Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport & Tourism Education 25 (2019) 100207

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Journal of Hospitality,
Leisure, Sport & Tourism Education
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jhlste

Leisure education and social capital: The case of university

T
programmes for older adults in China
Jiaying Lyua, Huan Huanga, Liang Hub,∗
a
Department of Tourism and Hotel Management, School of Management, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, China
b
Department of Sport and Exercise Sciences, College of Education, Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, China

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Manuscript Submitted exclusively for Older adults are considered a vulnerable group at high risk of social isolation. Social capital has
publication consideration to Journal of been shown to be a protective factor against social isolation and a contributing factor to well-
Hospitality, Leisure, Sports Tourism Education being. This study employs a mixed-methods approach to examine the effect of leisure education
on social capital in the case of university programmes for older adults in China. Through its
Keywords: prospective design, the study found that leisure education enhanced the development of social
Leisure education capital. Shared interests, perceived social connectedness, information exchanges, norms of mu-
Social capital
tual care, and skill development were found to play important roles in enhancing seniors’ social
Ageing
China
capital.
University programmes for older adults

1. Introduction

Social capital can be broadly defined as the relational resources accessible by groups and individuals in pursuit of their interests
(Bourdieu, 1986; Lin, 2001; Putnam, 2000). A number of studies have shown that social capital is an important contributing factor to
health and well-being (Forsman, Nyqvist, & Wahlbeck, 2011; Kawachi, Subramanian, & Kim, 2008). However, older adults are at a
greater risk of losing social capital than are young and middle-aged adults. Indeed, ageing has been found to increase social isolation
and disconnectedness (Findlay, 2003), http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11205-012-0097-6/fulltext.html. Under these
circumstances, engaging older adults in activities that build social capital is an important way to enhance their well-being (Toepoel,
2013). Because older adults have more free time than members of other age groups, leisure, as a context for socialization experiences,
has the potential to help these individuals cope with life changes, maintain or develop important social ties, and negotiate life
problems (Cheang, 2002).
Over the last two decades, there has been growing interest in understanding the role of leisure in producing social capital (Arcodia
& Whitford, 2006; Glover, 2004; Ingen & Eijck, 2009; Son, Yarnal, & Kerstetter, 2010; Yuen & Glover, 2005). However, research
focusing on the elderly population is insufficient, and studies specific to developing countries are even more scarce. Compared to
many other countries, China is ageing more rapidly due to three decades of the one-child policy, which was introduced in 1978 and
ended in 2015. (Peng & Hu, 2011; Zhang & Goza, 2006). With the largest elderly population (ages 60 years and above) in the world,
China faces a great challenge of improving the well-being for this group (Helpage International & AARP, 2018). In addition, China has
a low retirement age (the average age at retirement is 55 years) (Feng, Yeung, Wang, & Zeng, 2019). The rise of universities for older
adults in the 1980s can be attributed to an increased desire to study after retirement as China's ageing population increased and living

∗
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: jiaying_lu@zju.edu.cn (J. Lyu), huanghuan@zju.edu.cn (H. Huang), lianghu@zju.edu.cn (L. Hu).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhlste.2019.100207
Received 4 October 2018; Received in revised form 13 April 2019; Accepted 24 June 2019
1473-8376/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
J. Lyu, et al. Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport & Tourism Education 25 (2019) 100207

standards improved. The idea of a university for older adults was proposed in France in the 1970s and spread across Europe and Asia
(The Economist, 2018). As a form of purposeful and meaningful leisure education, universities for older adults contribute to ageing
well. As many older adults in China live alone and far away from their adult children, an important goal of universities for older
adults is to help them socialize and create social capital. Currently, China has the world's largest system of leisure education for older
adults. A network of nearly 60,000 university programmes has been developed, serving 7 million students (CAUA, 2016). However, a
systematic understanding of older adults’ experience of attending these university programmes is still lacking. In-depth studies on the
potential outcomes related to social capital have been scarce.
In this context, this study seeks to examine the impact of leisure education on social capital in the case of university programmes
for older adults in China. The following research questions were framed for this study: First, does participation in university pro-
grammes for older adults change older adults’ social capital over time? Second, how do socio-demographic factors (e.g., age, gender,
and education) impact social capital change over time? Third, what is the mechanism underlying the change (if any) in social capital?

2. Literature review

2.1. Social capital as a contested concept

In the last few decades, social capital has attracted increased attention in social science and interdisciplinary studies. While the
definition of social capital remains one of the most contested in the literature, it is widely accepted that the concept is multi-level in
nature and can be broken down into different components (see Fulkerson & Thompson, 2008 for a more expansive review). At the
individual (micro) level, social capital is viewed as a personal resource that emerges from social networks in which individuals have
better access to information, services, and support (Coleman, 1988; Lin, 2001). At this level, social capital involves private goods that
facilitate the actions of individuals. At the group (meso) level, social capital investigation tends to focus on a social organization (e.g.,
a stakeholder group, a leisure club, or any other social grouping). Meso-level social capital is typically conceptualized as more of a
“public good” than as a “private good,” with greater emphasis on norms of trust and reciprocity (Aldridge et al., 2002). At the
community or societal (macro) level, social capital is examined as a “public good” rather than a “private good” (Bourdieu, 1986;
Putnam, 2000). Key features of social capital, including trust, civic engagement, and association membership, have been used to
explain the evolution and development of communities/societies (Ainsworth, 2002; Putnam, 2000). Depending on the level of
analysis and the theoretical approach used, numerous measurement instruments have emerged (Paxton, 2002; Rothstein, 2005).
However, two approaches to social capital measurement are highly influential in the literature. The first approach uses indicators
such as membership in organizations and trust when measuring collective social capital (Putnam, 2000). The second approach
focuses on variables indicating the position of the individual within social networks. The tools for such measurement include personal
network name generators, position generators, and resource generators (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988). Major international or-
ganizations have also developed their own measurement tools (Franke, 2005). Social capital research is contextual; thus, it is ne-
cessary to adopt measurements that correspond with the particular research (Fulkerson & Thompson, 2008).
In this study, we examine social capital from a micro perspective. Three dimensions of social capital have been found to be closely
related to the well-being of older adults. First, social capital is a feature of one's social network, including weak ties with acquain-
tances and strong ties with intimate relationships (Croezen, Haveman-Nies, Alvarado, Veer, & Groot, 2009). Social capital in this
dimension may be manifested in the range and strength of social ties that serve to integrate the individual into society (Lin, 2001).
Mandated retirement ages often isolate the elderly from work-related social contacts. A strong social network of family, friends, and
neighbours plays a key role in reducing the vulnerabilities of social isolation and loneliness after retirement (Holmén & Furukawa,
2002; Wu & Chan, 2012). Second, social capital speaks to an individual's ability to acquire social support by maintaining valuable
connections over time. Types of social support include emotional support, instrumental support, and informational support (Coleman,
1988; Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Glover & Parry, 2008). With retirement, older people are more likely to experience stressful
events such as reduced mobility, chronic pain, bereavement, and declining socioeconomic status. Researchers have reported on the
health benefits resulting from social support, such as reduced stress and improved physical health (Rash, 2007; Siebert, Mutran, &
Reitzes, 1999). In addition, social participation, in terms of engagement in organized groups and associations, attendance at cultural
events, or social outings with friends and families, is a key factor of social capital (Lindström, Hanson, & Östergren, 2001; Putnam,
2000). Social participation entails different forms and levels of active engagement, as well as community belonging and network
embeddedness (Aw et al., 2017). Social capital studies have found a positive correlation between older adults’ active participation in
social life and their well-being (Ponce, Rosas, & Lorca, 2014).

2.2. Social capital in Chinese society

Although the theory of social capital was developed in Western countries, the idea is not novel to the Chinese. At the individual
level, social ties (“guanxi” in Chinese) have been extensively studied because they have an important influence on the life of Chinese
people (Wei, Liu, Chen, & Wu, 2012). Existing research shows that individual social capital in China relies on personal connections
more than on civic participation (Xu, Perkins, & Chow, 2010). At the community level, traditional Chinese culture highlights the
importance of neighbourhood relationships and community harmony. Relatives, friends and colleagues often live in the same
community or nearby. Nonetheless, the transition to a market economy, the privatization of housing, widespread labour migration,
and changes in living patterns have created communities with a blend of residents from different backgrounds who have never met
before. The close neighbourhood and community ties of socialist societies and kinship networks have been compromised (Yuan,

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Table 1
Indicators of social capital in leisure research.
Studies Indicators of social capital Study design

Glover (2004) Social network Interview

Yuen and Glover (2005) Social participation, relationship building, sense of community Interview
Harvey, Levesque, and Donnelly (2007) Civic norms, shared values and trust Survey
Glover and Parry (2008) Social support, reciprocity Interview
Mummery, Lauder, Schofield, and Caperchione Social support, social network, social participation Survey
(2008)
Ingen and Eijck (2009) Civic engagement Survey
Reciprocity
Son, Yarnal, and Kerstetter (2010) Social support, civic engagement, social network Online survey with qualitative
data
Arcodia and Whitford (2006) Information, norms, relationships, networks, trust, value, Conceptual paper
obligation, and engagement
Graham and Glover (2014) Social relationships and social network Online survey with qualitative
data
Okayasu, Kawahara, and Nogawa (2015) Trust, social network, and reciprocity Survey

2016; Zhang, 2010). At the national level, China ranks low (68th among 72 countries) on a social capital index consisting of social
trust, norms, social networks, and social structure (Lee, Jeong, & Chae, 2011).

2.3. Leisure and social capital

Extensive literature suggests that leisure is associated with distinctive facets of social capital (Table 1). The first line of research
has located the source of social capital in leisure networks. For example, Glover (2004) explored a community garden as a leisure
context for producing and accessing social capital. The findings suggested that social capital can be both a collective benefit and an
inequitable application depending on the gardener's position within a functioning social network. In a study of social capital gen-
erated in dog parks, Graham and Glover (2014) suggested that people's positive interactions provide opportunities for social support,
information sharing, collective action, and conformity, whereas negative interactions can lead to tension, judgement, and even
exclusion from social networks. Similarly, Glover and Parry (2008) demonstrated that new friendships that are formed during leisure
activities can provide social capital in the form of social support to cope with stressful life events.
The second line of research examines normative elements of social capital (e.g., civic norms, shared values, reciprocity, trust, and
a sense of community) as by-products of relationships formed during leisure engagement. For instance, festival attendance has been
found to facilitate the augmentation of social capital by enhancing a sense of community (Yuen & Glover, 2005). Volunteer work, as a
valuable leisure-time activity, has been reported to support social capital through civic norms, shared values, and trust (Harvey et al.,
2007). In a study of ethnic minorities in Germany, Jabareen (2008) suggested that urban leisure creates trust and shared feelings of
safety.
A third approach to understanding the impact of leisure on social capital assumes that leisure activities can create skills that serve
as resources for social capital. For example, festivals not only provide volunteers with opportunities for training and development in a
variety of skills (e.g., planning and organizing) but also encourage local residents to engage in more effective use of community
spaces and resources (Arcodia & Whitford, 2006). Based on a time-use survey conducted in the United Kingdom in 2000, Ingen and
Eijck (2009) revealed that productive leisure activities that are active, creative, and cooperative are better for social capital than
consumptive activities, in which participants are often spectators undergoing certain experiences or using material or cultural goods.
Few studies have investigated the association between leisure and social capital among older adults (Agahi & Parker, 2005;
Russell, Campbell, & Hughes, 2008). It has been observed that organized, productive, and active leisure are likely to exert a sig-
nificant influence on social capital. For example, Son et al. (2010) examined social capital garnered through leisure clubs for middle-
aged and older women. Aspects of social capital such as social support, sisterhood, and civic engagement were identified from an
online qualitative survey. Similarly, Okayasu et al. (2015) suggested that community sport clubs can foster trust, reciprocity, and
network formation for Japanese seniors. Toepoel (2013) showed that leisure activities explain a significant portion of older people's
social connectedness. Specifically, volunteer work, cultural activities, holidays, sports, book reading, hobbies, and shopping were
found to be successful predictors of social connectedness. Using a fast-food restaurant as the study context, Cheang (2002) in-
vestigated Japanese seniors’ non-obligatory social interactions in a “third place”, which is separate from the two usual social en-
vironments of home (“first place”) and the workplace (“second place”). The results showed that sociability, play, and laughter were
the main themes of their interactions; however, relatively little social support was rendered among group members. In their con-
ceptual study, Maynard and Kleiber (2005) suggested that intergenerational activities have the potential to promote social capital
development in later life.

2.4. Leisure education in later life

In a broad sense, leisure education can be described as a comprehensive programme employed to enhance the quality of life

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J. Lyu, et al. Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport & Tourism Education 25 (2019) 100207

through the creative use of leisure time (Gunn & Peterson, 1977). Education for leisure-centred living involves more than play,
recreation, or entertainment; it offers an opportunity for personal growth through the development of new skills, knowledge, and
abilities (Brightbill & Mobley, 1977). Sivan and Stebbins (2011) stressed that the goal of leisure education is to educate people so that
they can gain knowledge and skills for leisure activities, appreciate the value of leisure, and incorporate these gains into their
lifestyles. The transition to a leisure-centred society increases the need for leisure education, which emphasizes preparing individuals
to live satisfying and meaningful lives in their free time rather than preparing for work (Stebbins, 1998).
Ageing populations and extended life spans have drawn increased attention to the role of leisure education in the quality of later
life (Adams, Leibbrandt, & Moon, 2011). Retirement is the event that most commonly marks the transition into later life. Partici-
pation in leisure education after retirement helps older adults shift their focus from their career to the development of a leisure
lifestyle that is meaningful and rewarding (Kleiber & Linde, 2014). Several studies that view leisure education as a treatment in-
tervention have shown positive outcomes, including greater independence, increased self-rated health, and enhanced quality of life (
Chang, Yu, & Jeng, 2015; Janssen, 2004). However, in-depth studies on the potential outcomes related to social capital are lacking.
Accumulating evidence suggests that there is a positive relationship between leisure participation and social capital. Leisure edu-
cation for older adults, which is considered a formally organized and productive leisure-time activity, has the potential to have a
catalytic effect on social capital among older adults.

3. Research methods

3.1. A mixed-methods approach

This study used a mixed-methods approach that combined qualitative and quantitative methods to generate a more holistic
picture of the study topic and to provide richer insights into the investigation (Bernard, 2005). It has been widely accepted that a
mixed-methods approach capitalizes on the advantages of both qualitative and quantitative methodologies and increases the breadth
and depth of understanding (Hewlett & Brown, 2018; Johnson, Onwuegbuzie, & Turner, 2007; Minten & Forsyth, 2014). Mixed
methods are particularly useful when data collected using either quantitative-only or qualitative-only methods are not sufficient to
generate a comprehensive understanding of the topic of interest. This is especially true when additional explanation is needed and/or
the research questions are so complex that a combination of quantitative and qualitative data can best address them (Brannen, 1992;
Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). In the current study, the quantitative data collection took the form of a prospective survey (a
longitudinal study that follows subjects forward in time) that aimed to examine the possible effects of participation in university
programmes on social capital among older adults. The qualitative method involved semi-structured interviews conducted after one
year of participation in the university for older adults. This method was used to provide a rich description of the university experience
and to explain the mechanisms of the potential effects. The interviews also allowed the researchers and participants to interact and to
clarify our research questions.

3.2. Research setting and data collection

Three state-owned university programmes for older adults located in Hangzhou were selected for data collection in this study:
Zhejiang Senior Citizen University, Hangzhou Elderly Cadre University, and Hangzhou Gongshu Community University for older
adults. These three universities were targeted because of their large student enrolment, diversified course types, formal organization
and management. Table 2 shows the courses offered by the universities in this study. Students attended one class (e.g., dancing,
photography, calligraphy) once a week. Before the study was launched, the research proposal and a cover letter were given to the
authorities at the targeted universities, and permission was obtained to conduct the surveys and interviews. Data collection began in

Table 2
Courses offered by the studied universities.
Course name Course name

Ancient Literature Calligraphy Basics

Poetry Hard-tipped Calligraphy
Chinese History Regular Script
Tourism Culture Clerical Script
Chinese Language Landscape Painting
Grandchild Education Flower and Bird Painting
Geriatric Psychology Figure Painting
Spoken English Vocal Music
New Concept English Ballroom Dancing
Medical Care Piano
Nutrition & Health Urheen
Chinese Medicine Cucurbit Flute (Hulusi)
Photography Gardening
Handcraft Culinary arts
Physical Sports (Tai Chi) Computers

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May 2014 and ended in December 2015. The prospective study was conducted from May 2014 (baseline survey) to May 2015 (follow-
up survey). The semi-structured interviews were conducted from May to December 2015 after the participants had completed their
year-long study at the university for older adults. The study participants were newly enrolled students. The research team provided
background information about the project during the class. Interested participants were recruited for this study.
Survey questionnaires were given to the participants by hand after class. The participants were given one week to complete the
surveys and return them to the study administrators at the next class. The study administrators reminded the participants and asked
about the surveys if participants forgot to return them. They also checked to ensure that all the required answers were answered and
asked the participants for any missing information. Overall, 476 respondents completed the baseline survey, and 185 agreed to
participate in the follow-up survey by providing their contact information. In the latter group, 130 completed the follow-up survey
after one year, generating a follow-up response rate of 27.3%. The demographic characteristics of the seniors who completed the
prospective survey were compared with those of the seniors who did not complete the follow-up, and no significant differences were
found in terms of age (χ2 = 3.41, p = .33), gender (χ2 = .61, p = .43), education (χ2 = 1.25, p = .74), or social capital score
(F = 2.69, p = .10). The participants in the current study were all retired.
For the semi-structured interviews, interviewees were randomly selected from the survey participants. The sample size was not
determined a priori; instead, the strategy was to continue interviews until information saturation was achieved. Information sa-
turation is not determined by the number of interviews per se but by the richness of the data (Burmeister & Aitken, 2012). In general,
information saturation is reached when further coding is no longer feasible (Guest, Bunce, & Johnson, 2006). Nineteen face-to-face
interviews were conducted, with an average length of 45 min.

3.3. Research instruments

The survey consisted of nine questions regarding social capital that were adapted from Mummery et al. (2008). The questions
allowed for the differentiation of the three key dimensions of social capital (social networks, social support, and social participation)
that we summarized in the literature review. The answers to the questions were scored as shown in Table 3. Demographic and
behavioural variables included gender, age, and education. The interview questions were developed based on the literature and input
from university faculty (Table 4). The introductory, focus, and summary questions focused on the participants’ motivations and
experiences, and their perceived value of the university. Field notes were composed based on reflections following each interview.

Table 3
Social capital index.
Question items Response/scoring

1. Apart from the people you live with, how many friends that you feel close to live within a 15- to 20-min walk or a 5- to 10- One or two = 1
min drive? Three or four = 2
Five or more = 3
None = 0
2. How often do you talk to any of your friends or neighbours? On most days = 4
Once or twice per week = 3
Once or twice per month = 2
Less than once per month = 1
Never = 0
3. You have an urgent need for a ride somewhere. Could you ask anyone for help? Yes = 1
No = 0
4. You are ill in bed and need help at home. Could you ask anyone for help? Yes = 1
No = 0
5. You are in financial difficulty and need to borrow RMB$500. Could you ask someone for help? Yes = 1
No = 0
6. If you had a serious personal crisis, how many people, if any, do you feel you could turn to for comfort and support? One or two = 1
Three or four = 2
Five or more = 3
None = 0
7. Do you belong to an informal network of friends or acquaintances with whom you have contact on a regular basis (for Yes = 1
example, a sports team, a book club)? No = 0
8. How often do you go out socially with friends or neighbours, for example, to a pub, restaurant, cinema or elsewhere? Every day = 5
Several times per week = 4
At least once per week = 3
At least once per month = 2
Less than once per month = 1
Never = 0
9. In general, we would like to know what kind of area you live in—is it an area where people try to help each other or one Help each other = 2
where people mostly go their own way? Go their own way = 0
Mixture = 1

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J. Lyu, et al. Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport & Tourism Education 25 (2019) 100207

Table 4
Oral script for qualitative interviews.
Questions

Introductory questions
Why did you join the university? How did you find out about it?
How would you describe your experience here?
Do you enjoy coming here? What types of activities do you like to do here and why?
Focused questions
What changes have you seen in your personal life since you came here? In what way?
What changes have you seen in your social life since you came here? In what way?
What have you learned/gained/achieved here?
What do you think of the influence of the university on seniors’ well-being?
What do you think of the contribution of the university to society?
Summary questions
How would you rate the value of what you are receiving here?
Is there anything that could be improved at this facility?

3.4. Data analysis

For the quantitative data, descriptive analyses, independent t-tests, one-way ANOVAs, exploratory factor analysis, paired t-tests,
Cohen's d, and mixed-model ANOVAs were employed. Descriptive analyses were performed to depict the socio-demographic profile
of respondents. Weighted sums were adopted for the indicators within each dimension due to the different scales of the indicators. A
set of independent t-tests and one-way ANOVAs was conducted to examine the social demographic variations of social capital at
baseline and follow-up. Exploratory factor analysis was conducted to identify social capital dimensions. The three-factor oblique
rotation solution was chosen based on existing theory. Paired t-tests and Cohen's d calculation were performed to determine the social
capital change (total score and subdimension scores) from baseline to follow-up. Finally, the effect of demographic factors on social
capital change was evaluated by mixed-model ANOVAs.
Qualitative data were analysed through a directed content analysis process, in which initial coding started with a theory or
relevant research finding (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005; Strauss & Corbin, 2008). Themes and categories emerged from the data through
careful examination and constant comparison by the researchers. As Patton (2002) suggested, qualitative content analysis employs
inductive reasoning but does not need to exclude deductive reasoning. Generating themes or concepts from theory or previous
literature is helpful for qualitative research that aims to validate or extend a theory. Prior to the analysis, a coding system based on
social capital theory was developed. The system included concepts related to social network, social support, and social participation.
The researchers generated ideas about categories and themes as they read, re-read, and analysed the transcripts.
To ensure the quality of the findings, this study adhered to the trustworthiness principles of Lincoln and Guba (1985). Several
validation procedures were employed, including thick description, triangulation, peer debriefing, and member checking. Each theme
was described in rich detail using actual participant quotes as evidence. The triangulation of observers, which involves analysing a
research question from multiple perspectives, was used to reduce the potential bias of a single observer (Strauss & Corbin, 2008).
Furthermore, the findings of the research were sent to all participants for their approval and comments. Most of the participants
responded with positive feedback regarding the findings, and some provided more examples to elaborate on their opinions. These
types of comments were also incorporated into the findings.

4. Results

4.1. Prospective survey

The descriptive statistics of the sample profile are shown in Table 5. The participants ranged in age from their early 50s to the late
80s, which reflects the broad age range of students in university programmes for older adults (CAUA, 2016). A higher proportion
(58%) of females participated in the study, which is in line with the demographics of those who attend university programmes for
older adults. No significant differences in total social capital score were found regarding the demographic factors of gender and
education, whereas age had an inverse association with social capital.
Exploratory factor analysis was conducted on a social capital scale to delineate the underlying factors. The criterion of an ei-
genvalue > 1 was used to extract factors. The analysis generated a three-factor solution that explained 72.3% of the total variance.
The three dimensions (social network, social support, and social participation) remained as hypothesized. Paired t-tests were per-
formed to determine whether the respondents’ social capital changed from baseline to follow-up (Table 6). The analysis revealed a
significant increase over time in the total social capital score (t = 10.24, p < .01) as well as the subscales, including social network
(t = 11.05, p < .01), social support (t = 9.99, p < .01), and social participation (t = 2.17, p < .05). As indicated by Cohen's d
values, the effect size of increases in the overall and subscale scores of social capital was mostly moderate (ds = 0.60–0.69), except
that the effect size of improvement in the social participation subscale was relatively small (d = .08).
The effect of demographic factors on social capital change was also evaluated. The effect of gender on social capital change was
examined using a series of 2 (condition: male and female) × 2 (time: baseline and follow-up) mixed-model ANOVAs. There was no

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J. Lyu, et al. Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport & Tourism Education 25 (2019) 100207

Table 5
Socio-demographic variation in social capital at baseline and follow-up.
Baseline Follow-up

N % Social capital Mean and SD N % Social capital Mean and SD P value

Total sample 476 12.58 ± 3.51 130 15.72 ± 2.87

Gender 472 126 .06a
Female 274 58.10 12.92 ± 3.68 70 53.80 16.10 ± 2.83
Male 198 41.90 12.08 ± 3.34 56 43.10 15.29 ± 2.94
Age 473 127 .01b
50–60 years 61 12.90 12.82 ± 5.48 20 15.40 16.63 ± 3.40
61–70 years 197 41.60 13.17 ± 4.95 54 41.50 16.28 ± 2.37
71–80 years 184 38.90 11.99 ± 4.57 42 32.30 14.97 ± 2.78
81 years and above 31 6.60 11.86 ± 4.28 11 8.50 13.78 ± 3.38
Education 463 117 .08b
Less than high school 85 18.40 12.64 ± 4.46 20 15.40 14.19 ± 3.49
High school 180 38.90 12.54 ± 4.89 43 33.10 16.22 ± 2.70
College or equivalent 191 41.30 12.59 ± 4.43 53 40.80 15.78 ± 2.57
Master and above 7 1.50 9.14 ± 6.55 1 .80 15.00

Note.
a
Independent t-test.
b
One-way ANOVA.

Table 6
Comparisons of social capital scores between baseline and follow-up.
Cronbach's alpha Baseline Follow-up t d

Total social capital .88 15.72 ± 2.87 17.51 ± 2.33 10.24** .69
Social network .90 5.84 ± 1.38 6.72 ± 1.24 11.05** .67
Social support .87 5.09 ± 1.56 5.92 ± 1.20 9.99** .60
Social participation .87 4.71 ± 4.94 4.94 ± 1.29 2.17* .08

Note: ** = p < .01; * = p < .05.

significant time-by-gender interaction effect in any of the ANOVAs. The effect of age on social capital change was examined using a
series of 2 (time: baseline and follow-up) × 4 (age groups) mixed-model ANOVAs. The increase in total social capital, social support,
and social participation did not differ across age groups, although there was a time-by-age group interaction effect on social network
(F = 2.75, p < .05). A post hoc test revealed a significant difference in the change over time between the 61- to 70-year and 71- to
80-year age groups (mean difference = .52, p < .05). For education, stratified repeated ANOVAs indicated no time-by-educational
level interaction effect, suggesting that education did not influence the pattern of change in social capital.

4.2. Semi-structured interview

Eleven of the nineteen interview respondents were male, and eight were female. Their average age was 63 years. The respondents
came from a variety of occupational backgrounds such as engineering, business, teaching, farming, public service, and the military.
The findings indicated that university programmes for older adults could help the participants develop and access social capital. The
following themes provide a more in-depth depiction of social capital formation in a university setting for older adults.

4.2.1. Social network

To a certain extent, the university is a mini society of acquaintances. In our interviews, most of the participants referred to the
expansion of their social circle as the most important benefit of attending the university. Many expressed appreciation for the
opportunity to communicate equally without regard to social status, education, or background and to make like-minded friends. As
one respondent stated, “At the university for older adults, we have our own world. It's great.” An expanded social network can help
older adults positively adjust their mentality and adapt to their new roles in retirement. Several respondents also expressed interest in
making friends with young people. Currently, the instructors hired by the university are mainly retirees. The respondents suggested
that more young people should serve as instructors. The three comments below exemplify the benefits of the university for social
network expansion:
I always feel very happy and satisfied here. We make many friends, and we can exchange and learn from each other. We are lonely
at home. Our children must work and are unlikely to be with us. (Wang, age 66).
Before joining the university, I was sometimes unable to adapt to the sudden switch to a leisurely life as a result of retirement. I
felt that I could no longer create value for society. There was no place to show my ability. I became a waste. When interacting with
my fellow students here, I feel more confident and respected. Once again, I appreciate the meaning of existence. (Sun, age 65).

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When I was young, I got along with older adults. Now that I have become old, I still enjoy being with older people. The older
adults in the university feel happy, which makes me feel happy too. (Zhou, age 64).

4.2.2. Social support

After retirement, many seniors find themselves in a situation of social isolation, which can create communication issues with
family members. In our interviews, most of the respondents noted that their families were supportive of their decision to attend a
university for older adults. Zhang (age 68), from the Chinese painting class, said, “I often paint at home. My family members like to
comment on my paintings. We talk and laugh happily.” The respondents also experienced a gradual increase in emotional intimacy
and connection with their family members. In this way, participation in a university helped the older adults foster support and
maintain their emotional health.
The respondents also talked about how they shared information with university classmates as a type of mutual support. They
exchanged information relevant to their courses and to daily life. The seniors found it easy to open up to their peers. The universities
seemed to encourage helping and caring behaviours among students, and many respondents reported that at the university, everyone
was very friendly and cared about one another. Many comments highlighted the importance of the university in providing social
support:
Attending class gives us a great opportunity to become acquainted with people who share common interests. As students, we often
spent time talking to each other about photo-taking skills and tips for choosing photography gear. We trust and support each other.
(Li, age 65).
Whether you need to know where to shop for nice clothes, how to cook food, or where to go for medical care, someone will tell
you. There are people from all sectors of society: doctors, professors, government officers, and so on. We can get a lot of information
from here. (Wang, age 62).
When our children are not around, they really are of great help. These sisters and brothers are very serious about helping others.
Once I asked about medical information; they recommended a good doctor. They told me how to get to the hospital by bus. After two
days, they checked with me again: ‘Did you go?’ and ‘How effective was the treatment?’ They are not perfunctory. They really care
about you. (Chen, 80).
Many respondents indicated that in addition to face-to-face communication at the university, they considered online social
networking sites (SNS) an important channel for social support. In recent years, older people in China have increasingly begun to use
SNS for interpersonal communication, information seeking, commerce and entertainment (Li, 2016; Wang, Wu, Luo, & Lu, 2017).
SNS offer older people opportunities to make new friends, maintain existing social ties, or enrich their later life. The quote below
illustrates this matter:
When we first came, there was no QQ or WeChat group (popular social media platforms in China). Now, we have formed QQ and
WeChat groups. We share our knowledge and experience about singing. We also discuss pension and health issues. There are many
things I learned after I joined the university. (Hu, age 67).

4.2.3. Social participation

The findings suggest that university programmes for older adults provide seniors with opportunities for social participation in
various groups, such as dance clubs and photography clubs. These activities provide opportunities for seniors to bring out their
strengths and pass on their decades of wisdom and experience. The skills that older adults acquire in university programmes increase
their capacity to develop links within the broader community. Therefore, leisure education plays an important role in the realization
of the social value of older adults. Because of safety concerns, the university does not organize off-campus recreational activities, but
many activities are organized by individuals on a voluntary basis. Several of the respondents reported that they went out socially with
classmates:
We formed a dance club. Just this month, we performed five times in the community. In a few days, we will perform for the
elderly home. We seniors serve the seniors. (Wang, age 62).
I go out with several classmates regularly for social gatherings. We always have a good time because we are like-minded people.
(Chen, age 70).
Here, we can learn whatever we want to learn: singing, dancing, calligraphy, photography and so on. Not only can we improve
ourselves, but we can also show our talent and contribute to society. We have performed in the countryside, schools, communities
and nursing homes. (Zhang, age 75).

5. Discussion

The first objective of this study focused on examining the influence of leisure education on social capital in the case of university
programmes for older adults. Through the prospective design of this study, leisure participation (in the form of university pro-
grammes for older adults) was found to enhance the development of social capital, which supports some previous findings (Cheang,
2002; Son et al., 2010). Compared to existing research that emphasizes macro- or group-level social capital, we confined our analysis
to examining individual-level perceptions and behaviours. The literature has shown a growing recognition that social capital re-
presents an individual's ability to secure benefits from his or her social connections (Coleman, 1988; Kroll, 2011; Lin, 2001). Past
research has noted that the effect of leisure participation on social capital varies depending on the nature of the activity (Hemingway,
1999). To the best of our knowledge, this study is the first to investigate university programmes for older adults as a type of
productive, formal, and organized leisure activity for seniors. Compared to Cheang's (2002) research on seniors’ leisure dining in fast-

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food restaurants, we found that attending a university had the potential to foster social support among seniors. Consistent with Son,
Yarnal, and Kerstetter's (2010) study of leisure clubs for middle-aged and older women, our study revealed similar aspects of social
capital, such as social networks, social support, and social participation. It can be argued that university programmes for older adults
have functions similar to those of leisure clubs. The findings provide further evidence that leisure education can be used to foster
feelings of competence, connectedness, and community in older adults. Despite being called “universities”, there is still a large
difference between universities for older adults and ordinary universities. For the elderly, a university with both learning and social
functions is undoubtedly the best choice to meet their needs for spiritual support. Consequently, the university for older adults acts as
emotional “refuge” from social isolation.
The second objective of the study was to assess the effect of demographic factors on changes in the social capital of seniors after
they had participated university programmes for older adults. The results revealed that leisure education does not affect social capital
independently. The relationship between leisure education and social capital is also influenced by demographic factors, such as age.
We found that the participants’ social capital stock and increments are inversely associated with their age. This finding provides
insights into the life-course trajectories of social capital by supporting the argument that social capital tends to depreciate after
retirement (Kalmijn, 2003). It also suggests that as a participant's age increases, the role of universities for older adults in expanding
their social circles decreases. This finding may be explained by socioemotional selectivity theory, which posits that as an individual
ages, he/she tends to care more about maintaining emotionally meaningful social ties and less about expanding his or her social
networks (Carstensen, Fung, & Charles, 2003). Our results reveal that neither the initial level nor the change in social capital differs as
a function of gender or education. This may be because this study focused on social capital in the daily life domain. Previous research
has indicated that gender and education differences in social capital exist mainly in the professional domain rather than in the daily
life domain (Nieminen et al., 2008). Additionally, social progress and economic development in China may have reduced gender-
based or education-based differences in social capital. An alternative explanation is that university programmes for older adults offer
a unique opportunity to overcome gender or educational stereotypes. Students communicated with each other because of their shared
interests rather than because of their gender, education, or social status.
The study's final objective was to identify factors that facilitate the creation of social capital. The interview results provide a more
comprehensive understanding of the meaningful experience of university programmes for older adults. The results demonstrate that
the desire to meet like-minded people and the need for social connectedness contribute significantly to the expansion of participants’
social networks. The university brings like-minded people together, creating networks based solely on shared interests. Many studies
have examined social isolation later in life (e.g., Findlay, 2003; Gray & Worlledge, 2016; Toepoel, 2013). Older adults in university
programmes have been found to use leisure both to negotiate their identity struggles and to acquire social contacts. Expanded social
networks provide a context in which individuals can simply interact with one another, which leads to perceptions of being socially
connected (Ashida & Heaney, 2008). This finding also supports Glover and Parry's (2008) model of the social process associated with
friendship, social capital, and health outcomes.
When seniors regularly interact with one another, whether for social or instrumental purposes, one by-product is a flow of
information (Coleman, 1988). This information can be used in a variety of ways, including the enhancement of social support. Beyond
providing information, increased social support is associated with the norm of mutual care. The participants used terms such as
“sisterhood and brotherhood,” “fraternity,” and “like home” when they talked about their relationships with one another. Thus, by
spending time with peers of the same age, seniors can better understand one another's needs and offer distinct types of support.
Congruent with previous research (Arcodia & Whitford, 2006), our results indicate that the skills learned from active leisure play
a considerable role in facilitating social participation. The acquisition of new skills (e.g., dancing, photography, and online shopping)
provides seniors with interesting topics to discuss with family and friends. In addition, mastering new knowledge contributes to
seniors’ self-esteem and enables them to make their golden years meaningful through civic engagement. Our findings are consistent
with Rojek's (2011) notion that leisure requires emotional labour. Leisure provides a paramount setting for developing skills and
acquiring emotional intelligence that can be translated into both cultural and social capital.
Finally, an interesting aspect of this study is related to the use of technology, networks, and communication for the development
of social capital (Bian & Leung, 2014). The use of WeChat (SNS) as a communication tool among older adults opens up avenues for
discussing digital technology as a vehicle for promoting social capital. As mobile technology becomes increasingly pervasive, the age-
related under-utilization of SNS has been reduced. Over the past decade, Internet users over 55 years of age have become a sub-
stantial group in China's online market (Michael, Nettesheim, & Zhou, 2012). There is considerable research interest focused on SNS
communication and older adults. Differences in social capital formation via SNS between older adults and young people have been
revealed (Pfeil, Arjan, & Zaphiris, 2009). For instance, older adults have a smaller SNS network than young people because older
adults are more selective when connecting with others. Older adults prefer quality-oriented connections, and their posts and messages
are more formal. Thus, SNS use patterns may influence users’ type and level of social capital development. These themes may be used
to establish a useful framework from which to conduct further research on leisure and social capital.

6. Conclusion

This study investigated the impact of leisure education on social capital. Although many governments worldwide are investing
substantially in the development of leisure education programmes for older adults (e.g., university programmes for older adults),
little research has been conducted on the role of these programmes in promoting social capital. This study is the first to provide robust
evidence on this issue. The results of our analysis of prospective surveys and interviews suggest that this group increased or sup-
plemented their social capital directly through leisure education. Although universities for older adults are booming in China, there is

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still a serious shortage of supply. As reported in The Economist (2018), “Several times a year, groups of silver-haired Chinese people
camp out overnight. They do so in order to get prime spots to register for places at the country's universities for the elderly.”
Currently, many of the schools are reserved for retired civil servants. To promote the social capital of the elderly underclass, more
schools are needed that are open to all.
Moreover, the data from this study demonstrate that social connectedness, common interests, norms of mutual care, information
sharing, and skill development all play important roles in the formation of social capital for seniors. University administrators might
attempt to include these factors when designing and managing leisure education programmes. For instance, more young people could
be hired to teach older adults, which could not only foster intergenerational relationships but might also make older adults feel more
connected and in the loop with what is happening in society. Additionally, a buddy system could be established to enhance students’
ability to provide and receive help and support. Social events, such as talent show and tea gatherings, could be used to increase both
social participation and connectedness.
Several limitations of this study should be recognized. One limitation is that the study sample was relatively small and was
derived from a single city in China. Further studies should be conducted with a larger and more representative pool of the study
population. Second, because university programmes for older adults operate on a one-year basis, this study lasted only one year.
Future studies may extend the study duration to better understand the long-term effects of leisure education programmes for older
adults. Third, although prospective data were collected, we did not employ an experimental design, which excluded the possibility of
addressing causality. It is possible that older adults who possess greater social capital may benefit from their sociability (e.g., a wider
social network, stronger social ties) and thus have more opportunities to engage in leisure activities, such as attending universities for
older adults. The potential reciprocal relationship between leisure activities and social capital may be further examined with a more
thorough experimental design. Fourth, the characteristics of leisure participation, such as the frequency, intensity, and mode of
engagement in leisure activities, may influence social capital (Hemingway, 1999). In the current study, the classes were all delivered
once a week, meaning that all participants had the same amount of exposure to each class. However, the class content varied, such as
dancing, photography, and calligraphy. The degree of involvement may vary as a function of confounding factors such as the nature
of the activity, interest and motivation. In addition, we did not include an assessment of the participants’ leisure activities outside the
university for older adults. Unfortunately, variations in the scope and intensity of leisure education participation were not assessed in
the current study, but these can be factored into future investigations. Finally, this study's measurement of social capital was limited
to three dimensions. Other individual-level social capital indicators, such as perceived trust and voluntary association memberships,
were not included. The further development of measures in these areas could be important directions for future research.

Acknowledgment

This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (#71302061), Zhejiang University Liberal Arts
Faculty Teaching and Research Funds, and the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities.

Appendix A. Supplementary data

Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhlste.2019.100207.

Disclosure statement

No financial interest or benefit will arise from the direct applications of this work.

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