Gareth Rowland MRP Final Draft

A Man Out of Time?
Svein Asleifarson, Orkneyinga saga, and Orkney Society in the Twelfth Century
Gareth Rowland
Brock University
Supervisor: Andrew McDonald
August 6th, 2021

1
Table of Contents
1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….2
2. The Northern Isles: Svein’s World……………………………………………………......3
3. The World of Saga Literature and Orkneyinga Saga……………………………………..5
4. The Historicity of Svein Asleifarson…………………………………………………….12
5. Historiography: Twelfth-Century Orcadian Society……………………………………..15
6. Svein Asleifarson and Twelfth-Century Orkney………………………………………...25
7. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….38
2
Introduction
This is how Svein used to live. Winter he would spend at home on Gairsay, where he
entertained some eighty men at his own expense. His drinking hall was so big, there was
nothing in Orkney to compare with it. In the spring he had more than enough to occupy
him, with a great deal of seed to sow which he saw to carefully himself. Then when that
job was done, he would go off plundering in the Hebrides and in Ireland on what he
called his ‘spring-trip’, then back home just after mid-summer, where he stayed till the
cornfields had been reaped and the grain was safely in. After that he would go off raiding
again, and never come back till the first month of winter was ended. This he used to call
his ‘autumn-trip’.1
Originally composed in the first third of the thirteenth century, Orkneyinga Saga is an Old
Norse-Icelandic saga that chronicles the lives and deeds of the earls of Orkney from the ninth to
the thirteenth century. The passage cited above illuminates the lifestyle of one particular
independent landowner from the Orkney Isles in the twelfth century, Svein Asleifarson. Svein
appears in the saga in many guises: chieftain, farmer, warrior, diplomat, murderer, scoundrel,
and Viking. Despite not being a member of the ruling dynasty of Orkney, Svein and his deeds
are covered extensively throughout the second half of the saga, and this description of Svein’s
existence is especially interesting as he is portrayed as living like a Viking chieftain from a much
earlier age. His lifestyle seems so outdated that there are even scholars who have labeled him an
anachronistic figure in his own world, a man whose way of life had long since gone out of
fashion (discussed further below). Svein becomes even more interesting as a case-study
considering that, aside from a brief genealogical reference to him in found in the Saga of
1
Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Herman Palsson and Paul Edwards (London: Penguin Books, 1981), 215. This is the best
modern translation and is cited throughout unless otherwise noted. Earlier translations include that by A.B. Taylor
(1938) which provided notes on chapters that included discussion of the dating of events; this edition remains useful
in this regard.
3
Icelanders written by Sturla Thordarson (d. 1284),2 Orkneyinga Saga is the only source detailing
Svein’s life and exploits, raising questions about his depiction and even his existence. However,
due to the events concerning him (including his death c. 1171) having taken place within living
memory of the saga’s creation, his depiction is much more credible than it may seem.
Considering all these factors, the goal of this paper will be to analyze Svein and his
depiction within Orkneyinga Saga to answer the question of whether he really was an
anachronistic figure in his own time, and whether Orcadian society in the twelfth century had
really moved on from the Viking Age. The paper will begin with a discussion of Icelandic sagas
in general, and how the composition of Orkneyinga Saga influences our understanding of both
Svein and the Isles. Next, the focus will shift to the work done by scholars in the field and what
their findings can help reveal about twelfth-century Orcadian society and Svein’s lifestyle,
before finally moving on to an analysis of the saga itself and of Svein’s depiction, and what they
can tell us about life in twelfth century Orkney. While at first it many seem as though Svein is
nothing more than a man out of time, upon closer inspection his existence may not be as
anachronistic as originally thought. Additionally, an analysis of Svein’s life may help to dispel
the idea of a binary separation between the end of the Viking Age and the beginning of the
Middle Ages.
The Northern Isles: Svein’s World
Before turning to our examination of Icelandic sagas and Orkneyinga Saga itself, it is
necessary to provide some context on the Northern Isles and their history in the Viking Age and
Middle Ages. The Northern Isles are a pair of archipelagos off the north coast of
2
Sturlunga Saga. Volume 1, eds. Julia H. McGrew and George R. Thomas, (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1970),
270.
4
mainland Scotland, comprising Orkney and Shetland. Orkney, where much of this discussion is
focused, was settled by Scandinavians as early as the ninth century and was dominated by a line
of Scandinavian rulers known as the earls from the tenth to the thirteenth century, the period of
the Orkney earldom. Conversion to Christianity began during the tenth century in Orkney, was
complete by the eleventh, and by the thirteenth century Orkney had come under the control of
the Norwegian crown marking the end of the Viking Age earldoms.3 Scholars generally agree
that the Viking Age ended in the eleventh century in much of the Scandinavian world,4 although
in the case of Orkney this can be debated. Some modern scholars consider the Viking Age to
linger into the thirteenth century or perhaps even later in Atlantic Scotland, especially in places
like Orkney where indigenous forms of social organization were able to continue existing on the
periphery of larger European nations.5 These are the kinds of considerations which make the
question of the nature of twelfth-century Orkney so interesting. The claim can be made that
twelfth-century Orkney existed in a transitional late Norse period (defined as the period of close
political ties with Scandinavia, the period of the Northern and Southern earldoms, which ended
in 1468),6 and analyzing the importance of a figure like Svein Asleifarson can help to answer that
question and many others concerning the transitional shape of the Orkney Isles.
3
A good overview of the history of Orkney is William P. L. Thomson, The New History of Orkney (Edinburgh:
Mercat Press, 2001). See also D. Omand, ed., The Orkney Book (Edinburgh, 2003).
4
Stefan Brink, “Christianization and the Emergence of the Early Church in Scandinavia,” In The Viking World, ed.
Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price. (Routledge Worlds. London; Routledge, 2008), 621.
5
James Barrett, Roelf Beukens, Ian Simpson, Patrick Ashmore, Sandra Poaps, and Jacqui Huntley, “What Was the
Viking Age and When Did It Happen? A View from Orkney,” in Norwegian Archaeological Review 33, no. 1
(2000): 26.
6
Scottish Archaeological Research Framework, “The Late Norse Period”: https://scarf.scot/national/medieval/2-
from-north-britain-to-the-idea-of-scotland-tribes-kingdoms-states/2-3-norse-scotland/2-3-3-the-late-norse-period/ .
Although the Hebrides were ceded to Scotland by Norway by the Treaty of Perth in 1266, Orkney and Shetland
remained under Scandinavian control until their cession in 1468. Archaeologists have generally proven more
receptive to the concept of a “late Norse” period stretching into the thirteenth, fourteenth, or even fifteenth century:
see for instance Niall M. Sharples, and J. Best. A Norse Settlement in the Outer Hebrides: Excavations on Mounds 2
and 2A, Bornais, South Uist. (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2020), 29.
5
The World of Saga Literature and Orkneyinga Saga
Before looking at Svein and his importance to the region, however, it is necessary to
examine the saga itself and its significance for understanding Svein and his world. To get a better
grasp of what sagas can tell us about the worlds they describe, it is important to understand what
sagas are and how they functioned in the contemporary period. Margaret Clunies Ross, a leading
authority, provides comprehensive analysis of the numerous sagas to come out of Iceland and
Norway.7 For the purposes of this paper, the focus will be on Icelandic sagas and their
characteristics, not on those from Norway.
For starters, in contrast to other societies of the time, the written material that came out of
Iceland was copious and varied. One explanation for this comes from a medieval Icelandic
author who wrote about the settlement of the nation, recording that the reason Icelanders wrote
so much about their history was to refute claims that they were descended from slaves or wicked
men. Clunies Ross sees this as reasonable motivation given that some Icelanders had been
decedents of slaves or poor emigrants, and their “kingless constitution” would have been unusual
in the eyes of other nations.8 Of these many written materials to come out of Iceland, sagas stand
as one of the most interesting. In the most basic sense, ‘Saga’ translates to ‘something said, a tale
or story’, meaning that sagas may have first had a narrative form and that they were originally
orally created and shared before (but not always) being written down in later centuries.9 Though
sagas can cover a wide variety of stories, themes, and settings, above all the strong impression is
that they are stories about people. The main categories of sagas include ‘mythical-heroic sagas’,
‘Sagas of knights’, ‘Kings’ sagas’ and other historical sagas, ‘Sagas of Icelanders’ (Family
7
Margaret Clunies Ross, The Cambridge Introduction to the Old Norse-Icelandic Saga, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2010).
8
Clunies Ross, The Cambridge Introduction to the Old Norse-Icelandic Saga, 11.
9
6
sagas), and ‘Contemporary sagas’ (also includes the sub-category of ‘bishops’ sagas’).10 Whether
they are about kings, foreigners, or (most commonly) the named Icelandic families, people and
their experiences are at the heart of saga narratives.11 This description is also true for a more
historically driven text like Orkneyinga Saga. The text is generally placed in the sub-genre of
Kings’ sagas as it chronicles the lives of the earls of Orkney (who were the closest things to
kings in the Isles), but at its core it is still a story about people and their experiences.
Because of this distinction, there have been attempts to differentiate Orkneyinga Saga
and others like it from other sagas within the Kings’ saga category. Kings’ sagas are often
biographical and are very similar to hagiographies (chronicles of saints’ lives) in structure and
characterization.12 Orkneyinga Saga, as previously mentioned, is not simply about the life of one
King (or in this case one earl) but is instead about a dynasty of earls who ruled over the Orkney
and Shetland islands for centuries. This has led some authors, such as Melissa Berman, to
suggest that Orkneyinga Saga should belong to its own sub-genre of saga, the ‘Political Saga,’
alongside Jómsvíkinga Saga and Færeyinga Saga. Berman notes that Orkneyinga Saga and the
others differ from Kings’ sagas in three ways: their setting; characters; and scope. Significantly,
the characters of these sagas are not just kings, but powerful and ambitious men who are also
often Vikings.13 The most distinctive aspect of the Political Sagas, according to Berman, is the
figure of the ‘independent landowner’ who tries to maintain power in the face of kings.14 In
Orkneyinga Saga, Svein Asleifarson fully embodies the role of the independent landowner and
rarely backs down when asserting his independence. The second half of the saga is largely
focused on the conflict between Svein and the Orkney earls, with the Viking emerging as a
10
Clunies Ross, The Cambridge Introduction to the Old Norse-Icelandic Saga, 31-36.
11
12
Clunies Ross, The Cambridge Introduction to the Old Norse-Icelandic Saga, 84-85.
13
Melissa A. Berman, “The Political Sagas,” Scandinavian Studies 57, no. 2 (1985), 113.
14
Berman, “The Political Sagas,” 114.
7
central character in the text, oftentimes wielding just as much power as the earls do. To Berman,
rather than Svein representing independence in the face of oppression, he instead represents
chaos in the face of order. His raids show that the earls cannot control him, exposing their
weakness, and in doing so Orkneyinga Saga uses Svein and “the structure of the Political Saga –
the independent man vs. the central authority – to expose the danger of disorder”.15 Regardless of
whether or not a distinction needs to be made between Political Sagas and Kings’ sagas (the
attempt to distinguish the sub-genre has seen little success),16 Berman’s research still helps to
highlight the unique aspects of Orkneyinga Saga and Svein as a character within the story, and is
useful for understanding contemporary Orkney’s political situation.
Now, having situated Orkneyinga Saga within the world of Old Icelandic literature, there
is still the question of its reliability as an historical source. According to Margaret Cormack,
another leading authority on the subject, sagas have attracted attention as historical sources for
centuries, but their historical value has been criticized for just as long.17 One reason behind this
hesitation to fully trust sagas comes from their composition. The discussion of sagas as the work
of a single author is a heavily debated topic, and only a small number of Icelandic scribes have
ever been identified by name.18 The question of where they obtained their information is also up
for debate: did they make use of oral sources, written ones, or were sections of their stories
simply fabricated? There is also the issue of possible changes or additions made by scribes and
compilers who may have altered texts to suit their own views.19 Generally however, the sub-
genres of Kings’ sagas and Family Sagas are seen as having more historical value than other
15
Berman, “The Political Sagas,” 121.
16
17
Margaret Cormack, “Fact and Fiction in the Icelandic Sagas,” History Compass 5, no. 1 (2007), 201.
18
Guðvarður Már Gunnlaugsson, “Manuscripts and Paleography,” in A Companion to Old Norse-Icelandic
Literature and Culture, ed. Rory McTurk, (Blackwell Companions to Literature and Culture 31. Malden, MA:
Blackwell Publishing, 2005), 252.
19
Cormack, “Fact and Fiction in the Icelandic Sagas,” 201.
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forms of saga thanks in part to other contemporary evidence that helps support their accounts,
and as previously mentioned, Orkneyinga Saga fits within the Kings’ sagas category.20
Unfortunately, another issue that plagues saga historicity is the fact that while many sagas
were originally written in the thirteenth century, most of what is preserved in manuscripts
represents copies or collections from a later period.21 In fact, very few Icelandic texts, other than
documents, exist in original copies, and no documents in the vernacular from before 1300 have
survived, with fewer than 50 documents pre-dating 1370.22 Orkneyinga Saga is one such text
where the original has been lost to time, which may have some effect on its historical value.
Originally written around 1200 in Iceland, the saga has its own interesting textual history and
problematic preservation as the surviving versions are all fragmentary and show signs of being
revised later in the thirteenth century.23 Judith Jesch, Professor of Viking Studies at the
University of Nottingham, notes that there is no single manuscript that contains the whole of
Orkneyinga Saga, meaning that there is no real way to get at the ‘original’ text as all we really
have is the revised version of the saga found in another, later Icelandic text, Flateyjarbók (c.
1394).24 Jesch’s work is a deep dive into the manuscripts containing Orkneyinga Saga, but she
concludes that regardless of the challenges surrounding this version of the saga, it is possible to
see from these manuscripts that it began as a serious work of history that made use of a variety of
sources, including poems and prose narratives. Additionally, the text is one that considers,
contrasts, and weighs evidence and opinions in a number of different ways.25 Jesch also weighs
20
21
22
Gunnlaugsson, “Manuscripts and Paleography,” 249.
23
Judith Jesch, “Literature in Medieval Orkney,” In The World of the Orkneyinga Saga: “The Broad-Cloth Viking
Trip,” ed. Olwyn Owen, (Hatston, Orkney: The Orcadian Limited, 2005), 13.
24
Judith Jesch, “Orkneyinga Saga: A Work in Progress?” In Creating the Medieval Saga: Versions, Variability and
Editorial Interpretations of Old Norse Saga Literature, eds. Judy Quinn and Emily Lethbridge, (Odense: University
Press of Southern Denmark, 2010), 153.
25
Jesch, “Orkneyinga Saga: A Work in Progress?” 168.
9
in on the idea that Orkneyinga Saga should be classified as a Political Saga, and believes it to be
unnecessary, agreeing with Sverrir Tómasson, who suggests that Orkneyinga Saga fits better in
the category of a ‘national history’ in which many other sources like it have a similar
“hagiographic core”.26 Lastly, Jesch argues that, due to the way the text of Orkneyinga Saga was
compiled to create the ‘complete’ saga, we can see how the text began as a fundamentally
historical collection of sources only to become something that is much more ‘saga-like’ as more
of a “narrative mode” was added.27
Jesch also has a number of other works that help to highlight this combination of
narrative and history that make up the second half of Orkeyninga Saga. For starters, according to
Jesch, the second half of the saga (from chapter 58) presents two intertwining historical
traditions, Orcadian and Icelandic. The Orcadian tradition is presented to us in the form of Svein
Asleifarson, and Jesch notes that in chapters 92-93 it becomes clear that the action and
information provided is being controlled by Svein.28 Chapter 92 has frequent references to dates
and periods, for example, the action takes us from the Wednesday before Easter, through Easter,
and up to just before Christmas. In addition, chapter 93 has refence to the number of men, ships,
and exact details of payments: “but [Svein] was exceptionally keen-sighted and looking closely
he made out fourteen ships sailing together.”29 These numbers and details are introduced in
relation to Svein, as shown, and all the events from chapters 91-93 can be traced back to a
tradition deriving from Svein and “filtered through his consciousness”, marking the influence of
Orcadian tradition.30 Jesch also writes that the action of the saga continues to be interpreted by
Svein up to chapter 101, and that Svein is the main character for most of these events as he is
26
27
28
Judith Jesch, “Presenting Traditions in ‘Orkneyinga Saga,’” Leeds Studies in English 27 (1996): 71.
29
Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Palsson and Edwards, 191.
30
Jesch, “Presenting Traditions in ‘Orkneyinga Saga,’” 73-74.
10
what connects them together.31 While Svein dominates the latter half of the saga, there are
scholars like Marlene Ciklamini (whose work will be discussed in more detail later) who claim
that Earl Rognvald (d. 1158) is still the central figure of those sections of the text, and that his
statesmanship and ability to control Svein are evidence of that.32 Despite this, Jesch argues that
while he is certainly a major figure, there is not the same kind of detail in his sections as
compared to Svein’s, and aside from some select chapters, his actions are often entwined with
Svein’s except in sections where the narrative is based off his verses.33 In Jesch’s eyes, the latter
half of Orkneyinga Saga is based on a poetic, and most likely Icelandic, tradition about
Rognvald and his fellow poets, and also an Orcadian eyewitness tradition deriving from Svein
himself.34 Rognvald shows how verse can be turned into narrative, and Svein shows how
eyewitness accounts underwent a written phase before being incorporated into saga.35 In all,
Orkneyinga Saga stands as a great way to study how both history and fiction come together to
produce a saga.
Jesch has further explored the narrative of Orkneyinga Saga in another essay. According
to Jesch, there are three different things to take into account when talking about ‘narrative’.
There is narrative as ‘text’, narrative as ‘story’, and narrative as the act of ‘narrating’.36 In
Orkneyinga Saga, Jesch focuses on narrative as narration and how the author’s use of narration
impacts the audiences understanding of events. In the saga, the narration is ‘extra-diagenetic’,
meaning that the narrator plays no role in the world of the story. Jesch notes that this style is
more-or-less required when presenting the historical past, but it can also be used by an author
31
Jesch, “Presenting Traditions in ‘Orkneyinga Saga,’” 78.
32
Marlene Ciklamini, “Saint Rognvaldr and Sveinn Ásleifarson, the Viking,” Scandinavian Studies 42, no. 1 (1970),
50.
33
Jesch, “Presenting Traditions in ‘Orkneyinga Saga,’” 79-80.
34
35
36
Judith Jesch, “Narrating ‘Orkneyinga Saga,’” Scandinavian Studies; 64, no. 3 (Summer 1992), 338.
11
who may have actually played a role in the events being described, which is a real possibility in
the latter parts of the saga.37 Jesch also discusses the idea of ‘focalization’, which in the context
of Orkneyinga Saga means that, while the narrator is constant, he occasionally limits the views
of events to that of a single character who becomes the ‘focalizer’. In doing this the narrator is
able to shift the focalization from themselves to the characters as a way to provide insight, but
more than that it allows the narrator to mediate two or more perceptions of an event, like in the
case of the kidnaping of Earl Paul (d. ?1137).38 In the text, the kidnapping of Earl Paul is
focalized through Svein Asleifarson’s point of view. From the events leading up to the
kidnapping, to the act itself, and in the events following the audience is provided information as
Svein experienced/described it. However, there is some debate in the text over what happened to
Earl Paul, and this is where the narrator makes use of shifts in focalization:
After that Svein Asleifarson set off for Orkney, but Earl Paul stayed behind in Scotland.
This is Svein’s account of what happened, but according to some people, the story was a
lot uglier: Margaret hired Svein Asleifarson to blind her brother, Earl Paul, then put him
in prison, and later on hired someone else to kill him. We can’t say which comes nearer
the truth, but this much is known, that he never came back to Orkney and he never gained
power in Scotland.39
According to Jesch, by making use of different focalization throughout the text, and reminders of
the narrator’s presence and the process of narrating, the author wants the audience to “consider,
hesitate, and doubt” the information that is being imparted on them.40 Obviously, due to
Orkneyinga Saga’s nature as a text cobbled together from multiple manuscripts, this narration is
not consistent throughout the saga, however, Jesch does note that textual analysis suggests that
37
Jesch, “Narrating ‘Orkneyinga Saga,’” 339.
38
39
40
12
this kind of narration may have been included by the first revisor of the text, but it also suggests
that the sagas original author may also have played around with narration.41 What this does tell
us is that Orkneyinga Saga is a text that takes a critical approach to its history, and though not
every event is given the same thought provoking narration as the kidnapping of Earl Paul, that
particular event stands as a prime example of the credibility of Orkneyinga Saga’s later chapters
as historical source.
The Historicity of Svein Asleifarson
In addition to questioning the reliability of Orkneyinga Saga as a historical source, when
considering the historical account of Svein specifically, plenty of questions can be raised about
his depiction. His existence as a historical figure is largely unconfirmed outside of the saga, aside
from a brief mention in Sturla Thordarson’s historical Saga of Icelanders.42 Aside from the single
reference to Svein and his descendants found in Sturla’s saga, the closest we do get to seeing
Svein’s existence confirmed by an independent contemporary text is in Giraldus Cambrensis’
late twelfth-century Expugnatio Hibernica, in which an attack on Dublin very similar to Svein’s
final raid is recorded. In Orkneyinga Saga, Svein is recorded as having taken one final Viking
trip plundering the Hebrides and Ireland, sailing as far as Dublin. There the town surrenders to
Svein, but he is killed the next day when returning to claim his loot and slaves.43 In the
Expugnatio Hibernica, there is mention of an attack on Dublin by “Norwegians and men from
the isles” and they are led by a man named John “the Wode” (meaning “the mad”) who is killed
in the assault.44 The editors and translators of the text also note that the “men from the isles” who
41
42
Sturlunga Saga. Volume 1, eds. McGrew and Thomas, 270.
43
44
Giraldus Cambrensis, Expugnatio Hibernica, trans. A.B. Scott and F.X. Martin, (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy,
1978), 77.
13
are mentioned in the text are confirmed to be men from Orkney, however the attack is dated to
have taken place around Pentecost, which was on May 16th in 1171,45 whereas Svein’s death in
Orkneyinga Saga is dated by A.B. Taylor to have taken place in the autumn of 1171.46 It is
important to note here that though the saga itself lacks dates, a chronology of events can still be
determined to varying degrees of accuracy from the written sources and the information they
provide, or by consulting with other independent texts.47 Svein did take an earlier Viking trip that
the saga states took place during the spring of that same year, and he did sail around the coasts of
Ireland, but that trip is better remembered for the English broad-cloth Svein stole from two
English ships which he then sewed into his sails.48 Though the two sources differ in their
description of events and when they took place, given the nature of Orkneyinga Saga and its
composition, it is still possible that Svein participated in these raids on Dublin and that the
details surrounding his trip and eventual death were simply recorded differently by the separate
authors.
Further evidence to suggest Svein was an historical figure comes from those who
surrounded him, specifically, the Orkney earls. Orkneyinga Saga is a text written about the earls
of Orkney, and though Svein and his exploits take up a large portion of the second half of the
text, plenty of time and detail is still given to the description of the earls and their deeds. The
earls are historical figures that we can confirm existed because, unlike Svein, they are mentioned
by name in other contemporary texts. Earl Harald Maddadson (d. 1206), for example, makes an
appearance in the saga of King Sverrir Sigurdsson of Norway (1151-1202), around the year
45
Giraldus, Expugnatio Hibernica, trans. Scott and Martin, 305.
46
The Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Alexander Burt Taylor (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1938), 341-342. Taylor’s
dating of Svein’s death taking place in the autumn is based on his own chronology, but he does agree that it occurred
in 1171. The issue of exact dating arises from the speculative nature of identifying Svein and John ‘the Wode’ as the
same person. 408.
47
The Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Taylor, 131.
48
14
1195.49 This kind of connection serves as evidence for Earl Harald as a real historical figure, and
throughout Orkneyinga Saga he and Svein Asleifarson come into contact on many different
occasions. By the later chapters of the saga, Svein and Earl Harald are allies, and it is Earl Harald
who advises Svein against going on any more Viking trips: “‘I’d like you to stop your raiding,
Svein,’ said the Earl. ‘… Most troublemakers are doomed to be killed unless they stop of their
own free will.’”50 Though we lack texts other than Orkneyinga Saga that mention Svein, his
connection to historical figures in the saga such as Earls Harald and Rognvald (especially
Rognvald, whose dealings with Svein are central to his own story), in addition to the many
interactions the characters have, serves as proof enough that Svein Asleifarson was a real person
who caused plenty of problems for the earls during his lifetime.
When it comes to studying Old Icelandic sagas, there are plenty of questions that can be
raised regarding their historical accuracy and relevance. In the case of Orkneyinga Saga, its
structure, composition, narrative, and characters all support the conclusion that it exists as a
valuable piece of historical text. Whether it is categorized as a Kings’ saga, Political Saga, or as
national history, textual analysis shows that Orkneyinga Saga began as a serious work of history
that, while it does make use of many of narrative elements, still asks its audience to be critical of
the information presented to them and provides them with multiple perspectives. Even in the
case of Svein Asleifarson, a man mentioned only in passing in other historical sources, his
existence can be reasonably assumed given his deeds and his relationship to other historical
figures within the saga. Orkneyinga Saga presents many different historical events that Svein
could have, or is said to have, been a part of, and his relationships with the very real earls of
Orkney further supports the conclusion that Svein Asleifarson was a very real Viking. While it is
49
James Barrett, “Svein Asleifarson and 12th-Century Orcadian Society,” in The World of the Orkneyinga Saga:
“The Broad-Cloth Viking Trip,” ed. Olwyn Owen, (Hatston, Orkney: The Orcadian Limited, 2005), 220.
50
15
still important to recognize that not every part of a saga should be taken at face value,
Orkneyinga Saga, specifically its latter half, provides enough support to be considered historical
so long as it is read with a critical eye.
Historiography: Twelfth-Century Orcadian Society
Moving on from a discussion of sagas, it is important to look at the work that has been
done on this topic previously, and what scholars have said about twelfth century Orkney and
Svein Asleifarson’s role in that world. The best place to start any discussion on Orkney history is
with the work of Barbara E. Crawford. Her 2013 book is a comprehensive history of the
Northern Isles of Orkney and Shetland in the Middle Ages, with particular attention paid to the
question of the nature of twelfth-century Orkney society and what it looked like. Like most other
historians looking at twelfth-century Orkney, Crawford relies on Orkneyinga Saga as the main
source of information on the topic as there is not much else to look at. As the saga is focused
mainly on the lives of the earls, it provides plenty of information on what life was like for the
wealthier sections of society, but not much on what the lives of ordinary workers looked like.51
Though information on everyday life is hard to come by, Crawford notes that by this point
society may have moved on from the Viking Age and the days when the Earls went raiding each
summer, however violence was still widespread and was perhaps best personified by Svein
Asleifarson. She describes Sevin as having lived a life that “retained a great deal of the older
style” and that was “an echo (more than an echo) of the older Viking world.”52 Crawford’s work
is more concerned with how the earls ruled the Isles than it is with Svein’s place in them, and she
does note that twelfth-century Orkney contained many aspects of a hierarchical, medieval
51
B. E. Crawford, The Northern Earldoms: Orkney and Caithness from AD 870 to 1470 (Edinburgh: John Donald,
2013), 172.
52
Crawford, The Northern Earldoms, 173.
16
society, with the earls ruling a top-down system than a chiefly Viking Age one, though figures
such as Svein certainly challenged this system.53 Given her suggestion that the Viking Age in
Orkney seems to have given way to the medieval period in the middle of the eleventh century,
Crawford’s work seems to label Svein as a man from a bygone era. She even places the rule of
the ‘Medieval Earls’ as beginning as early as 1050,54 however her acknowledgement of the
violence of the period still lends credence to the idea that Svein and aspects of Viking Age
culture were not that foreign to the people of Orkney.
Unlike Crawford, James Barrett regards Svein as less of an anomaly within the world he
inhabited. In a 2000 study, Barrett et al. examine the Viking Age and consider what marked the
transition to the Middle Ages, from the perspective of the Orkney Isles. Barrett et al. note that
there are five transformations that generally mark the shift from the Viking Age to the Middle
Ages. They are defined as the shift from decentralized to centralized authority; pagan to
Christian ideology; non-market to market exchange; moderate to high levels of surplus
production; and rural to urban settlement.55 In the case of Orkney, by the mid-eleventh century,
there is a surplus of information that suggests there was some centralization of power in the
Orkney and Shetland Isles, but it was an incomplete process as independent chiefs with their own
considerable power and influence still played an important role in twelfth century events. Thus,
the twelfth century in Orkney appears as more of a transitional period than a straight departure
from the Viking Age.
One such chief was Svein Asleifarson, who Barrett et al. describe as essentially living the
lifestyle of an Iron age chief.56 The scholars do consider that the lack of attention Svein pays to
53
Crawford, The Northern Earldoms, 175.
54
Crawford, The Northern Earldoms, 145-197.
55
Barrett et al. “What Was the Viking Age and When Did It Happen? A View from Orkney,” 1-2.
56
Barrett et al. “What Was the Viking Age and When Did It Happen? A View from Orkney,” 5.
17
the earls of Orkney, in addition to his constant plundering, feasting, and feuding, portray him as
something of an anachronistic figure, however they argue that the answer is not so clear cut and
that there were other aspects of twelfth-century Orcadian society that were equally
anachronistic.57 Examples include the use of skaldic poetry and “the importance attributed to
feasting and giving prestige gifts as mechanisms for maintaining support, creating obligations
and building alliances.”58 Barrett et al. and their research show that aspects of a chiefly society
survived in Orkney well into the twelfth century and that a figure like Svein was actually more
representative of Orcadian culture than he may first appear. This does not mean that Orkney
simply stagnated or was stuck in the past, however, as Barrett et al.’s research demonstrates that
the Isles were Christianized by the eleventh century, and that other aspects of transition like
urbanization were beginning around the same time or later in the twelfth century.59 So, while
Orkney had by no means fully transitioned out of the Viking Age and into the Middle Ages, it
was still a complex society during the twelfth century and a place where a figure like Svein
Asleifarson would have fit right in.
In a 2007 study, Barrett asks very similar questions to those published in 2000, but this
time he focuses specifically on the political economy of Orkney. In this book chapter, Barrett
notes that the earldom of Orkney has often been treated as “exceptionally wealthy and powerful”
and through his research he seeks to determine just how that would have worked for a small,
largely rural community, to become a wealthy, semi-independent society.60 In order to
understand what wealth looked like in the eleventh and twelfth centuries in a place like Orkney,
57
Barrett et al. “What Was the Viking Age and When Did It Happen? A View from Orkney,” 5-6.
58
59
60
James Barrett, “The Pirate Fishermen: The Political Economy of a Medieval Maritime Society,” in West over Sea:
Studies in Scandinavian Sea-Borne Expansion and Settlement before 1300, ed. Beverley Ballin Smith, Simon
Taylor, and Gareth Williams (The Northern World, v. 31. Leiden; Brill, 2007), 299.
18
Barrett defines it as the means of production, which in this period included precious metals,
wood, labour, land, textiles, livestock, foodstuffs, salt, and oil.61 To accurately measure how
much wealth the earldoms had, Barrett makes use of records like Orkneyinga Saga and a number
of qualitative evaluations (such as evaluating silver hoards and military strength) to determine
just how wealthy Orcadian society really was and where its specific wealth stemmed from.
Barrett identifies piracy and mercenary activity; shipping tolls; provisioning and piloting
shipping; and export trade as the four main ways the Orkney earldom obtained its wealth,62 and
he determines that these sources of wealth did indeed make Orkney a “wealthy polity in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries – at least within its Northern Atlantic context.”63 Of these sources
of wealth however, Barrett notes that piracy, mercenary activity, and export trade stand out as
particularly important. The existence of plunder and trade as Orkney’s two main sources of
wealth can be viewed as characteristic of the transition from the Viking Age to the Middle Ages
according to Barrett. However, he also states that this transition may not have been noticed by
contemporary Orcadians as the two systems would have been a part of a single political economy
during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.64 Barrett also makes use of Svein Asleifarson as an
example of how the kinds of wealth he identified would have been a part of daily life in Orkney.
To a twelfth-century audience, Svein stands as an exemplar of how “Orcadian magnates could
become fabulously wealthy through piracy, mercenary service, extracting rent, fishing and
farming.”65 Barrett concludes that it was the “competitive hierarchy of powerful magnates” who
engaged in numerous different economic activities that granted Orkney its wealth.66 Additionally,
his research again shows Orkney as a society that included elements of both the Viking Age and
61
Barrett, “The Pirate Fishermen,” 301.
62
63
64
65
66
19
Middle Ages existing together, and as a place where someone like Svein would be a regular
sight.
Barrett has also written a book chapter from 2005 dedicated entirely to an examination of
Svein’s life and his place in Orcadian society. It is also important to note that this work by
Barrett had a direct influence on the focus of this paper and its goals. Much of the chapter is
written as a biography of Svein, recounting his life as it is portrayed in Orkneyinga Saga. Barrett
condenses Svein’s story into a few pages to highlight the kind of life he lived, something that is
harder to grasp in its more segmented form in the saga text. Having provided this miniature
biography, Barrett is then able to analyze just what Svein’s life and accomplishments can tell us
about the larger Orkney society, though his analysis is not particularly detailed (inevitably a
result of the constraints of the publication). Even before focusing specifically on Svein, Barrett
points out that it was not just Orkney that experienced a tumultuous period during the twelfth
century, but that other polities on the margins of Scotland such as Galloway, Argyll, Man, and
Moray also experienced similar kinds of turmoil. Additionally, Svein would have been a
recognizable figure to his real-world contemporaries who also embraced his mercenary
lifestyle.67 Barrett also provides three historical examples that are corroborated by sources other
than Orkneyinga Saga: The Battle of the Standard in 1138, Dublin in 1171 (where Svein is killed
in the saga), and a failed rebellion against the King Sverrir Sigurdarson of Norway in 1195. Each
of these incidents included Orcadian participation, and according to the saga, Svein can be
assumed to have participated in the first two battles.68 Barrett even includes a line spoken by Earl
Harald Maddadson from King Sverrir’s own saga in which he states that the men of Orkney do
not always act as he wishes, and that he has little control over them. This interaction took place
67
Barrett, “Svein Asleifarson and 12th-Century Orcadian Society,” 220.
68
20
right near the end of the twelfth century, around two decades after Svein’s death, and to Barrett,
with this explanation from Earl Harald “it is difficult to imagine a more explicit confirmation of
the chiefly world in which Svein appears to have lived.”69 During his life, and even well after it,
the world of Orkney was a place where Svein and his antics would be right at home. Barrett even
notes that instead of looking at the accounts found in Orkneyinga Saga as anachronistic, they can
be viewed as representing a way of life that was only able to exist on the margins of Europe at a
time when the rest of the continent had developed into increasingly centralized medieval states.70
Barrett’s observation on Svein and the world he lived in help to dispel the idea that Svein was an
anachronism and helps to shed light on the complexities of Orcadian society during the twelfth
century.
Like Crawford and Barrett, Ian Beuermann is another scholar who has extensively
considered Orkneyinga Saga in his work. Two works by Beuermann examine Svein and what he
represented to twelfth-century Orkney society. Both works take a more literary approach to
determining what Svein’s depiction in Orkneyinga Saga tell the reader about both him and
society he inhabited. Beuermann’s 2009 study suggests that Svein and his “sub-saga” (thinking
of his story as his own smaller saga within the larger text) can be seen as either a romantic or
horrific depiction of Viking life in the days before Orkney came under the rule of Norway in
1190.71 On one hand, the stories of Svein can be read as supporting the ‘Viking way of life’ and
entreating the Kings of Norway to allow the political and cultural heritage of the Viking Age to
live on in Orkney. On the other, the opposite interpretation suggests that this depiction of Svein
and his deeds was meant to support the Norwegian crown in its attempts to root out the remnants
69
70
71
Ian Beuermann, “A Chieftain in an Old Norse Text: Sveinn Ásleifarson and the Message behind Orkneyinga
Saga,” in Confluence. Interdisciplinary Communications 2007/2008, ed. Willy Østreng (Centre for Advanced Study,
Oslo, 2009), 127.
21
of the Viking Age in Orcadian society.72 Beuermann never definitively favours one interpretation
over the other, but his conclusions support the idea that these remnants of Viking life were
present throughout Orkney and that they were something that both Orcadians and other
Scandinavian nations such as Norway were aware of.
Beuermann’s 2011 study deals with the status and power of Orkney’s earls, but it also
looks at Svein’s interactions with them, and specifically his interactions with Earl Rognvald (c.
1100-1158). This article expands on many of the ideas presented in Beuermann’s earlier work
such as the depiction of Svein in the saga possibly representing the “good old Viking way of
life.”73 Beuermann also suggests that the saga can be interpreted as representing the failure of a
ruler, in this case Earl Rognvald. When dealing with Svein throughout the saga, Rognvald often
gives into his demands and appears as though he has no control over the unruly chieftain.
Through this interpretation the saga can be read as the written accounts of what makes a good
ruler, with Rognvald serving as an example of what not to do.74 Based on Beuermann’s findings
however, there appears to be more evidence to suggest that the former of the two interpretations
makes the most sense. In addition to depicting the Viking way of life in a positive light, the saga
can also be read as depicting Rognvald’s reign as a golden age where he rules thanks in part to
the support of the chieftains and “where he then rules together with his worthy warriors.”75 In
addition, after his death, the saga lists Rognvald’s virtues including how he was skilled in all
feats of strength and that he was a good skald: traits epitomizing a good Viking Age ruler.76 To
Beuermann, this “‘viking’ style of rulership” appears to be glorified in the chapters that feature
72
Beuermann, “A Chieftain in an Old Norse Text,” 127.
73
Ian Beuermann, “Status and Power of the Earls of Orkney According to Their Sagas” in Ideology and Power in
the Viking and Middle Ages: Scandinavia, Iceland, Ireland, Orkney, and the Faeroes, ed. Gro Steinsland, Jon Vioar
Sigurosson, Jan Erik Rekdal and Ian Beuermann (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 148.
74
Beuermann, “Status and Power of the Earls of Orkney According to Their Sagas,” 149.
75
76
22
Rognvald and Svein. Furthermore, viewed through this lens, Svein and Rognvald’s chapters in
Orkneyinga Saga can be read as a defence of traditional Viking Age style rulership (earls rule in
conjunction with chieftains) against the newer style of European rulership that was becoming the
norm.77 Again, regardless of which interpretation is correct, Beuermann’s observations point to
the existence of Viking Age culture in Orkney. Furthermore, if we accept Beuermann’s latter
interpretation, that the saga glorifies both the depiction of Svein and Rognvald, the evidence
refutes the claim that Svein was an anachronistic figure in twelfth-century Orkney as he was
surrounded by others (like Rognvald) who epitomized the old Viking way of life in similar ways.
Marlene Ciklamini’s study of Saint Rognvald and Svein provides a similar analysis of the
earl and Svein’s relationship, though her article argues that it was through his ability to deal with
Svein and govern Orkney society that Rognvald received his sainthood. As part of her argument,
Ciklamini notes that ruling over the Orkneys was by no means an easy task for Rognvald. This
was thanks, in part, to Svein Asleifarson specifically, and to the society that admired him more
generally. Though Orkney had been Christianized by this point it was still a society which
adhered to a heroic code of ethics and was a place where violence was inherent.78 To deal with
Svein and to keep peace in Orkney, Rognvald was constantly working to limit Svein’s
disruptiveness. To do this he often honoured Svein and disregarded punishing him in most cases,
recognizing that Svein was “less dangerous when honoured than when he exerted his mind and
power to regain his rights.”79 This constant struggle to maintain order on the islands in spite of
the persistent Viking Age culture was ultimately what led to Rognvald’s death at the hands of
another Viking very similar to Svein.80 The relationship between the earl and the chieftain again
77
Beuermann, “Status and Power of the Earls of Orkney According to Their Sagas,” 151-152.
78
Ciklamini, “Saint Rognvaldr and Sveinn Ásleifarson, the Viking,” 51-52.
79
Ciklamini, “Saint Rognvaldr and Sveinn Ásleifarson, the Viking,” 56.
80
Ciklamini, “Saint Rognvaldr and Sveinn Ásleifarson, the Viking,” 54.
23
highlights the fact that twelfth-century Orkney was still a place heavily influenced by Viking
Age thought and traditions, and that Svein Asleifarson would have been a recognizable figure
admired by those around him.
Peter Foote’s work on Orkneyinga Saga reflects some of the same conclusions that can
be drawn from the work of Marlene Ciklamini. Taking a more literary approach to his analysis of
the text, Foote notes that, based on the way the author describes Svein throughout the saga, he
must have admired the Vikings’ “daring exploits, his resource and ruthless ability to survive”,
but at the same time it appears as though the author did not approve of him.81 Svein is described
multiple times as an ‘overbearing man’ as translated by Foote, a description that can be found in
other Icelandic sagas to describe men who are assertive, self-willed, and who are fine with
stepping on the rights of other people. However, Foote does mention that while this term of
‘overbearing man’ is by no means a compliment, it does not imply disrespect either.82 This tells
us that while many of Svein Viking-esque traits were admired during the period, other aspects of
his lifestyle and personality were not. Because Orkneyinga Saga was written within living
memory of the events of Svein’s life, the author’s opinion of him provides us with more
evidence to support that Svein, and others like him, would have been recognizable figures that
belonged in the world of twelfth-century Orkney. However, these same observations show that
Orkney was by no means a place stuck in the past and that, while some aspects of Svein’s
character such as his daring exploits were respected, other aspects like his overbearing, self-
willed personality were not. This same sort of complexity is also apparent in the scene
surrounding Svein’s death. Because Svein died off on a raid in Ireland, Foote notes that his final
words in the saga were definitely created by the author as the Viking declares “whether or not I
81
Peter Foote, “Observations on Orkneyinga Saga,” in St Magnus Cathedral and Orkney’s Twelfth-Century
Renaissance, ed. Barbara E. Crawford (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1988). 196.
82
Foote, “Observations on Orkneyinga Saga,” 196.
24
am to fall today, I want everyone to know that I’m the retainer of the holy Earl Rognvald, and
now he’s with God, it’s in him I’ll put my trust.”83 Foote states that this is an attempt by the
author to redeem Svein for his actions throughout the saga, as is the declaration the author
subsequently makes that Svein was seen by many as the most able and active man without a title
the Western world had ever seen: “That, then, is the end of Svein’s story, but people say that
apart from those of higher rank than himself, he was the greatest man the western world has ever
seen in ancient and modern times.”84 Foote’s observations help to highlight that Svein was a
recognizable and respected figure in twelfth-century Orkney, but they also help show that
Orcadian society at this time was neither fully stuck in the Viking Age, nor had it fully
transitioned to the Middle Ages. Svein’s Viking lifestyle and personality were still respected, but
not free from criticism. And in an era in which the Northern Isles had been Christianized, as
James Barrett has pointed out, 85 this Viking lifestyle could still co-exist beside it.
Although there are nuanced differences of interpretation among these scholars, they all
agree to a greater or lesser extent that Svein Asleifarson was less an anachronistic figure in
twelfth-century Orkney and was more a representation of what Orcadian society actually looked
like at the time. The evidence gathered through the historical, archeological, and literary readings
of Orkneyinga Saga points more in favour of the idea that not only was Svein a recognizable
figure during this period, but that Orkney society at this time was neither stuck in the Viking
Age, nor had it fully transitioned into the Middle Ages. Though the work done on this topic is by
no means comprehensive, the work to date demonstrates that twelfth-century Orkney was a
complex place and time and there is no better example of this complexity than the Viking Svein
Asleifarson himself.
83
Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Palsson and Edwards. 218.
84
Foote, “Observations on Orkneyinga Saga,” 197.
85
25
Svein Asleifarson and Twelfth-Century Orkney
What, then, can an examination of Svein’s career in Orkneyinga Saga reveal about the
nature of Orkney society in the twelfth century? When analyzing Svein Asleifarson and what his
depiction can tell us about twelfth century Orkney, there are two major themes within the text
that help to shed light on the subject. Analysis of the power structure in Orkney, and the Viking
lifestyle that Svein lived both support the idea that Svein was not simply a man out of time or an
anachronistic figure in his own world, but rather suggest that Orkney was a place where many
aspects of the Viking Age persisted, long after its supposed end in the mid-eleventh century.
First, the centralization of power, or lack thereof, in Orkney is important to
understanding how the Orkney and Shetland Isles operated before and during Svein’s time on
them. The date of the establishment of the Orkney earldom is difficult to determine exactly, but
modern scholars86 place it around the year 87487 when Earl Rognvald was given Shetland and the
Orkneys by King Harald of Norway, which Rognvald then quickly passed on to his brother,
Sigurd.88 Earl Sigurd is described in Orkneyinga Saga as being a great ruler, but following his
and his son’s death (c. 890), his replacement, Earl Hallad, did not fair quite as well.89 When Earl
Hallad took over, Vikings seemed to run rampant, raiding all over the islands, looting and
killing, much to the dismay of Orkney’s farmers who complained loudly to their earl. Unable to
do anything about it however, Earl Hallad gave up his rule and returned to Norway.90 Though
these earlier sections of Orkneyinga Saga are considered to be less historical than texts much
86
Crawford, The Northern Earldoms, 85-100.
87
The dates for these events come from Alexander B. Taylor’s notes and translation of the text, determined through
the use of primary sources for dates when possible, and the use of conjectural dates to narrow down when events
could have taken place: Taylor, 131.
88
89
90
26
later chapters, this description of life on the Isles paint a very believable picture of the difficulties
of ruling Viking settlements during the Viking Age.
In addition of having to deal with rogue Vikings, there was also the issue of constant
power struggles that engulfed the Isles every so often. A great example from Viking Age Orkney
is the constant disagreements that took place between the brothers Brusi, Einar, and Thorfinn, all
of whom became earls with control over different sections of the islands around 1016-1020.91
The three earls were in constant disagreement with each other over who controlled which parts
of Orkney, and how much. And though these disagreements were often just between Einar and
Thorfinn, with Brusi stepping in to reconcile his brothers, after Einar’s death, Brusi and Thorfinn
butted heads over the land Einar had controlled.92 The two were eventually reconciled by King
Olaf of Norway, and ruled the Isles jointly, but there would not be peace for too long. By around
the years 1037-1038 Brusi had died and his son Rognvald looked to claim the land his father
once controlled, which had been taken over by Earl Thorfinn.93 This disagreement between the
two earls, uncle and nephew, eventually came to a head in the form of a pitched sea battle in
which Earl Thorfinn came out victorious.94 Though Earl Rognvald escaped and still nearly killed
Earl Thorfinn, he was eventually found and slain, and Thorfinn became the sole ruler of
Orkney.95 From that point on, from 1047 until around 1065,96 Earl Thorfinn ruled over all of
Orkney, and the saga describes him as the most powerful of all the Orkney earls: “Earl Thorfinn
ruled all his lands till he died, and its said on good authority that he was the most powerful of all
the Earls of Orkney. He won for himself nine Scottish earldoms, along with the whole of the
91
The Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Taylor, 153-154.
92
93
94
Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Palsson and Edwards, 65-67.
95
96
The Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Taylor, 188-189.
27
Hebrides and a considerable part of Ireland”.97 Unfortunately, after his death the unified Orkney
he had worked so hard to create immediately fell apart with many groups returning to following
their hereditary chiefs.98 Despite the near 20 years of Earl Thorfinn’s rule where he maintained
sole control over the Orkney Isles, his life and constant struggle with family members over the
islands stands as a reminder that power in Orkney was almost never centralized during the
Viking period, and even in the few cases where one ruler was able to maintain control, like Earl
Thorfinn, as soon as they died the isles reverted back to a more chiefly power structure.
As noted earlier, the centralization of power is one marker of the shift from the Viking
Age to the late-Middle Ages. Examples like Earl Thorfinn’s constant battle for control stand out
as they show that the centralization of power was very difficult to obtain and maintain during the
Viking period. But though many other Scandinavian nations had made this transition by the
twelfth century, Orkney had not, and Svein Asleifarson, and the many other like him, are some
of the main reasons why. Throughout Orkneyinga Saga, Svein is both the cause of many
headaches for the various earls and he actively participates in the many power struggles that the
islands experience. Before any of this however, the audience is first introduced to Svein through
a short genealogy, and we are told that he was the son of Olaf Hrolfsson and Asleif who are
farmers on Gairsay, one of the smaller islands that make up Orkney. Svein’s father, Olaf, was a
well-known man who was well respected by the ruling earl at the time, Earl Paul.99 Unfortunately
for Svein however, in the year 1135, just before Christmas,100 while he was out on a fishing trip,
his father’s estate was attacked by a man named Olvir Brawl and his companions, who set fire to
the house, killing Olaf and five others, while they made off with as much of Olaf’s property as
97
98
99
100
28
they could.101 A few days later, Svein visited Earl Paul who was shocked by the news of Olaf’s
death and expressed that he felt responsible for the attack on their home. Earl Paul even offered
to have Svein stay with him, promising to add greatly to his honor, an offer Svein graciously
accepted.102 That goodwill would not last long unfortunately, as while at a feast with Earl Paul to
celebrate Christmas, Svein killed another man by the name of Svein Breast-Rope. However, in
Svein Asleifarson’s defense, the other Svein had been planning to kill him first.103 Svein then fled
the scene, taking refuge in the Hebrides, and because he refused to return and explain himself to
Earl Paul, he was declared an outlaw on Orkney.104 By this point in history we are well into the
twelfth century and even before getting into Svein various antics, there is still evidence that the
power the earls wield over the islands is still minimal. Earl Paul expressing that he feels at fault
for the attack on Svein’s home and the death of his father implies that under the control of the
earl, these kinds of things should not be happening. Even at a feast attended by the earl himself,
violent acts were still being premeditated and carried out, though the murder of Svein Breast-
Rope occurred after the earl had left. This small section of the saga sheds light on the lack of
concentrated power the earls possess, and further chapters concerning Svein continue to show
that, not only do the earls have little power over him, but in many cases, it is Svein himself who
both makes, and un-makes earls.
After spending time away from Orkney, Svein took some time to visit with Earl Maddad
in Scotland where he learned that Earl Paul and another claimant to the earldom, Earl Rognvald,
were preparing for war with each other over control of Orkney. After hearing this, Svein agreed
to fight against Earl Paul, and it is was in 1136 that Earl Paul is kidnapped by Svein and taken to
101
102
103
104
29
Earl Maddad and his wife Margaret (who also happened to be Paul’s sister).105 As mentioned
previously, the details about what really happened to Earl Paul after this point are debated, but
his resulting disappearance meant that Earl Rognvald was able to take power over the islands,
and subsequently, Harald, the then young son of Earl Maddad, was also given the title of earl and
a section of Orkney to rule (though ultimately, power over all the islands still belonged to
Rognvald as per an agreement made between Svein and Earl Maddad).106 After all had been
settled, Svein Asleifarson was no longer an outlaw and he was returned all the estates that had
once belonged to his father. Additionally, from that point on, Svein grew to be a powerful
chieftain with his own large retinue.107
While Svein certainly played a very important role in the Orkney earls’ struggle for
power, this was not the only example from Orkneyinga Saga of him getting involved in the
disagreements between the islands’ rulers. Beginning in the year 1151,108 while Earl Rognvald
was off on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, Erland, the son of Harald Smooth-Tongue (who was
the brother of Earl Paul) made his own claim to the title of earl and was given it by Malcom,
King of Scots.109 That did not sit well with Earl Harald Maddadson who mustered his forces to
fight against Earl Erland and his demand for control over half of Orkney. Svein was originally
uninvolved in the disagreement between the two earls, but after his brother was made an outlaw
by Earl Harald, Svein and the earl were no longer on good terms, exemplified by Svein capturing
a cargo-boat belonging to Earl Harald not long after.110 There was also some bad blood between
Svein and Earl Erland due to some of Svein’s past actions, but the two were eventually
105
The Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Taylor, 255-256
106
107
108
109
110
30
reconciled and joined forces to fight against Earl Harald.111 While the squabbles continued, Earl
Rognvald made his return to the islands and learned about the disagreement between Earl Harald
and Earl Erland. Though he originally sided with Erland and Svein, upon meeting and
reconciling with Earl Harald, Rognvald switched sides. In response, Earl Erland met with his
advisors and determined that, regardless of the action they take, the decision making should be
left up to Svein.112 Later, Svein, leading his and Earl Erland’s men, was able to take Harald and
his force by surprise during a heavy blizzard in October,113 killing a number of his men, seizing
all the ships belonging to both Harald and Rognvald, and also making off with a large sum of
money. Svein’s forces were also almost able to capture Earl Rognvald who had gone ashore on a
nearby island, but unfortunately for Svein and Erland, Rognvald was able to escape and meet up
with Harald, though the event was certainly a victory in Erland’s favour.114 After some time had
passed, and a few days before Christmas, Svein left Erland to settle a dispute between his
kinswoman Sigrid and her neighbor. Before he left however, he advised Erland to have him and
his men sleep on the boats, and to not let his guard down while Svein was gone. While still away,
Svein had learned that Erland had not followed his advice the previous night, and so sent some
men to remind the earl. Erland’s men were not keen on the idea of sleeping on the ships, but
Erland somewhat listened to Svein’s warnings and brought nineteen men with him to stay on the
ships while the rest of his men stayed in houses ashore.115 In retrospect, Earl Erland would have
done well to listen more to Svein, as that night Earls Rognvald and Harald arrived and snuck
onto the boats without anyone on board or ashore noticing their approach. Erland was also
unable to escape as he was dead-drunk, and despite his men’s best efforts he was killed along
111
112
113
114
115
31
with most of the others on board.116 The death of Earl Erland brought with it the end of the major
land disputes on Orkney during the period, and at the center of these major disagreements
between the earls was Svein Asleifarson. Previously, Svein and his actions had helped to bring
Earl Harald Maddadson to power, and remove Earl Paul, but in this instance Svein played an
arguably larger role. As Earl Erland’s right-hand man, Svein was responsible for some of
Erland’s victories, and his planning and strategies placed Erland in a position to emerge from the
dispute victorious.
Additionally, when Erland ignored or refused to take Svein’s advice seriously it resulted
in the earl’s death. This section of Orkneyinga Saga points again to the dysfunctional power
system that existed in twelfth century Orkney where the earls had no real centralized power, and
their control over the region was constantly in flux, much more reminiscent of the early Viking
Age chiefly squabbles that occurred on the islands. On top of that, this section of the saga also
reveals just how much power and influence an independent figure like Svein could have during
the period. This is something that the people of Orkney fully realized as well, as after the death
of Earl Erland, a meeting was held to determine what should be done about Svein. Earl Rognvald
was in favour of reaching a settlement between Svein and Earl Harald, though there were many
of those who disliked Svein who advised that he should be banished, or he would continue to
cause problems for the people of the islands. Eventually they came to an agreement for Svein to
pay a mark of gold to each earl and to hand over half his estates and one longship.117 Rognvald
refused his share of the settlement however, saying he valued Svein friendship more than his
money, but Svein and Earl Harald still had some problems with Harald even breaking a part of
their agreement.118 The two eventually became good friends, but the saga again shows that not
116
117
118
32
only does an independent figure like Svein wield considerable power and wealth, but he is
recognized as being the cause of many problems and a potential threat to start new ones on the
isles by the people around him. In another future instance, Earl Rognvald is forced to take planks
out of Svein’s longship to prevent him from sailing off and causing trouble.119 What this section
reveals is that twelfth century Orkney was not much different from the eleventh or tenth century
versions of the islands. These very chiefly disagreements and struggles for power were very
reminiscent of the Viking Age, and show that the Isles had not quite moved out of the period in
the same way as many other Scandinavian nations and settlements had. Additionally, Svein, and
those like him, are further proof that the Viking lifestyle and mindset was still alive and well in
twelfth century Orkney, well beyond the end of the Viking Age.
When it comes to understanding what the Viking lifestyle looked like, the earlier sections
of Orkneyinga Saga provide quite a few examples. One of the pillars of the Viking way of life
was, of course, the many raids embarked upon by generations of Scandinavians from the mid- to
late eighth century.120 Things were not much different in Orkney, either. As mentioned earlier
during the discussion on the early earls’ struggles to deal with raiders, the islands themselves
were targets for early Vikings, and their raiding, looting, and killing caused the islanders many
problems.121 Raiding was still popular well into the eleventh century on Orkney with the earls of
the islands even participating in the activity. Earl Thorfinn (d. 1064), for instance, who has been
discussed already, began raiding when he was only fifteen years old and was well known for his
skill, courage, and tactical ability in battle.122 Thorfinn’s brother, Earl Einar (d. 1020) was also
known to spend significant time out raiding, spending most of his summers plundering Ireland in
119
120
Neil Price, Children of Ash and Elm: A History of the Vikings. (New York: Basic Books, 2020), Introduction, and
chapters 9-11.
121
122
33
the early eleventh century.123 This kind of lifestyle, even for an earl, is not too surprising during
this period as it took place during the Viking Age when raiding was still a regular practice in the
many Scandinavian nations and settlements.
As stated previously, the Viking Age is considered to have ended during the mid-eleventh
century as raiding from the Scandinavian nations supposedly came to an end. However, in
Orkney, the practice was still very much alive, with Svein Asleifarson leading the way. There are
multiple accounts of Svein and his many raids throughout the latter half of Orkneyinga Saga.
Svein and his men looted in Wales: “They attacked Wales, going ashore at a place called
Jarlsness, and created havoc there…The farmers ran for their lives as Svein and his men looted
the whole settlement and burned six farms before breakfast.”124 And they also made many trips to
Ireland: “Later however, they went south to Ireland and seized and robbed a merchant ship
belonging to the monks of the Scilly Isles.”125It was not just Svein who carried on the Viking
way of raiding, either. The man who killed Svein’s father and stole much of their property, Olvir
Brawl, had just returned from raiding before deciding to also steal from the people of Orkney.126
Even the earls would get in on some raiding during the twelfth century. While off on his
pilgrimage, Earl Rognvald and his men looted in the areas west of Spain while on their way to
the Holy Land,127 and during the period of time when Earl Erland was attempting to gain power,
he and Svein spent some time looting and plundering the east coast of Scotland.128 Orkneyinga
Saga provides plenty of evidence that, even well into the twelfth century, raiding, looting, and
Viking trips were still a large part of life on Orkney and had not disappeared with the end of the
123
124
125
126
127
128
34
Viking Age. In the saga, Svein still goes on raids well into his later years, with Earl Harald even
advising him to give it up while he is still alive: “‘I’d like you to stop your raiding, Svein,’ said
the Earl. ‘It’s always better to be safe back home, and you know well enough that you’re only
able to keep yourself and your men on what you steal. Most troublemakers are doomed to be
killed unless they stop of their own free will.’”129 It is fitting then, that Svein’s end should come
on his final Viking trip where he is killed in Ireland after capturing Dublin in 1171.130 Though the
general consensus is that the Viking Age ended in the middle of the eleventh century with the
end of raids, that is not the case in Orkney. Svein Asleifarson and his contemporaries on the
islands stand as proof that major aspects of the Viking Age continued well into the twelfth
century and were practiced by plenty of different people from all different walks of life.
Another characteristic of this earlier Viking Age lifestyle revolves around the moral code
that was practiced, and that is highlighted by the many interactions retold to us through
Orkneyinga Saga. Thanks to the work of many scholars over the years, we know that
Scandinavian peoples practiced their own kind of legal customs and even had legal assemblies
during the Viking Age. One example of these kinds of practices were the ‘thing sites’ where
groups would hold general assemblies at which people could voice their opinions on any number
of issues.131 We also know that some of these customs made the trip west with many Viking
settlers as there is evidence of potential thing sites as far as Dingwall on the Scottish mainland.132
While there are no mentions of these kinds of sites specifically in Orkneyinga Saga, there is still
evidence of unique legal systems and customs with similar Scandinavian influence. On the
129
130
131
Stefan Brink, “Law and Society: Polities and legal customs in Viking Scandinavia,” in The Viking World, eds.
Stefan Brink and Neil S. Price (Routledge Worlds. London; Routledge, 2008), 23-31.
132
Neil Price, “Silver, Slaves, and Silk,” in Children of Ash and Elm: A History of the Vikings. First edition. (New
York: Basic Books, 2020).
35
islands the practice of reconciliation, settlement, and revenge were an intrinsic part of how the
people on Orkney and the surrounding areas interacted with each other. Examples for previous
periods in Orkney again involve the brothers Earl Thorfinn, Earl Brusi, and Earl Einar. With
Thorfinn and Einar constantly butting heads, Brusi often stepped in to reconcile the two men
over their differences.133 The earls also engaged in making settlements which equated to coming
to an agreement over land and money as another way to avoid conflicts.134 However, the more
violent manner of settling wrongdoings came in the form of revenge. In the Viking Age,
Orkneyinga Saga shows its audience that taking revenge was seen as a duty in some cases, and
that the act of not taking revenge could even be disgraceful: “When they met, Ragnhild told him
that it was a disgrace that the earl’s kinsmen had taken no revenge and that she would do all she
could to make sure vengeance was carried out.”135 In a more ‘civilized’ world the way these
Viking nations solved problems through reconciliation and settlement seems at odds with the
idea of the ‘Viking lifestyle’, but were just as important when maintaining some kind of peace.
However, the act of revenge and the importance that was placed on it does line up with a more
violent version of what Viking life was like, and a figure like Svein embodied both of those
aspects through much of his life.
It is no secret to anyone who has read Orkneyinga Saga that Svein Asleifarson was not a
very popular man at the best of times. Throughout his life, Svein made plenty of enemies,
wronged many people, and was wronged by many in turn. Because of this, Svein spent a lot of
time either seeking revenge or reconciling his differences with others. Perhaps the best example
of Svein seeking revenge came after Earl Paul’s disappearance. Svein asked for ships and men
from Earl Rognvald to help him seek out and kill Olvir Brawl and his ally Frakokk for the
133
134
135
36
murder of his father. Rognvald attempted to talk him out of it, but Svein would not be satisfied
until the two men were dead. Unfortunately for Svein, Olvir was able to escape his assault, but
Frakokk was not so lucky. Svein and his men were able to trap Frakokk inside a house and he
was burned alive in the same way Svein’s father had died.136 Svein also operated within a strict
honor code, as evidenced by his killing of Jon Wing, one of Earl Harald’s stewards, who
mouthed off about the late Earl Erland, Svein’s former ally, all while the Viking was within
earshot (unbeknownst to Jon Wing).137 Svein was not all violence and vengeance however, as the
saga does show him making settlements and reconciling with this adversaries. Throughout the
latter half of the text, Svein eventually reconciles with nearly every earl he interacts with at least
once. He reconciles with Earl Rognvald on multiple occasions,138 and after many disagreements
with Earl Harald, the two eventually become good friends.139 Svein even takes it upon himself to
resolve conflicts, mediating between his kinswoman and her neighbor during the period of
fighting between Earl Erland and the other two earls.140 Throughout the text, Svein exemplifies
an older Viking Age code of honor that extends to both his allies and his enemies. He is the
cause of many problems which need resolving, but he also takes it upon himself to settle disputes
or take revenge when the situation calls for it. Even the meeting called to determine what was to
be down with Svein after the death of Earl Erland resembles a thing assembly from the Viking
Age where many people from the islands were allowed to voice their opinions on what should be
done with him.141 These kinds of interactions help show that while the Viking Age may have
come to an end, aspects of the culture and the systems that helped define it still existed in the
136
137
138
Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Palsson and Edwards, 154, 200.
139
140
141
37
decades and centuries after, with Svein Asleifarson standing as one of the ambassadors of a
continued Viking way of life.
Conclusion
Orkneyinga Saga’s depiction of Svein Asleifarson’s career is a fascinating topic that can
prove integral to understanding the broader context of the times in which Svein lived. Though
sagas are still largely narrative works, Orkneyinga Saga as a Kings’ saga is focused on retelling
the history of the Northern Isles and their powerful rulers as accurately as it can. Scholars do face
some challenges when attempting to get at the ‘original’ saga and should still be cautious about
taking the information it provides at face value, but the saga in turn makes efforts to take a
critical approach to history and even have its audience question the sources it provides.
Additionally, the work of previous scholars on the topic of twelfth century Orkney reveals that
Orkney was neither stuck in the Viking Age past, nor had it completely transitioned to a fully
medieval society. Their work also helped to lay the groundwork for recognizing Svein
Asleifarson as more than just a man living in the past and as something more representative of
what life was really like.
Finally, what this paper has shown, and what Orkneyinga Saga demonstrates, is that
Svein Asleifarson lived his life in twelfth-century Orkney like a Viking chieftain of old, but by
no means does that make him an anachronistic figure. Svein Asleifarson perhaps best
exemplified a continued Viking way of life, but he was not the only one. Plenty of the other
characters within Orkneyinga Saga personify those same characteristics, and even major figures
like the earls resembled older Viking chieftains. So, while Svein was certainly not the only
Viking living in twelfth century Orkney, he is one of the best examples of the continued
38
traditions of the Viking Age in a later period. Even more interesting is that he was also not just a
Viking. Svein was an independent magnate like the Viking chiefs of old. He spent his winters in
his vast drinking hall, housing up to eighty men, and in the spring, he prepared crops and sowed
seeds. His summers were spent off raiding, but he would always return to reap the corn and
safely gather grain.142 Instead of standing as a man from a bygone era, Svein is perhaps the best
example of what twelfth century Orcadian society really looked like: a nation in transition with
characteristics of both a Viking and medieval state. Svein is, therefore, perhaps a personification
of the concept of a “late Norse” period in Atlantic Scotland. If there is a point to look at as the
true end of the Viking Age in Orkney, both figuratively and literally, then it is after Svein’s death
and the partitioning of his great drinking hall by his sons the next year: “After Svein’s death, his
sons, Olaf and Andres, divided the inheritance between them. The summer after his death they
set up partition walls in the great drinking hall he had built on Gairsay.”143 As Pálsson and
Edwards perfectly put it: “With the viking-farmer Svein dead, it seems there is no longer any
need for banquet-space, the world is changing, and soon a rare event is going to become common
place: men are going to start to die in their beds.”144
142
143
The Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Alexander Burt Taylor, 342.
144
Orkneyinga Saga, trans. Herman Palsson and Paul Edwards, 15.
39
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http://archive.org/details/orkneyingasaga00goudgoog.
The Orkneyinga Saga. Translated by Alexander Burt Taylor. Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1938.
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Barrett, James. “Svein Asleifarson and 12th-Century Orcadian Society.” In The World of the
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A Man Out of Time?

Supervisor: Andrew McDonald

August 6th, 2021

2. The Northern Isles: Svein’s World……………………………………………………......3

3. The World of Saga Literature and Orkneyinga Saga……………………………………..5

4. The Historicity of Svein Asleifarson…………………………………………………….12

5. Historiography: Twelfth-Century Orcadian Society……………………………………..15

6. Svein Asleifarson and Twelfth-Century Orkney………………………………………...25

The Northern Isles: Svein’s World

mainland Scotland, comprising Orkney and Shetland. Orkney, where much of this discussion is

The World of Saga Literature and Orkneyinga Saga

characteristics, not on those from Norway.

useful for understanding contemporary Orkney’s political situation.

of a “narrative mode” was added.27

The Historicity of Svein Asleifarson

In addition to questioning the reliability of Orkneyinga Saga as a historical source, when

Svein’s existence confirmed by an independent contemporary text is in Giraldus Cambrensis’

so long as it is read with a critical eye.

Historiography: Twelfth-Century Orcadian Society

culture were not that foreign to the people of Orkney.

Christian ideology; non-market to market exchange; moderate to high levels of surplus

from the Viking Age.

Asleifarson would have fit right in.

largely rural community, to become a wealthy, semi-independent society.60 In order to

To a twelfth-century audience, Svein stands as an exemplar of how “Orcadian magnates could

Scandinavian nations such as Norway were aware of.

norm.77 Again, regardless of which interpretation is correct, Beuermann’s observations point to

admired by those around him.

Svein Asleifarson and Twelfth-Century Orkney

First, the centralization of power, or lack thereof, in Orkney is important to

of ruling Viking settlements during the Viking Age.

both makes, and un-makes earls.

chieftain with his own large retinue.107

many Scandinavian nations and settlements.

aspects through much of his life.

continued Viking way of life.

what life was really like.

place: men are going to start to die in their beds.”144

Royal Irish Academy, 1978. http://hdl.handle.net/2027/uc1.32106006593021.

Twayne Publishers, 1970.

Goudie. Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1873.

The Northern World, v. 31. Leiden; Brill, 2007.

Norwegian Archaeological Review 33, no. 1 (2000): 1–39.

Hatston, Orkney: The Orcadian Limited, 2005.

Orkneyinga Saga.” In Confluence. Interdisciplinary Communications 2007/2008, 123-29

Edited by Willy Østreng. Centre for Advanced Study, Oslo, 2009.

Erik Rekdal and Ian Beuermann. Leiden: Brill, 2011.

Studies 42, no. 1 (1970), 50–57.

Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

Edinburgh: John Donald, 2013.

Foote, Peter. “Observations on Orkneyinga Saga.” In St Magnus Cathedral and Orkney’s

Twelfth-Century Renaissance, 192-207. Edited by Barbara E. Crawford. Aberdeen:

Aberdeen University Press, 1988.

Gunnlaugsson, Guðvarður Már. “Manuscripts and Paleography.” In A Companion to Old Norse-

Icelandic Literature and Culture, 245-264. Edited by Rory McTurk. Blackwell

O’Donoghue, Heather. Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Short Introduction. Blackwell

Introductions to Literature 006. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub, 2004.

Omand, Donald, ed. The Orkney Book. Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2003.

Scottish Archaeological Research Framework, “The Late Norse Period”:

Mounds 2 and 2A, Bornais, South Uist. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2020.

Thomson, William P. L. The New History of Orkney. Edinburgh: Mercat Press, 2001.

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