrumentalist notions of data.
The concept of ‘haunted data’ is designed to disrupt the distinction between
big and small data and to explore what leaves the frame if we focus solely on
metrics, quantification and digital methods based on counting, measuring,
aggregating and visualizing numbers.
The book develops a data ethnography that is attentive to historicity
and to what Hans-Jö rg Rheinberger (1994) has called historiality (i.e. the
intimate connection between science and storytelling). It explores two science
controversies in the area of weird science, which took form across social media
and in the context of a corpus of digital communication produced by scientists.
The data refers to science writing appearing in blogs, tweets, comments posted
on websites, in comments offered by open-access journals linked to journal
articles, in Google+ communities, Reddit bulletin boards, emails and responses
to science journalists writing about the controversies and bringing them to the
attention of broadcast media. As well as a data ethnography the book is also
offered as a resource for affect theorists and those interested in suggestion,
contagion, imitation, automaticity, the non-conscious, pre-conscious and
related processes and practices.
The book is part allegory of the turn to speculative forecasting and
futurisms of all kinds, and the historical, ontological, technical, economic,
symbolic and psychic conditions under which such imaginaries have taken
form. It also develops a methodological strategy for engaging with science
xxiv Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science
In this age of post-truth politics, and questions about the emotional and
affective nature of change and transformation, this book situates these concerns
within a novel context of scientific controversy and debate. This is linked to
new forms of post-publication-peer-review, which are driven by the forms
of comment, review, evaluation and discussion made possible by the digital
disruption of the publishing industry. PPPR refers to a particular context of
data production and circulation that has the potential to transform academic
practices of writing, publishing, debate and impact. It focuses on the after-
lives that academic articles and books might accrue after publication, and the
ways in which the PPPR found on blogs, internet forums, social networks and
other social media might enter into, intervene within and change the settings
and parameters of what counts as legitimate and illegitimate debate. PPPR is
a corpus of distributed data which some academic journal articles and books
might accrue post publication and particularly as they might be blogged
about, tweeted, discussed on websites, in comments boxes attached to science
trade journals and in digital versions of newspaper and broadcast media.
Journal editors, book publishers and authors in different ways see PPPR as an
important measure of impact, as well as a resource to harness and extend the
reach of an author’s work.
Preface: Affect, Transmedia, Weird Science xxv
Is it possible to see into the future or even for the future to retroactively
influence the past? Can experimental subjects be primed to walk to a lift more
slowly after being shown words associated with ageing on a scrambled language
task?1 How do we make sense of the experimental evidence, which suggests
that both of these questions can be answered affirmatively? These questions
are related to experiments written up in two journal articles, considered classic
studies, which cross cognitive science, anomalistic psychology and psychic
research (Bargh, Chen and Burrows, 1996; Bem, 2011). In different ways the
studies also remediate debates within affect theories, new materialisms and
speculative philosophies in the humanities. They invite a refractive method,
which reads and stages texts, events, human and non-human actors and
agencies, objects, entities and practices through one another (Barad, 2010).
One of the studies and the controversies that ensued speak to current debates
about data and computation and the question of what one analyses when data
is a central focus of study and analysis. Last but not least, they both provide
a springboard for addressing a topical question: how can we perform critical
research in the context of the computational turn and what implications does
this have for studies of the media and mediation?
Both of the articles provide starting points for the argument of this book.
They have both been highly cited and have captured the attention of the
broadcast media in different ways. They have both had impact and have after-
lives on the internet and across social media. Readers will be able to find
hyperlinks to these articles, which extend across space and time, and lead to an
4 Haunted Data
encounter with a range of strange related entities: horses that can type or tell
the time, clairvoyant computers, entangled minds (human and non-human),
non-local consciousness, so-called mad scientists, and entities and practices,
which are deemed impossible, improbable or the product of irrational belief
systems. Both articles have become part of unfolding controversies across
social and broadcast media and have in different ways become ‘media events’.
They have left contagious trails composed of montages of hyperlinks, some of
which have been assembled into accepted versions of events, and others that
have been rendered insufficient, nonsensical and have been redacted or exist
below the radar. These ghostly links sometimes open to detours and dead ends
and often to submerged and displaced actors and agents. The articles and the
controversies surrounding them concern puzzling phenomena and connect to
some of the most vexed questions concerning life, matter, nature, the universe
and sometimes to everything!
Both of the controversies challenge some of the inherited beliefs readers
might have about what it means to be human, an organism, a subject and to
have and be a body. We might think of ourselves as primarily, or striving to be,
unified, bounded and whole with clear and distinct boundaries between self
and other. We might recognize of course that others influence us in a myriad
of ways, and that relationality is perhaps a better concept for describing the
richness and potentiality of what it means to be embodied. But what when
relationality extends to forms of experience, practices, entities and phenomena
that suggest more of a radical indeterminacy and contingency that questions
any distinct sense of boundary between self and other, inside and outside,
mind and body, material and immaterial, human and technical, past and
present, psychic and somatic and the affective and cognitive?
The experiences and phenomena that are the subject of the controversies
are often described as having an ‘alien phenomenology’. What I am calling
the ‘John Bargh priming controversy’ opens up the question of where mind
should be located when taken out of a distinctly human bounded subject. The
‘Feeling the Future controversy’ for how to approach modes of perception
and sensation that are ‘extra-sensory’, or that challenge the limits of current
modes of sensing and relating. These include modes of perception and sensing
that appear to be distributed and extend across time and space, and which
break down any clear causal and linear relationship between past, present
Transmedial Storytelling, Weird Science and Archives of the Future 5
and future – what we might call ‘alien time’. They involve non-linear and
entangled practices of memory and forgetting, which challenge any sense of
psychological autonomy and bounded consciousness. This includes challenges
to any assumed bifurcation of the human and technical, present and absent,
mind and matter, the corporeal and the incorporeal, and the popular and the
scientific.
In different ways both controversies challenge a key set of colonial
cultural beliefs and theories of mind, which have assumed that psychological
capacities are properties of clearly bounded, autonomous subjects that are
subject to bifurcations between subject and object, material and immaterial,
and biological and cultural. The phenomena that are the subject of the
different controversies bypass reason or rationality or disclose how limited
these concepts are for describing what it means to have and be a body. Both
controversies also raise important questions about the limits of the scientific
method as it operates in its most positivist mode. They introduce the ‘wonder’
back into what it might mean to conduct experiments with experiences that
are considered odd, strange, anomalous, uncanny and unsettling, and which
regularly appear as the subject matter of psychology as it intersects with
weird science.
‘Weird science’ is a broad term, which captures all manner of sciences
of oddities, exceptions and anomalies. It is a term often used to refer to
phenomena, practices, experiences and entities, which have been associated
or linked with the paranormal or supernatural. As a field it refers to science,
which concerns itself with unexplained mysteries, oddities, ‘strange stuff ’ or
challenges to established thinking. This might include the area of anomalous
psychology, or the ‘psychology of anomalous experience’, formerly known
as parapsychology. This sub-discipline of psychology aligns a diverse range
of phenomena and experiences, including mediumship, electronic voice
phenomena, magical beliefs, lucid dreaming, deathbed visions, miracle
cures, paranormal beliefs, false memory, telepathy, near-death states, haunted
experiences, hypnosis, the placebo effect and so forth. It is framed as a study
of extraordinary or exceptional phenomena, but is not restricted to those
experiences which might be delineated as paranormal.
These phenomena are often framed and constituted through the cognitive
and neuropsychology of perception and belief. Both controversies speak to the
6 Haunted Data
vexed question of what it means to enter into suggestive relations with another
human or non-human. They both disclose how little we understand processes,
practices and registers of experience, which challenge rationality, control,
will and autonomous thought. Mark Fisher (2017) invites us to consider the
affective pull or intensity of the ‘weird’ in his book, The Weird and the Eerie. He
asks, ‘What is the weird? When we say something is weird, what kind of feeling
are we pointing to?’ He goes on to say,
Weird is often linked to the supernatural but he suggests that this does not
exhaust the kinds of phenomena and experiences that might be designated
weird. Fisher’s focus is on weird fiction or what he also calls ‘writers of the
weird’ (particularly exploring the fiction of H. P. Lovecraft and George
Orwell). He also suggests that the affect of the weird is linked to a fascination
with the unknown, where ‘the weird cannot only repel, it must also compel
our attention’ (p. 17). The weird involves an interplay between this world and
others and evokes ‘a flavour of the beyond’ (p. 21) or invokes a break with
something. This might include normality, the past, Euclidian time and space
for example.
Within legitimate or straight science ‘weird’ phenomena, such as ‘alien
phenomenologies’ retain such a fascination and evocation. They primarily
appear as abnormal perceptions, signs of psychopathology or puzzling
curiosities that challenge foundational assumptions and normative values
and expectations. They include a diverse range of suggestive, contagious and
imitative phenomena that suggest we can be moved to action, to feeling, to
thought, to belief in ways we little understand or comprehend. They relate to
other unusual experiences, such as possession, thought control, altered states
of mind and body, and the sense of futures speaking in the present. They are
sometimes associated with the paranormal and the occult but have always
retained a fascination in popular culture, film, art, literature, psychoanalysis
and entertainment. They are the subject of psychology, psychiatry, cognitive
Transmedial Storytelling, Weird Science and Archives of the Future 7
Both controversies also involve two distinct ways of imagining and governing
conduct, behaviour, thought and feeling. The first, which will form the
subject of Part 1 of the book, is linked to the concept of priming. Priming
relates to a range of strategies and techniques of psychological governance, or
psychomediation, which have been taken up in nudge behavioural economics,
popularized in the book Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth and
Happiness by Taylor and Sunstein (2009). Priming refers to the management
and control of conduct, behaviour, thought and feeling, which can be shaped
and produced via techniques taken to work primarily through non-conscious
registers of experience. It relates to the use of techniques of indirect suggestion
to influence conduct and induce behaviour and to stimulate change and
transformation. Nudge has been an important dimension of how citizens in
neo-liberal countries have been moved to action by governments attempting
to shape behaviour beyond a subject’s conscious reflection and control.
According to the philosopher Gary Gutting (2015), although priming is part of
a scientific tradition that crosses cognitive science, behavioural economics and
political science, the approach popularized by the authors of Nudge chimes
more with common sense than established science in this area. Perhaps the
invocation of common sense to describe nudge is another example of how
little we understand priming, although we might be able to identify moments
where subjects might be said to have been primed.
Priming is already controversial as it unseats the rational cogito from its
Cartesian throne and draws limits around the concept of free will. It discloses
how much of our thinking, action and reaction occur in registers which
exist below or beyond conscious, cognitive control. As a mode of power
or governance it is more akin to post-hypnotic suggestion than to power
operating in registers that are conscious, cognitive and rational; the latter is
usually associated with the neo-liberal subject of agency and choice. Priming
8 Haunted Data
ontologies surrounding mind, cognition, will and affect, which have shaped
modern psychology. It is haunted by what is disavowed and returns in the
priming controversy. This includes already existing controversies surrounding
how to understand the basis of these psychological forms of governance,
management and control. This includes the need for more innovative
propositions, which bring the humanities more into the frame.3
Part 2 of the book, ‘Feeling Futures/Mediating Futures’, turns to a rather
different set of strategies and techniques for governing through the affective
materialized within the second controversy, ‘Feeling the Future’. This
controversy is part of a broader set of cultural imaginaries and discourses,
which are entangled with new strategies of power based on future shaping
and anticipation, which attempt to govern through rather non-linear and
distributed psychologies of time. This includes techniques and practices of pre-
emption, foresight, foreseeing and premediation. These techniques are what
I call ‘strategic imaginaries’, which are manifest and becoming instantiated
in computing (particularly programming and software development),
biology and the neurosciences, practices of mediation within the context
of communication technologies (see Grusin, 2010; Hansen, 2015), business
strategy, finance capitalism, and in the conduct of war, terrorism, politics and
public health responses to global threats (such as the Ebola crisis of 2014).
They underpin and are shaping the development of future technologies,
some of which are based on quantum mechanics and theories of quantum
entanglement. Examples of these include quantum teleportation and
quantum cryptology, and algorithms which attempt to change the past
within open systems, sometimes called programming in the subjunctive
(including retroactive update). These are algorithms which attempt to change
computational pasts and are therefore seen to step sideways in time. One might
also add that all of these imaginaries and the strategies that they are entangled
and produced by are rather queer. Algorithms that can bend, telescope or
subvert linear conceptions of time and technologies that create parallel times
that bend into and beyond past, present and future certainly represent ‘a
“queer” adjustment in the way in which we think about time; in fact, (they)
require(s) and produce(s) new conceptions of space’ (Halberstam, 2005: 6).
Quantum teleportation might be more recognizable as the stuff of science
fiction, conjuring up the image of Star Trek and people being made to
10 Haunted Data
disappear from the Starship by entering the transporter, which converts people
to energy replicas to reappear somewhere else. These more recognizable sci-fi
fantasies are invested in by large corporations and scientists employed by IBM
(for example), who have been experimenting with teleportation since 1993.4
Quantum cryptology is a strategy of encoding and decoding messages, which
converts photon light waves into signs. This is a process of encryption, which
depends on quantum physics rather than mathematics and is attempting to
create processes of encoding and decoding, which will be difficult or even
impossible to decipher. This includes an encryption machine using quantum
physics, developed by a Swiss manufacturer, Id Quantique, which was used in
the October 2007 parliamentary elections in Geneva to prevent voting fraud
and to safeguard votes.5
Alongside these more futuristic and yet increasingly realizable fantasies, we
should include business strategies such as strategic foresight, often marketed
as ‘leading from the future’, and forms of venture capital based on probabilistic
thinking about future risk and profit wound together into the derivative (see
Seigworth and Tiessen, 2012). As the reader will see, some of these strategies
and practices are quite commonplace, others less so, but certainly they are
part of an entangled set of objects, entities, atmospheres and practices, which
are based on anticipating and shaping future actions. They disrupt linear and
Euclidian conceptions of time and space and often work in micro or even nano
scales. These are considered difficult to see in the conventional methodological
sense. As we will see, these attempts to govern through the affective draw more
on concepts, understandings and techniques of psychological life, which are to
be found in psychic research and particularly forms of quantum mechanics,
which draw from theories of the paranormal and supernatural. These alien
imaginaries disrupt any clear and distinct division between past, present and
future, and displace from its privileged position the clearly bounded agentive
psychological subject, as the subject of choice, control and reason.
Within the current conjuncture the rational, choosing subject is celebrated
as the epitome of democracy, civilization, liberalism and scientific truth, while
at the same time suggestive processes and practices operate as part of the
curious vertigo of neo-liberal forms of power. Suggestion is both feared and
to be avoided while at the same time we are increasingly targeted through
practices, which attempt to work in registers beyond, below or at the edges
Transmedial Storytelling, Weird Science and Archives of the Future 11
Psychomediation/psychology as a science
of population management
This book situates both forms of governance or psychomediation within the
context of a large body of scholarship, which has developed critical approaches
to the psychological sciences. It also extends arguments developed in my
previous book, Immaterial Bodies, Affect, Embodiment, Mediation (2012).
The approaches that inform my orientation to psychology include those
12 Haunted Data
that have drawn primarily from the writings of the French philosopher
Michel Foucault. This includes a reconfiguration of psychology and its subject
matter as intervening within a science of population management, rather
than being part of a science of the individual. Within this broad tradition of
work, psychological knowledge, practices, techniques and concepts have been
analysed as part of processes and practices of governance and regulation. These
traditions of scholarship are often subsumed under the mantle of studies of
neoliberalism and its detrimental effects and affects. This includes what has
come to be known as ‘governmentality studies’, which takes the relationship
between technologies of governance and techniques of selfhood as its focus.
A more popularized version of these arguments can be found in a book
written by the sociologist Will Davies, The Happiness Industry: How the
Government and Big Business Sold Us Well-Being.6 This book in many ways
contributes to over fifty years of scholarship, which has examined the place
of psychology in the government of human lives. This includes the important
work of the British sociologist Nikolas Rose (1985, 1989, 1990) whose
genealogical approach to the psychological sciences has cogently demonstrated
how the psychological sciences emerged during the nineteenth century as
key knowledge practices to constitute, frame and offer resolutions to the
management of conduct across a range of settings and surfaces of emergence.7
Psychology was never simply a science of the individual with unquestionable
claims to neutrality, fact and truth. It was rather a set of veridical practices,
which contributed to and helped to shape those historical truths, or ‘fictions-
which-function-in-truth’, which have come to make up what it means to be
human within contemporary neo-liberal societies.
Rose’s writing is indebted to the work of Michel Foucault and his
archaeological and genealogical analyses of the human sciences as part of a
history of the present. The aim of these approaches is to explore the complex
power–knowledge–subjectivity relationships, which shape particular forms of
regulation and particular kinds of subjects. Within this broad tradition of work,
power is taken to work on and through subject’s actions and desires. This work
has been extended and can be found across a range of disciplines including
sociology, media and cultural studies, education, philosophy, organization
studies and feminism and queer theory, for example. This includes studies
of the consensual and conformist nature of popular fictions and fantasies as
Transmedial Storytelling, Weird Science and Archives of the Future 13
they might circulate and become mediated within media and popular cultures,
as well as studies of key practices, such as schooling, education, healthcare,
social work, mental health, work and the management of austerity. Within
these settings it has been demonstrated that psychological norms become
the arbiters of what is considered desirable, normal, natural, aspirational,
entrepreneurial and what is ultimately considered to fall within or outside the
parameters of the human.
This interdisciplinary approach to psychology was also shaped by feminist
psychologists entering the discipline, the turn to discourse within social
psychology,8 and the work of philosophers and historians of psychology
such as Graham Richards.9 The approach I have developed in my previous
writing10 is associated with the book Changing the Subject: Psychology,
Power, Social Regulation, published in 1984, which was written by a multi-
authored collective of psychologists who had gone on to leave the discipline of
psychology to work in neighbouring disciplines, such as sociology, education,
psychosocial studies and media and cultural studies. The collective had
begun developing what now might be described as ‘Foucauldian critiques of
psychology’ taking Michel Foucault’s theorizations of power-knowledge as the
basis of their approach (Henriques et al., 1984). The authors had previously
worked together on the journal Ideology and Consciousness in the 1970s,
developing a post-Althusserian approach to psychology and the production of
the human subject. The following is a quote taken from the founding editorial
of the journal and sums up the collective’s position nicely:
Readers who are not familiar with this work might recognize some similar
ways of thinking in the work of other seminal figures within cultural and
queer theory, including Judith Butler, Angela McRobbie and Lauren Berlant,
who have all developed a discourse-fantasy axis combining Foucault with
psychoanalysis (Lacanian and otherwise). Their writing has particularly
explored subject-formation in the context of what Berlant describes as ‘cruel
optimism’. Butler’s work (see 1990, 1993 for example) has developed this in the
context of gender performativity exploring how gendered subject positions are
materialized through a subject’s own actions rather than as the expression of
an inherent gendered binary. McRobbie (2008) has explored this particularly
within the context of new forms of femininity and post-feminism and their
cultural symptoms, manifestations and consequences.
All in different ways are interested in the question of how and why we might
invest or subjectively commit to particular normalized fictions and fantasies,
Transmedial Storytelling, Weird Science and Archives of the Future 15
even when they do us harm, what Berlant calls ‘cruel optimism’ (see Berlant
2011). Or to the question of what happens psychically and socially when subjects
who are excluded from such norms attempt to live liveable lives. They echo the
view contained within Foucault’s writings that all knowledge is fictional and
productive of subjects, and attend to the multiple sites (science, popular, war,
conflict as well as the mundane and everyday) through which such historically
contingent truths and fictions are produced and lived (also see Ahmed, 2010).
The emphasis has been on some of the enduring and recurring positions
(in all their sexed, gendered, raced and classed dimensions), through which
subjects become and are sometimes, and even often, undone by processes of
subjectification.
Methodological reflections
two science controversies. In the context of the data that form the basis of
this book, the reader will encounter not just texts or statements or practices,
but spectres, displacements, disjointed times, submerged events and multiple
temporalities. As Derrida (1994) argues in his reflections on hauntology in
Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, The Work of Mourning and the New
International, hauntologies raise the important ethical and methodological
questions of how one can follow ghosts, or be followed by ghosts, interpret
ghosts, interrogate ghosts, and listen to ghosts. Derrida argues that hauntologies
are ‘performative methodologies’, an ‘interpretation that transforms the thing
it interprets’ (p. 63). The data that form the basis of this book entangle the
somatic, historical, technical and digital in complex ways. It requires a method
of ‘interfering’ in order to make visible what cannot be easily seen in the
conventional methodological sense. As Karen Barad has argued, hauntology
is a methodological orientation that requires a diffractive reading (a term she
borrows from Donna Haraway), so that the displaced event or narrative can
be interfered with. She terms this ‘diffraction as method’ (2010: 243), in which
texts, events, actors and agencies are read ‘intra-actively’ through one another.
The use of the term ‘intra-action’, rather than ‘interaction’, signals that texts
are not separate and then brought together, but rather that texts, or data (or
statements, events, actors, agencies), are always-already entangled in complex
ways. This is what lies outside of the frame of more quantitative instrumentalist
approaches to data.
concept of the rhizome, which they relate to botany and the rhizomatic quality
of botanical roots. They argue that it is a philosophical concept or heuristic
that allows for the apprehension of multiplicities. Rhizomatic inquiry looks for
distributed and non-hierarchical entry and exit points. They are seen to have
no origin, genesis, beginning or end. Rather the connections are considered
to be ceaselessly moving. They grow and propagate new links, directions and
connections, as an image of thought the data, research and analysis in this
book has rhizomatic qualities.
Unlike practices of research located within particular archives and
technologies of inscription, including the (paper) book and journal article (as
well as newspaper reports and cuttings; scientific reports held by particular
institutional bodies; ethnographic research and interviews with research
subjects, etc.), my research data consists of a dizzying array of hyperlinks. These
links extend across blogs, tweets, online science discussion forums, online
science journalism, comments on websites and open-access science journals.
The links are related to specific URLs and their after-lives. It is what some
media theorists have called cross-platform data, as the data is not generated
and bound by particular application programming interfaces. All of the data
is digital, in the sense that I am following the fate of particular journal articles
as they are transformed post-publication within and across different digital
platforms. I liken my role to a ghost-hunter with an obsessive compulsion who
focuses on what sometimes appear as insignificant or minor details to the plots,
which take form. I attend to outliers, gaps or links, which insistently return,
while at the same time being subject to processes of redaction or recoding.
They set in motion trails, which sometimes end at dead ends and which are
often obscured by particular regimes of remembering and forgetting.
These trails are difficult to account for in terms of graphs, data visualizations,
index cards, overviews of the data sample, taxonomies of research materials,
categorizations of methodological protocols, or as an account of the dispersion
of texts as they relate to each other in an archive delimited by particular
conditions of possibility and existence. The method is perhaps closest to an
example of embodied hauntology, where the data is shaped and reshaped by
my own actions. I have often experienced this reshaping and re-moving as
akin to a form of daydreaming or reverie. It is the closest account I can give for
the absorption I have experienced as I move through and experience the logic
20 Haunted Data
of what Bolter and Grusin (2000) have termed hypermediation – that is acts
of mediation, which draw attention to their construction. Bolter and Grusin
explore this logic in relation to the hyperlinked design of the internet and the
remediation of graphic design within its aesthetic construction. This aesthetic
is perhaps closest to practices of montage and collage found in modernist and
postmodernist art, and is a visual logic that they argue emphasizes process,
fragmentation, indeterminacy and heterogeneity (in that it does not emphasize
one unified point of view).
This hypertextual style means that lots of things compete for attention and
reverie is perhaps one affective style that is suited to the remediated research
environment that digital hauntologies engage. This feeling of syncopation
and compulsion is as much about paying attention to absences, gaps, silences,
contradictions and places where data trails coalesce and become attractors.
Attractors relate to statements, texts, objects, events or entities that become
entangled through discord, discontinuity, a temporal clash or collision. These
collisions often create moments of affective intensity – anger, incredulousness,
disbelief or an insistent belief that there is something more to say. These
entanglements might set in motion a genealogical trail that resurrects the
spectre of past controversies. These ghosts might undo the present and open
to those lost-futures, which are still very much with us, albeit as repressions,
displacements and movements in submerged forms. The book will illustrate
the challenges of working affectively with particular archives when genealogies
explicitly confront hauntologies – where the researcher encounters not just
texts or statements or practices (in the Foucauldian sense), but spectres,
displacements, disjointed times, submerged events and multiple temporalities.
Avery Gordon (2008) describes ghost-hunting as a practice, which makes ‘a
contact that changes you and refashions the social relations in which you
are located. … It is often [about] inarticulate experiences, of symptoms and
screen memories, of spiraling affects, of more than one story at a time, of
the traffic in domains of experience that are anything but transparent and
referential’ (p. 25).
She goes on to argue:
Being haunted draws us affectively, sometimes against our will and always a
bit magically, into the structure of feeling of a reality we come to experience,
not as cold knowledge, but as a transformative recognition. (p. 8)
Transmedial Storytelling, Weird Science and Archives of the Future 21
How might one provide the means to make visible such a transformative
recognition? One technique that has been used by Jackie Orr (2006) is collage,
which she describes as a performative strategy that allows for the telling of
more than one story at a time. She brings together different fragments,
including fiction, autobiography, history, dreams, and an ethnography of anti-
anxiety medication in order to question linear time and to disrupt patterns
of connection. Coleman (2009) describes how collage or collaging are not
just aesthetic practices but can become methodological. The practices of
moving, cutting, looping, tearing, juxtaposition and so forth are all techniques
developed within this book as a form of transmedial storytelling. The
technique is moved into the digital realm to develop a performative strategy
that tells more than one story at a time and where events and controversies are
always more than one.
Transmedial storytelling
The concept of transmediality is borrowed from the work of the critical race
studies scholar Rey Chow (2012). Transmediality is usually associated with
strategies of storytelling, which are coordinated and orchestrated across
multiple media platforms. Transmediality is often framed as a form of multi-
platform storytelling that has emerged and is situated within practices of
media convergence and the emergence of networked media (Jenkins, 2006).
One might on this basis find reference to transmedia narratives and texts
(Leavenworth, 2011), to transmedia television (Evans, 2011), to transmedia
technologies, performances and even transmedial worlds. The book will
explore how the focus on fiction and the construction and orchestration of
transmedia (fictional) worlds can be extended within the context of hauntology
and controversy analysis.
As Evans (2011) argues, the association of transmediality with new media
platforms obscures the way in which stories and myths, which blur fact
and fiction (for example), might be considered transmedial in a way that is
anachronistic to the rise of (new) media technologies. She argues, for example,
that ‘the narrative of Jesus Christ might be considered multi-platform’ (p.
19). It does not exist in one place, is distributed across time and space and
is enacted by multiple agents, actors, agencies, entities and objects, for
22 Haunted Data
example. She argues that the history of storytelling is one that is transmedial
and to that extent there are historical precedents for transmediality and its
remediation within and across networked media. As she argues, it is important
to differentiate historical and more contemporary enactments (or what she
terms uses) of transmediality. This question will be considered by turning
attention to the hauntological forces that are transmitted within and across
different media, and by extending the question of what counts as media within
transmediality.
unanticipated.15 The artist or theorist is implicated in the cut and creates what
might be equated to a ‘self-conscious staging of mediality’ akin to a post-human
form of reflexivity (Chow, 2012: 28). The critical theorist or artist becomes part
of the assemblage or what Chow (Chow, 2012) terms the ‘event of capture’
intervening in order to open up the potential to think otherwise. Chow
connects this transmedial strategy to critical and creative strategies that have
gone before, including Brecht’s strategies of de-familiarization. Chow suggests
that ‘shadow media’ or social media, which are both atomized and increase
capacities for connectivity and interactivity, allow new realities to happen. She
equates this to the setting in motion of different times and temporalities – no
longer fugitive, fossilized and anachronistic.
The events of capture made possible by such time-shifting and their radical
potential should not be judged for truth-value or veracity (i.e. as the capture
of reality). Rather Chow ties the event of capture to the concept of captivation
inviting the reader to consider their own investments and entanglement
within particular events. Chow defines captivation as the capacity to be ‘lured
or held by an unusual person, event or spectacle’ (Chow, 2012: 47) and which
underlies the extent to which we might be drawn into particular (imaginary)
worlds. She prefers the term ‘captivation’ over interpellation suggesting that
our ability to be drawn beside ourselves involves registers, which might be
termed ‘affective’ and open up to theories of attachment, desire, imitation,
mimetic violence, embodiment, victimization and forgiveness. Chow’s
approach to transmediality turns our attention to ‘scenes of entanglement’ and
to the potential transmedial relations open up for radical politics. Although
Chow’s examples are mainly from earlier media forms (films and literature, for
example), her development of transmediality in the concept of social media is
useful for the digital hauntology that underpins the book and the concept of
haunted data.
Each ‘scene of entanglement’ that I stage in Parts 1 and 2 of the book splice
and enact different temporalities and media times. In this sense, the staging
has affinities with Karen Barad’s (2010) aligning of her own performative
approach to science experimentation as hauntological. Barad’s approach is
developed in an article written in the journal Derrida Today and draws an
analogy between the quantum activity of electrons and what it means to be a
host – to be receptive and open to entanglements. Barad (2010) argues that an
24 Haunted Data
What is at issue here is nothing less than the future, if there is such a thing:
the future of psychoanalysis in its relationship to the future of science.
As techno-science, science, in its very movement, can only consist in a
transformation of the techniques of archivization, of printing, of inscription,
of reproduction, of formalization, of ciphering, and of translating marks.
(Derrida, 1995: 16)
In August 2014 John Bargh, the Yale cognitive scientist, considered by some
to be the ‘Father’ of priming, received the APA (American Psychological
Association) Award for Distinguished Scientific Contributions. On 1 January
2014 he published a notable article in Scientific American with the title ‘How
Unconscious Thought and Perception Affect Our Every Waking Moment’. On
5 March 2012 John Bargh resurrected his blog for Psychology Today, which had
lain dormant for two years prior. He did this in order to respond to a failed
replication study of one of his studies on priming, one of the most highly cited
studies in the field (1996). To date it has been cited over 3,634 times. He wrote
another subsequent blog post responding to a comparison that had been made
between himself and Mr von Osten. Mr von Osten was the owner of a horse
and equine celebrity known as Clever Hans, who courted controversy and
publicity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This response
was made by a science journalist Ed Yong, commenting upon his first blog
entry and contributing to its contagious affects. These posts were ephemeral
and elusive, subject to recodings, redaction and deleting.1
This chapter will primarily consider why this post and subsequent blog
posts gained a reach and traction and became part of what was described
as an ‘Internet drama bomb’. In the next chapter I will amplify some of its
contagious and hauntological potential by assembling two further scenes
Social Media Contagion(s) 29
Open Science
‘Open Science’ is a term, which is explicitly linked to the digital transformation
of publishing and the argument that the published journal article is
anachronistic in the context of digital communications. Open scientists
argue that the published static unmodifiable journal article is rooted in
seventeenth-century technologies and practices of publishing, which should
now be abandoned. Open Science is a call for a more democratic, inclusive,
participatory, public science, which has the capacity to transform itself. These
debates are happening across the sciences and are linked to different trends
and themes. This might include the embracing of digital communication
and social media platforms, the call for open-access publishing, new forms
of evaluation including continuous peer review and the publishing of peer
review, and new outlets for disseminating research, which allow new publics
to contribute to the evolution of science.
For some scientists, the barriers to change are not technical or even financial,
but rather to be found in the different cultures of science, which are linked to
the status quo and to already existing relations of prestige, status, hierarchy and
power. There are many fears and anxieties surrounding the new publishing
platforms and forms of dissemination made possible by digital and social media.
As with similar debates across the humanities, the transformation of publishing
made possible by digital communication is shaping new forms of peer review,
evaluation and opportunities for academic research to be read, used and
appropriated.4 It is also being linked to distinct calls by some feminist academics
for the publishing of research and forms of evaluation, which are fairer, less sexist
and more humane.5 However, as we will see in this chapter, despite the politics of
open access and open science, it is often business as usual which ensues.
32 Haunted Data
A key question examined in this chapter is, to what extent the archives
associated with this controversy might open to what Derrida (1995) termed
‘archives of the future’? I am particularly interested in those archives, which
relate to the possibility of a ‘Future Psychology’. That is to a psychology that is
attentive and oriented to psychological processes as fundamentally relational,
indeterminate and entangled in complex ways with material, immaterial,
symbolic, technical, historical, cultural and political practices, objects and
entities. This ontology of psychological processes is more compatible with
affect studies, and is one that I argue can be found in traces of psychology’s
many pasts – pasts, which resurface and return within science controversies
when followed across time. As Emily Martin (2013) has argued in relation to
the affective turn across the humanities, many affect theorists have turned to
the cognitive and neurosciences for inspiration, and on that basis are in danger
of working with stripped-down models of human subjectivity – what are often
described as forms of biomediation (see Clough, 2008a). Indeed, as she argues,
the genealogy of the models of subjectivity that are being brought into the
humanities have separated mind from brain and subjectivity from the social,
seeing the brain or the supposed ‘gap’ between brain and mind as the site of
(critical) potentiality.
In her article she returns to a rather different site of psychological
experimentation, The Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to the Torres
Straits Islands in 1898, which haunts contemporary cognitive neuroscience –
one where she argues that ‘even the most raw, “natural” perceptual inputs
from eyes, ears, nose and skin were only graspable as products of specific
human social environments’ (p. S153). She argues in comparison that many
affect theorists ‘depict the social as stopping well before we get down to the
bottom’ (Martin, 2013: S154). The ‘bottom’ here refers to the brain and to
non-conscious processes which are taken to exceed or exist below conscious
perception and attention and sometimes even outside culture and social
relations. The controversy that is the subject of the next two chapters also
re-engages a more anthropological or ethnographic imaginary that haunts
priming and automaticity research across the cognitive neurosciences. It is
one that is brought back in the present and to that extent will be of interest
to contemporary affect theorists and humanities scholars interested in
science and the problematic of subjectivity. It represents what I will go on
Social Media Contagion(s) 33
Clever Hans was a horse in the early twentieth century who was apparently
able to tell the time and solve complex multiplication puzzles by stamping his
hooves. The comparison between John Bargh and the owner of Clever Hans,
Mr von Osten, was made in a blog post for the online science journal Discover
by a respected science journalist, Ed Yong.11 Yong was commenting on the
same ‘failed replication study’ of a classic priming experiment by John Bargh,
Chen and Burrows (1996). Bargh’s study claimed that experimental subjects
walked more slowly to a lift after being shown words associated with ageing on
a scrambled language task. A Belgian post-doctoral researcher Stephane Doyen
carried out the failed replication study. Doyen is a psychologist interested
in priming, who led a team intent on replicating Bargh’s classic study. They
changed some of the parameters of the study and did not replicate the results.
The only parameter within which they did replicate the results were when
experimenters believed that subjects would walk more slowly to the lift. As
they suggest:
They argued that this suggests ‘that both priming and experimenters
expectations are instrumental in explaining the walking speed effect’ (p. 1). This
non-replication led to what Yong described as a scathing personal attack on
Doyen, written in Bargh’s blog, The Natural Unconscious, for Psychology Today,
which had lain dormant for two years previously. The URL to this blog entry –
https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-natural-unconscious/201203/
nothing-in-their-heads – was later removed.This scathing attack, represented
by Yong with an image of toys being thrown out of a pram was taken down and
removed from the scene leaving behind ghostly traces. Interested readers could
find hyperlinks to Bargh’s response – commentaries on the response, responses
to the response – but the actual response remained elusive.
Social Media Contagion(s) 35
Figure 1 Clever Hans with his owner Mr von Osten. Copyright Wikimedia Commons.
Although the blog post was removed, one could gather clues as to its
emotional valence and tone through a set of hyperlinked blog posts. One was
a commentary by Daniel Simons, a psychology professor at the University of
Illinois with 22,920 Google+_ followers and with 708,922 views at the time of
writing on this particular post: https://plus.google.com/+DanielSimons/posts/
VJH8wXxxc3fHe provides a commentary on Bargh’s removed blog post with
the title ‘A Primer for How Not to Respond when Someone Fails to Replicate
Your Work.’
As he goes on to comment,
In the linked post, John Bargh responds to a paper published in PLoS ONE
that failed to replicate his finding that priming people with terms related to
aging led them to walk more slowly to the elevator afterward. His post is a
case study of what NOT to do when someone fails to replicate one of your
findings.
36 Haunted Data
One could also find some reflections made by Sanjay Srivastava, an American
psychologist who writes a blog, The Hardest Science: A Psychology Blog:
Thoughts about the Mind, Science, Society and Whatever Else. The blog entry
is titled ‘Some Reflections on the Bargh-Doyen Elderly Walking Priming
Brohaha’.13 He reflects on the inflammatory nature of Bargh’s response, and
Yong’s comparison of Bargh to Mr von Osten. Srivastava frames his discussion
by calling for a discussion of replication and its continuing importance to
scientific discovery and innovation. As we will go on to see this became the
way in which the controversy was framed as it started to settle. Interested
readers can also read a summary of Bargh’s removed post with the author’s
annotated responses posted in a Reddit community, which calls itself the
Reddit Society for Psychological Research.14 It was submitted by a user called
ViscountPrawn with the title ‘Failed replication of famous elderly-priming
walk speed experiment prompts icy response from original author, internet
drama-bomb in comments’. It drew twenty-nine comments, two of which were
later deleted or perhaps edited for professionalism.
The ‘internet drama-bomb’ relates to the tone or sentiment of Bargh’s PPPR,
which was considered unscientific by many, and as exceeding scientific debate
and dialogue usually linked to the norms of rationality, reason and reflection.
Bargh claimed to be offering the expert review and editorial scrutiny, which he
suggested the Doyen failed replication study did not receive as part of the official
review process. Bargh tried to persuade readers that the experiment lacked
integrity, using sarcasm, righteous indignation and hostility. He expressed hurt
and upset creating a sentiment that cast doubt on the findings of the study.
Sentiment analysis reflects a key area in social media analysis that relates to
the nature of communication within digital environments. These debates often
challenge or contest idealized norms of rational, detached and deliberative
communication, viewed as essential to democracy and effective public spheres.
The use of social media certainly represents an issue for many scientists
now finding their research and its evaluation post-publication challenging the
norms of science writing and its cherished ideals of objectivity, detachment
and neutrality. Many theorists have argued that social media communicative
strategies challenge so-called rational conventions of communication. To that
extent they are often argued to be more affective. Papacharissi (2012) suggests
that many communication strategies on social media are improvisational and
Social Media Contagion(s) 37
blog is a recent article titled ‘Behavioral Priming: It’s All in the Mind, but
Whose Mind?’ by Stéphane Doyen, Olivier Klein, Cora-Lise Pichon, and
Axel Cleeremans. The researchers reported that they could not replicate
our lab’s 1996 finding that priming (subtly activating in the minds of
our college-age experimental participants, without their awareness) the
stereotype of the elderly caused participants to walk more slowly when
leaving the experiment. We had predicted this effect based on emerging
theory and evidence that perceptual mental representations were
intimately linked with behavioral representations, a finding that is very well
established now in the field (see below). Following their failure to replicate,
Doyen et al. went on to show that if the experimenter knew the hypothesis
of the study, they were able to then find the effect. Their conclusion was
that experimenter expectancies or awareness of the research hypotheses
had therefore produced the effect in our original 1996 study as well – in
other words, that there was no actual unconscious stereotype effect on the
participants’ behavior.
The Doyen et al. article appeared in an online journal, PLoS ONE,
which quite obviously does not receive the usual high scientific journal
standards of peer-review scrutiny (keep reading for the evidence of this);
instead, the journal follows a ‘business model’ in which authors pay to
have their articles published (at a hefty $1,350 per article). The journal
promises a ‘rigorous peer review’ for technical soundness but not as to
the importance of the finding. On their website PLoS dismisses the use of
knowledgable editors to oversee what gets published and what does not,
claiming this adds only a subjective element to the acceptance decision that
can be biased against new research directions. But knowledgeable editors
also can prevent articles from being published based on faulty peer reviews,
such as by inexpert, lazy, or biased reviewers. Expert editors also know the
relevant theory and past research in a given domain, and also know of
common methodological pitfalls that inexpert researchers in the domain –
such as, apparently, Doyen et al. (keep reading) – can fall prey to.
The lack of rigorous expert editorial scrutiny by PLoS in the Doyen et al.
case means that I must supply it here, only after it has been published. If I’d
been asked to review it (oddly for an article that purported to fail to replicate
one of my past studies, I wasn’t) I could have pointed out at that time the
technical flaws, though these might not have mattered to PLoS ONE – as a
for-profit enterprise, PLoS published 14,000 articles in the year 2011 alone.
Fourteen thousand. Something tells me they don’t turn down many $1,350
checks. ...
Social Media Contagion(s) 39
This blog entry had many after-lives moving on from the original event of
‘setting the record straight’ and becoming linked to an assemblage of actors
and agencies, and academic and non-academic publics across various social
media platforms and APIs (application programming interfaces). The multiple
media transactions provide a corpus of responses to what was framed as Bargh’s
personal attack on open-access publishing (and particularly the journal PLoS
One), science journalism (and the trustworthiness of online media sources),
and the problems with replication studies. I have partially reconstructed the
trails of the lives that this blog entry accrued in previous writing.17 I will commit
here to discussing more of the hauntological implications of this re-moving.
Hans-Jörg Rheinberger
The concept of re-moving is taken from the science studies scholar Hans-
Jörg Rheinberger’s work. I argue that although Rheinberger’s focus is science
and specifically scientific controversies, his insights have much to add to
social media analysis and the digital humanities. Rheinberger is a significant
German science studies scholar, who until his retirement was based at the
Max Planck Institute in Berlin. His work, like those of many feminist science
studies scholars (Haraway, Barad, Franklin, for example), has produced
new objects, entities, methods and ways of thinking at the intersection of
science and philosophy. His work was very influenced by Derrida, Haraway,
Bachelard, Foucault and Canguilhelm, for example. He has been described
as a leading historian and philosopher of the biological and life sciences
(Lenoir, 2010). His philosophy of experimental practice is one that has many
shared ontologies with those taken up within anthropology, sociology and
literary studies (those which foreground process, enaction and relationality,
for example). It is what Lenoir (Lenoir, 2010: xii) refers to as an ‘exercise in
40 Haunted Data
The discussion sparked by my previous post has now far transcended the
remarks I made in the post itself, in defense of our lab in the face of the
‘Clever Hans’ charge. That was a slur on our lab that had to be responded
to in order to set the record straight. Insults like that typically make people
angry, and so a lot of heat was generated, but too much heat produces smoke,
and smoke obscures clear vision. Let’s see if we can continue the discussion
without anger and hostility clouding the real issues.
The blog goes on to engage with some of the issues that have been raised in
relation to the study and to put the record straight, again. The comments for
this entry have not been recovered and no subsequent entries by Bargh have
been made in Psychology Today since this post (and at the time of writing). As
a cultural theorist interested in affect and phenomena that disrupt borders and
boundaries between the inside and outside, material and immaterial, past and
present, public and private and self and other, for example, I have been fascinated
by the unfolding of this controversy and what has taken form. I was led to this
controversy by my own research into the phenomenology of will and what has
come to be known as the ‘half second delay’ within affect studies (Massumi,
2002; Thrift, 2007).19 I knew that the neuroscientific evidence underpinning
this statement was controversial and through my own searches I was directed
towards and became captivated by this particular social media controversy.
Social Media Contagion(s) 43
with various animations to carry the traces of Bargh’s irate response, that were
later removed. One meme, which was later removed, went by the name of the
‘Barghinator’ and for some time captured something of the uncivil discourse that
for many within this debate crossed the boundaries of acceptable science debate
and communication. The ‘Barghinator’, enacted a trace of Bargh’s outburst and
was represented by a cartoon image of a face crumpled in anger with furrowed
brows and cross-eyes set against a brown background. Although I have a copy
of this meme I am unable to reproduce it due to copyright permissions. The
removal of Bargh’s post was often commented upon by social media users,
where interested parties attempted to reconstruct and familiarize themselves
with why Bargh was so angry. This includes questions such as the following:
What was it about this particular failed replication study that incensed Bargh
and motivated an intense outpouring of emotion on his blog for Psychology
Today, now removed? What is all the fuss about? Why the cover up? Why
was Bargh’s response(s) removed from the scene? Surely the results of Doyen
et al.’s study (2012), which has already been cited over 426 times21 at the
time of writing, are significant, even if they failed to replicate Bargh’s study.
What sparked an outpouring of anger and a scathing personal attack by
Bargh in relation to Doyen, an ambitious researcher who tinkered with the
experimental apparatus and interpreted the results by drawing links between
studies of priming and an archive of earlier psychological experimentation
that Hans the Horse is part of. What kind of imaginary or dispositive22 did
Doyen’s experimental apparatus enact, such that the specter of Hans returned
to haunt Bargh and the field of automaticity research more generally?
What made Doyen et al.’s (2012) failed replication study into a media event?
Most psychological studies do not become media events. They do not become
the subject of journalistic scrutiny, audience speculation and more general
public interest. This failed study was the subject of a blog in the Wall Street
Journal with the headline ‘Failure to Replicate Famous Study Causes Furore’.23 It
was picked up by various bloggers and published in different science magazines,
Social Media Contagion(s) 45
including Nature, Discover Magazine, and websites such as Live Science, with
its headline ‘Psychologists Confront Rash of Invalid Studies’.24 It is the subject
of numerous Google+ posts and personal blog entries. It has been tweeted
and re-tweeted and been discussed in emails that have found their way onto
the internet for public consumption. It has travelled and in its travels it has
accrued its own agencies, moving from the original scene of experimentation
and has become an actor within a mutable scene of entanglement; it opens to
multiple leads, crisscrossings, loopings, backtracks, movings and re-movings.
It has come to stand in for a history of experiments within psychology that
have been tainted with the mark of scandal. Indeed Bargh’s priming study is
considered by some to be in the top five most controversial psychology studies
ever published.25 It continues to attract attention in the present, variously
articulating a perceived crisis within contemporary psychology, including with
replication, which is considered the cornerstone of the scientific method.26
Doyen et al.’s non-replication study bears the title ‘Behavioural Priming: It’s
All in the Mind but Whose Mind?’ – a provocative title no less as it suggests
that Bargh and his associate experimenters were unaware that they were
influencing the experimental set-up. Within the scientific method, ideally any
form of experimental bias or experimental expectation should be eliminated
from the experimental scene. Experimental bias is usually related to the beliefs
of experimental subjects rather than the experimenter. It is understood to be
a form of bias where the subject conforms because they think they know what
the experimenter wants. In this context what Doyen et al.’s non-replication
revealed was the influence of the experimental apparatus itself and how
this might re-qualify what counts as an experimental effect or bias. Doyen’s
study challenges the assumption that experimental bias should necessarily
be removed or eliminated by its translation into various technical devices
for removing suggestion so as to seek objectivity. This is what is known as
the ‘experimenter effect’ (Rosenthal, 1966). The need to remove what is
understood as experimental bias is often linked to a discovery made within an
experiment that has become known as the ‘Hawthorne Effect’.
46 Haunted Data
the experiments. Its aim is to open up scientific debate about priming and the
question of how to understand and analyse priming effects. So what then is all
the fuss about?
#conceptual replication
The article was eventually published in an open-access science journal
with a (mythological) reputation for taking articles which carry a history
of rejection from proprietary journals. The journal, PLoS One, has however
been lampooned for publishing the Doyen study. John Bargh considers this
action a result of their questionable ethics and business model.27 When I
initially followed this controversy in May 2012 one was taken to Psychology
Today and met with the automated response: ‘Page Not Found’.28 However,
while attempting a temporary denouement to the controversy during April
2018, if the user followed the link https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the
-natural-unconscious/201203/nothing-in-their-headsthey will be led not to
Page Not Found (its previous after-life29) but rather to a page which has a link
to a third reinstated blog post, posted initially on 11 May 2012 (https://ww
w.psycholog ytoday.com/blog/the-natural-unconscious/201205/priming-effe
cts-replicate-just-fine-thanks). It now bears the date, ‘Post published by John
A Bargh PhD on May 11th, 2012 in The Natural Unconscious’. This version has
no comments and does not allow comments to be made by users and interested
publics. The prefix post is suggestive of the curious after-lives this URL now
carries, where it has come to stand in for the two previously removed blog
posts (https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-natural-unconscious/2012
03/nothing-in-their-heads and https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the
-natural-unconscious/201203/ angry-birds).
This blog entry represents an attempt by Bargh to repair what many saw
as his damaged reputation, and the blog becomes an actor and agent, which
enters into and attempts to change the setting of the controversy. That is to link
the controversy to issues and problems surrounding replication, seen as the
cornerstone of the scientific method. This included that the controversy was
an example of the importance of having strict protocols so that subsequent
researchers can replicate scientific experiments. This is considered an
important part of how the validity and reliability of statistical results and
effects are assessed. One of the key debates on Twitter, for example, became
48 Haunted Data
At the time I followed this link31 there were no Facebook likes and the post
appeared in an un-modifiable form.
The second removed blog post, known as ‘Angry Birds’ (https://www.psy
chologytoday.com/blog/the-natural-unconscious/201203/angry-birds), was
removed and has not reappeared at the time of writing. For some time, if one
followed the link one was taken to a dead end, a blank white page. However,
at the time of writing the link now takes an interested reader to Bargh’s blog
for Psychology Today, The Natural Unconscious, which details three posts,
including a link to the recovered post, https://www.psychologytoday.com/blo
Social Media Contagion(s) 49
g/the-natural-unconscious/201205/priming-effects-replicate-just-fi ne-thanks
As the reader will be aware, this blog post has come to stand in for the two
redacted blog posts, ‘Angry Birds’ and ‘Nothing in Their Heads’. The full text
related to ‘Angry Birds’ could be recovered in a Google Doc by following this
link: https://docs.google.com/document/d/1wuu8URArgZusJELXF5j4xpM2
6ESkFfOveYoGKBf0CHo/edit?pli=1
Why these patterns of disappearance, removal and reappearance? What
archives of the future are put into motion and what is being remembered and
forgotten by these data practices of redaction, removal and re-moval? What
does this investigation open up for a future psychology – one that can listen to
the traces of its past in the present and open to possible futures?
As the controversy opened up to traces of the past and the possible futures
of priming, very specific entanglements of human and non-human actors also
closed it down. It is these narratives which will come to the reader’s attention
within Google PageRank algorithms. This includes an interview with John
Bargh in The Chronicle for Higher Education some twelve months after the
controversy erupted where he narrates the events as a particular redemption
narrative.32 In the interview he regrets taking down the blog posts and attempts
to settle the controversy and set things straight, again. As is probably clear from
my discussion so far this controversy attracted the attention of many scientists
in the field. The following extract appears in a blog written by Cedar Riener
known as Cedar’s Digest, which provides a remediated story about the John
Bargh priming controversy.33 He opens the review of the post-publication-
peer-review commentary with the following spoiler:
Attention conservation notice: This post dives into some inside baseball
stuff on social psychology, how the science of psychology is practiced, and
how science is communicated online. It is kind of long, but I intend it as sort
of a reference for this event, but also something to point to for my colleagues
who either aren’t aware of, or doubt whether real scientific discussion can
occur online.’
He goes on to say,
process (anonymous or otherwise) has always come out on top. But this latest
episode, and some related conversations, have convinced me that online
post-publication peer review has made an amazing amount of progress.
If any readers are having trouble following the detail and time scale of the
controversy as it was initially shaped within the context of PPPR, Cedar Riener
provides a useful overview and remediation of events in his blog post, some of
which I reproduce below:34
The above storify and remediation of this event illustrates how scientific debate,
review and assessment are potentially being transformed by digital media and
PPPR. Journal articles and books can accrue after-lives as they move on from
the event of their publication and enter into new scenes of entanglement.
The impact virality of these practices can of course increase the chances of
an academic’s work becoming read, cited, used and appropriated. They can
extend the reach and traction of an academic’s research, open it to new publics
and readerships, and potentially increase the academic’s standing and status.
However, as academic work becomes controversial and operates with the
potential for contagion it can also become an attractor for agencies, actors,
entities, submerged and displaced narratives, which disclose its hauntological
potential.
If, as Rheinberger has argued, science is a storytelling machine that always
has more stories to tell than the experimenter at any given moment is trying to
tell with it, what opportunities does this open up for transmedial storytelling?
If transmedial storytelling is a form of storytelling that sets in motion fugitive
and fossilized times and that allows new visibilities to be shaped, then what
might these insights bring to our understanding of scientific progress,
innovation and creativity? To what extent can this data be moved around into
new contexts, to be separated and reconnected, in order to create something
new or unexpected? These questions will form the subject of the next chapter
where I will explore the hauntological force of this science controversy and
how it unexpectedly re-moves or sets in motion some very interesting and
innovative propositions. These connect to key contemporary debates within
the field of affect studies, science studies and related perspectives.
52 Haunted Data
Conclusion
The ethics and integrity of science communication within these new media
worlds and the image and reputation of the field of priming is at the heart of
this controversy. However, in order to explore the contagious and hauntological
potential of this controversy I will turn in the next chapter to the comparison
made between John Bargh and Mr von Osten, the owner of Hans the Horse
or Clever Hans, that was made by Ed Yong. Why did it create what some
media theorists have termed ‘emotional flaming’, impassioned and emotional
responses, which exceed what is often assumed to be the basis of scientific
debate – calculative and deliberative rationality, for example. Why did the
association between Bargh and Mr von Osten challenge the field of priming
studies and what exceeds what has started to settle following this event? Why
would the comparison with Mr von Osten upset Bargh? In other contexts the
case of Clever Hans has been revitalized in contemporary cultural theory to
ask questions about what it means to affect and be affected and what issues
this controversy raises about what it means to be open to the other, human and
non-human (see Despret, 2004a, 2015).
In order to re-examine some of the hauntological potential of this
controversy I will expand, extend and mediate the splicing of two different
historical moments and temporalities that have become entangled and
refracted through one another. This will involve reading what haunts this
controversy genealogically, by revisiting an earlier related controversy, which,
as we will, see was and remains far from settled. It is this controversy which
is re-moved by Ed Yong’s comparison, and becomes spliced with John Bargh’s
attempts to manage his reputation as a prestigious cognitive scientist and one
of the primary authors of the most highly cited journal article in the field of
priming. This ghostly corpus of data extends the controversy across space
and time, disrupting the boundaries between past and present, the rational
and the emotional, fiction and fact, the human and the technical, and science
and media. It is the practices of remembering and forgetting that visualize
certain of these data-trails, while others become lifeless or inert. My focus will
be on those marginal agencies, which remain as a seething absent-presence,
allowing a rather playful investigation of psychology’s many pasts, presents
and possible futures.
3
This chapter will analyse the contagious and hauntological potential of what
became known within the John Bargh priming controversy as the ‘Clever Hans
charge’ or the ‘Clever Hans slur’. As we saw in the last chapter the association
made between John Bargh, and the owner and trainer of Hans the Horse, Mr
Wilhelm von Osten, was experienced by Bargh as a slur on his reputation.
This slur became a half-hidden statement partially occluded by the redaction
of Bargh’s blog post, ‘Nothing in Their Head’, which accrued agencies in
its absence. The aliveness of this statement and its generative potential will
form the basis of the hauntological analysis performed within this chapter.
The focus will be on the splicing of two different historical controversies put
back into circulation by this statement, which produced a corpus of ghost or
haunted data. I will argue throughout the chapter that hauntological analyses of
ghost-data allow an interesting and novel way of analysing the affective
potential of forms of data-mediation beyond the actions of individual social
media users. It also provides a novel way of engaging with science, particularly
with scientific traditions, that have been and are being engaged with by affect
scholars.
The chapter will engage with arguments that suggest that media can be
hauntological, and haunting is a form of mediation. As Mark Fisher (2012)
has suggested, certain media forms, practices and genres have allowed us to
anticipate a world radically different to the one we now live in. Fisher defines
haunting as the mediation of possible (lost) futures in the present – what
he terms ‘a virtuality that already impinges on the present, conditioning
54 Haunted Data
One assumption that seems to unite researchers within the field of social
media analysis is that one is studying traces, usually digital marks that are left
behind by transactions that are made using software-driven media or what are
usually referred to as data. The concept of data derives from mathematical and
computational approaches to information, which assumes that information can
be given some kind of numerical value. This is taken to enable aggregation,
comparison, cross-referencing and searching according to common factors
and indices. However, this raises the question of what is and is not available
to be quantified and what exceeds the instrumentalization of data as metrics.
These are critical questions as the concept of traces might not equate to data and
might exceed attempts to search and aggregate. These anomalies are particularly
intensified given the restrictions on what is searchable using proprietary software
shaped by APIs owned by conglomerates such as Google, Facebook and Twitter
for example. In that sense, critical methodological issues are raised regarding
what it means to engage in ‘data ethnographies’ which take software media as
an object of analysis (see Hochman and Manovich, 2013 for example; Langlois,
2015). These questions are recognized as important aspects of a cultural politics
and analysis of the social life of data. This issue has been raised as an important
aspect of contemporary sociological inquiry (see Beer and Burrows, 2013).
As we saw in the last chapter, data have a life, which exceeds attempts
to measure and quantify behaviour, thought and existence. Data have
56 Haunted Data
hauntological force as they move from the original event, accruing what Matt
Fuller (2009) has termed ‘after-lives’. These after-lives can be approached
hauntologically, directing our attention to what already exists in the present
as a form of anticipation, to a time in the present that has not passed, and
which operates as an attractor for possible futures. The after-lives of data
attract, collect and channel fragments, gaps, anomalies, puzzles and parallel
temporalities producing the potential for ‘queer aggregations’. They can flow
and arrest, stopping us briefly in our tracks before they disappear from view, or
at least from those narratives which quickly frame and interpret data according
to particular authorized stories. As boyd and Crawford (2012) remind us, all
data require interpretation. Some interpretations are staged and authorized
through relations of prestige, status and hierarchy and are embedded within
the ontologies of the network enacted by computational objects, such as
Google PageRank. These almost always remove wonder from the world.
Gitelman and Jackson (2013) have argued that there is no such thing as ‘raw
data’; data has to be imagined as data and such imaginings are materialized
through technical forms that generate, aggregate, code, classify, pattern
and sort information into specific data-forms. These forms of management
are largely obscured once data is scraped, visualized and made to speak in
relation to certain issues, debates and matters of concern. As they argue, data
is cooked and has to be ‘imagined as data to exist and function as such, and the
imagination of data entails an interpretive base’ (2013: 3). In that sense, data is
not simply a function of machines (algorithms, software, programmes, etc.),
but is imagined as data in different ways and through different interpretive and
often disciplinary imaginaries. Data, as with statistical forms of analysis, never
speak for themselves. Data assume rhetorical forms, functions and strategies.
One dominant form is the speculative, anticipative relations shaped from the
aggregation and enactment of data patterns, put to work in order to generate
future value and capital. Data are assembled, reassembled and re-performed.
One thing that is an axiom is that data within digital and software media
environments accumulate, leave traces and also disappear. Despite the myth
or fiction of the universal database, where it is assumed that every action and
transaction leave a trace, this dystopian myth of complete dataveillance does
not stack up. Data disappear, are removed, become submerged or displaced,
are lost, overlooked, deemed irrelevant, make accidental connections (rather
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 57
than aggregated patterns), can remain alert or lifeless (Gitelman and Jackson,
2013). This often depends on the kinds of imaginaries at work. As Gitelman
and Jackson (2013: 6) argue, ‘Data require participation. Data need us.’ Data
can obscure ‘ambiguity, conflict and contradiction’ (Gitelman and Jackson,
2013: 8), or work against such tendencies. This requires different acts of data
mobilization, interpretation and narrativization.
As much as ghosts might be considered material transmutations ‘in time’,
which travel with us, I stage my archive of data as a haunted archive which
materializes the past in the present as particular forms of ‘time travel’. Time
is stretched in these archives; it becomes disjointed, emotional, bent and
otherworldly. The data are enacted as agents of temporal disruption. The
data look backwards and project forwards to what has been left behind after
particular narratives and sorting processes have taken place, as well as to those
traces and absences, which operate as a double to this process. I am looking
for something more than now and this refrain will be repeated in myriad ways
throughout this chapter.
To that extent the concept of haunted data also points towards the
hauntological forces at work within and across social and digital media. I
therefore do not agree with Mark Fisher (2012), where he suggests that new
media forms have lost their hauntological potential and repeat the same with
little difference, closing down on the potential of staging futures different to
the one now. This offers a bleak horizon in my view that is too tied to technical
form. It is an argument that overlooks the imaginaries that are as much at
work in so-called new media, as they have always been in media sometimes
considered old or even obsolete. Queer archives and queer imaginings have
been described in these ways long before and provide an important reference
point for analysing software media’s hauntological potential.2
Within this context, my focus throughout this and the next three chapters
will be on the haunted media times and temporalities, which return and
might be captured and dramatized through specific scenes of entanglement.
Although my focus is on science controversies, we will see they have much
broader repercussions for the politics and ethics of mediation. Rather than
seeing the individual user as the site of such entanglements, I will argue that a
data hauntology provides a method for exploring, analysing and representing
controversies as particular scenes of entanglement. The scenes of entanglement
58 Haunted Data
I will perform and analyse stage multiple (media) times and temporalities that
open up to queer, feminist and even non-human and otherworldly voices. This
chapter will stage two related scenes of entanglement, which will allow the
reader to orient their attention to the hauntological potential of the ‘Clever
Hans charge’ that Bargh experienced as a slur on his reputation. They overlap,
criss-cross, intersect and backtrack to the scene of entanglement developed in
the previous chapter.
The controversy brings back the ghost of Clever Hans. It stages a re-imagining
of what ‘Clever Hans’ might be trying to tell us if only we could and would
listen. The method in different ways emphasizes the non-linear times that
hauntologies apprehend and the importance of developing a distributed and
mediated form of perception (many eyes and ears – human and non-human)
in order to create the possibility of ‘seeing’ what often remains foreclosed,
disavowed, fugitive and yet which seethes as an absent-presence. This chapter
more explicitly brings science studies into conversation with these approaches
and opens up a novel imaginary for mining, poaching, re-moving, assembling
and mediating the extended and distributed perception that software media in
some instances might make possible.
Clever Hans was a horse with apparently remarkable and prodigious talents.
He captivated audiences in the early twentieth century keen to witness his
abilities and offer explanations for his seeming mathematical acuity: stamping
his hooves it was claimed he was able to tell the time and solve simple
arithmetical problems. It was also claimed that he could spell, recognize people
from photographs and differentiate pieces of music and different colours.
Was he psychic or a genius? This question was central to how he was judged
by enthralling psychologists and other experts with his demonstrations and
capturing the attention of newspapers, including The New York Times which
published an article on Clever Hans on 4 September 1904, with the headline,
‘Berlin’s Wonderful Horse – He Can Do Almost Everything But Talk – How
He Was Taught’. The article informs the reader that Hans’s equine abilities were
not to be found in imagination but rather in fact. These facts, we are told had
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 59
been witnessed by many, including the scientific, military and sporting worlds.
His credentials were to be found in his performances of such amazing feats,
which had even been taken seriously and witnessed by the Prussian royalty,
including the young Duke of Sachse-Coburg-Gotha (Hans was apparently able
to spell his name correctly!).
We are told in the article that Hans’s owner, Mr von Osten, is a retired
schoolteacher who lives in a tenement building. Since his retirement and
for the last four years he has been teaching Hans, much like he had taught
schoolchildren, to read, count and tell the time. He used various devices
to enlist Hans’s attention, including a blackboard and a counting machine
comprised of balls (an abacus); modulation of his own voice; vegetables and
minerals, including sugar and carrots; the mechanics of the horse’s foot; and
various human and non-human objects. These objects included gold, silver
and copper coins, alphabet letters and various members of the public who
took part in identity recognition parades. Hans’s acute sensitivities were
also demonstrated in his ability to attune to musical scales and to be able to
differentiate tones. The article contains some notable comments by Professor
Karl Moebius, an eminent Prussian zoologist (who at the time was the director
of the Prussian Natural History Museum). He suggests that wild horses exhibit
60 Haunted Data
Psychic animals
Rhine and Rhine had an interest in the reporting of telepathic sensitivities in
animals and rather than adopting an attitude of ‘credulous skepticism’ (Rhine
and Rhine, 1929a: 449), they took the investigation of animal telepathy into
the scientific laboratory. Rhine and Rhine drew a lineage between a range of
cases where owners testify to the psychic abilities of their pets; this includes
Dodgerfield and Roger, two unrelated psychic dogs, Clever Hans, telepathic
circus dogs, the Elberfeld horses,4 as well as human psychics including Van
Dam, who could be ‘willed’ ‘to move to a given square on the board’ and ‘would
tap twice on the board when he felt a ‘conviction’ that he had the right square’
(ibid: 451).5 Lady Wonder the Typing Horse was the specific animal subject of
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 63
Figure 3 Lady Wonder the Typing Horse with Mrs Fonda (the owner). Copyright
Wikimedia.commons.
their telepathy experiments. She was a three-year-old filly, ‘black with white
face and feet’ (ibid: 451; see Figure 3). Lady Wonder’s owner Mrs Fonda’s
claims that Lady Wonder could ‘mind-read’ were subjected to a battery of tests
to determine whether these claims were rather dependent on hyperesthesia.
Hyperesthesia is the argument that rather than telepathy, the animal was
responding to signals made by the owner, either conscious or unconscious.
Professor William McDougall (1910), an eminent British social psychologist,
had moved to Duke University due to a dislike of the English climate. He had
acted as a mentor to Rhine and Rhine, who were the first to coin the term
‘parapsychology’ and to set up the first parapsychology laboratory under his
tutelage. McDougall had an interest in telepathy, hypnosis, suggestion and
other psychic phenomena. He had been influenced by the writings of Gabriel
Tarde and saw contagious phenomena as central aspects of understanding
what it means to be human (see Blackman, 2013). Rhine and Rhine were
protégés of McDougall; J. B. Rhine was initially trained as a botanist but had
64 Haunted Data
been galvanised into action in May 1922 when he went to a lecture given in
Chicago by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle at the time almost as well known for his
dabbling in spiritualism as for his famous detective, Sherlock Holmes (Rhine,
1937: 50). This changed the course of J. B. Rhine’s career where the investigation
of psychic phenomena as part of psychology became his and his wife’s life’s
work. On the basis of their investigations of Lady Wonder, the experimental
team, which included McDougall (referred to as M), concluded that the
telepathic explanation was the only one that held sway. They acknowledged
that telepathy was an ‘unknown process’ (ibid: 465). They also argued that
telepathy also seemed to involve hypnosis. Both were facilitated by an equally
unknown process, called ‘willing’, which was also described as ‘telepathy under
hypnosis’ (p. 451).
In a later postscript, the Rhines described a further study of Lady Wonder,
which took place in December 1928, where they did not replicate earlier results.
This led them to observe that her owner, Mrs Fonda, and specifically her voice
and whip seemed to ‘coordinate very significantly with the body movements’
of Lady Wonder (1929b: 288). Horse, whip, voice and the proximity of horse
to the particular human who stood at her head seemed to account for Lady
Wonder’s superior intelligences. This led the Rhines to conclude not that
telepathy did not exist or had not been observed in the previous experiments,
rather ‘that the telepathic ability we earlier found the horse to possess has
been now almost if not entirely lost and that Lady has become merely a
trained animal conditioned to a system of signals made up of indicative body
movements, voice inflections, whip movements’ (p. 291). This they argued is
not unique to Lady, as telepathy in humans can be weakened or even lost. This
might be due to a change in her passivity or sleepy state, which they linked to
telepathy under hypnosis. This was seen to provide one of the clues as to her
subsequent loss of sensitivities.
Lest the reader think that this is an outmoded statement that science would
now dispel, one only has to confront contemporary neuroscientific experiments
on hypnosis to see how little is understood about hypnotic suggestion, and
the question of what it means to enter into suggestive relations with another,
human and non-human. In an experiment which caught the attention of
BBC Radio 4 All In the Mind series,6 the episode, ‘Hypnoticism; Automatic
Writing, Magic and Memory’ broadcast on 23 December 2014 discussed a
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 65
These critical questions and more inventive stories also raise important
questions about what it means to enter into suggestive relations with another.
The excess to this storytelling and the inventive stories yet to be told points
towards ‘archives of the future’. They might help open up the potential of
cultural theory to shape a future psychology and future visions for world-
making within the context of psychology. This excess will form the subject
matter of Scene 3.
What happened to Hans, the reader might ask? Did Hans, along with Mr
von Osten, fall into disrepute allowing psychology to relieve itself of its close
connection and proximity to psychic research? What disturbed psychologists?
If Hans was a ‘good imitator’, as Dr Strumpf claimed, then what did this
disclose about the nature of suggestion and imitation? What further debates,
problems, questions and issues were specified on the basis of Hans’s capacity
to imitate? Who was imitating whom in this story (see Despret, 2004a)? Is
this a story about Hans’s capacities or the story of a relational connection that
extended and distributed mind as a collective, shared process, even if Mr von
Osten was seemingly oblivious to his unwitting participation? If priming alters
thought, action and behaviour, where in this case a horse can be made to add
or subtract or tell the time through its connection with another, then who is
mediating whom? In whose mind should the capacity to imitate be located or
is this the wrong question to be asking?
‘During all studies of animal behavior, any face-to-face contact between the
examiner and the experimental animal should be strictly avoided’ (Samhita
and Gross, 2013: e27122.2).
‘The horse was simply a channel through which the information the
questioner unwittingly put into the situation was fed back to the questioner.
The fallacy involved treating the horse as the source of the message rather
68 Haunted Data
(Extract from The New York Times, 1904, ‘Berlin’s Wonderful Horse – He
Can Do Everything but Talk – How He Was Taught’.)
Moebius draws attention to Hans’s ‘hoof language’ and his ‘desire for
delicacies’, which are modulated by a variety of experimental set-ups (or his
surroundings). This apparatus or setting is taken to retain Hans’s interest and
curiosity, or at least his want for food. The potentialities of Hans and von Osten
become entangled and take form as shared sensitivities, which allow them
both to be moved by a material-semiotic apparatus which disappears through
training, habit and discipline. At least, this is another interpretation, which is
compatible with what we know about Moebius and his interest in co-evolution
and co-enactment within marine animal ecologies, or what he might rather
have termed the close interdependence of one with the other. These traces are
re-moved (Rheinberger, 1994) by Vinciane Despret, the Belgian science studies
scholar who introduced Clever Hans to body studies and cultural theory within
the journal Body & Society in 2004. This article was in a special issue on science
70 Haunted Data
the most interesting aspect of this story is the way Pfungst decided to
construct the problem. Yes, it was a beautiful case of influence, but it was more
over a wonderful opportunity to explore a fascinating question. Indeed, the
horse could not count, but he could do something more interesting: not only
could he read bodies, but he could make human bodies be moved and be
affected, and move and affect other beings and perform things without their
owners’ knowledge. And this could be experimentally studied. Hans could
become a living apparatus that enabled the exploration of very complicated
links between consciousness, affects and bodies. Hans could play the role
of a device that induced new articulations between consciousness, affects,
muscles, will, events ‘at the fringe’ of consciousness (Pfungst, 1911: 203); he
could be a device that, furthermore, made these articulations visible. Hans,
in other words, could become a device that enabled humans to learn more
about their bodies and their affects. Hans embodied the chance to explore
other ways by which human and non-human bodies become more sensitive
to each other.
She goes on to suggest that the practices and training enabling the Clever
Hans phenomena are not just human practices or on the side of the human.
As she argues, ‘Hans was teaching them what made him move. Hans the
horse was as much leading them as the humans were leading him. Their
human bodies were not only sensitive to their own desire to make the horse
succeed, they were also translating the horse’s desire to help them to lead him
successfully. Let us not miss that last point: Hans wouldn’t have done so well
if he had not been interested in the game, sometimes for different reasons
than some of the humans’ (p. 116). Importantly, she suggests that these
sensitivities and their modulation would need to occur without intention
(implying consciously directed thought) and more through anticipation,
an embodied sense that might be considered more non-conscious or even
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 71
affective (also see Game, 2001). However, despite opening up these questions
and riddles Hans’s after-lives are not so exciting it seems. As Despret argues,
the potential of this controversy is reduced to and replaced by ‘the most
impoverished version of Hans’s marvellous story’ (p. 121).9
These traces appear in odd places and are not part of the narratives or forms
of ‘bundled time’ (see Ruppert et al., 2013), which stand in for the potential
after-lives. They are perhaps traces of what Derrida (1995) termed an ‘archive
of the future’. They exist as outliers, rarely if ever becoming objects, entities or
sources, which are performative. They are rather non-performative (Ahmed,
2010; Butler, 2010), never or rarely transforming the relationship of cognitive
science to its own rather queer archive.
These outliers suggest some rather different ways of understanding
suggestive capacities and bodies’ capacities to affect and be affected. In order
to understand what might be at stake I will discuss some ways of conceiving
of suggestion, which amplify and extend more radical understandings of the
extraordinary capacities of equine perception. I will do this by turning to more
marginal ways of thinking about the suggestive capacities of the human in the
context of hypnotic suggestion. This reveals the importance of approaching
suggestion technically and has resonances with Vinciane Despret’s approach,
as I will go on to illustrate. In order to situate the discussion I will turn to the
practices of Milton Erikson, a medical hypnotist, who discloses the importance
of approaching suggestion technically and as a potentiality distributed across
a range of actors and agencies. Milton Erikson (see Erikson and Rossi, 1981)
spent years developing techniques to induce hypnotic trance, and subjected the
phenomenon of hypnotic trance to particular kinds of experimental staging.
He published numerously in a range of different experimental psychological
journals during the 1940s, 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. He also edited the Journal
of Clinical Hypnosis until his death in 1980 and is a seminal figure in the
establishment of medical hypnosis exploring the role of hypnotic trance in the
induction of anaesthesia and pain relief, for example.
Importantly, Erikson did not frame suggestion as a problem of will. Rather,
he saw hypnosis as a different way of engaging and knowing. Hypnosis was
approached as a more incorporeal form of knowing and feeling that positions
the successful hypnotist as somebody who can read very subtle minimal bodily
communications. Rather than suspending ‘will’ this was about developing
the capacity for attunement that would allow the hypnotist to engage the
subject through non-conscious forms of knowing and awareness. This would
enable the subtle redistribution of ways of feeling, thinking and knowing that
might result in changes in physiology, neurology, the nervous system and
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 73
so forth. However, attunement was not simply a human affair. Milton’s life
story is particularly interesting in the context of thinking about the technicity
of suggestion, and the role of training and practice to the orchestration of
what might take form. This is what I call a more developmental aspect to the
modulation of this capacity, which takes into account Erikson’s life-history, as
well as the milieu and setting which shaped his practices. Due to his history
of polio and congenital sensory problems this resulted in Erikson being tone-
deaf and colour blind (see Rosen, 2010).
As Rosen (2010) argues, these problems encouraged Erikson to pay attention
to minute muscular movements in his attempts to rehabilitate his own partial
paralysis and overcome a limp due to the polio. He also developed an acute
sensitivity to minimal bodily communications in order to develop ways of
knowing that did not rely on cognition – famously he said he could tell a good
piano player by the way their hands moved across the keyboard. However,
what also characterized being able to enter into hypnotic relations and bring
about change was persistence and perspicacity. In other words, suggestion was
highly technical and could not be located within a psychological capacity such
as will. What was important in this process was the setting that would allow
various psycho-physiological processes to be aroused ‘into activity by indirect
forces’ (Rossi, 1980).
This was not about the will of the hypnotist and the compliance of the
subject, but rather the capacity or affordance of the experimental apparatus to
be sensitive and enact attunement in meaningful or even surprising ways. This
is a point that Vinciane Despret (2008) makes in her discussion of psychologist’s
attempts to communicate with animals. She argues that the co-production of
meaningful communication across species-borders is dependent upon the
success of the apparatus in redistributing the parameters and terms of what
is meaningful for the species in question. Despret recounts issues that emerge
from experiments designed to enable communication between humans and
animals – that is talking with parrots. She asks the question: What makes
an experimental apparatus successful within this context? Rather than just
focus on the objects – the devices or non-human actors – she also focuses her
attention on how to think and approach subjectivity in relation to this question.
She banishes objectivity and control from the scene, showing how
impoverished these organizational concepts are in creating ‘interested’
74 Haunted Data
The question is now about the effectiveness of the apparatus, the researcher’s
desire no longer being anything but one of the modes of this efficacity.
The apparatus reveals nothing, it testifies instead to the power of the
transformations themselves. As a corollary of this resistance, the question of
the subjectivity of the parrot no longer has much sense, short of restricting it
and rendering it very concrete. If the parrot can talk, we do not know what it
is, nor what parrotness is, nor anything about the point of view of parrots on
the world. But we do learn in a viable manner about its point of view on the
apparatus. We learn something about its point of view on the new materials
with which it will make a world: colour boxes, numbers, words, a grammar,
forms, humans and abstractions. In the same manner that the refusal to
talk, in other apparatuses, constitutes an expression of the parrot’s opinion
in relation to the relevance of what it is asked, the fact that it engages with,
accepts and actively transforms what becomes a part of its world, translates
an extension of this world and therefore an extension of its subjectivity as
‘parrot-with-human’. (p. 128)
The human, animal and apparatus work together to accomplish what is possible,
she suggests, through attributing intentions and acting accordingly – human
and animal (also see Game, 2001). This she suggests is about the extension of
subjectivities rather than the banishment of subjectivity from the scene. In a
development of this thesis in an article in Theory, Culture & Society (2013),
Data-Mediation and Hauntological Analysis: The ‘Clever Hans Charge’ 75
Despret turns her attention to the different ways in which scientists’ bodies are
involved with the animals they observe in the field. She equates this to a form
of ‘embodied empathy’. This is defined as ‘a concept, which describes feeling/
seeing/thinking bodies that undo and redo each other, reciprocally though not
symmetrically, as partial perspectives that attune themselves to each other’ (p. 51).
So as well as the importance of the experimental apparatus – that is the devices –
in actualizing what might be possible, the subjectivity or transsubjectivity of
the experimental subject, and how to think this are also an important part of
the success or efficacy of inventing or constructing particular experimental
scenes. This is a more inventive and creative approach to experimentation and
human/animal relations. It does away with the scientific method and the social
technologies that underpin how experimental arrangements are conducted
within positivist science (also see Chapter 4). Psychological processes, such as
will, intentionality and anticipation are approached as indeterminate, relational
processes that are contiguous with the technical, symbolic, material, immaterial,
historical and political forces that shape the milieu and setting.11
This is what Hans the Horse, Lady Wonder the Typing Horse, and all
the strange oddities and puzzles encountered in this chapter re-move in the
present. This is the hauntological force of the Hans the Horse charge, which
was disclosed in the affective intensities surrounding the comparison between
John Bargh and Mr von Osten – or what Bargh called the ‘Hans the Horse slur’.
This perceived slur led to various attempts by Bargh to close down on forces
that are part of the historiality of priming and reveal the more-than-one nature
of the controversy. The slur opens to a future psychology that approaches the
affective as relational, indeterminate, contingent and contiguous with the
setting and milieu. This future psychology is one that might open to more
speculative modes of experimentation. This represents what I am calling an
ecological approach to affect that approaches affect as historical, all the way
down, right to the bottom. We can see how this alternative genealogy of affect
is disclosed by all those marginal and displaced agencies, actors and entities
re-moved and put back into circulation by this controversy. I am suggesting that
this way of approaching affect and the biohuman has its precursors in ecological
approaches that were mobilized to explore psychological phenomena, as can
be found in synecology and the concept of biocenosis (Moebius12). These have
a lineage to epigenetics and related fields in the present that similarly attempt
to break down nature/culture separations and bifurcations (see Blackman,
76 Haunted Data
future while often closing down such potentialities. The histories of citation,
which are carried by the historical movement of a trace, or historiality, are
revealed in those submerged narratives and displaced actors which haunt
such a movement. I have called this transmedial time following the work of
the critical race scholar Rey Chow (2012). This approach enriches studies of
media-time beyond the perpetual instantaneous time of the present (marked
by flow and duration for example), to traces of the power relations, which
govern specific regimes of visibility and invisibility. This is often referred to
as the back-end of social media but perhaps more aptly might be considered
hauntologically as what haunts automation and cannot easily be converted into
particular kinds of capital (financial, social, cultural, etc.). These processes are
captured by the concept of haunted data.
This book invites scholars to pay attention to what is rendered immaterial,
invisible, to what becomes displaced or submerged. It is one attempt to
continue long traditions of critical research across the humanities, science
studies, feminist work and queer theory in the context of the ‘computational
turn’. The conclusion to this chapter is that we can ‘read against the grain’ in
digital environments, and that working with ‘small data’ can allow a purchase
on what might be at stake in mapping the cultural and social life of data and the
politics of automation. It can also open up to and mine the gaps, contradictions,
silences and anomalies within science and science controversies as inventive
ways of working across and between the sciences and humanities. This
reveals the traces of a future psychology, which is re-moved and haunts the
present. It speaks through the affective intensities of individual user’s software
transactions, while at the same time exceeding attempts to set things straight.
This chapter is perhaps one example of how digital communication and
data analytics have the potential to make a difference and anticipate futures
yet-to-be-realized. However, what has settled following this controversy is
‘business as usual’, a process of setting the record straight, which endorses some
of the most conservative understandings of what it means to have and be a
body. Despite radical indeterminacy and the potentiality of those historialities
removed by this controversy, the excess of stories are closed down, repealed,
displaced and erased from what has taken form. A moment of potential is lost
leaving traces to what might have been and could be if psychology were able
and willing to listen to the traces of its own radical pasts.
78
Part Two
The introduction to Part 2 of the book will situate the second controversy,
Feeling the Future, within the context of the current political conjuncture.
This includes the rise of futurology and futurism, alongside for some, the
inability to imagine alternative futures within the context of the anthropocene,
global finance capitalism, the rise of nationalisms and reactionary populisms,
and a concomitant loss of hope. The introduction will contextualize the
Feeling the Future controversy for the reader within the context of broader
cultural imaginaries and practices. As we will see, the capacity to feel multiple
futures in the present and even futures, which can rewrite the past, and alter
the present is a potent cultural imaginary. It connects regimes of anticipation
that can be found within and across software and computational culture with
strange psychic and extra-sensory capacities, such as precognition. The Feeling
the Future controversy invites a consideration of what these displaced and
submerged relationships might bring to our understandings of the present;
to the relationships between affect and governance, science and the popular;
to post-human understandings of the subject; and to the need for speculative
experimental philosophies within science that can return the wonder to
the world.
I am writing the introduction to Part 2 of the book at a historical conjuncture
where for many imagining alternative futures is politically imperative, but
seems at the same time replete with failure and a (lost) longing for the hope
that things could be otherwise.1 At the time of writing, the United Kingdom is
moving towards a post-Brexit landscape and President Trump is establishing
himself as the ‘people’s president’ within the United States. People are being
80 Haunted Data
further displaced due to wars, terrorism, persecution and poverty, while at the
same time borders and boundaries are being drawn and redrawn amplifying
racisms, xenophobia and a fear of the ‘other’. This book was begun at the
first signs of economic recovery across the globe and following the financial
crash in 2008. However, what we have witnessed since 2012 are worsening
inequities between rich and poor, the entrenchment of nationalisms and
fundamentalisms across the globe, the rise of populist nationalist politics and
the emergence of ‘post-truth’, alongside discussions of the anthropocene and
the end of the human and even the planet. These latter narratives abound
in literature, film, philosophy, science and the humanities. The future is a
hot topic, which continually encounters its own uneven pasts and potential
catastrophic futures.
Futurism abounds in the United States, fuelled perhaps by a therapy culture
where self-proclaimed futurists not only advise on what individuals can do
to maximize their own potentials, recovery, successes and health, but also
turn their gaze to what consumption will become, what shopping will look
and feel like in the future. As David Houle, futurist to Oprah Winfrey and the
communities she enacts, asks,
for example, is that the ubiquity of online shopping in our lives will not destroy
one of the main non-places, to use Mark Auge’s (2009) term – shopping malls.
Shopping malls are generic places of transit where the experience of shopping,
he argues, as an embodied, sensory and sensual practice is crucial. The irony
of giving a talk to business executives in a carefully and hermetically sealed
air-conditioned shopping mall in Dubai is not lost on Houle. He reflects on
how one of his predictions was made in a mall in the desert, which had a ski
slope for skiing and snowboarding (despite the 40+ degree desert temperatures
outside)! However, experiential shopping omits or overlooks the role non-
human agencies play in shaping our desires.
As Luciana Parisi (2013) among many others have argued, algorithms,
that is practices of machine-learning, which seek to pre-empt and shape
what we desire, are already at work in shaping possible futures out of the
patterns, anomalies, accidents and multiple media transactions that we make
throughout our lives. As she argues, algorithms are no longer to be thought of
as instructions or rules to perform tasks at the level of computation, but are
‘performing entities: actualities that select, evaluate, transform and produce
data’ (p. ix). She argues that increasingly computation and computational
entities have pervaded culture and to that extent are our co-creating partners
in what might come to be. She argues that we live increasingly in computational
cultures and, as Adrian Mackenzie (2013) has argued, what defines computation
and the practices of software programmers, for example, are attempts to
anticipate and shape the future rather than predict timeless truths, regularities
and laws. Drawing on a special issue of the journal Subjectivity, devoted to
Technoscience, he cites the feminist science studies scholars Adams et al.
(2009). They argue that governance has increasingly moved from regimes of
truth to regimes of anticipation. As they suggest,
Rather than sciences of the actual and knowledges that seek to confirm truth,
we have moved into what many people now describe as a post-truth landscape.
82 Haunted Data
The knowledges that condition these post-truths are those which are able to
mobilize longings, desires, habits, beliefs, fears, anxieties, defences, prejudices
and processes and practices more associated with psychological registers of
experience – in other words, with how people feel about the conditions of their
lives. Placing feeling within a broader political context therefore speaks directly
to the role the psychological knowledges play in strategies of governance and
regulation. Out of this conjuncture practices, such as speculative forecast,
anticipation, post-truth, pre-emption and human and non-human agencies
arise, which all seek to shape the future at a time where the future of the planet,
the human, and for some ‘life itself ’ is under threat. Millennial fantasies
abound in film, literature and TV – they contemplate the end of the planet and
of a possible time of past, present and future. These scenarios stage possible
futures that defy forecast or even comprehension.
Future studies is a recognizable discipline with its own journals, monographs,
magazines, think tanks, methods, strategies, indexes, organizations and forms
of intervention. Rather than see the future as an inevitable unfolding of the
present, framed within a linear narrative of progress, it is rather recognized that
there are possible futures that could be engineered, planned and orchestrated
as a way of solving conflicts in the present. One focus of future studies is
trend analysis and forecasting, a particular form of human and non-human
pattern recognition that attempts to anticipate trends in order to shape them
in the future.
These strategies and regimes are taking form in the context of increasing
anxiety about the future. As we have seen, this includes talk of the anthropocene
and the end of the human and even the extinction of the planet3 – and in
the context of the impotence of human problem solving and capacity to
understand the financial entities, objects and practices enacted by global
finance capitalism (see Seigworth and Tiessen, 2012). These objects and
entities appear to have their own unanticipated and autonomous agencies and
effects. Thus futurology, with its hope for engineering possible futures different
to now, is situated within melancholic and sometimes bleak predictions for the
legacies (environmental, economic and otherwise) that current generations
will bequeath to others. Futurology assumes therefore that the future is not
fixed, and therefore the inevitable outcome of the present. Neither does it have
to be an extended present, which repeats the problems of the past. Speculative
Feeling Futures: Mediating Futures 83
forecast and regimes of anticipation have therefore become the new forms
of quantification and thought-style marking out present concerns.4 I argue
that post-truth politics should be situated within these broader shifts and
landscapes of production and consumption.
The trend analysis and forecasting which are part of futurology combine
machinic forms of pattern recognition with human consensual vision – what
kind of future do we want; and on the basis of this vision, how can we get
there? The invitation to ‘plan backwards’ enacts a form of ‘global foresight’,
which remediates the capacity to anticipate the future once associated with
psychic phenomena, such as clairvoyance and precognition, within a technical
apparatus. This includes a range of actors and agencies, which include software
and data analytics, business consultants, economists, policy makers, NGOs,
speculative narratives and different modalities of visioning (e.g. blurring
the distinction between science and science fiction). These help to create a
distributed and mediated form of networked collective intelligence5 – or at
least the hope is that ‘Tomorrow Can Be Built Today’.
Feeling futures
It is in the context of futurology and futurisms, media and otherwise, that the
second controversy analysed in this book is situated. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 will
focus on the Feeling the Future controversy, which is associated with a beguiling
series of experiments carried out by an eminent Cornell American scientist,
Daryl Bem (2011).6 Bem attempted to prove or disprove precognition – that
is the proposition that it is possible to forecast the future. Within the realms
of statistical probability Bem argued that he had demonstrated the existence
of premediation – the capacity to anticipate and shape the future, or even for
the future to retroactively reshape the past. This controversy, as with the John
Bargh Priming Controversy, gained traction across social media, and was also
brought to the attention of the broadcast media and even an American comedy
show. In the context of futurology it is an interesting controversy to follow, and
one that re-situates attempts to anticipate and shape the future, within a much
longer history of concern with registers of attention, remembering, sensation
and thought, which exceed current conceptions of cognitive processes.
The question of time and of foresensing the future in the present, or of
84 Haunted Data
time-travelling to the future and the future retroactively influencing the past, is
an evocative cultural fantasy. It is perhaps not surprising that this experiment
became part of a much bigger controversy, and one which as we will see, raises
interesting questions about the re-imagination of concepts of time, duration
and temporality that govern digital archives, with their capacity for remixing
and remediation.
Feeling the Future is linked to broader cultural imaginaries, which enact
foresight, anticipation, pre-emption and premediation such that temporalities
are queered (see Freeman, 2010; Halberstam, 2005; Love, 2007). Queer
temporalities question what it means to be human, turning this upside
down, inside out, back to front and sideways, often at the same time. This
controversy also connects to a dispersed set of surfaces of emergence, where
the quantum scale of matter is enacted, imagined, performed, materialized and
dematerialized. This includes discussions which range from the quantum brain
and biology and quantum entanglement in physics, through to controversies
regarding queer sexualities and pre-trans-feminisms (see Bem and Lipsitz,
1981). Queer sexualities and queer times intrude within this particular scene
of entanglement, and prefigure in important ways current trans-feminisms
with their focus on molecular becomings (see Preciado, 2013).
The ‘scenes of entanglement’ that I enact in the next three chapters will
stage a queer montage of relations based on the experiments and their after-
and even future-lives. The experiments became something of a media event,
creating a media flurry of attention and becoming the butt of many jokes,
academic and non-academic. As well as remediating this event in the context
of the submerged and displaced narratives the controversy revitalizes, I will
also turn my attention to the politics of data that was disclosed and brought
to the surface by this controversy. This will allow me to advance an argument
that considers the performativity of the different software analytics that allow
particular claims to be made within science. I will consider what these debates
and controversies reveal about the social and cultural life of data that are often
covered over when data is reduced to metrics. This will also enable a discussion
of post-truth politics, and how we might understand the parameters and
conditions of what might be believed or believable, and what is excluded as
fake, hoax and as an object of ridicule. As we will see these differentiations
have little to do with truth per se and more to do with historical narratives,
Feeling Futures: Mediating Futures 85
Introduction
This chapter sets the scene for the unfolding controversy explored in the next
two chapters. It will provide the reader with the means to ‘see’ what might
usually remain occluded by forms of representationalism, or what has come to
stand in for the controversy. It shapes a form of mediated perception that opens
to epistemological uncertainties and foreclosures. This allows the haunted data
within the controversy to speak back to some of the usual commentary that
can be found about it on the internet (particularly commentary which engages
either in endorsement or scepticism). The commentary is a good example
of the polarizing logic that Vinciane Despret (2015) suggests characterizes
science within this area and that needs unsettling. The scenes that shape the
chapters all commune with ghost-data and provide a home and hospitable
88 Haunted Data
In 2010 the Cornell scientist Daryl Bem conducted a series of nine experiments,
which demonstrated, within the realms of statistical probability that the
future could retroactively reshape the past. The experiments were framed as
an exploration, demonstration and possible verification of the existence of
precognition defined as the ability to anticipate the future. This ability could
extend not just from the past to the future but also from the future to the past.
Controversially Bem argued that the future could retroactively anticipate and
shape events that had already happened. He has also suggested that whether
one believes in precognition or not, it is important to engage in what we might
call more speculative modes of experimentation, that is experimenting with
the impossible or the improbable.
Bem (2011) recounts that the inspiration for one of the dramatic hooks of
the experiments was based on the beguiling proposition that ‘time-reversal’
is possible. This he says was influenced by the character of the White Queen
in Lewis Carroll’s Through the Looking Glass. The concept of ‘retroactive
facilitation of recall’ is aligned to the White Queen’s view that memory that
Feeling the Future 89
Figure 4 Alice with the White Queen from Lewis Carroll’s Through the Looking Glass.
Copyright Wikimedia commons.
90 Haunted Data
of this chapter I invite the reader to suspend their own disbelief and to
entertain the White Queen’s retort that memory that only works backwards is
a poor sort of memory.
On this basis I will approach the experiments as engaging in rather queer
forms of time-travelling. They are certainly analogous to the way Karen Barad
(2010) uses the queerness of quantum ontologies to disrupt any notion of
fixed time in nature. As she says, ‘quantum weirdness’ is actually ‘quantum
queerness’ (Barad 2010: 246–7) – not queer as in strange, but queer as undoing,
queer as ‘trans/formation’ (p. 247). She also uses the figuration of quantum
queerness to refer to asynchronous time, where time is out of joint and where
stable identities are undone. The experiments also show the entanglement of
literature and science in the imaginaries that are enacted and come to matter
within scientific forms of experimentation (see Haraway, 1997).
Fantasies of time-travelling are of course the stuff and staple of science
fiction and popular culture. We can think of the Hollywood blockbuster Back
to the Future or the film adaptation of the Philip K Dick Sci-Fi novel Minority
Report, for example. The concept of the seer, the mystic who has second-sight
enabling visionary experience, also appears as a figure within many ecstatic
religions and ancient Middle Eastern traditions. The concept of foresight
and the capacity to anticipate the future also underpins new strategies of
governance, such as premediation and pre-emption, which increasingly shape
automated media worlds. Not just the stuff of fantasy or science fiction, the
concept of artificial precognition is a new form of data analytics developed
by IBM, which provides a data service that claims to ‘provide you leads when
you don’t know the question to ask, and for when you want to uncover and
discover in the data new insights and patterns’.3 This service, known as the
Watson Discovery Advisor, identifies trends, patterns and correlations in large
amounts of data in order to generate new insights. Alongside this, there is a
rush to design, implement and patent artificial precognition technology, which
claims to provide ‘knowledge of possible events’4 before they happen. This is
linked to desires to intervene and shape possible futures. These data-driven
dreams and fantasies bring together big data analytics with forms of decision-
making based on probabilistic statistics, often to extract value and revenue
from data. The hope is that operating costs can be reduced and efficiencies for
business increased.
Feeling the Future 91
in blogs and across Twitter pre-empting the outrage that many in the scientific
community felt. The article quickly started to create a stir and subsequent
media flurry of attention. In a blog written by two psychologists, Andrew D
Wilson and Sabrina Golonka, called Notes from Two Scientific Psychologists,
they summarize their basic take on events as follows:
I don’t believe a word of it because a) let’s face it, it’s about precognition and b)
there’s simply no effort to propose a mechanism that might support such an
outrageous claim (and no, ‘quantum mechanics’ is not a mechanism). Bem
explicitly states that coming up with a mechanism isn’t his job and he’s just
‘reporting the data’. But this is precisely the problem with psychology right
now – not enough theory – and the links below that talk about the analysis
problems with this paper (and all statistical testing in the social sciences)
make good points about the fact that statistical testing in the absence of a
clear theory which includes mechanisms is effectively a fishing trip. There’s
also a nice discussion here about why it’s healthy to be immediately sceptical
of a study that claims to have found something inconsistent with the rest
of science.7
The experiments were reported on in the New York Times three times, on
the 5th, 7th and 11th of January, 2011. They were reported on in the Spanish
TVC Channel News on 25 April 2013, and in the United Kingdom in the
broadsheet The Telegraph (three times) and particularly on 19 November 2010,
with the headline, ‘Frankly the Future Is All Too Predictable’.11 Bem received a
sympathetic response, which was accompanied by a lively discussion linked to
352 posted comments in the British Daily Mail on-line (18 November 2010),
with the headline, ‘Are Humans Psychic? Startling New Study “Proves” That
We Can See into the Future’.12 His experiments were also the subject of an
article published on 17 December 2010, in the blog for the Healthy Living
Section of the HuffPost. This was written by the CEO and president of the
Institute for Noetic Studies (and author of Mindful Motherhood), Cassandra
Hieton. It was published with the title ‘It’s About Time: The Scientific Evidence
for Psi’.13 Bem became the subject of more measured scrutiny in the British
broadsheet The Guardian, as well as in the arts and culture magazine Dazed,
with the headline, ‘Can We See into the Future?’.14 Bem was also interviewed
by Al-Jeezera, ABC and Fox News. As The Institute of Noetic Sciences has
argued, there was a ‘Buzz on Bem’, with numerous blogs reporting on the
experiments, enough that the traction registered on the Science Commons.15
This is a web application that organizes and curates information about the
impact and reach of scientific articles on social media.16
The ‘Buzz on Bem’ brought the realm of anomalistic psychology and weird
science into the mainstream press and extended post-publication-peer-review
across a number of actors and agencies. The experiments became ‘the thing’
(Latour, 2005) that brought together and re-assembled a number of long-
standing and unsettled issues that connect psychology to its submerged and
displaced pasts. As with the last chapter, this chapter will focus on how the
experiments travelled, and in their travels and curious forms of time reversal
have accrued their own agencies. They have moved from the original scene of
experimentation and become an actor within a mutable scene of entanglement.
The experiments open to multiple leads, criss-crossings, loopings, back tracks,
movings and re-movings. As I tease apart the entangled relations set in motion
by this controversy, we will see how different temporalities and media times are
knotted, spliced and enacted. In this respect and as with the last two chapters,
I will be following those traces, deferrals, absences, gaps and their movements
94 Haunted Data
within a particular corpus of data. I will attempt to re-move and keep alive
what becomes submerged or hidden by particular regimes of visibility and
remembering. These movements are simultaneously technical, affective,
historical, social, political and ethical and are distributed across a variety of
social media platforms, actors, publics, agencies, bodies and practices.
The approach I take exceeds the usual critical commentaries that surround
anomalistic psychology and weird science, which include the role of
professionalized sceptics, who police the boundaries between the psychological
and the paranormal. This is an established tradition of critique within
anomalistic psychology, and is often where critical commentaries are located.
This usually includes an assessment of the experimental claims and the status,
reputation and worth of the person making them. It is perhaps not a surprise
therefore that Bem’s personal life also became the subject of scrutiny. We are
told he is a gay Cornell professor with an unusual gender non-conforming
past. He had married and had children with Sandra Bem, the late women’s
studies professor.17 He was a former stage magician, had a history of civil rights
activism and perhaps had a wry sense of humour. Was he being taken too
seriously and what was his intent? Does Bem really believe in extra-sensory
perception (ESP) or is he a Mad Scientist?18 Is Bem simply reproducing the
traditions of dramaturgy and stagecraft, which have been recognized by some
as integral to some traditions of social psychological experimentation? (see
Millard, 2014). Is he extending the deception of psychological experiments
into a mediatized realm, such that the joke is distributed across different
publics? As Ray Hyman, an emeritus professor of psychology at the University
of Oregon argued in The New York Times on 7 January 2011, ‘He’s got a great
sense of humor.’ ‘I wouldn’t rule out that this is an elaborate joke.’ What can
we read into Bem’s apparent poker face and what exactly is the nature of the
deception? Or rather what exactly is motivating the ‘blather on Bem’ or ‘hissy
fit’ as Larry Dossey, the executive editor of Explore asks?19
Is this an assault on rationality? This was a quote from the New York Times
article ‘Journal’s Paper on ESP Expected to Prompt Outrage’ (5 January 2011).
Do the experiments reveal something more endemic about the problem with
statistical probability and the mathematization of chance that underpins the
scientific method and positivist science? Are these experiments an enactment
of quantum entanglement (see Hameroff, 2012)? Do these experiments enact
Feeling the Future 95
quantum scales of matter at molecular levels that might turn on our heads the
already vexed and complex questions concerning the nature of consciousness,
matter, free will and intentionality? What might these experiments and
the statistical software analytics they use reveal about the problems and
possibilities of data analytics and the politics of data? Do they have anything
to say to media and cultural theorists who might be attempting to wrestle with
the challenges of computational cultures to analyses of mediation?
All of these questions are carried by the controversy and extend the
controversy into areas of debate, research, dialogue, curiosity and reflection,
which disturb boundaries between fact and fiction, past and present, science
and humanities, private and public, the material and immaterial and the
theoretical and the technical. The denouement that Bem leaves puzzled or
sceptical readers with in the article relates to the question, ‘But how can it be
like that?’ (p. 17). How is it possible to believe impossible things? Pre-empting
the scepticism of many psychologists (and non-psychologists) he defers again
to the White Queen who in response to Alice’s protests that ‘one can’t believe
impossible things’ retorts, ‘I daresay you haven’t had much practice. When
I was your age, I always did it for half-an-hour a day. Why, sometimes I’ve
believed as many as six impossible things before breakfast’ (Carroll, 2006:
p. 166; see Figure 4).
commerce, governments, the military, politics and related actors and agencies
attempt to intervene and shape what comes to matter.
As the feminist science studies scholars, Adams, Murphy and Clarke
(2009) have argued, one of the defining qualities of the current moment ‘is its
characteristic state of anticipation, of thinking and living toward the future’
(p. 246). As the authors go on to argue, this state of anticipation is displacing
science(s) based on actuality to science(s) based on speculative forecast. As they
argue, these future-oriented logics enact a particular politics of temporality
and affect that pervades how current problems might be thought, felt and
addressed. Anticipation and pre-emption of possible future(s)-acting-in-the-
present displace static and linear conceptions of time. They argue that time
is stretched, bent, mobilized, reversed, telescoped, inverted, turned upside
down, inside out, entangled, disjointed, disoriented, bundled, expanded and
multiplied. It is perhaps therefore not a surprise that a series of experiments
claiming that precognition (the capacity to anticipate and feel the future)
is possible should attract attention, both inside and outside science. The
New York Times pre-empted the publication of the experiments on 5 January
2011, with the headline, ‘Journal’s Paper on ESP Expected to Prompt Outrage’.
Part 2 of the book will consider why these experiments were met with scorn,
amusement, embarrassment, anger, hostility and scepticism, particularly when
they are read and made to collide with the myriad of sites and practices, which
attempt to mobilize time, ‘turning the ever-moving horizon of the future into
that which determines the present’ (Adams, Murphy and Clarke, 2009: 251).
Why did these experiments become a media event that demanded attention
and become the subject of debate, scandal, controversy, scrutiny, gossip
and disbelief? What did this event become an attractor for, and how was it
extended, intensified, multiplied and potentially made more indeterminate
and messy, when we consider the distributed and pervasive effects of social
and digital media on the enactment and shaping of such a controversy?
What are some of the conditions of possibility for precognition, as an
assumed psychic capacity or form of perception, to be modulated, simulated
and materialized through a particular material-semiotic apparatus? This
apparatus was composed of a computer, a screen, a software package, erotic
images, a chair and an experimental subject. How is precognition reworked
within these experiments and how does it differ from psychic experiments on
Feeling the Future 97
documentary; and how at a later point, when Obedience had been released
for general distribution, it was then assumed to have been filmed before the
trial. This pre-empted perhaps its growing status as a cautionary tale of what
ordinary people might do when they cede responsibility to others.
of the conditions under which priming effects are observed, or to the ease with
which these effects can be undermined’.
Kahneman argues that the conduct of psychological experiments is
akin to the direction of a theatre performance, where all the subtleties and
contingencies, which modulate experimental processes (or what we might
call the performativity of the material-semiotic apparatus) are obscured,
suppressed and written out of the published study. This important insight is
partially acknowledged but reduced to ‘confirmation bias’, which is considered
a tendency for psychologists to confirm their preconceptions. It is assumed that
preconceptions should be removed by the development of tighter protocols
governing replication, and Kahneman suggests that this strategy is important to
rescue, what he considers to be the tarnished nature of the field. As we will see the
Feeling the Future controversy has also been settled in a similar way, coming to
stand in for the problems with replication in the field and with replication as the
cornerstone of scientific experimentation.23 We saw at the end of the previous
chapter how this closes down on more inventive propositions and approaching
scientific experimentation in a more open, creative and speculative way.
As Milliard has argued, the rushes that are left on the cutting room floor, the
editing notes written on scraps of paper, the writes and rewrites of the scripts
and scenes, the editions and subtractions and the nuances and influences on
the filming methodology all demonstrate the time, effort, labour and direction
that was integral to the success and efficacy of the experimental apparatus and
its media after-lives. The discarded potential lives of the documentary might
also be related to Hans-Jörg Rheinberger’s (2010) concept of the ‘economy
of the scribble’, those traces of practices which exceed the parameters of
recognized scientific practice. Although Rheinberger in this instance focuses
on what gets left out of studies once they are written up for publication –
scribbles on pieces of paper, workings out, ponderings, and so on – I argue
that digital archives also represent opportunities to explore such economies
within distributed, extended networks of actors, agencies and practices. These
exist as traces, which can be followed, mapped, listened to and re-animated.
However, as we saw in Chapters 2 and 3, there is an ‘economy of the trace’, where
certain links and associations are subject to practices of redaction, disavowal,
disqualification, and exist in a submerged form. The links to these traces are
often broken or fail, one comes to dead ends but often also to uncivil discourse
Feeling the Future 103
Here we can think about a kind of theoretical model that flies below the
radar, that is assembled from eccentric texts and examples and that refuses
to confirm the hierarchies of knowing that maintain the high in high theory.
(Halberstam, 2010: 16)
Conclusion
broadcast and social media, I will mine the potential of the buzz and blather
in order to extend and make visible the historical a prioris that have shaped
science in this area. They continue to haunt the scientific method. Chapter 5
will explore how the comedic satire of the experiments that was condensed
into the image of pornception or ‘time-travelling porn’ disclose the under-
explored social technology of these experiments.
This will extend Brown’s (2012) analysis of the social technologies and
social devices of contemporary psychological experimentation and re-move
those displaced narratives, actors and agents who gesture towards a future
psychology. This is a psychology that is more compatible with the field of
affect studies, speculative philosophies and the biohumanities and with a
reconfiguration of psychological matters as transitive, indeterminate and
primarily ecological, that is contingent within specific historical, technical,
symbolic, biological and historical milieu – all the way down and right to the
bottom. The analysis in the next two chapters will reveal or disclose some of
the more interesting and inventive propositions, which revive the scientific
methods’ more curious and creative pasts.
5
The media descended on the story. Stephen Colbert brought Bem on air and
made quips about ‘time-traveling porn’. The New York Times interviewed Bem,
as did Al-Jazeera, ABC, and Fox News. And by the time I finally reached him – in
early February, at his modest condo in Ithaca – it seemed like he was returning
from a long and comical voyage. The egghead scholar, who’s spent the last 54
years of his life tucked away on college campuses, had just journeyed through
the bowels of celebrity culture – and emerged sporting a bemused grin. ‘My
partner is always talking about who should play me in the film version,’ Bem
said of his long-time companion, Ithaca College communications professor
Bruce Henderson. ‘He’s thinking Dustin Hoffman.’1
capacities for precognition. The comedic value of erotic images being used
to turn on (no pun intended) this capacity became a humorous tag-line for
broadcasting the experiments to a wider public and the joke was certainly not
lost on Colbert. To understand what captured Colbert’s attention I will turn to
the specific experiment, which captured and captivated public attention. The
experiment, which became the butt of the joke, used erotic imagery to shape
experimental subject’s future propensity for porn.
This is an experiment that tests for ESP. It takes about 20 minutes and is run
completely by computer. First you will answer a couple of brief questions.
Then, on each trial of the experiment, pictures of two curtains will appear
on the screen side by side. One of them has a picture behind it; the other has
a blank wall behind it. Your task is to click on the curtain that you feel has
the picture behind it. The curtain will then open, permitting you to see if
you selected the correct curtain. There will be 36 trials in all. Several of the
pictures contain explicit erotic images (e.g. couples engaged in nonviolent
but explicit consensual sexual acts). If you object to seeing such images, you
should not participate in this experiment (Bem, 2011: 3).
The main hypothesis for the experiment is that experimental subjects would
be able to anticipate the position of erotic imagery more accurately than
might be expected by chance. Bem situates this hypothesis within studies
of psi phenomena, which include telepathy, clairvoyance, precognition
and premonition. Although such phenomena have a long history of being
associated with the paranormal, Bem suggests that the term psi is descriptive –
it refers to phenomena that cannot be explained through current conceptions
of what it means to sense, anticipate and predict. Bem argues that psi
phenomena present two challenges: empirical and theoretical. The empirical
challenges are related to the need to design experiments that are ‘simple and
108 Haunted Data
transparent’ (p. 408), so that they can be replicated by other researchers and
laboratories. The theoretical challenges relate to most psychologists’ beliefs
that such phenomena are impossible or improbable.
In relation to the empirical challenges of Bem’s particular experiments,
experiment 1 is presented as a simple and transparent experiment, which
will be easy to replicate by others. Indeed, Bem has made available all the
materials needed to carry out the experiments in order to meet the protocols
for replicability (also see Bem, 2015).3 This includes detailed instruction
manuals, the computer software for running the experiments and the data-
analytic packages to translate the results. They are presented as needing only a
desktop computer and some statistical packages to collect and analyse the data
and are available for a general public to participate in.4 A simulation of the
ESP test that Bem used was published in the New York Times on 27 February
2011. Interested readers can follow the link5 to take a version of the test for
themselves. Some of the experimental instructions as reported in the New York
Times are reproduced below:
in saying this proves psi exists he will announce that it is a fake, and say
triumphantly that this shows how easily people can be fooled! I’ve not been
fooled anyway.
The sceptical view that the experiment is fake and a hoax is entangled with
endorsements of the experiments by parapsychologists who indeed believe that psi
phenomena exist. The reader may recall in Chapter 3 that the first parapsychology
laboratory was set up at Duke University in the 1930s by JB and Louisa Rhine. The
Rhine Research Centre, as it is now called, exists to this day, although it is now
independent from Duke University. In the blog associated with the centre, a post
published on Wednesday 2 February 2011 leads with the headline, ‘Daryl Bem:
Precognition in the Mainstream’.6 As the author, John J Kruth argues,
Bem of course was very aware how controversial this and the other eight
experiments were likely to be. His appearance across the media, in what Kruth
terms the ‘media blaze’ fuelled by these experiments, is tempered by Bem’s
more considered call for other researchers to replicate his study. The challenge
of replication has been taken up by at least ninety laboratories to date, and
Bem (2015) has presented a meta-analysis of this data, which still fails to
convince his sceptics.7 The debate and stack of proliferating non-replication
and replication studies piles up.8 As with all of the experiments conducted by
Bem they are presented as ‘time-reversal’ experiments. They are framed as
reversing ‘known psychological effects’.
Experiment 1 is said to reverse a known psychological effect, which Bem
terms presentiment, which has a lineage to studies of priming (see Chapters 2
110 Haunted Data
and 3). This psychological effect relates to studies by Dean Radin (1997), which
found that subjects viewing erotic imagery were more physiologically aroused
than when viewing so-called neutral imagery, and that the physiological
arousal occurred a few seconds before the imagery was presented. Readers
familiar with debates on affect theory in the humanities might recognize
this as a version of what Massumi (2002) and many others have termed the
‘half-second delay between stimulus and response’. This refers to studies,
such as those by neuroscientist Benjamin Libet on readiness potential, where
measures of physiological arousal or brain activity apparently occur prior to
cognitive awareness.9 There are many critiques and counter-critiques in the
affect literature of this position. Despite the contestation surrounding this
experimental artefact, the ontological assumption of a delay between matter
and mind (and affect and meaning) has become something of a blackbox
across affect theories.
The more interesting proposition within the affect literature is that processes
that are seen to take place subliminally or outside conscious awareness or
attention have not been given enough consideration in accounts of the media
and mediation. This is what Richard Grusin has described as a more ‘embodied,
affective experience’ of mediation’, which foregrounds bodily, sensory, haptic
extensions of media into the everyday ontological immediacies of our lives
(2015: 131). This trend within media studies towards studying processes
variously described as subliminal, non-conscious, automatic, pre-conscious
and so forth, is also mirrored in social psychology with more attention,
according to Bem, being given to ‘processes that are not accessible to conscious
awareness or control’ (2011: 2). Bem cites studies on priming by John Bargh
to evidence this tradition, who in his 2008 book, The Unconscious Mind has
argued that psychology has suffered from a ‘conscious-centric bias’ and a ‘mind
first’ cosmology, which he links to the influence of Descartes and Locke on the
discipline (p. 73; also see Chapter 3; and experiment 3 in Bem’s study).
As we saw in the last two chapters, studies of priming have a long history
of courting controversy and exactly what priming is and how it might be
understood is far from settled. It is certainly far from a known psychological
effect although it might be considered a demonstrable psychological effect
that often exhausts the interpretations brought to bear upon it. For that reason
priming shares a kinship with other phenomena, such as suggestion, imitation,
Pornception and Big Data 111
replicate, and that these are well-established psychological effects that would
be familiar to most readers of the journal (see p. 14). As he argues, ‘Simplicity
and familiarity become essential tools of persuasion’ (2011: 14).
As we have seen, one of the discourses, which emerged in relation to the
experiments and spread across social and broadcast media related to the
use of erotic imagery to shape the past and therefore the assumed capacities
of experimental subjects to feel and anticipate the future. This was picked
up in headlines on blogs and articles, including an article on a website for
Fastcompany.com with the title ‘Predicting the Future with Porn’,11 or in a similar
article published on the site mentalfloss.com with the headline, ‘Predicting the
Future (or at least predicting where Naked people are)’.12 It was also carried
by an article in the Scientific American on 19 April 2011, with the headline,
‘Extrasensory Pornception’,13 making links to Bem’s appearance on The Colbert
Report and written by the publisher of the Skeptic Magazine, Michael Shermer.14
The article outlines a position endorsed across social and broadcast media by
many sceptics, and draws on a riposte to Bem’s study written by Ray Hyman,
which has gained much attention and coverage. This response appeared in the
New York Magazine in March 201115 with the headline ‘53.1% of You Already
Know What This Story’s About. Or Do You? Need a Hint?’ Although using
an attention-grabbing headline, which made links to The Colbert Report, the
article starts with a slideshow ridiculing another of the experiments based on
reversing the ‘retroactive facilitation of recall’. This time reversal is based on
the assumption that practice improves memory recall. In this case, the practice
occurred after the recall demonstrating The White Queen’s proclamation that
good memory works both ways (forwards and backwards in time).
which they enter and become part of (Knorr-Cetina and Bruegger, 2002: 164).
As Knorr-Cetina and Bruegger (2002: 164) describe,
When traders arrive in the morning they strap themselves to their seats,
figuratively speaking, they bring up their screens, and from then on their
eyes will be glued to that screen, their visual regard captured by it even when
they talk or shout to each other, their bodies and the screen world melting
together in what appears to be a total immersion in the action in which they
are taking part. The market composes itself in these produced-and-analysed
displays to which traders are attached.
raced, classed, gendered and sexed inequalities and oppressions. In that sense,
the future ability of porn to anticipate and retroactively shape the past (its
capacity to time-travel), its contagious potential and the complex entangled
relations, which are condensed in the image of porn, make pornception an
interesting subject for analyses of mediation and computational cultures.
This displaced narrative is also carried by Bem’s studies, albeit if it only
surfaces in the comedic satire made of his attempts to conduct experiments
on precognition. Porn is big (data), it is anticipatory and provides interesting
subject matter for examining the political economy of propensity and the
engineering of affective contagion. This is an important feminist issue and
has yet to be noticed and written about within the context of big data and
analyses of the data-driven anticipation of the future. Time-travelling porn
and pornception highlight the importance of a feminist politics of automation
that challenges the number crunching of many big-data analyses. Perhaps in
this sense Bem’s use of erotic imagery is an invitation to lead from the future
and consider why pornoception has created such a stir!
Conclusion
In this chapter I hope to have illustrated how the comedic satire of the
experiments condensed into the image of pornception or ‘time-travelling
porn’ disclose the under-explored social technology of these experiments.
Although the experiments might meet the criteria for statistical probability –
that is the probability that the effects were not due to chance – what is missed
are the complex affective, technical, symbolic, historical and material elements
that shape the arrangement of forces that circumscribe the experiments.
What subjects are ‘plugged into’ and how these forces and relations might
circumscribe the experiment and may or may not work through pre-emptive
physiological arousal is left under-acknowledged. As is what subjects are
primed to believe or disbelieve, revealing the politics of truth, and even post-
truth, in terms of our investments, desires and subjective commitments.
These issues intersect with an important issue raised within the context
of science and technology studies and what Bruno Latour (2004) has termed
the conditions under which a body can learn to become affected by others,
Pornception and Big Data 121
human and non-human. Latour uses the term articulation to refer to those
histories, practices, training, choreography and disciplining which allow
a body to become more sensitive to finer and finer differentiations (in this
context learning to become a ‘sensitive nose’ within the perfume industry).
What is important is the setting and milieu, which circumscribes what it
might mean to learn to become affected within this context. This rather
different way of approaching what it might mean to become affected by an
experimental apparatus also allows a more interesting way of approaching
one of the gendered issues revealed by the experiments exploring pre-emptive
physiological arousal.21 This is reported as a male-identified subject’s supposed
higher threshold for erotic imagery – or, in other words that the imagery
used would need to be more explicit to produce arousal. The long histories
of how different subjects might learn to become affected by porn and how
to understand the intersections of class, gender, sexuality, age, race and so
forth are an important yet under-acknowledged issue.22 This is what I term the
‘historicity of psychological matters’ and is an approach, which I argue invites
a more ecological approach to affect studies. It is one that requires a complex
psycho–social–material–affective account that displaces psychological
individualism.
Pornception as a contagious icon therefore condenses a range of issues,
which point towards how little we understand experiences, which register or
are experienced as visceral, anticipatory or preemptive, particularly as they are
experienced through bodily forms of arousal and attachment. These ‘known
psychological effects’ are actually little understood and reveal at best how
important it is to not assume that psychological processes are outside of history,
milieu, setting and the material-semiotic apparatus of the experiment(s). As
Emily Martin (2013) has argued in the context of affect theory the visceral and
anticipatory are historical all the way down.
In the next chapter this ethnographic and ecological approach to affect
will be developed by returning to the social technologies of earlier psychic
experiments in the nineteenth century. These have much to offer contemporary
affect theorists and those interested in exploring the modulation of processes
taken to exist outside of conscious awareness. Scene 3 takes these issues into
the histories of statistics and statistical imaginaries in relation to truth, and
even what we might now call post-truth – and to past histories of psychic
122 Haunted Data
Introduction
This chapter splices together two scenes: current debates about conceptual
replication within the philosophy of science and statistics, with nineteenth-
century debates as they played out in the wider social technologies and
imaginaries governing experimentation into impossible or improbable
things – this was specifically within the context of early psychic research. The
epistemological hesitancies and uncertainties provide a data-trail to some
of the displaced and submerged narratives, which are re-moved and carried
by this controversy but which appear primarily as haunted data. The corpus
of data that is re-moved by this storytelling provides openings to quantum
approaches to precognition or retrocausality as they intersect with discussions
of matter shaped within new materialisms and speculative philosophies across
the humanities. The extended scene foregrounds the invention and creativity
of experimenting with the improbable, impossible and the counterfactual as a
key focus of an open science. It points towards collaborative opportunities for
scientists, artists and humanities scholars to work together in new ways.
124 Haunted Data
A Year of Horrors
Eric-Jan Wagenmakers
For social psychologists, the year 2011 can go in the books as a true annus
horribilis. First, the flagship journal in the field, the Journal of Personality
and Social Psychology, decided to publish an article claiming that people
can look into the future. Going from silly to bizarre, this ability was reported
to be strongest for extravert women confronted with erotic pictures. The
resulting media frenzy centered on questions such as ‘should JPSP ever have
accepted such an article?’ and, more to the point, ‘is there something wrong
with the way social psychologists conduct their experiments and analyze
their data?’ The author of the infamous article, Dr. Daryl Bem, was a guest
on the Colbert Report, where the host mocked the effect as ‘extrasensory
pornception’. And then, as if the reputation of JPSP had not yet been tarnished
quite enough, the journal rejected (without external review) all manuscripts
that reported failures to replicate the Bem results. As it turns out, JPSP has
a long-standing policy not to publish ‘mere’ replication studies. A terrible
policy to espouse, of course – apparently, JPSP believes it can pollute the
field and then leave the clean-up effort to the lesser journals.1
Statistical imaginaries
Eric-Jan Wagenmakers is a psychologist based in Amsterdam with an interest in
Bayesian statistics, models of decision-making, philosophy of science and the
interaction between quantitative modelling and cognitive neuroscience.2 The
‘year of horrors’ that Wagenmakers depicts is one that saw Bem’s precognition
study reaching a ‘media frenzy’, with its claim that ‘people can look into the
future’. As he looks forward to the beginning of 2012 he reflects on the fact that
the year has not got off to a good start either with Doyen’s non-replication of
John Bargh’s priming study (see Chapter 2). He focuses particularly on Bargh’s
response in a blog post for Psychology Today, which is described as a scathing
personal attack.3 As readers will recall, this post was later removed and the user
will be taken to a broken and repaired link. Wagenmakers’s piece published
in De Psychonoom, (27 pages 12–13) reflects on the problems in social
psychology from the position of a psychologist engaged in the philosophy of
statistics, or at least in drawing distinctions between psychological research
which is exploratory (he cites that at least 99 per cent of experiments would
Open Science and Quantum Matters 125
meet this criteria) and those that are confirmatory (the remaining few), which
he says statistics have been designed for. Wagenmakers was also a co-author
of an article published subsequently to Bem’s ‘Feeling the Future’ article in
the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, responding to Bem’s claims
(Wagenmakers et al., 2011). This article, which Bem also responded to in a
further publication in the journal (Bem, 2011b), is titled ‘Why Psychologists
Must Change The Way they Analyse their Data: The Case of Psi: Comment
On Bem (2011)’.
The article reports on a non-replication study of Bem’s experiments and
a change made by the authors to Bem’s statistical analysis, where they use a
Bayesian T test rather than a one-sided P value. These technical changes in
statistical analysis lead to what is described as a more conservative analysis
(rather than the ‘liberal’ charge made against statistical analyses of the P value,
for example). They do not replicate Bem’s effects. Rather than orient the
discussion to disproving the existence of psi phenomena (a recognized sceptics
position), they rather argue that parapsychology is an interesting field of study
because it demonstrates how statistics and probabilistic thinking can be used to
mislead people. Later in this section I will relate this to the data-driven fantasy
or dystopia of data increasingly exerting agencies over our lives, representing
a hidden and increasingly omnipotent form of dataveillance. I am calling this
the ‘magic of statistics, or predictive analytics as non-performatives’, to draw
attention to the difference(s) between the automated practices of anticipation
that users experience (often hovering at the edges or fringes of perception) and
what is brought into consciousness or materialized as part of these attempts to
shape action. They are not homologous or the same thing.
As Giraud (2015) has argued, accounts of digital subjectivity which assume
that users are captured and their desires shaped to the needs of capitalism
represents a ‘deterministic picture of media-use and depicts on the one hand,
a subject who is passive and politically dis-engaged and, on the other hand,
the technologies of capital as operating smoothly to commodify subjectivity,
with no scope for resistance’ (p. 125). Although this is a familiar argument
to media studies scholars versed in active audience traditions, the attempt to
move beyond the concept of ‘digital capture’ to open up more vexed questions
of subjective entanglement with technology is welcomed. However, the shift to
media-use is also rather voluntarist and separates technology from subjectivity
126 Haunted Data
Telepathy
An example of what Hacking means by the distinction between the empirical
and the (non)-theoretical relates to his discussion of the coining of the
term telepathy by Frederick Myers in 1882. Myers argued that telepathy
was a ‘mere designation’ and implies no hypothesis (p. 436). It was what he
also called a ‘neutral term’ (Hacking, 1988:). Hacking suggests in this early
research on psychic phenomena that the questions were taken to be technical
or empirical rather than theoretical representing a more proto-performative
and speculative approach to scientific experimentation. The experiments
were exploring what it might be possible to produce, invent and shape if
one opened up to the possibility of the improbable or impossible (or the
odd and the strange). This of course was met with critical commentary
and discussions on how to explain particular experimental results (their
modelling perhaps) which was lively and unsettled. The interest by the
Society for Psychic Research in what Hacking terms the odd and strange was
embodied by the experiments into clairvoyance and thought transference
by Charles Richet.7 Hacking shows how these experiments were not simply
confirming or disconfirming hypotheses. Rather through a ‘calculus of
probabilities’ the results were assessed against measures and calculations of
results being obtained by chance.
An interesting related issue in early research on psychic phenomena
involved the capacity of scientific forms of experimentation to simulate
phenomena rather than validate, assess or arbitrate truth-claims. One example
of this relates to attempts by a Russian doctor, M. Gomalez to replicate some
of Charles Richet’s experiments on ‘thought transference’ or telepathy. These
results were published in a Russian medical journal Vratch and were reported
on in the Journal of the Society for Psychical Research in 1885. As with debates
on priming and Clever Hans, as well as experiments with psychic animals, such
as the Rhine’s experiments with Lady Wonder the Typing Horse discussed in
chapter 3, Gomalez argues that people receiving thoughts (percipients) could
learn by observing the slight respiratory motions of the operator. He suggests
that these are not consciously perceived, but rather perceived in a state of
rapport or hyperanaesthesia (considered a form of hypnotic rapport). It was
possible therefore, according to Gomalez, to simulate Richet’s results with
telepathy in two ways.
Open Science and Quantum Matters 129
out in early psychic research. These still haunt the contemporary field of
parapsychology as it leaks into cognitive science and anomalous psychology.
This includes the field of debate, contestation and argumentation concerning
randomization and probabilistic thinking, which as we have seen have their
roots in psychic research. It is not surprising therefore that these issues return in
relation to experiments with contemporary psi phenomena. As Wagenmakers
et al. (2011: 1) argue,
Instead of revising our beliefs regarding psi, Bem’s research should instead
cause us to revise our beliefs on methodology: The field of psychology
currently uses methodological and statistical strategies that are too weak, too
malleable, and offer far too many opportunities for researchers to befuddle
themselves and their peers.
If these results are true, the implications for psychology – and society – are
huge. In principle, experimental results could be confounded by participants
obtaining information from the future, and studying for an exam after it has
finished could improve your grade!
132 Haunted Data
Open science
(1) full embrace of digital communication, (2) open access to all published
research, (3) disentangling publication from evaluation, (4) breaking
the ‘one article, one journal’ model with a grading system for evaluation
and diversified dissemination outlets, (5) publishing peer review, and,
(6) allowing open, continuous peer review.
They go on to argue that the constraints on this happening are not financial
but social. As they ask, what would it mean to ‘replace paper with the
internet as the primary mechanism of scientific communication’? (p. 12).
They specifically challenge the hierarchical model of influence and prestige,
which they associate with scientific publishing based on the learned journal
with its high impact factor, committed to publishing the leading researchers
and research in the field. They argue that scientists in the context of digital
communication are more akin to ‘a distributed system of agents operating
with minimal hierarchical influence’. This more swarm-like analogy is used
as a basis for expanding what peer review should, could and might become,
in the context of post-publication-peer-review. It might be considered a more
rhizomatic14 approach to scientific progress and innovation, where the concepts
of reliability and validity are replaced with transparency and accessibility.
One of the insights of the article commensurate with some discussions of
post-publication-peer-review within the context of humanities research is that
published journal articles are no longer static non-modifiable entities. As they
argue, ‘Web-based publishing enables improved search and linking capabilities
such as adding hyperlinks to citations for immediate article retrieval’ (p. 15).
There is also a useful discussion on open access, which mirrors debates that
the humanities are inheriting from the sciences. These practices are being
shaped in relation to discussions about new forms of digital publishing and
potential new measures of post-publication-peer-review linked to judgements
of academic worth and value by funding bodies and related institutions (see
Broekman et al., 2014; Blackman, 2016). As I have argued, controversies are
interesting because they draw attention to some of the factors which govern
networked virality or the reach and traction of particular articles, which
impact factors, citations and networks of relation, prestige, academic value
and hierarchy obscure.
134 Haunted Data
This was also the temporary denouement to the ‘priming controversy’ staged
in Chapters 2 and 3, where John Bargh’s attempts to ‘set the record straight’,
overshadow the controversy that took form and the status of what remains as
haunted data.
In the next section I will turn to discussions of the quantum and non-local
consciousness. This brings a submerged narrative within the Feeling the Future
Open Science and Quantum Matters 135
Some readers might have felt on firmer terrain in the previous discussion of
statistics, non-performatives, practices of simulation, histories of statistics and
discussions of replication and its possible remediation within digital forms of
communication. However, I want to begin to provide a temporary denouement
to this controversy by re-moving a more marginal discussion, which hovers
on the edge of this controversy. This relates to an alien psychology of time,
which is rather queer (and noted as such by Karen Barad, for example). It has
extended discussions of Feeling the Future into the realm of the quantum with
its bending of time and nonlinear conceptions of past, present and future. This
is perhaps the more submerged and displaced narrative, which hovers at the
edge of scientific consciousness and which is carried by some of the affective
dynamics on display. It certainly represents a very ‘queer aggregation’.
More ironically perhaps it is the narrative and set of concentrated hyperlinks,
which relate to contemporary discussions across the humanities within some
136 Haunted Data
believers are all alike. At this moment scientists and sceptics are the leading
dogmatists. Advance in detail is admitted: fundamental novelty is barred.
This dogmatic common sense is the death of philosophical adventure. The
Universe is vast.
the work and writing of Deleuze and Guattari and process philosophers for
example, sometimes aligned through a form of ‘speculative philosophy’ (see
Faber and Goffey, 2014). To return to Whitehead in the context of the Feeling
the Future controversy, Papanicolaou (1987) suggests that Whitehead and
Bergson were interested and influenced by physics and were perhaps prophets
of quantum mechanics. The link between quantum philosophies of time (non-
local knowing) and physics (specifically quantum mechanics) is reopened in
this submerged narrative. As Dossey argues, there is no consensus in quantum
mechanics so controversy is a resource for thinking, not an indication that an
area should be closed off or closed down. As he suggests,
Quantum retrocausality
A different history is always possible, at any time, here and now. (Schrader,
2012: 125)
The past is never closed, never finished once and for all, but there is no
taking it back, setting time aright, putting the world back on its axis. There
is no erasure finally. The trace of all reconfigurings are written into the
enfolded materialisations of what was/ is/ to-come. Time can’t be fixed.
To address the past (and future), to speak with ghosts, is not to entertain
or reconstruct some narrative of the way it was, but to respond, to be
responsible, to take responsibility for that which we inherit (from the past
and the future), for the entangled relationalities of inheritance that ‘we’
are, to acknowledge and be responsive to the noncontemporaneity of the
present, to put oneself at risk, to risk oneself (which is never one or self),
to open oneself up to indeterminacy in moving towards what is to come
(Barad, 2010: 25).
As the quantum eraser experiment shows, it is not the case that the past (a
past that is given) can be changed (contrary to what some physicists have
said), or that the effects of past actions can be fully mended, but rather that
the ‘past’ is always already open to change’ (Schrader, 2012: 27, my emphasis).
Open Science and Quantum Matters 139
discussions and analyses of identity and subjectivity within and across social
media platforms, the status of the performative is reintroduced as a matter of
concern.
New materialisms
Barad (2007) engages in a reworking of Butler’s (1993) concept of performativity
through a diffractive reading of Butler and Bohr’s ‘insights through one another
for the patterns of resonance and dissonance’ (p. 195). Barad suggests that Niels
Bohr is an interesting scientist as he developed a ‘proto-performative account
of scientific practices’ (p. 31). That is, he recognized that scientific apparatuses
do not simply describe or measure pre-existing objects and entities, but
rather bring about the objects of which they purport to measure, inscribe and
speak. Words, or scientific concepts are considered material enactments, ‘that
contribute to, and are a part of, the phenomena we describe’ (p. 31). This is
framed as a critique of representationalism. In this sense, Barad argues that
scientific practices are performative and productive, and on this basis Barad
seeks to make a ‘sympathetic but critical reading of Judith Butler’s provocative
theory of performativity’ (p. 34). This is to displace what she suggests is an overly
human-centred approach. This is framed as a ‘posthumanist performative
understanding of the materialization of bodies’ (p. 34).
Barad’s work, like Butler’s, has been influential across the humanities and has
become staged as part of a series of turns towards the non-human, more-than-
human, post-human and the ‘new materialisms’. It is perhaps easy to see why
her provocations might be useful to media and cultural theorists who recognize
that we come into being in and through mediation and that media forms and
practices are entangled with such processes of being and becoming. Throughout
the history of media studies and the long history of work on mediation and
mediatization the critique of media forms and practices as representational has
been a central unifying epistemology (also see Kember and Zylinska, 2012).
repeatedly invest in certain social norms, even when and if we recognize that
these norms fail to deliver their promises or even do us harm – what Lauren
Berlant has termed a form of ‘cruel optimism’ (2011). One of Butler’s (1990,
1993) main focuses has been on gendered norms or heteronormativity and
how gendered binaries are repeated across a range of practices such that they
come to appear as natural instantiations of human nature rather than reiterative
statements which enter into our own self-formation in complex ways – or what
Foucault termed practices of subjectification (see Chapter 1). Barad suggests
that this approach relies on some kind of mechanism of psychic identification
(however conscious or unconscious) in order for power to act on and through
a subject’s actions – a psychic mechanism which places identification within
the realm of ideation and is in danger of reducing the materiality of the body
to some kind of dumb or brute materiality.
These critiques have been made by many and are related to the kind of
‘docile body’ that can be found in Foucault’s account of how power works.
The concept of iteration presents for many an overly semiotic way of
approaching subjectification, which primarily approaches statements as forms
of signification (as sites of compulsion as well as conflict and ambivalence,
for example), rather than perhaps the more ambivalent and complex status of
statements that can be found in Foucault’s archaeologies of knowledge, such as
The Order of Things. For Barad, iteration and reiteration are primarily linguistic
concepts and in her argument they fail to adequately account for material
processes or in her words, how matter comes to matter. On the basis of this
critique Barad suggests that performativity needs to be revised and extended
beyond the realm of the human body and its primary focus on citationality
within (social) practices.
One of the conditions of possibility for this move are some of the new
ontologies, within and across the biological and life sciences, including quantum
physics. Quantum physics as well as the ‘New Biologies’ (see Blackman, 2016)
or the biocultural (see Frost, 2016) present bodily materialities as lively,
agentive, temporal, and always already entangled within material-semiotic
apparatuses, rather than the object and instrument of power in a Foucauldian
sense. As Barad (ibid: 65) argues, reflecting on Foucault’s contributions, ‘He
fails to offer an account of the body’s historicity in which its very materiality
plays an active role in the workings of power.’ This shift from ideation and
142 Haunted Data
Speculative psychologies
However, psychology like any knowledge-practice is far from unified and
as we have seen throughout the book has its own histories of displaced
traditions, ontologies, experimental practices, objects and entities, hesitations,
anomalies and controversies. In different ways what reappear as haunted
data within the book also decentre psychological individualism and point to
alternative directions that psychology might have travelled. These ‘archives
of the future’ reconfigure psychological matters as transitive, indeterminate
and contiguous with the biological, symbolic, technical, material, immaterial
and historical. My argument is that although we have very good ontological
arguments, which support post-humanism, these are arguably closed
down by rather impoverished engagements with subjectivity and how to
analyse the complexity of mind-matter relations and the reconfiguring of
psychological matters.21 This is even in perspectives such as new materialism,
which are trying to move beyond psychologically individualistic accounts
but do not provide a rethinking of the psychosocial within this context (see
Blackman, 2017).
It is these problems which are put back into circulation by the Feeling
the Future controversy, which re-moves earlier psychological ideas about
personhood which did not subscribe to a strict separation between self and
other, human and non-human, material and immaterial and human and
technical. As we have seen these displaced histories haunt the Feeling the
Future controversy in the present and return as traces to a past, which open to
archives of the future. One issue related to this, which was explored in the last
chapter is what I termed the ‘historicity of psychological matter’ characterized
as a more ecological approach to affect; or how psychological matters are always
already shaped and reshaped through milieu, history, context and setting. As
some scholars have argued, work within affect studies often does not view
affective processes as historical, all the way down and right to the bottom.
Instead separations are made between matter and meaning, which can lead
144 Haunted Data
Clairvoyance
As an example of this close yet disavowed alliance between the psychic and
the psychological, I will draw on two stories from Vicki Kirby’s (2011) work
that Barad uses to illuminate what she calls nature’s queer performativity. This
includes the apparent ‘clairvoyance of cellular communication and lightning
strokes’ (Kirby, 2011: 13), both of which are taken to be ‘possessed of some
mysterious clairvoyance’ (Kirby, 2011: 9). Both stories confound ‘the logic of
origins and causality’ (Kirby, 2011: 10) offering examples of entities or ‘queer
critters’ that seem to be able to anticipate the future before it has arrived.
This foresensing confounds notions of distance, linear time and distinctions
Open Science and Quantum Matters 147
to?25 They left the parapsychologists ample material for illuminating their own
interests: backward-in-time causality, time-symmetric quantum theories,
retrocausal influence and weak measurement. This was described as a historic
meeting, which although productive was rather one-sided where the talks by
parapsychologists were largely unheard as the physicists had left by the second
day, which was devoted to parapsychology. Although not wanting to endorse
parapsychology, I do want to draw attention to the epistemic uncertainties and
foreclosures, which circumscribe these areas and the submerged narratives and
disavowed or displaced actors and agents who do not intervene and change the
setting. These are all questions opened up by the controversy and which are left
going nowhere – a dead end perhaps – their potentiality existing as a matter
of concern but not a matter of relevance for the experimental apparatuses and
events that might bring them into being.
In no way wanting to end with a fixed conclusion I will lay some future trails
by exploring some of the debates laid by those psi researchers who exist at the
interstices of physics (particularly quantum mechanics) and the psy sciences
(whether parapsychology, cognitive science or anomalistic psychology). As we
will see, it is much easier and accepted within science and the mainstream
science press for quantum time-travel to be entertained as a possibility, than it
is for psychic precognition to be debated in a similar scientific tone.27 Although
not wanting to either endorse or cultivate a sceptical position in relation to
Open Science and Quantum Matters 149
this issue, I raise this particularly as it bears on what is and is not allowed
into discussions of the extraordinary and impossible, and how we evaluate the
historical a prioris that are already in place and have shaped what comes to
matter and be materialized as precognition.
I started the book with a commitment to refracting these controversies
through my own interest in affect theories. As I argued the book is an
attempt to take this strategy into the realm of science and to mine, poach
and exploit the potential of weird science for affect studies. This diffraction
of psychology through the weird, strange, ridiculous and ludicrous is offered
as a queer strategy for the playful contamination of science. On this basis,
what does this controversy and its re-moving bring to affect studies and to
future research directions? One of the issues that I have raised in relation
to both controversies is the importance of attending to both historicity (the
historical specificity of phenomena that are experienced as affective), and to
historiality (those repressed or displaced narratives that open up to future
directions in science and science-in-the-making). As a way of tentatively
ending this chapter, I will ask a historical question about the kinds of
boundaries or ‘spacetimematterings’ that are already in place in this, and the
John Bargh priming controversy, which mitigate against thinking, feeling or
experimenting with the impossible, improbable or extraordinary? As I hope
to have shown, the proto-performative approaches to experimentation that
can be found in the histories of psychic research, and which are re-moved in
the present in the form of haunted data, demonstrate how impoverished our
understandings of affective phenomena are.
We have seen throughout this and the John Bargh priming controversy
that certain boundaries are already within and articulating the parameters
of both controversies and what counts as legitimate and illegitimate science.
This includes distinctions drawn historically between accepted and weird
science, and with what therefore is considered outside of human reason. This
can be found in those experiences and phenomena, which register primarily
as exceptions, oddities and anomalies to a particular ontological conception
of the psychological subject. These paradoxical forms of communication,
including ‘non-local causalities’ have historically been figured as abnormal
perceptions, puzzles or sometimes as signs of psychopathology. Priming and
precognition are both already associated with weird science, sometimes with
150 Haunted Data
‘mad scientists’ and certainly with distinctions drawn between reason and
unreason, the legitimate and illegitimate, the normal and the abnormal and
with the odd, the outlier and the anomalous. These are historical distinctions,
which became central to the making of psychology and its boundary-making
practices. As psychology professionalized as a discipline throughout the early
twentieth century, it separated from sociology, philosophy and with its earlier
close and intimate relationship with psychic research (see Luckhurst, 2002;
Valentine, 2012).
Thus these distinctions are based upon a prioris, which already specify that
psychic phenomena are outside of known laws of nature and the universe, and
are therefore based upon theoretical presuppositions, which are ridiculous,
ludicrous, unbelievable and unscientific; as some commentators have put
it they rest on ‘irrational belief systems’.28 The phenomena in question are
those produced once a boundary is in place, rather than reflecting on what
phenomena might become if these boundaries were not seen as given, ‘but
rather as the effect of particular boundary-drawing practices’? (Barad, 2012:
33) In other words, what seismic shift in experimentation would need to
happen for researchers to recognize that the entities they investigate are
the effects rather than the causes of practices? This is what Barad (2012: 39)
terms, ‘iterative interactivity’. This is a crucial point and one that provides an
opportunity for rapprochement between the humanities and the sciences, and
for the invention of creative collaborative experimentation across the arts and
sciences that might open to what Derrida termed ‘archives of the future’.29
In a curious twist, which takes seriously the proto-performativity of scientific
experimentation in the present, what has been deemed outside of human
reason and psychology by the human sciences now forms part of contemporary
imaginaries (molecular, quantum, etc.), which are shaping computational
forms of artificial intelligence. This includes quantum cryptology, quantum
teleportation technologies and artificial precognition based on quantum
entanglement (see introduction to part 2).30 These automated practices can
‘see’ patterns that exceed human perception and consciousness, and prime
and shape potential-futures through practices and processes of quantum
aggregation; or so the data-driven dreams go. These are the imaginaries that
do not describe what ‘we’ (that is humans) supposedly do naturally31 but rather
mediate the potential non-knowing that hovers on and across the boundaries
Open Science and Quantum Matters 151
or fringes of what can and can’t be seen or known through so-called conscious
practices of (human) perception and attention.
The already existing boundary between the psychic and the psychological
and the human and the technical, made possible by a historical distinction
between particular forms of reason and unreason, produces the kinds of
moralizing discourse, which researchers located at the intersection of the psi
and the quantum have to contend with. At best these surface in discussions
of methodology and statistics (replication, protocols etc.), but at worse they
surface in attacks on Daryl Bem’s character, motivations and past-life (as a
magician or putting the present down to him having had a ‘rebellious youth’32),
for example. One of the issues that Bem has brought up in relation to this often
aggressive and active de-bunking is that parapsychology as a field of debate is
overly policed by sceptics – those who often will not entertain the possibility
of the impossible. As he says about one prominent sceptic, Ray Hyman, ‘No
amount of data will convince them.’33
Conspiracy theories
This active de-bunking co-exists alongside those who entertain some link
between quantum retrocausation and precognition, some of which ends up in
the realm of conspiracy theory and very weird science. An example of this can
be found in a blog written by Jim Euclid called Regolish. In a post on 13 June
2012 titled ‘The Titanic Effect of Retrocausality’ ,34 there is a lucid discussion
of quantum entanglement, quantum foam and psychological retrocausality,
alongside links (many now broken) to conspiracy theories referring to 9/11
being known about long before it happened (link now broken)35 – or the
relationship between presidents of the United States and time-travel. There
also exist links to apparent anomalous artefacts found on archaeological
digs, including a 100,000-year-old plug and a Swiss watch apparently found
in a 400-year-old tomb (link now broken36)! There is also a brief mention of
quantum cryptology, an example of a quantum imaginary forming the basis of
new ways of encrypting information.37
Conspiracy theories are the places where discussions outlawed by reason and
rationality often take place, so these (broken) links are perhaps not surprising.
They fuel fears and fascinations and provide a way of making political critique,
152 Haunted Data
Stapp opens the article with a discussion of Bem’s ‘feeling the future’
experiments and particularly refers to a ‘heated discussion in the New York
Times’ (2011: 1) and the claims of one discussant, Douglas Hofstadter, which
will be very familiar to readers by now:
If any of his claims were true, then all of the bases underlying contemporary
science would be toppled, and we would have to rethink everything about
the nature of the universe.
Stapp attempts to refute this claim by arguing that quantum mechanics does
indeed allow a theory of the nature of the universe, which would allow Bem’s
experimental results to be made intelligible. Stapp’s account of quantum
mechanics is rather different to Barad’s and I don’t feel qualified to evaluate
those differences comprehensively. What however is obvious is that Stapp’s
account of nature or matter is one that does not subscribe to ontological
indeterminacy but rather to the ‘principle of sufficient reason’ (1). Rather
than ascribing capriciousness to nature, one where nature operates randomly
or according to chance (one version that he discusses and which I suspect
Barad would replace with indeterminacy), he rather argues that there are also
psychophysical processes (choice, intentionality, reason), which modulate
Open Science and Quantum Matters 153
Libet et al. used a rapidly moving clock and asked subjects to note when
on the clock they consciously decided to move their finger. This conscious
decision came 200ms before actual finger movement, hundreds of
milliseconds after onset of the RP. Libet and many authorities concluded
that the RP represented non-conscious determination of movement, that
many seemingly conscious actions are actually initiated by nonconscious
processes, and that conscious intent was an illusion. Consciousness
apparently comes too late. However, … temporal non-locality enabling
backward time referral of (quantum) information from the moment of
conscious intent can account for necessary RP preparation.
So the first set of findings 1 to 3 are to the effect that neural adequacy for
any sensory experience is achieved only after a certain delay, about half a
second. But finding 4, which is indeed crucial, appears to conflict with this.
That is, the ordering by subjects of their experiences is this: conscious-exper
ience-owed-to-later-skin-stimulus came before conscious-experience-owed
-to-earlier-cortical-stimulus. (Honderich, 2005: 75)
These quantum interpretations are far more curious and certainly queer
the science that is often drawn upon by many affect theorists to endorse
their philosophical approaches (see Papoulias and Callard, 2010). These
interpretations were however ridiculed by Libet’s interlocuters resulting in
their mutation into a much more palatable statement that will be familiar to
affect scholars – that non-conscious processes act prior to and are separate
from conscious attention.
Hamerof provides three lines of evidence, which he suggests refute the ‘half
second delay’ and which return the vexed question of consciousness to quantum
mechanics: Can (human) consciousness affect quantum matters? Can quantum
backward referral happen in the brain? (p. 11). As well as Libet’s disavowed
time-travelling explanations of reaction-potential, Hamerof also cites quantum
delayed choice experiments,40 and Bem’s feeling the future experiments on
precognition, to argue that conscious choice can affect ‘behaviour of previously
measured, but unobserved, events’ (p. 9). These discussions of retrocausality
and the proposed evidence to support his claims for backwards-in-time effects
take the discussion into process philosophy and a discussion of Whitehead’s
(1929) concept of ‘actual occasions’ or occasions of experience.41
158 Haunted Data
Orch OR
It is probably fair to say that researchers attempting to unify psi entities with
quantum mechanics emphasize those aspects of process philosophy that
have been refused, disqualified, ignored or disavowed within contemporary
humanities theorizing. As I have argued in previous work, William James
research is generally used to refer to process, relationality, the virtual and non-
human ignoring perhaps his own interests in the problem of unity or synthesis
Open Science and Quantum Matters 159
and what he called ‘the problem of personality’ – how we live singularity in the
face of multiplicity. This was also termed the problem of the ‘one and the many’
and this problematic appeared in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
across economics, psychology, philosophy, sociology, medicine, and so on (see
Blackman, 2012). It was far from settled or resolved. These issues recur in
this controversy and appear in attempts to translate the quantum dynamics of
photons, electrons and atoms into understandings of psychological processes
that are seen to operate non-locally.
Hamerof cites the example of ‘quantum delayed choice experiments’. These
experiments draw on understandings of quantum entanglement, where, as
Hamerof argues, ‘entanglement is a feature of quantum mechanics in which
unified quantum particles are separated but remain somehow connected,
even over distance. Measurement or perturbation of one separated-but-still-
entangled particle instantaneously affects the other, what Einstein referred to
(mockingly) as ‘spooky action at a distance’ (2012: p. 9). This principle forms
the basis of experiments involving human subjects whose decisions to measure
the atoms as either unified or separated is connected to the decision of a third
observer and his (stet) decisions, even if these are decided after the decisions
of the other two researchers have been made. This is another example given
as evidence of ‘backwards in time effects’ (p. 9) and this forms the basis of
the question Hamerof asks: ‘How can backward time effects be explained
scientifically’? (2012).
Hamerof ‘thinks with’ particular readings of William James, Whitehead,
St Augustine, Buddhism and the effects of long-range gamma synchrony in
the brain to argue that ‘consciousness could be identified with sequences of
quantum state reductions’ (2012: p. 10). Quantum state reductions relate to
those rules and principles generally accepted within quantum mechanics;
this includes that objects or particles exist in or as multiple co-existing
possibilities (quantum superposition) – that is they can exist in unified states
that remain separated (in space) yet entangled in time. These relations in time
upset linear conceptions of time, as we have seen, and raise questions about
what Barad has called strange forms of causality, which confound origins and
foundations. The crucial question for Hamerof is whether these relations can
be seen or even produced macroscopically and the answer he suggests is a
resounding yes.
160 Haunted Data
Orch OR
In order to ‘scale up’ from the molecular to the molar, Hamerof turns to
theories of consciousness and panpsychism and to those that explicitly
bring consciousness into physics. This includes the work of Penrose (1987,
1989, 1994) who coined the theory of Orch OR, which draws on algorithmic
quantum computing and spacetime geometry. This theory is given neuro-
biological underpinnings by turning to the brain and explanations of the
actions of neurons, dendrites and proteins, which provide the possibility for
non-local quantum thresholds in the transmission of information throughout
the brain (or how neurons fire through non-local conductance pathways).
Orch OR is a speculative philosophy and one which attempts to theorize what
are taken to be the minimal conditions under which quantum explanations of
matter and nature can be translated into a neuropsychology of consciousness
underpinned by quantum brain biology. It is also an attempt to ‘rescue’ free
will from what is anxiously considered a form of quantum determinism. This
attempt closes down the potential of quantum indeterminacy, which has
become a key feature of new materialisms across the humanities.
However, what I want to argue is that the particular psychologies of free
will and intentionality that quantum brain biology inherits are those which
are based on a human-centred agential subject. Barad is right to displace this
cosmology through post-human approaches to the subject. However, there
remain other collaborative possibilities and starting points to be found in all
those displaced, occluded and submerged narratives, practices, entities and
phenomena – particularly those that assume that psychic and psychological
processes are always indeterminate, relational and contiguous with the technical,
symbolic, historical, material and immaterial. These return in both the priming
and Feeling the Future controversies and show the importance of pursuing the
historicity of matter and the matter of historicity in the field of affect studies,
new materialisms, speculative philosophies and the biohumanities.
in different ways they have formed the basis of regimes of speculative forecast
and anticipation that are part of the defining logic of computational cultures
as they operate within a capitalistic mode. The Feeling the Future controversy
connects to a dispersed set of surfaces of emergence, where the quantum scale
of matter, is enacted, imagined, performed and materialized in order to shape
possible futures. The controversy is part of a broader set of cultural imaginaries
and discourses, which are entangled with new strategies of power based on
future shaping and anticipation, which attempt to govern through nonlinear
and distributed psychologies of time. This includes techniques and practices
of pre-emption, foresight, foreseeing and premediation.
These techniques are ‘strategic imaginaries’, which are manifest and
becoming instantiated in computing (particularly programming and software
development), biology and the neurosciences, practices of mediation within the
context of communication technologies, business strategy, finance capitalism,
and in the conduct of war, terrorism, politics and public health responses
to global threats. They underpin and are shaping the development of future
technologies, some of which are based on quantum mechanics and theories
of quantum entanglement. Examples of these include quantum teleportation
and quantum cryptology, and algorithms, which attempt to change the past
within open systems, sometimes called programming in the subjunctive
(including retroactive update). These are algorithms, which attempt to change
computational pasts and are therefore seen to step sideways in time.
The collision of these different imaginaries, theories, propositions, forms
of experimentation and statistical imaginaries shape some of the displaced
narratives, actors, agencies, spectres, entities and puzzling anomalies that are
re-moved within this book. As Rheinberger has cogently argued, scientific
controversies although considered settled at particular times carry the potential
to be re-moved at different historical moments – what he terms the historical
movement of a trace. As he has also argued, science always contains more
stories than can be told at any one time. His concept of historiality returns
the storytelling to science and provides a cogent argument as to why our
engagements with science need to be qualified through the important question
of how we understand and analyse the different philosophies, histories and
technical materialities of experimentation at play. Post-publication-peer-
review becomes an interesting source of data in order to speculatively explore
162 Haunted Data
these potentialities. What I hope to have shown throughout the book, and
particularly in this and the last two chapters, is how a genealogical approach to
data refracted through hauntology provides an interesting lens through which
to engage with contemporary science as it intersects with the contemporary
field of affect studies.
Within the context of the Feeling the Future controversy what comes into
view are radically different approaches, philosophies and multiple genealogies
of experimentation – positivist (orch OR), proto-performative (including
simulation and experimenting with the counterfactual), empirical and non-
theoretical (what we might call a version of post-truth politics and practices).
I hope that this novel approach to data adds weight to arguments made by
sociologists and cultural theorists who are urging humanities scholars to open
up to some of the problems as well as possibilities with engaging with science.
The two controversies analysed in the book return us to four key areas of vexed
discussion: how to analyse what it means to be human within the context of
data and computation; how to understand and analyse mind-matter relations;
and how to understand particularly the ontological definition of bodies as
being defined by their capacities to affect and be affected. And lastly, what
kinds of approaches to science, scientific data and experimentation can be
shaped at the intersection of the sciences and humanities?
Callard and Fitzgerald (2015) use the term ‘ebullience’ to describe a mode of
interdisciplinary engagement within the context of the neurosciences, which
tends towards an acceptance or assumption by humanities and social scientists
of ‘experimental results and theoretical statements from the neurosciences
as more-or-less true – with little contest or context, and in the absence of a
sense of the wider, often fierce, epistemological and ontological debates within
those sciences’ (p. 11). Thus before we endorse any account of affect with
scientific theories, concepts and evidence we would be wise to develop a more
critical, creative and speculative approach to different and sometimes hidden
philosophies of experimentation and statistics; to the social technologies and
devices of experimental apparatuses; and to the different psychological and
psychic imaginaries that are assumed, shaped and bear the marks of particular
technological and material histories.
Scientific data is a very curious entity and its conditions of existence,
possibility and emergence require the very kinds of critical ‘reading against
Open Science and Quantum Matters 163
within science will only come about through collaboration with scientists,
artists and humanities scholars who can ‘think together’ as part of a collective
enterprise. I argue that this will only happen effectively if one is attentive to
both science and data’s potential for historicity and historiality. This more
speculative approach aims to return the storytelling to science, and recognizes
the capacity of digital archives and post-publication-peer-review to re-move
the excess to what is currently told. I will return to these issues in the short
conclusion to the book and open up to what I think are some of the interesting
leads and directions for research that this hauntology feeds-forward.
7
Hauntological media
Haunted lives
Rather than the concept of media life that has become so central to discussions
of contemporary media forms and practices, this work extends what counts
168 Haunted Data
2012: 12). This might enable a form of critical reflexivity, which is dramatized
within a particular media form. This draws attention to the apparatus itself,
but does not reduce the capacity to captivate to the media technology itself,
nor to its use. Rather the critical reflexivity is shaped through the specific
entanglements that might be staged that include multiple temporalities that
overlap, cross, loop and create the event of capture. To that extent Chow’s
focus is on the unhinging of time and its perpetual looping that she argues
characterizes transmediality and opens up the potential for new forms of
critical reflexivity. Drawing on Deleuze’s rereading of Foucault’s approach
to disciplinary power, captured in Deleuze’s concept of the ‘control society’
(1992), she suggests that there has been a breakage within so-called old and
new media, or medial and transmediality. This is represented by new forms of
time shifting, or the collapse of what she terms a time lag. Chow suggests that
this is leading to new battles for the media frame.
All of these approaches focus on media as scenes of entanglement understood
as performative re-movals or compositional forms of ‘seeing’ which move
beyond representationalism.3 That is they stage entangled relationships
(here Chow refers to strategies such as collage, montage and tableau, for
example), which have the potential to open up or contribute to existing
‘epistemic foreclosures’ (2012: 22). Chow’s concept of scenes of entanglement
is also captured by a number of other medial concepts that include ‘situation,
dramatization, staging, picture, frame (and) window’ (ibid: 12). The
supplementation of the concept of the cut or the ‘critical aperture’ (ibid: 12)
with the concept of ‘supplemental time-space’ (ibid: 12) also introduces
different conceptions of media time into the analysis. As we have seen in the
discussion in this section, these media times can be ghostly but also introduce
a politics to ghosting, which situates medial or transmedial forms of haunting
within specific racist and colonial imaginaries.
Hauntological analysis therefore extends across the arts and humanities,
has a particular place in philosophy and has entered into discussions of media,
such as film, photography and television. Hauntology has a particular place
in the lives of oppressed and marginalized peoples and those suffering from
traumatic memories that blur the historical and the personal and the past
and present (also see Walkerdine and Jimenez, 2012). Avery Gordon (2008)
suggests that hauntological analysis is a way of focusing on how people sense,
Conclusion 171
hauntology as its title, the author acknowledges Derrida’s use of such a term
and its reference to those multiple pasts in the present, which remain as absent-
presences4 – what is termed the ‘many pasts present in the present’. Akomfrah’s
subject is the colonial histories of Jamaican and West Indian migrants to the
United Kingdom and a staging of those stories erased by official histories
and forms of mediated perception. Akomfrah’s film of Stuart Hall,5 the late
and great black British scholar and public intellectual, whose story was told
through the conjoining of archival footage and interviews, punctuated by the
music of Miles Davies, shows just how effective and important hauntology as
a political and artistic method can be.
Hauntological approaches to the many pasts in the present are also carried
by the figure of the ghost as a sociocultural and political phenomenon.
This assumption is part of the curation of an ongoing interdisciplinary arts
project led by the British artist Sarah Sparkes. GHost Hostings6 was initiated
in 2008 and has to date curated fourteen events, bringing together artists,
performers, dancers, academics, filmmakers and other kinds of ghost-hunters
to conceptually interrogate and manifest the idea of the ghost. GHost takes
its title from Marcel Duchamp’s (1953) aphorism and artwork, ‘A GUEST +
a HOST = A GHOST’.7 As Sparkes argues, the guest is a host inside the
ghost, which points towards the success and effectivity of the experimental
apparatus to stage or summon ghosts for interrogation. In March 2014 GHost
Hostings 14 staged three performance pieces, which all used sound, embodied
performance and mediated images in order to conjure the experience of
displacement through forced migration and traumatic histories. This included
the work of Stasis 738 who animated found archival images and testimonies of
people forced to migrate, sometimes by foot, or train or boat, to another place,
leaving behind abandoned buildings, homes and villages, personal items, lives
and the dead. Through a form of mediated perception they attempt to stage
the unspoken trauma of such displacement through image and sound, in
order to raise the ghosts and re-animate what they term the dead camera-eye,
which captures such images frozen in time. They return perhaps captivation
to captivity.
In my development of an affective methodology that brings hauntological
analysis into studies of data and computation, my focus was on returning
storytelling to science or what Rheinberger termed historiality. I have explored
174 Haunted Data
this in the context of new forms of scientific data that blur fact and fiction,
self and other, human and technical and the popular and the scientific. The
data that are generated within post-publication-peer-review have provided the
archive within which I have worked and have allowed a productive and I hope
inventive way of attending to a statement’s liveliness. One of the conclusions
I want to advance is that if we are to work and collaborate with science and
scientists as humanities scholars and artists, it is important to recognize how
contested science is. Papoulias and Callard (2010) have argued that not enough
attention has been paid by affect theorists to the circuits of debate, legitimation,
contestation and authorization that circumscribe scientific practices, theories
and data. In other contexts humanities scholars such as Elizabeth Wilson
(2015) argue that we, and particularly feminist scholars, should take scientific
data more seriously. This book is an attempt to do both but to explore an
alternative realm of scientific data production that for some scientists has the
potential to shape a more open, democratic and participatory science. For
others it is a source of anxiety and consternation potentially threatening the
integrity of science and opening it up to the wrong kinds of public.
As with other scholars who have crossed the sciences and humanities, I have
been influenced by arguments that suggest there is always more to be said, that
science always contains more stories waiting to be told, and that the paths to a
more inventive, creative and curious science are to be found at the interstices of
all those gaps, cracks, loops, dead ends, fracture-lines, detours and anomalies,
which can be found in contemporary science controversies. As we have seen,
the science controversies analysed in this book are more-than-one and splice
together and re-move earlier historical controversies once thought resolved.
As they move and migrate into new contexts they accrue agencies and enter
into new scenes of entanglement. I have provided a temporary host for these
voices, apparitions and ghosts who I believe have something very important to
say to some of the current ontologies across the humanities and the sciences,
which are questioning what makes us human. They foreground process,
indeterminacy, relationality and creative experimentation in the context of the
field of affect studies, and to those phenomena which displace the rational,
self-enclosed, bounded, distinctly human subject.
As a conclusion to this book I will outline seven areas germane to the book,
which I hope will be useful to affect theorists, media scholars and to all those
Conclusion 175
the nineteenth century knew this and what we have forgotten comes back
insistently and often in submerged and disguised forms in the present opening
to lost-futures. Open science needs the humanities and philosophy. That is
why many of those who in my view write the most interesting work about the
history, philosophy and practice of science have already crossed disciplines
from science to the humanities and philosophy and sometimes back again.
These crossings and borrowings, and their potential to open to archives of the
future must not be forgotten in the contemporary calls for more rapprochement
with the sciences and particularly the cognitive, biological, psychological and
neurosciences.
2. We can still do critical research within the context of the data and
computational turn. There is no ‘end of theory’ nor should we resign
ourselves to inertia, resignation and defeat in the context of the software-
driven and increasingly automated media worlds that we live within and
through. These worlds often perform rather impoverished imaginaries that
remove wonder from the world and enact some of the most unimaginative and
restrictive psychological imaginaries about what it means to relate, connect,
influence, know, forget, anticipate and feel about one another. Although
we might scrape and visualize some of the data produced through these
imaginaries, showing a keen awareness of the affordances of the application
programming interfaces that shape the data, this must not exhaust the other
critical openings that software and computational practices make possible.
Many of the theories adapted to speak to these new automated media worlds
draw from social psychological theories (Goffman for example), or overlay
discussions of networked performativity with unexamined psychological
assumptions about the nature of self, creativity and authenticity for example.
There are other theories and practices we might use which served marginalized
communities well in critical analyses of analogue and broadcast-media worlds.
This includes the queer practice of ‘reading against the grain’ and attention to
the hauntological forces at work in media; what I have termed the potential for
‘queer aggregations’.
The latter approaches can be found in discussions of racist historicity, queer
lives, displaced communities and those people, practices, entities, phenomena
and experiences, which have been submerged, displaced, disqualified and
Conclusion 177
4. New materialisms. The human subject is not over or post and subjectivity
is not obsolete. We should not banish the human from discussions of the digital
subject or consciousness, but we do need radically revised notions of body–
world-consciousness relations and theories of the human compatible with
twenty-first-century media. What it means to be human has continually been
qualified and re-qualified when we look at other contexts and conjunctures.
Some of what has created the displacement of the subject within new
materialisms and related perspectives comes out of a refusal of conservative
psychological theories of will and intentionality, which shaped other disciplines,
such as quantum mechanics. Certain psychologies have travelled while others
remain at the level of fantasy, fiction, myth or impossibility. Psychology needs
a makeover in order to make good on the promises of new materialisms to
return the dynamism to matter. This issue returns most insistently in the
Feeling the Future controversy and should demand our attention. If we do
not pay attention we reinstate problematic mind-matter relations, which end
in panpsychism and other forms of speculative realism. Objects might indeed
feel, think or refuse our concerns but what human subjects might and indeed
could become in our ‘humanicity’ (Kirby, 2011) is one that opens to speculative
thinking that challenges the ‘post’ in all its forms.
Conclusion 179
7. Haunted Data. I hope that the book provides a corpus of data, which
challenges more instrumentalist notions of data. The data re-moved in this book
is not immediately available for conversion into revenue or capital, but does I
hope show the value of developing new ways of resisting such formulations and
showing where data becomes compromised (see Langlois, Redden and Elmer
2015). There are many adjectives to describe data – big, beautiful, small, smart,
anticipatory, aggregated, false, raw, cooked, compromised, lively, inert and my
chosen adjective haunted. This adjective connects the analysis staged in this
book to genealogical work, which has confronted hauntologies, which works
with a sense that there is something more to say. I end this book at a time when
debates about data mirror some of the utopian and dystopian debates shaped in
the 1990s which saw the new media worlds then (virtual reality, for example) as
either changing everything (for the better) or closing down on possibilities for
human agency and change. We can look back now and see that neither of those
poles could adequately capture what difference such technologies might make
to our lives. The challenges of analysing mediation within computational and
increasingly automated media worlds has come back to haunt us and I hope
that this book has provided one small path through what in most contexts
would be considered small or insignificant data.
Conclusion 181
The controversies and the data animated, re-moved and kept alive by this
staging open up to what I think remain as some of the most challenging and
vexed questions troubling the humanities, philosophy and sciences, as well as
politicians, economists, designers, artists and many other interested publics. It
is perhaps apposite therefore to finish with the words of the White Queen in
Lewis Carroll’s Through the Looking Glass. As well as an inspiration to Daryl
Bem, the White Queen also encourages readers to open to the impossible,
the improbable and the extraordinary. In the context of Haunted Data and a
post-truth landscape, this is not an invitation to endorse ‘weird science’, but
rather to urge the shaping of more innovative and inventive propositions.
We so desperately need these to explore what it means to be human and to
what might be possible at this particular juncture, specifically as they operate
at the ‘edges of consciousness’. This is situated within a context where linear
conceptions of time, space and matter, and boundaries between the human
and non-human, material and immaterial, fact and fiction, and media and
mediation seem increasingly blurred, unstable and riven with possibilities and
potentialities.
182
Notes
Preface
1 http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=haunt
2 For readers not familiar with the field of affect study I will briefly outline some
of its distinctive markers and characteristics. This includes a critical re-appraisal
of the sciences (and particularly the psychological and neurosciences) by the
humanities; a critical and creative re-engagement with ontological as opposed to
epistemological concerns; a grounding of what might have passed as immaterial
within a neo-materialist reading of what a body is capable of doing, and to that
end a radical re-conceptualization of embodiment, often beyond a distinctly
singular, phenomenologically experiencing human subject. Of course these
concerns have pre-histories that affect acts as an attractor for and pick up on more
long-standing debates surrounding power, agency, subjectivity and biopolitics,
and on how to invent methodological and conceptual apparatuses that allow a
purchase on the question of power, subjectification and the complex problematic
of subjectivity. This is often but not always set within a destabilization of what
it means to communicate beyond the context of (human) talk, discourse and
conversation. This includes an exploration of theories that are sensitive to non-
human agencies, entanglements and thresholds, which confound and unsettle
humanist and sometimes post-humanist beliefs and sentiments (see Clough,
2008a; Gregg and Seigworth, 2010).
Affect theories and the field of affect studies has been a very influential
interdisciplinary focus of research and thought, which can be found across a range
of disciplines, including literature, philosophy, cultural theory, media studies,
film studies, art and curatorial study, queer theory, feminism and critical race
studies. One of the orientations of affect theories that is examined in this book
is a statement that has become something of a truism across the field of affect
studies – that is that there is a half-second delay between affect and cognition,
There is a growing edifice being assembled on the basis of this assumption, which
has become something of a ‘black box’ across affect theories (Latour, 1998). The
statement itself might be considered part of a surface of emergence, which has
led to critique and counter-critique, and the mobilization of certain theories and
184 Notes
theorists (such as Silvan Tomkins) for example to authorize and extend its reach.
It also opens affect theories to the cognitive and neurosciences and relates to an
area of scholarship within cognitive science known as automaticity research.
3 This quote is taken from Ruth Leys’s (2011) critique of affect theory that was
published in Critical Inquiry. Although she is sympathetic to such a move she is
also critical of the current assumption that affect is independent or autonomous
from meaning and signification. Also see Leys (2017).
4 The paradoxes that govern discussions of network culture for example ask how
and why do certain contagions spread and intensify across social and digital
media. This problem is seen by some to be usefully addressed by turning to
theories of suggestion, imitation and automaticity found within experimental
social psychology and the cognitive sciences. One book, which explicitly draws on
such theories and concepts to explore the virality or viral logic of network culture,
is by the cultural theorist, Sampson (2012). He argues that contagion and theories
of imitation found within the past and present of experimental social psychology
and the neurosciences might provide important heuristics for rethinking
communication processes beyond the human, singularly bounded, cognitive
subject. This is an attempt to grasp what is termed a ‘contagious relationality’
(p. 3), which he relates specifically to biopolitical strategies in the present that are
taken to work pre-emptively.
Sampson suggests that pre-emption tendencies attempt to modulate and exploit
emotion and affect, as well as to ‘affectively prime social atmospheres, creating
the conditions for increasingly connected populations to pass on and imitate the
suggestions of others’ (p. 5; also see Massumi, 2009). Sampson draws a lineage
with the concerns of nineteenth and early-twentieth-century psychologists
and sociologists and specifically with the potentially unconscious, instinctual
or even affective bases of contagion (also see Blackman and Walkerdine, 2001;
Reicher, 2001; Blackman, 2012; Borch, 2012). These theories of the crowd,
imitation and suggestion are brought into dialogue with explicitly contemporary
concerns – with how communication is intensified and spreads within networked
populations. The question for Sampson, as with many others, is, what is it that
spreads? Clearly, it is not just information as understood within traditional
media theory, or cybernetics, as what spreads includes political rumours, fads,
fashions, trends, gossip, hype, emotions, feelings, affects, sensations and moods,
for example – forms of contagious communication that, as many people have
argued, take us back to the nineteenth-century concerns and potentially to those
theorists, such as Gabriel Tarde and Gustave Le Bon, whose interests in contagion
underpinned their own models of sociality (see Blackman, 2012).
Notes 185
Sampson announces the present as an ‘age of contagion’ (p. 1), and brings the
past, primarily the French micro-sociologist and criminologist Gabriel Tarde’s
work described as ‘Tarde’s imitation-suggestion thesis’ (p. 13) into dialogue
with contemporary neuromarketing and post–Second World War experimental
social psychology (specifically the work of Stanley Milgram and his famous
obedience experiments). Tarde, like Whitehead in the writings of Hansen, is
reread as a contemporary media theorist. In different ways all these theories
and experimental practices are seen to potentially explain, animate, articulate,
dramatize, make visible and allow a purchase on the modulation of processes,
which exist, below, beyond and to the side of cognition (see Protevi, 2009). These
processes are taken to reveal our fundamental relationality with others human and
non-human. On this basis, Sampson argues for a ‘revised notion of subjectivity’
based on a refiguring of Tarde’s ‘sonambulistic subjectivity’ embedded within
‘technological network relations’ (p. 13). Tarde’s sonambulism relates to his oft-
quoted assumption, that suggestion rather than rationality, or reason is the basis
of sociality. This assumption discloses Tarde’s interest in hypnotic suggestion and
contagious forms of communication.
5 The term ‘psychomediation’ is a term that resonates with Patricia Clough’s
(2008a) concept of ‘biomediation’ to describe the interlocking of the biological
with the technical. The concept of psychomediation refers to the interlocking of
the psyche with processes of mediation understood as simultaneously material,
immaterial, technical, symbolical, affective, biological, historical, etc. The focus
on the psyche attempts to introduce a revised notion of subjectivity into debates,
which have tended to reinstate or even overstate distinctions between psyche
and body – for example the ‘bio’ in biomediation is often overlaid by a rather
flat neurophysiological body (see Blackman, 2012, Immaterial Bodies: Affect,
Embodiment, Mediation, chapter 1). This tendency across the field of affect studies
has been subject to critique (see Leys, 2011; Wetherell, 2013, for example), as
it assumes a rather reductionist account of subjectivity, replacing unconscious
desires and motivations with a neurophysiological model of personhood. This
has opened the door to many cultural and media theorists to make bridges with
and join alliances with psychology and the neurosciences to model ontologies of
the human subject. Many of these ‘new’ ontologies are seen to be compatible with
various turns – the affective, new materialist, non-human and so forth. This often
involves overlaying the performative with the neurological or the neurobiological
in order to specify the ontological materialities of psychic processes.
As Wetherell (2013: 350) argues, the study of affect and bodily affectivities
is not just marked out as a particular research area, but is ‘registered as various
186 Notes
paradigmatic breaks’ with the past. These breaks, ruptures or turns include a
break with psychoanalysis (and therefore subjectivity), a break with work on
discourse and representation, and a break with the privileging of the human as
the investigative site of interpretive activity. Affect emerges from assemblages
of material, social, biological and cultural processes, which create intensities,
atmospheres, resonances and so forth. These are pre-personal or trans-personal
and relate to processes viewed as ‘beyond, below and past discourse’ – affect as
excess (ibid: 350). Mediation is akin to forms of embodied immersion, which are
not immediately knowable and communicable and therefore readily verbalized.
As Wetherell (ibid) argues, affect and discourse are pitted against each other in an
ambivalent relationship. Affect is seen to rescue the body from ‘dumb materiality’,
an accusation launched at those who have attempted to explore performativity
through a conjoining of Foucault’s work on discourse, with psychosocial
understandings of psychic processes (see Butler, 1993 for example). Affective
approaches it is argued are capturing the more captivated and lively bodily
processes, which are implicated, channelled and modulated through mediation.
These are often framed at the level of the brain or nervous system for example.
With this in mind I will explore what a turn to affect articulated in this
way might open up, while also being mindful that what affect is pitted against
covers over the complexity of perspectives: the diversity and difference of
what came before and still exists in the present as a ghostly presence. These
genealogies cannot be reduced to and summarily dismissed as approaches that
reduce mediation to discourse or subjectivity for example. The media theorist
Richard Grusin (2010: 7) is explicit that his approach to mediality is counter to
poststructuralist approaches to discourse and to psychoanalytic models, which
he suggests were ‘favoured by most contemporary cultural and media theorists’.
Affect theory is positioned as offering something different and allows one to
engage with the ‘materiality or agency of mediation’ 2010: 19). This materiality
is tied to affect systems (often understood as precognitive and located in the
brain), which can be modulated, shaped and channelled by remediation and
premediation strategies. Neurobiological approaches are often preferred over
accounts of subjectivity and fantasy and desire, as the problematic of bodily affect
is taken to be foregrounded, a materiality which is seen to have been displaced by
psychoanalytic conceptions of and theories of the psyche and psychic processes.
This non-conscious, rather than unconscious approach to mediation, assumes
that affect is imbricated with mediality, the experience or feel of which falls below
the threshold of conscious awareness.
Notes 187
6 The focus on storytelling and inventive writing practices has been a key
characteristic of new forms of writing being developed across the field of affect
and non-human studies. See Kathleen Stewart’s (2007) Ordinary Affects, Duke
University Press, and Laurent Berlant and Kathleen Stewart’s joint project,
The One Hundreds, see http://supervalentthought.com/tag/berlant/ Also see
the poetic writing of Patricia Clough in her performative memoir writing (see
Clough, 2008b).
7 Clough et al. frame big data as the ‘performative celebration of capital’s queer
captures and modulations’. The queerness of such queer capture and modulation
is aligned in the reach of big data beyond number to the incalculable. This book
engages in a different form of ‘queer capture’ and modulation, which attends to
those ‘queer aggregations’ which are present in a corpus of data associated with
post-publication-peer-review, but which are discarded from attempts to ‘storify’
or modulate the data within specific algorithmic and computational practices,
including the Google PageRank algorithm for example.
8 Mark Hansen (2015) has argued for example that ‘agency is resolutely not the
prerogative of privileged individual actors’. He suggests that this has always
been the case but is revealed more closely in twenty-first-century media. This
is aligned specifically to the capacities of computational media to make visible,
articulate, extend and animate ‘environmental agencies’. The focus on the
‘environmental’ is not at the expense of a blanket dismissal of the human, but
rather is one that argues for the profound need for a requalification of experience
and subjectivity within the context of process, indeterminacy and radical
contingency. This includes the development of approaches that can do justice to
twenty-first-century media and that move beyond psychological individualism
and the distinctly human subject as an agential centre of experience.
9 See the important writings of Tiziana Terrenova for example.
10 What Clough et al. have also termed the ‘unconscious drive’ of disciplines, such
as sociology, for example.
11 See especially Despret (2004a, b, 2015).
12 Specifically see Jack Halberstam’s (2010) concept of undisciplinarity in the Queer
Art of Failure. Durham: Duke University Press.
13 Specifically see their book, Callard and Fitzgerald (2015). The book is open
access and can be read and downloaded for free following this link: http://www
.palgrave.com/us/book/9781137407955
14 Wilson (2015).
15 See Rose and Abi-Rached (2013), Wilson (2015), Meloni (2016).
188 Notes
Chapter 1
1 These words included worried, Florida, wrinkled, lonely, old, grey, bingo, wrinkle
and forgetful.
2 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2015/12/30/race-aff
ects-opinions-about-whether-college-athletes-should-be-paid-heres-how/
3 The controversy re-moves long-standing problems with the individualization of
racism, viewed as a property of individual minds found in the concept of racial
prejudice (see Henriques et al., 1984). The question of how racism might be
shaped by indirect suggestions is perhaps better understood through the analysis
of already existing affective economies of racism, where racism is the product of
cultural practices, rather than psychological beliefs or states of mind (see Ahmed,
2004). One of the crucial questions for priming studies is where is mind located?
How is mind shaped, produced, changed and transformed, etc.? As we will see
one response is that we need better questions and more innovative propositions.
4 http://researcher.watson.ibm.com/researcher/view_group.php?id=2862
5 http://science.howstuffworks.com/science-vs-myth/everyday-myths/quantu
m-cryptology4.htm
6 As well as a range of popular books either critiquing or extolling the virtues of
the happiness industry, there is also an important corpus of work appearing
across feminism, queer theory, critical race studies and critical psychology.
This work has refused the claims of the more humanistic side of psychology
to represent the inherent freedoms and desire of the subject to change and
transform themselves in order to achieve success in relationships, work, health,
wealth and well-being, for example. In brief these arguments suggest that the
positing of the psychological subject (often described through a fictional image
of the autonomous self), as the agent of change and transformation obscures the
workings of power and the social exclusions, inequalities and oppressions, which
are created, reinforced and maintained. The complex machinations of power
Notes 189
the writings of Andreas Sommer (2014) on the close yet disavowed relations
between psychology and psychic research.
14 Although arguably psychology took the wrong path or direction in its pursuit
of the human self-determined bounded agential subject as its normative subject
matter, the banished process psychologies and their concern with ‘threshold
phenomena’ moved into other disciplines, areas and practices. One example
of this migration can be found in media archaeological accounts exploring
the intimate and close interrelationship between ‘processual psychological
imaginaries’ associated with the psychic, occult, supernatural and paranormal
and different media’s technical forms. Stephan Andriopoulos (2013), for example,
has explored how ghosting took a particular turn between 1750 and 1930, in
the context of reciprocal and interdependent relationships constructed between
nineteenth-century psychic research and the development of modern media
technologies, such as TV, radio, cinema, telegraphy and the printing press. In
his media archaeology of ghostly apparitions, he explores the reciprocal and
recursive relationships between engineering, the gothic novel, philosophy
(particularly German idealism) and psychic research, which shaped particular
apparitional forms. Rather than see technical media creating the possibilities of
psychic research – what he terms the ‘primacy of technology over culture’ (2013:
13) – he rather explores how material objects and discursive figures (in the form
of particular psychic imaginaries and instruments) were central to the invention
of particular media practices. As he suggests, what we witness are the permeable
boundaries between philosophy, science, media and culture in the realization of
what came to be.
This media archaeological approach takes a particular archive – in this case
moments of interchange and connection between the philosophies of Hegel, Kant
and Shopenhauer, the gothic novel and the occult – to explore what he terms the
juxtapositions, nuances and range of cultural and technological preconditions
which shaped the invention of TV for example. This is a particular delimited
archive, read through the resonances, confluence and interchange across such
spheres, and reading back through those epistemic figures and instruments that
are part of modern media’s conditions of existence. Andriopoulos’s own interests
in apparitions come from what he sees as the lack of attention by many media
archaeologists to the centrality of the occult, psychic and the spiritual to the
mediums and materialities of technical media forms. These are often considered
‘marginal cultural materialities’ (2013: 155), which are left out or erased in the
desire to explore the contingency of the present and what could have been.
Notes 191
The controversies that form the case studies of the book also concern
marginal cultural materialities that are culturally significant in the shaping
of contemporary computational media and their conditions of existence and
interchange with psychic and psychological imaginaries. In different ways these
imaginaries also speak back to some of the key points of critique and counter-
critique governing debate within the field of affect studies – particularly the
assumed distinction between cognition and affect, which has become such a
productive area of debate and disagreement.
15 Also see Kember and Zylinska’s (2012) use of the cut as a critical and creative
media practice.
16 See Blackman (2015) for a further discussion of the importance of ethos in the
context of affect studies.
17 also see https://thepsychologist.bps.org.uk/volume-19/edition-9/special-issue-l
ife-margins
Chapter 2
1 http://blogs.discovermagazine.com/neuroskeptic/2012/11/02/john-barghs-trans
ient-and-ephemeral-blogs/#.WOuHzFPys8Y
2 Social media can be hauntological in the same way as media forms and practices
that have come before can be despite arguments, which suggest that this is not
the case (see Fisher, 2012). As Avery Gordon (2008: 195) reminds us, ‘The not
there is a seething presence’ and these absences are performed within relations
and structures, which can be actively lived and felt. They may also account for
some of the stark contradictions in theorizing identity and subjectivity within
social media, which often foreground performance as central to the work the
self (individual and collective) does within this context, but at the same time
falls back on concepts of authenticity, where performances are judged for truth,
veracity, and the extent to which they give voice to personal sentiment and feeling
(see Papacharissi, 2012).
3 The subtitle for the introduction is taken from the title of a journal article
by Ioannadis (2012), published in Psychological Inquiry: A Journal for the
International Advancement of Psychological Theory, which responds to an article
published in the same journal in 2010 by Nosek and Bar-Anan, ‘Scientific
Utopia: 1. Opening Science Communication’, which calls for the development
of what they call open science. Nosek and Bar-Anan’s article is essentially a
192 Notes
call for scientists to abandon forms of science publishing which they argue are
anachronistic in the context of digital communications (that is the published
journal article, which they link to seventeenth-century technologies and practices
of publishing). see http://lib.hku.hk/cdblog/?p=15025
4 See an important book by van Mourik Broekman et al. (2014).
5 See the journal Ada: A Journal for New Media, Technology and Gender http://
adanewmedia.org/
6 This includes strategies known as ‘wikithons’ and ‘hackathons’.
7 As Bernhard Rieder (2012) has cogently shown, software and programming
practices enact particular forms of sociality, which often originate within fairly
traditional mainstream psychological theories. One theory of ‘social influence’,
for example, which is one of the conditions of possibility that shaped PageRank,
the Google algorithm that ranks connection and influence, draws from theories
of sociometry associated with the writings of the social psychologist Leon
Festinger (1949). The concept of influence that is enacted is of a particular kind;
it enacts a particular ontology of the network which stages connections and links
based on status, prestige, hierarchy and canonization, rather than popularity per
se. This will become apparent in this chapter, when we explore the relationship
between Google PageRank, and what will come to the reader’s attention if they
search for the ‘John Bargh priming controversy’.
As Betty Bayer (2008), the feminist psychologist has argued, Festinger (1957)
was committed to securing the idea of a rational psyche to matters of subjectivity.
He was interested in contagion, and groups, processes and practices – such as
religious sects, cults and prophecies – whose beliefs spread rapidly in ways that
were difficult to understand. Despite these interests he nevertheless produced
a rational theory of cognitive dissonance to explain such phenomena. We will
return later in the chapter to the issue of contagion, as this has also found its
way into discussions of social media (also see Knudsen and Stage, 2012). The
fascination with networked virality or networked affect (see Sampson, 2012;
Hillis, Passonen and Petit, 2015) – the capacity for particular communication
forms to spread and circulate with a speed and rapidity – is an issue that puzzles
contemporary researchers and practitioners. What spreads through social
networks, how and why? These questions are the subject of new business and
advertising models, which attempt to harness virality to produce maximum profit
and attention. What is clear from Rieder’s (2012) and Bayer’s (2008) genealogical
approach to psychology is that the psychological models of sociality instated and
performed by algorithms are often limited and constraining, removing wonder
Notes 193
from the world. As she asks, one ‘wonders instead what social psychology and
psychology more broadly traded off historically in its accounts of the world
and psychological life’ (2008: 163). These accounts have found their way into
the forms of sociality that are made possible within and across social media
platforms, although they may of course not exhaust its potential.
8 (see Blackman, 2015 and 2016a).
9 Also see the important work of Grace Cho (2008) and her concept of ‘diasporic
vision’, which is a distributed, mediated form of perception, which requires many
eyes and ears, human and non-human.
10 Although a lot of discussion of data is framed in relation to the concept of ‘big
data’, the data that form the subject of this book are small in comparison. As
boyd and Crawford (2012: 663) argue, big data is a rather poor term, which ‘is
less about data that is big than it is about a capacity to search, aggregate, and
cross-reference large data sets’. The data that I will re-animate in this book
are not searchable in the way that data shaped by specific API’s (Application
programme interfaces) might be, notwithstanding the problem of the reliability
and validity of big data samples and data sets. As boyd and Crawford (2012)
have convincingly argued, Twitter data, for example, might be relatively easy
to ‘scrape’ using particular software tools, but this does not mean the data are
representative. As they argue, big data are not always better data, although this
does underpin some of the claims that are being made for data-driven analytics.
The data in this book might be considered by some to be ‘small data’ (2012: 670)
and therefore overlooked in the rush to scrape and visualize big data sets derived
from platform API’s such as Twitter or Facebook.
11 http://blogs.discovermagazine.com/notrocketscience/2012/03/10/failed-replic
ation-bargh-psychology-study-doyen/
12 By Neuroskeptic | 2 November 2012 11:54 am ‘John Bargh’s Transient and
Ephemeral Blogs’. http://blogs.discovermagazine.com/notrocketscience/2012
/03/10/failed-replication-bargh-psychology-study-doyen/Also see https://twitter
.com/psychscientists/status/394172505168314369?lang=en
13 https://hardsci.wordpress.com/2012/03/12/some-reflections-on-the-bargh-doye
n-elderly-walking-priming-brouhaha/
14 http://www.reddit.com/r/psychology/comments/qxspe/failed_replication_of_fam
ous_elderlypriming_walk/ Reddit is described on Wikipedia as an online bulletin
board, which is part social networking, part entertainment, part news and to that
extent is a good example of the remediated digital environments transforming
scientific debate and discussion. It is a good example of what Bolter and Grusin
194 Notes
(2000) term the ‘genealogy of affiliations’ between so-called old and new media.
see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reddit
15 One of the paradoxes recognized by many theorists, is that Twitter, for example,
is both ‘individualistic and communal’ (Murthy, 2013: 151). There is a tension
between tweets, for example, which are essentially forms of self-promotion, and
those which become an ‘event’, that is those that gain a reach and traction, and
get taken up by broadcast media or that bring people to the street, for example.
As Murthy argues, although social media is often considered a revolutionary
medium, it should be considered alongside the role different forms of media have
played in social change, protest and activism. Anabelle Srebeny-Mohammedi
(1994) has talked about ‘small media’, such as cassette tapes, Xeroxes, tape
recorders and telephones that allowed the spread and circulation of the Ayatolla’s
words of revolutionary inspiration from France to Iran during the 1978–9 Iranian
Revolution. This happened across time and space as the messages spread while he
was under exile in France.
Similarly, we might consider the role that video technology and art installations
and practices (such as the Quilt project) played in activist movements, such
as ActUp in the United States and Europe during the 1990s. ActUP mediated
protests, which took the private anguish of dying individuals (from HIV and
Aids) onto the streets, to the broadcast media and into people’s homes, and to the
Bush administration and the insurance and pharmaceutical companies. Different
forms of media, including DIY video technology of the time, were used to mediate
collective action against governments and pharmaceutical companies. The
alternative media of the time and its circulation within particular networks acts as
an interesting precursor to YouTube (and the uploading of documentaries, video-
diaries, etc.). These media carried feeling, passion, imagination, longing, anguish
and hope, as well as being embedded and circulating within social networks,
which were performatively linked, creating a new entity, the PwA (person with
Aids). This entity blurred the personal and political in effective ways, and was
staged via forms of direct action. These strategies memorialized the genocide,
which occurred among the many, mainly gay communities during that time.
The alternative media produced were often passed to the broadcast media
and journalists gaining more mainstream media attention and public sympathy
towards the plight. Jim Hubbard and Sarah Schulman have brought together
some of these archives in a moving documentary, United in Anger: A History of
ActUp (2012), and Schulman (2012) has written an important critical memoir of
this period and her own memories and experiences in the book, Gentrification
of the Mind: Witness to a Lost Imagination. These genealogies suggest something
Notes 195
important about the collective amnesia that occurs when social media is always
considered distinctly ‘new’. They also open up different questions about the
nature of change and transformation, which bring the politics into feeling, and
show how the evolution of science is not purified from the networks of publics
and communities linked by broadcast and alternative media. These potentially
bring new entities, objects and practices into being.
These remarks also take us back to the concerns of crowd psychology and to
the important writings of the crowd psychologist Serge Moscovici (1985). He
argued that fascism in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries appealed to a
feeling body, recognizing that appeals to reason and rationality, didactic command
and instruction and staged forms of persuasion would often miss the mark and
make followers more resistant to change and transformation. As Moscovici (1985:
104) proclaims, ‘The age of the crowd was the age of the imagination, and he
who rules there rules by imagination.’ Similarly, Stuart Hall (1988), the important
black cultural studies theorist, recognized that Thatcherism in the United
Kingdom in the 1970s and 1980s appealed to particular fantasies, which have
become embedded as social truths and social goods. Thus Thatcherism’s vision
extends well beyond Thatcher and even the Conservative governments of then
and now in the United Kingdom. He supplemented his approach to mediation
with psychoanalytic concepts of fantasy and desire in order to draw attention to
the complexity of processes of self and social change. We would be wise therefore
to situate the potentially affective dimensions of social media within the context
of these long histories of mediation, fantasy, public imagination and protest. As
Murthy (2013: 102) suggests, ‘Even Martin Luther King generally needed more
than 140 characters to capture people’s hearts!’
16 With its title nod to Sandra Bernhard, the American lesbian comedian whose
stage show of the same name parodied the rumour about her own affair with
Madonna in the 1990s.
17 See (Blackman 2014a and b, 2015, 2016a).
18 https://docs.google.com/document/d/1wuu8URArgZusJELXF5j4xpM26ESkF
fOveYoGKBf0CHo/edit?pli=1The original blog entry was posted on Psychology
Today on 23 March 2012, later removed. It has been replaced with this post https
://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the-natural-unconscious/201203/nothing-in-t
heir-heads
19 Interested readers can follow the influence of Libetism across affect studies in my
article, published in the journal, Subjectivity, ‘Affect and Automaticity: Towards
an Analytics of Experimentation’ http://www.palgrave-journals.com/sub/journal/
v7/n4/pdf/sub201419a.pdf
196 Notes
20 https://twitter.com/psychscientists/status/394172505168314369?lang=en https://
muckrack.com/link/YByP/angry-birds-psychology-today
21 DOI 10 April 2018.
22 Despret (2015) uses the term dispositive to refer to the specificity of different
practices of experimentation, including their philosophies of experimentation
and assumptions about mind and matter, that bring particular entities, objects
and processes into being.
23 http.//blogs.wsj.com/ideas-market/2012/03/12/failure-to-replicate-famous-st
udy-causes-furore/?mod=google_news_blog
24 http.//www.livescience.com/27262/psychology-studies-questioned.html
25 https://digest.bps.org.uk/2014/09/19/the-10-most-controversial-psychology-s
tudies-ever-published/
26 http://andrewgelman.com/2016/02/12/priming-effects-replicate-just-fine-than
ks/http://andrewgelman.com/2016/09/22/why-is-the-scientific-replication-cri
sis-centered-on-psychology/http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/
science/2016/10/why_the_replication_crisis_seems_worse_in_psychology.htmlh
ttp://discovermagazine.com/2016/sept/2-the-replication-crisishttp://osc.centerfo
ropenscience.org/2014/03/12/previous-episodes/http://www.sciencemag.org/car
eers/2015/01/scientists-under-microscope
27 As a blog on the Wall Street Journal has argued, the basis of Bargh’s attack does
not stand up to scrutiny. As they suggest, ‘Bargh called PLoS ONE a “for-profit”
operation that disdains peer review and whose articles should be viewed as
“essentially self-published”. He suggested that anyone with $1,350 can get his
or her article published. In fact, as the publisher of PLoS ONE wrote in the
comments section, the online journal is peer reviewed, non-profit, rejects 31%
of articles submitted – and the fee structure resembles that of other open-
access journals. Fees, which are waived when necessary, help substitute for the
high subscription fees that it does not charge. You might raise eyebrows at the
article-acceptance rate of 69%, but much of Bargh’s claims about PLoS ONE
seemed to evaporate on inspection.’ See http.//blogs.wsj.com/ideas-market/2
012/03/12/failure-to-replicate-famous-study-causes-furore/?mod=google_
news_blog
28 One can start to piece together the response from long quotations from Bargh’s
original response reproduced on related blogs. The following extract was posted
on The Situationist, a blog that is attached to The Harvard Law School. The link
to Bargh’s original post that this reproduces is now lost. The reader is again taken
to Psychology Today and met with the automated response, Page Not Found.
Notes 197
Chapter 3
Part 2
1 Particularly for those who have identified with left politics or are part of queer,
critical race, de-colonial, feminist or disability activism and movements, for
example.
2 Read more: http://www.oprah.com/world/Futurist-David-Houle-Investigates-the-
Future-of-Shopping#ixzz2rn2s6iKo
3 Also see the writing of Zylinska (2014), http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/p/pod
/dod-idx/minimal-ethics-for-the-anthropocene.pdf?c=ohp;idno=12917741.0
001.001
4 See Seigworth and Tiessen’s (2012) analysis of the mythology of financial
liquidity, what they also call the ‘illusion of liquidity’ (p. 64) and its future
orientation and colonization of possible futures. As they go on to argue, ‘The
liquidity crisis is only one expression drawn from out of a whole web of credit
driven colonizations that mortgage the future to fund today’s human and more-
than-human desires’ (p. 68).
5 H. G. Wells is often cited as one of the founding figures of Future studies, for
example. He is considered a notable seer whose fiction imaginatively staged
possible futures and potentially predictive scenarios, which anticipated
futures-yet-to-come. As a journalist, popularizer and novelist Wells blurred
fact and fiction in his own writing, publishing novels and short serialized
stories of possible futures, which held wide appeal. Within the context of
future studies, his volume, Anticipations of the Reactions of Mechanical and
Scientific Progress upon Human Life and Thought, (1902) is often staged as
a key moment and cornerstone in the development of Future Studies as a
modern discipline.
6 Cited 670 times at the time of writing on 10 April 2018.
Chapter 4
1 http://redux.slate.com/cover-stories/2017/05/daryl-bem-proved-esp-is-real-s
howed-science-is-broken.html
2 http://tanclab.org/feeling-the-future-of-bems-findings/
3 http://www.techcentral.ie/ibm-watson-goes-precognitive/
4 http://www.datanami.com/2015/04/24/ai-developer-touts-artificial-precognition/
200 Notes
5 http://rationalwiki.org/wiki/Feeling_the_Futurehttp://tanclab.org/feeling-the-fu
ture-of-bems-findings/
6 (http://www.dbem.ws/FeelingFuture.pdf
7 http://psychsciencenotes.blogspot.co.uk/2010/11/brief-note-daryl-bem-and-pr
ecognition.html
8 http://blog.practicalethics.ox.ac.uk/2010/11/against-open-mindedness/
9 Some readers may be able to access the clip from the show by following this link:
http://www.cc.com/video-clips/bhf8jv/the-colbert-report-time-traveling-porn
---daryl-bem
10 http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1930067/
11 http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/columnists/bryonygordon/8147953/Fra
nkly-the-future-is-all-too-predictable.html
12 http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-1330596/Humans-psychic-power
s-New-study-proves-future.html#comments
13 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/cassandra-vieten/esp-evidence_b_795366.html
14 http://www.dazeddigital.com/artsandculture/article/16893/1/can-we-see-into-
the-future
15 noetic.org/sites/default/files/uploads/files/PK_BuzzonBem.doc
16 see http://curatescience.org
17 see Sandra Bem’s (1998) autobiography An Unconventional Family for an account
of their life together, including their commitment to ‘egalitarian partnering’ and
‘feminist child-rearing’ practices.
18 http://beforeitsnews.com/opinion-conservative/2011/04/the-top-5-mad-scienti
sts-in-the-world-567089.html
19 Dossey (2011), http://www.alice.id.tue.nl/references/dossey-2011.pdf (accessed
on 6 March 2015).
20 Despret (2015) uses the term dispostive to describe the a priori’s that shape
different experimental configurations. She argues that psychology as it
operates in experimental modes does not reveal pre-existing subjects, objects
or entities, but rather is a technology of transformation that produces what
is being looked for. In this case she argues that what is often dismissed in
psychology as an ‘experimental effect’ actually reveals something much
more interesting about the capacities of subjects to be affected and to affect
experimental apparatuses and what we might conclude from this effect.
The positivity of experimental apparatuses and their capacity to shape the
experimental scene often closes down on the potential of experimental
subjects to enter into more interesting relationships that are removed, buried,
Notes 201
Chapter 5
1 http://www.reed.edu/reed_magazine/june2011/articles/features/bem/bem2.html
2 This episode was screened in the United States on 27 January 2011. http://the
colbertreport.cc.com/videos/bhf8jv/time-traveling-porn-daryl-bem
3 The main story emerging at the time of writing is that the controversy discloses
the importance of replication. The reader will find a link here to a more
submerged story about replication, which Bem says is being overshadowed by
the voices of particular sceptics who are more newsworthy. http://www.dailygrai
l.com/Mind-Mysteries/2014/1/Is-Precognition-Real-Positive-Replications-Dary
l-Bems-Controversial-Findings Also see http://www.abovetopsecret.com/forum/
thread993701/pg
4 http://nymag.com/news/features/esp-instructions-2011-3/The ESP test is
made available to a general public in a New York Times article published on
27 February 2011 with the headline, ‘53.1% of You Already Know What This
Story’s About. Or Do You? Need a Hint?’ see http://nymag.com/news/features/
bem-esp-2011-3/
5 http://nymag.com/news/features/esp-instructions-2011-3/
6 http://rhineonline.blogspot.co.uk/2011/02/daryl-bem-precognition-in-mainstr
eam.html
7 http://deanradin.blogspot.co.uk/2014/04/feeling-future-meta-analysis.html
8 http://f1000research.com/articles/4-1188/v1 http://tanclab.org/feeling-the-futu
re-of-bems-findings/ http://www.dailygrail.com/Mind-Mysteries/2012/8/Not-Fee
202 Notes
ling-the-Future-New-Bem-Replication-Fails-Find-Evidence-Psi https://weilerp
siblog.wordpress.com/2014/05/05/the-bem-precognition-meta-analysis-vs-those
-wacky-skeptics/ http://psychsciencenotes.blogspot.co.uk/2011/05/failing-to-r
eplicate-bems-ability-to.html http://www.richardwiseman.com/BemReplications
.shtml
9 See Chapter 6, scene 3 for a curious form of non-local causality or time travel,
which queers the statement that there is a ‘half-second delay between anticipation
and reaction’ that has become associated with Libet’s formulation of reaction
time. As we will see, Libet drew from more quantum explanations of time-travel
and retrocausality that have been obscured by what has become black-boxed in
relation to these experiments – for example, the so-called half-second delay (in
cognitive science and affect studies, for example).
10 The four ‘known psychological effects’ that Bem reverses (what he terms
‘time-reversed effects’) in the nine experiments include precognitive approach
to erotic stimuli and precognitive avoidance of negative stimuli; retroactive
priming; retroactive habituation; and retroactive facilitation of recall (Bem,
2011: 1).
11 http://www.fastcompany.com/1705108/predicting-future-porn
12 http://mentalfloss.com/article/27014/predicting-future-or-least-predicting-where
-naked-people-are
13 http://www.scientificamerican.com/article/extrasensory-pornception/
14 www.skeptic.com
15 http://nymag.com/news/features/bem-esp-2011-3/index1.html
16 http://www.scientificamerican.com/article/extrasensory-pornception/
17 See Ian Hacking’s (1990) book, The Taming of Chance, for a genealogy of statistics
and probabilistic thinking.
18 See http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/2010/04/23/sec-staffers-watched-porn-a
s-economy-crashed/
19 This extends theories of ‘cultural invitation’, which I argued in Chapter
3 are overly cognitivist, relating perception to theories of mind and ‘folk
psychology’, rather than taking a more ecological approach to affect,
perception, sensation, etc.
20 At the time of writing the keyword ‘porn’ on a Google browser brought up
140,000,000 results.
21 Bem had a reason for selecting porn: He figured that if people did have ESP,
then it would have to be an adaptive trait – a sixth sense that developed over
millions of years of evolution. If our sixth sense really had such ancient origins,
Notes 203
he guessed it would likely be attuned to our most ancient needs and drives.
In keeping with this theory, he set up the experiment so that a subset of the
hidden images would be arousing to the students. Would the premonition of a
pornographic image encourage them to look behind the correct curtain?’ http:
//redux.slate.com/cover-stories/2017/05/daryl-bem-proved-esp-is-real-showed
-science-is-broken.html
22 At the time of writing there is an interesting discussion about the link between
porn and the kinds of porn watched on handheld mobile devices. This is linked
to a male-identified teenager’s (over) use of Viagra to remedy what are considered
new forms of sexual psychopathology. These primarily register within the
language of addiction. See http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/britains-youn
gest-viagra-addict-aged-8626707
Chapter 6
1 http://www.ejwagenmakers.com/2012/Wagenmakers2012Horrors.pdf
2 http://www.ejwagenmakers.com/
3 http://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/the- natural-unconscious/201203/not
hing-in-their- heads
4 This is an important argument made by Mark Hansen in his book Feedforward;
he argues that consciousness is a function of hosting and that literally
consciousness is ‘in the machine’ when understood as elemental. Hansen
borrows the term ‘elemental’ from Galloway and Thacker (2007) to describe the
networked function of twenty-first-century media. Galloway and Thacker use
the term to describe all those processes that operate above and below the human
subject and that we do not directly control or manipulate. This account takes us
beyond either technological determinism or media-use to explore the entangled
body-world-consciousness relations that twenty-first-century media amplify
and make visible. These arguments will be revisited later in this scene when we
encounter quantum physics and quantum biological accounts of consciousness as
they are re-moved by this controversy.
5 Aggregation is also an interesting concept to ‘think with’ when considering
Derrida’s (1984) arguments regarding grammatology and its differences from
semiology. Vicki Kirby (2011) provides a thought-provoking elucidation of
these differences in the context of her seminal book, Quantum Anthropologies:
Life at Large. As she argues, ‘Whereas semiology envisaged an aggregation or
204 Notes
cs-review/\http://cristiannegureanu.blogspot.co.uk/2010/11/proof-of-extra-d
imensions-possible-next.htmlhttp://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/science/science
-news/8244419/Extrasensory-perception-paper-published-in-respected-jou
rnal.htmlhttp://www.skepticforum.com/viewtopic.php?f=7&t=23315http
://futureandcosmos.blogspot.co.uk/2014/04/feeling-future-study-replicated-a
s.htmlhttp://www.csicop.org/specialarticles/show/response_to_alcocks_back_f
rom_the_future_comments_on_bemhttp://www.alice.id.tue.nl/references/do
ssey-2011.pdf
11 http://daniellakens.blogspot.co.uk/2014/05/a-pre-publication-peer-review-of
-meta.html
12 https://koestlerunit.wordpress.com/study-registry/registered-studies/
13 http://arxiv.org/abs/1205.1055
14 See Chapter 1 and my discussion of embodied hauntology.
15 http://neurocritic.blogspot.co.uk/2012/03/how-much-of-neuroimaging-literatu
re.html http://www.danielbor.com/dilemma-weak-neuroimaging/
16 http://www.alice.id.tue.nl/references/dossey-2011.pdf
17 http://www.alice.id.tue.nl/references/dossey-2011.pdf Dossey (2011) (quotation
from p. 127).
18 This was also a key focus of my book Immaterial Bodies.
19 As Barad herself has cautioned, sociology should not be reduced to biology and
people should not be reduced to atoms. I take seriously Barad’s lesser repeated
statement and caution that people are not particles and that drawing such
analogies is not her business (24). See Blackman, 2014 http://www.transform
ationsjournal.org/issues/25/01.shtml
20 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/next/physics/retrocausality-could-send-informa
tion-back-to-the-future/
21 http://link.springer.com/search?query=Loving+the+Alien+Lisa+Blackman
22 http://wegner.socialpsychology.org/publications
23 http://psiresearch.org/tsirelson/
24 http://mediumofexpression.blogspot.co.uk/2013/08/dispelling-quantum-spooks-
clue-that.html
25 A major purpose of this meeting was to enable interaction and conversations
between the two groups, but this was only partially successful. Unfortunately,
another symposium of interest to physicists was also taking place on the
second day, and some of the best talks about psi phenomena were missed by
the physicists for whom they would have been most pertinent. Still, there were
many useful discussions both inside and outside the seminar room, and the
206 Notes
37 http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/ciencia/time_travel/esp_ciencia_timetravel42.
htm
38 See http://www.wired.com/2012/01/obama-mars/ an article which explores
claims that President Barack Obama was part of a secret CIA intergalactic project
in the 1980s where he was teleported to Mars!
39 We encountered this assumption of a half-second delay earlier as it appears across
affect theories and also in assumptions that priming is linked to the modulation
of the supposed delay between stimulus and response.
40 Quantum-delayed choice experiments are those which extend forced choice
designs (yes or no) into the realm of the nonlinear. Examples of these will be
outlined later in the chapter.
41 ‘Whitehead introduces a new metaphysically primitive notion, which he calls
an actual occasion. For Whitehead, an actual occasion (or actual entity) is not
an enduring substance, but a process of becoming. As Whitehead puts it, actual
occasions are the “final real things of which the world is made up”, they are “drops
of experience, complex and interdependent”’ (1929c, Pt 1, Ch. 2, sec. 1, p. 27). See
https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/whitehead/
42 https://larvalsubjects.wordpress.com/2010/08/02/harman-responds-to-shaviro/
43 Also see a special issue of the journal SubStance devoted to the work of Isabelle
Stengers (Savransky, 2018) https://muse.jhu.edu/issue/38165
Chapter 7
1 Clough et al. frame big data as the ‘performative celebration of capital’s queer
captures and modulations’. The queerness of such queer capture and modulation
is aligned in the reach of big data beyond number to the incalculable. This book
engages in a different form of ‘queer capture’ and modulation, which attends to
those ‘queer aggregations’ which are present in a corpus of data associated with
post-publication-peer-review, but which are discarded from attempts to ‘storify’
or modulate the data within specific algorithmic and computational practices,
including the Google PageRank algorithm, for example.
2 An example of what Chow is pointing towards can be found in the political
efficacy of mobile phone footage associated with the #blacklivesmatter circulated
across social media of black men being killed by white police officers in the
United States.
208 Notes
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Index
affect vii, viii, x, xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, contagion vii, ix, x, xxi, 11, 29, 51, 66,
xvii, xviii, xxi, xxii, xxiii, 3–4, 6–12, 88, 103, 111, 113, 114, 120, 164,
15–17, 20, 23–4, 28, 30, 32–3, 36–7, 184, 185, 192. See also suggestion
40, 42, 51–3, 62, 65–6, 70, 72, 75–7, counterfactual 123, 126, 131, 145, 162,
79, 85, 89, 91, 94, 96, 103, 105, 177, 180
110–11, 113–14, 116–22, 135–6, cultural invitation 65–6, 203
143, 149, 155–7, 160, 162, 164, 166,
171–3, 177–80, 183–8, 191, 195–6, Despret, Vinciane xii, xiii, 16–18, 46,
198, 201–3 52, 66–7, 69–74, 76, 87, 98, 99, 117,
affect studies 51, 130, 135, 149, 155, 157, 144, 175, 187, 196, 198–9, 201
162, 166, 174–5, 183, 191, 196, 202, dispositive 44, 46, 76, 116, 196
207. See also half-second delay;
networked affect experimental device 98
aggregation 55–6, 126–7, 150, 204 extra-sensory perception vi, 94
Ahmed, Sara xiv, 15, 72, 85, 171, 188–9
algorithms xx, 9, 31, 33, 49, 56, 81, 85, futurology 79, 82–3
114–15, 119, 161, 193
alien phenomenologies vi–viii, 4, 30, Gordon, Avery 16, 20, 170–2, 191
146, 164 governmentality 12, 189. See also
archives of the future xviii, 17, 25, 27, psychological governance;
32, 49, 67, 134, 143, 150, 166, 176 psychomediation
artificial intelligence 150. See also
machine-learning half-second delay 110, 155, 157, 183,
automaticity vi–vii, 21, 30, 32, 44, 65, 71, 202, 207. See also affect
111, 145, 146, 184, 196 Hans the Horse 44, 52–3, 58–9, 70, 75.
See also Clever Hans
Barad, Karen xii, xvi, 3, 18, 23–4, 39–40, Haraway, Donna xi, xii, xvi, 18, 39, 66,
90, 129, 135, 138–42, 144–7, 150, 90, 175
152–4, 159–60, 175, 188, 205 hauntology xxii, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 33,
Berlant, Lauren 14, 15, 141, 187 43, 54, 57, 76, 162, 165, 166, 167,
big data xix, xx, xxi, 90, 104, 119–20, 170, 172, 173, 205
126, 187, 193, 206–7 Hawthorne effect 45–6
biohumanities xv, xviii, xxiv, 17, 65–6, historiality xxi, 41, 60, 75, 77, 147, 149,
91, 105, 135, 142, 160 156, 161, 165, 173, 175
Butler, Judith 14, 72, 85, 139, 140–2, hypnosis xiii, 5, 11, 30, 63–5, 72
153, 186
inventive propositions 17, 102–3,
Chow, Rey 21–3, 77, 104, 168–70, 208 105, 181
Clever Hans xiii, 28, 34–5, 42, 52–3, 58,
60–2, 66, 68–71, 76, 128, 198. machine-learning 81. See also artificial
See also Hans the Horse intelligence
conspiracy theories 123, 151 McRobbie, Angela 14
224 Index
Martin, Emily 32, 117, 121 quantum entanglement 9, 84, 95, 150–1,
material-semiotic apparatus 69, 97, 102, 159, 161
115, 121, 129, 130, 141 queer aggregations xi, 24, 25, 41, 56, 88,
mediation viii, ix, x, 3, 16, 20, 22, 26, 126, 176, 187, 207
30, 32, 50–1, 53–4, 57, 83–4, 90, queer theory 12, 14, 77, 139, 188
95, 101, 110, 113, 115, 118–20, 135,
137, 139–40, 142, 161, 164, 166, racism(s) 8, 80, 168, 188–9
171, 179–81, 185–6, 195 regimes of anticipation 79, 81, 83, 113.
mediatisation 101, 140, 169 See also speculative forecast
re-moving 19, 39, 41, 45, 58, 94, 135,
networked affect 29, 164, 192. 149, 163
See also affect replication 28, 34–6, 39, 44–5, 47–8,
new materialism(s) xii, xvi, xvii, xviii, 50–1, 91, 102, 109, 123–5, 131–2,
xxiii, 3, 17, 122–3, 129, 135–6, 135, 151, 172, 201, 204
139–40, 142–3, 160, 178–9 retroactive causation 158, 163.
non-local consciousness 4, 122, 123, See also precognition
134–6 Rheinberger, Hans-Jorg xii, xxi, 39–41,
Nudge politics 7, 30, 179. 43, 51, 60, 69, 102, 161, 173, 175
See also priming
scenes of entanglement 23, 41, 51, 57–8,
Open science 26, 31, 86, 123, 132, 84, 164, 169, 170, 174
175–6, 191 shadow media 23, 104, 169
speculative forecast xxi, 81–2, 85, 96,
Papacharissi 36–7, 191 130–1, 161, 179. See also regimes
pharmacopornographic era 119 of anticipation
pornception 104–7, 112–21, 124, 130. statistical imaginaries 124, 161, 164, 179,
See also time-travelling porn 121, 123
post-truth x, xxii, 80–6, 88, 95, 103, 121, statistical reason 127, 130–1
162, 166, 177, 181 Stengers, Isabelle xii, xiii, 11, 16, 17, 66,
precognition 66, 79, 83, 88, 90, 92, 96–7, 97, 99, 129, 137, 158, 175, 178, 207
106–7, 109, 111, 117, 120, 123–4, suggestion vii, ix, xvi, xxi, 7, 10, 11,
127, 131, 145, 148–51, 157, 160, 45, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 72, 73,
163, 198, 204. See also retroactive 110, 129, 178, 184, 185, 188.
causation See also contagion
priming 4, 7–9, 28–30, 32, 34–8, 40,
42, 44–50, 52–3, 67, 71, 75–6, 83, telepathy 5, 62–4, 66, 71, 107, 123, 126,
101–2, 109–10, 124, 128, 134, 149, 128–9, 163, 189, 206
160, 163, 179, 188, 192, 197, 202, Terrenova, Tiziana 30, 187
204, 207. See also Nudge politics time-travelling 60, 90, 103, 105–7, 109,
proto-performative 15, 66, 128, 140, 149, 118, 120, 157
158, 162 time-travelling porn 105–7, 109, 120.
psychic animals 28, 62, 71, 128–9, 198 See also pornception
psychological governance 7, 189. transmediality 21–3, 169–70
See also governmentality; transmedial 11, 21–2, 51, 54, 77,
psychomediation 169–70, 172, 175
psychological individualism vii, xiv, 66,
121, 135, 143, 187 Whitehead, Albert, North viii, xii, 97,
psychomediation x, 7, 11, 185. See also 136, 137, 138, 153, 157, 158, 159,
psychological governance 185, 207
225