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8808905
Paap, Howard Dorsey
THE OJIBWE MIDEWIWIN: A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS
University of Minnesota Ph.D. 1986
University
Microfilms
International 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106
Copyright 1885
by
Paap, Howard Dorsey
All Rights Reserved
THE OJIBWE MIDEWIWIN:
A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
BY
HOWARD DORSEY PAAP
IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
DECEMBER 1985
Copyright 1985 Howard Dorsey Paap
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Gratitude is expressed to the faculty of the
Anthropology Department of the University of Minnesota.
Special recognition is given to Dr. John Ingham for his
support, and as a mentor, for his penetrating insights
into the nature and functioning of culture.
Also recognized are the contributions of the Oj ibwe
ethnographers, past and present, whose work has laid the
groundwork for current research. Especially noteworthy
are the efforts of Frances Densmore, Joseph Gilfillan,
John Grim, Walter Hoffman, A. I. Hallowell, Georg Kohl,
Ruth Landes and William Warren.
I acknowledge the patience of the Red Cliff Band of
Ojibwe Indians. Especially noteworthy are Gladys De Perry,
Delores Bainbridge, Mary Roy, Michael De Perry, John
Buffalo, Rose Buffalo and very importantly Walter Newago,
Sr., and Mike Newago. Also I am particularly respectful
of William "Pipe" Mustache, Sr., who shared the midewiwin.
I acknowledge the tireless aid of Patricia Loving,
a librarian par excellance.
Lastly, I acknowledge the perennial patience of my
family: Marlene who 'understands better than I, and Max,
iii
Beth and Keller who, like their mother, feel the rhythms
of the earth and sky.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION................................ 1
The Midewiwin: Myth and R i t u a l .......... 5

Midewiwin Paraphernalia.................. 6
The Midewiwin and its Researchers........ 7
Theory and M e t h o d ...........................10
Topics of Remaining Chapters.................12
II. OJIBWE CULTURE.................................13
Introduction................................. 13
Subsistence Practices .................... 13
Social Organization ...................... 29
World View................................... 34
III. THE MIDEWIWIN ORIGIN M Y T H .................... 40
Introduction.................................40
Origin Myths: Set One.......................41
Myth One (M-l) : Tom Badger.............. 41
Myth Two (M-2) : Everwind................ 54
Myth Three (M-3): Basil Johnston. . . . 58
Myth Four (M-4) : James Red Sky........... 65
Myth Five (M-5) : Sikassige............... 72
Origin Myths: Set Two.......................80
Myth Six (M-6) : Nawaj ifcigokwe.......... 80
Myth Seven (M-7): Walter Hoffman . . . . 89
Myth Eight (M-8): Hole-in-the-Day . . . 93
Summary and Conclusions.....................98
IV. MIDEWIWIN PREPARATORY RITUAL................. 106
Introduction................................ 106
Preparatory Ritual..........................109
First Night R i t u a l ......................110
Second Night Ritual......................Ill
Third Day Ritual: The Sweat Bath. . . . Ill
Third Night R i t u a l ......................119
Fourth Day Activities....................121
The Preparatory Rites: An Analysis . . . . 127
1. Request and F e e s .................... 127
2. Manidoo Council............ 131
3. Sweat Lodge.......................... 132
4. Music, Song and Dance................139
5. Shell Shooting R e h e a r s a l ............145
6. Space and T i m e ...................... 147
V. THE PUBLIC RITE . . ........................ 149
Introduction................................ 149
Transporting the Fees to the
Initiation L o d g e ...................... 149
The Public Rite.......................... 151
Walter Hoffman on Fourth Degree
R i t u a l ................................ 162
The Public Rite: An Analysis............169
1. F e e s ................................ 169
2. Shell Shooting Activities............175
3. Music, Song and Dance................178
4. Space and T i m e ...................... 182
Landes' Post Public Rite Activities . . . . 190
Introduction............................ 190
Sixth Day Activities.................... 190
Seventh Day Activities. ............... 191
Eighth Day Activities.................... 192
Ninth Day Activities.................... 192
A n a l y s i s ................................ 193
VI. THE SKY LODGE, GHOST LODGE,AND SACRIFICE . . 194
Introduction................................ 194
Sky Degrees.............................. 194
Water as the Mediator Between Earth
and Sky................................ 203
The Ghost Lodge. . 206
The Midewiwin as Sacrifice ..............215
VII. AN ANALYSIS OF MIDEWIWIN S Y M B O L S . ........... 227
Introduction................................ 227
The Cedar Tree.............................. 228
The Midewiwin Lodge...................... 230
The Midewiwin P o l e ...................... 232
The Midewiwin D r u m ...................... 233
Drum Sticks.............................. 235
Invitation Sticks........................ 236
vi
Rattles.................................... 237
The Midewiwin Stone........................ 238
The M i i g i s ................................ 243
Midewiwin B a g s ............................ 250
Stannary.................................... 252
VIII.SUMMARIES, CONCLUSIONS ANDIMPLICATIONS . . . 258
Introduction ............................ 258

A Structural Meaning of theMidewiwin. . . 262
Reproduction............................ 263
Fire, Noise and M e d i a t i o n ............. 266
Research Problems and Implications for
Future Work.............................. 279
E N D N O T E S ............................................ 286
REFERENCES CITED .................................. 286
vii
ILLUSTRATIONS
Map
1. Ojibwe Areas................................. 14
Diagram
1. Sweat Lodge P o s t s ............................. 112
2. Bowman's Dance................................. 113
3. Bowman's Second D a n c e ......................... 116
4. Steersman's D a n c e ............................. 121
5. Moving the D r u m ............................... 161
6. Hoffman's Path of Life......................... 186
7. The Path of Life............................... 187
8. Earth and Sky Lodges........................... 199
9. Path to Village of the D e a d ................... 207
10. Dual Structure of the Life and Death Lodges . 211
11. Nett Lake Scroll............................... 212
Chart
1. Themes of First Set of Myths................ 79
2. Themes of Complete Setof M y t h s ............. 99
TABLE OF SYMBOLS
A male
: is to . . .
:: as . . .
+ presence
absence
// disjunction
ix
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The midewiwin is a religious institution found among
the Ojibwe Indians of North America.^ It was flourishing
in the 18th and 19th centuries but experienced a decline
by the 1890's (Hoffman, 1891:300). At the present time it

2
still persists in certain Ojibwe locales.
This work will be written in the ethnographic pre
sent and will focus primarily on the institution as
reported by its researchers during the years from the
1880’s to the 1930's. These five decades encompass the
bulk of much of the earliest significant ethnography on
the Ojibwe (Coleman, 1937; Densmore, 1970, 1973a, 1973b;
Gilfillan, 1901; Hallowell, 1926, 1934, 1936; Hoffman, 1891;
Jenness, 1935; Jones, 1919, 1974; Kinietz, 1947; Landes, 1968,
1971, 1972; Radin, 1928; Skinner, 1911, 1920.)
Two manuscripts provide much of my data on midewiwin
ritual. These are Walter Hoffman's classic monograph,
The Midewiwin or 'Grand Medicine Society' of the Ojibway
(1891), and Ruth Landes' monograph, Ojibwa Religion and
the Midewiwin (1968). My spelling and definitions of

Ojibwe words will be done in accordance with the
2
orthographic reference volume, An Ojibwe Word Resource
Book, edited by John Nichols and Earl Nyholm (1979) .
While my research is essentially an analysis of the
literature on the midewiwin, I have supplemented it with
fieldwork carried out intermittently from 1961 to the
present, at the Ojibwe community of Red Cliff, Wisconsin.
During the winter of 1984 and 1985 I also have worked
with Ojibwe informants from White Earth and Leech Lake,
Minnesota, and with William Mustache, Sr. , a fourth degree
midewiwin priest from the Ojibwe community at Lac Courte
Orilles, Wisconsin.
The word midewiwin has been translated as "mystic
doings" (Landes, 1968:4) and the midewiwin rite has been
described as a curing rite although some writers hint that
it has a more comprehensive role (Blessing, 1977; Coleman,
1937; Densmore, 1970; Landes, 1968). Coleman (1937:45),
for example, says, "The rites were the mainspring and
center of all Oj ibwa beliefs." Although it seems to have
originated with the Ojibwe, it is found in numerous varia
tions in other cultures as well. The Menominee, Iowa,
Oto, Potawatomie, Sauk, Wahpeton Dakota, Eastern Cree,
Fox, Ponca and Omaha all are reported to have their own
versions (Fortune, 1932; Hoffman, 1896; Radin, 1945;

Skinner, 1920).
Harold Hickerson (1962b, 1963) uses historical evi
dence to argue that the institution is post-contact in
origin and as such, is influenced by Christianity. He
feels that the rite has risen out of the interplay of
European contact and aboriginal shamanic beliefs and prac
tices, and that it served "as an instrument of the exercise
of civil authority and of village solidarity" (1963:79).
According to this view the midewiwin, as a complex cere
monial, helped establish a degree of social solidarity
heretofore absent in Ojibwe culture. However, Hickerson
does not attempt a discussion of the content of midewiwin
beliefs and ritual, and his evidence of Christian influence
stresses the sighting, by Jacques Marquette, of a wooden
cross standing in a village on the Fox River in Wisconsin
in 1673. Since the Jesuits were active in this region a
few years previous, Hickerson decries the conclusions of
Hoffman (1891:155) and Kinietz (1947:174) that the cross
was a symbol from the fourth degree of the midewiwin and
as such, that it had nothing to do with Christianity
(Hickerson, 1970:59-63). Since my analysis focuses on a
fifty year period when missionary activity among the
Ojibwe was intense, I would expect aspects of Christian
ritual and belief to be evident in the midewiwin.
The midewiwin has been discussed in the anthropologi
cal literature for over 100 years but treatments have been
more descriptive than analytical. My aim is to demonstrate
the rite's importance and elucidate its meaning from a
structural perspective. Along with examining the content
and structure of the rite per se, I shall analyze its
mythic rationale as well as its relation to aboriginal
social and economic organization. It will be seen that
the symbolism and patterning of the rite resonate with
myth on the one hand, and the structural relations of sub
sistence production, social organization and world view
on the other. Thus, I will argue that structurally,
midewiwin ritual is best understood in its wider social
and cultural contexts. Ojibwe subsistence practices,
technology, social organization, folklore, personality,
and ideology have all been studied, but their underlying
structure remains to be delineated. Since my argument
describes this structure, it makes a broad contribution
to Ojibwe studies. It focuses on a central rite - the

midewiwin - but also essays an holistic interpretation of
Ojibwe culture.
My purpose in this chapter is fourfold: first, to
introduce the midewiwin; second, to introduce the liter
ature of its researchers; third, to present my theoretical
approach, and fourth, to introduce the topics addressed in
the remaining chapters of this work.
The Midewiwin: Myth and Ritual
The story of the origin of the midewiwin appears in
several versions of the tribe’s origin myth. The myth
says that the first Ojibwe were immortals and that the
trickster, being concerned that the people would over
populate the earth, introduced death. This solved the
overpopulation problem but left the people ill and
troubled. They had been created as immortals, yet they
suffered from disease and death. This contradiction was
resolved, again by the trickster, by having the spirit
forces come together in council to help the people. What
the spirits did was give the midewiwin to the people, thus
returning their immortality. Even though the Ojibwe
experienced death as mortals, they were given life beyond
death through the midewiwin. The first initiate - often
said to be the otter - taught the midewiwin to the people.
Ojibwes of any age and sex, living or dead, can be
inducted into the society. Major ceremonials are held
annually and are built around these inductions. Usually
a person has a vision or dream during which he learns that
it is necessary for him to become a midewiwin member. He
then contacts a society member who arranges for four mide
wiwin officials to oversee the preparations and the rite
itself. The preparatory, tutoring sessions can last for
months, or even years, and involve sweat baths, tobacco
6
smoking, the teaching of pharmacopeia, midewiwin songs,
and the actual initiatory rituals. After completing the
training, the candidate is initiated in a day-long cere
mony in a lodge built especially for the event. During
the ceremony the candidate is ritually impregnated with a
sacred shell. After this he is accepted as a new midewiwin
member. The society has eight levels, or degrees. A
person can be initiated into all of them, but this takes
considerable time and expense, and it seems that few move
beyond the fourth degree. Each degree is overseen by a
spiritual guardian from the manidoo world. The identity
of these guardians varies from one Ojibwe community to
another.
Midewiwin Paraphernalia
The use of food, color, fire, water, smoke, music,
dance and song are all found in midewiwin ritual. A can
didate takes four sweat baths on four consecutive days
before the initiation. A small sweat lodge is built for
this purpose. In it heated stones are sprinkled with
water to produce steam. In the vicinity of the sweat
lodge a special, much larger, lodge is built for the ini
tiation. This edifice has a typical wigwam design, about
80 feet long and 20 feet wide with the top usually left
open. It is laid out on an east-west axis with doorways
facing those directions. The fourth degree lodge has an
additional set of doorways on the north-south axis. One
7
or more cedar posts and stones are located in the center
of the lodge, and sometimes four additional cedar posts
are implanted in the lodge floor, two on either side of
the east and west doorways. Ideally, the lodge is con
structed of saplings with cedar branches tied along the
outside walls from the level of the ground up just a few
feet. Other materials include a small white shell (usually
a cowrie), an animal or birdskin bag, two drums, and a
pipe. The more important drum is a cedar water-drum about
twelve inches in diameter and twenty inches high. The
other is a flat drum, about sixteen inches in diameter and
only a few inches high. Both are played with a drumstick.
Birchbark scrolls, a few feet long and about seven or
eight inches wide, are also used to teach the midewiwin to
the candidates. Drawings and etchings on the scrolls
depict the origin legend and the induction of the first
candidate into the midewiwin. Small hand held rattles
made of gourd or hollowed wood are used by the officiating
priests along with the drums.
The Midewiwin and its Researchers
Europeans had an early interest in the midewiwin.
Hickerson notes that the first mention of it appears in
the literature of the first decade of the 18th century
(1970:59). It continues to be a subject of interest to
the present time.
8
The classic document is still Walter Hoffman's pub
lication (1891) . Hoffman did his fieldwork in Northern
Minnesota from 1887 to 1889 and was able to observe several
ceremonies. He left a thorough, detailed description of
the institution. Ruth Landes (1968) also did fieldwork
in Northern Minnesota. She worked in some of the same
areas Hoffman did and was in the field for two summers, and
a fall and winter from 1932 to 1935, but did not publish
her material until 1968. Like Hoffman, Landes recorded a
detailed description of midewiwin ritual.
Except for these two works there are few significant
publications on the midewiwin. Surprisingly, A. I.
Hallowell wrote only a single article on it, although he
planned to make it the focus of a major research project

(1936:32).
The 19th century Ojibwe historian, William W. Warren,
gave it cursory treatment in his History of the Ojibway
Nation (1970). He stated an intent to publish a monograph
on the midewiwin "to give the secret motives and causes
thereof" (p. 26), but he died before he could undertake this
project. .Warren:, who saw the: Ojibwe as "simple children
of nature" (p. 78), and suggested that they were descen

dants of the ten lost tribes of Israel, expressed a desire
to record the midewiwin so that it might be recognized as
a major aspect of Ojibwe culture. He felt that to under
stand the Ojibwe one needed to study their mythological
traditions, something that had not been attempted up to
his lifetime. According to him, "Their real character,
their mode of thought and expression could only be under
stood by a study of their religion, the midewiwin" (p. 27).
Warren was aware of religion's place within its wider
cultural context. He saw the midewiwin as the codefication
of normative behavior for the Ojibwe - its initiates were
inculcated with the "great rules of life" (p. 67) - and it
was best seen as a "code of religion" (p. 56).
Similar to Hallowell and Warren, another writer’s
intent to unfold the mysteries of the midewiwin was not
accomplished. This was Fred Blessing (1977), who conducted
fieldwork in Minnesota in the 1960's but died before the
completion of his work.
An important contribution to the literature of the
midewiwin is the publication of Selwyn Dewdney (1975) .
Dewdney presents, in photos and sketches, several of the
pictographic birch bark scrolls used in the teaching of the
institution. He attempts to interpret and classify them
into a workable typology, but the significance of his
effort lies less in his conclusions than in the mere pre
sentation of the photos and sketches. The scrolls are
practically inaccessible to most students and it is in
this sense that his publication is an invaluable resource.
10
Theory and Method
In this work I have analyzed the midewiwin in essen
tially a structuralist fashion. I have used Ldvi-Strauss'
method of analysis for myth to interpret midewiwin myth
ology, and ritual. My aim is not to offer an analysis of
the entirety of Ojibwe culture but to use the structural
method to elucidate the organizational features and
symbolism of midewiwin ritual. My primary goal is not to
describe how the Ojibwe explain the midewiwin. Instead,

I am offering an anthropological analysis of the institu
tion by using a structural approach.
Ldvi-Strauss' method for the analysis of myth
involves breaking down a set of myths into sequential epi
sodes. A series of such episodes from one myth is
considered as a representation of a series from other
myths and it is the overall summation of these series that
make up the message of the myths. In other words, the
episodic series (the syntagmatic associations) become
transformed into a structure (the paradigmatic associa
tions) which is this message. Applying this model to the
midewiwin, we note that the numerous characters and events
that are found in the many versions of midewiwin myth and
ritual are seen as actors and actions that represent an
under lying message. From this view, the diversity in myth
and ritual that permeates the literature on the midewiwin
changes from being a confusing and contradictory body of
11
ethnographic data to a clear and comprehensible message.
Along with this work's major intent, it also addresses
the criticism which contends that Ojibwe ethnographers have
failed to consider the role of religion in Ojibwe culture
(Vizenor, 1984:27-31). Since my method of analysis is
based upon a structuralist paradigm it often cuts through
the richness and color of midewiwin concepts to find an
underlying, formal pattern of reality. However, this
method should not be interpreted to mean that the mide
wiwin is at heart only a neutral set of relationships
between under lying categories. It must be remembered that
the rite is a complex institution that concerns the
relationship of the Ojibwe people to the religious power
sources of the universe. The dynamism of the role of the
midewiwin officials as they work to maintain Ojibwe culture
through their mediation between the people and these power
sources cannot be interpreted as anything but mystically
rich and vibrant (Grim, 1933) . Although the time span that
this analysis addresses is the approximate fifty year
period from the 1880's to the 1930's, it should be recog
nized that the midewiwin is in no way an aspect of only
past Ojibwe culture. It continues to be a viable institu

tion for some Ojibwe today, whether in a rural or urban
setting, and as such plays an important role in giving

life meaning.
12
Topics of Remaining Chapters
Chapter two is an introduction to traditional Ojibwe
culture. It presents a structural view of subsistence
practices, social organization and world view. In Chapter
three, eight versions of the origin myth are analyzed and
common aspects of their structures are noted. Chapter four
presents a description and analysis of the preparatory
ritual for the midewiwin's initiation ceremony. Chapter
five describes the initiation ceremony itself and offers
an analysis. In Chapter six the problem of the sky and
ghost lodges is presented and the midewiwin is considered
as a sacrificial rite. Chapter seven analyzes the symbols
of the midewiwin. Chapter eight provides a summary of my
argument and conclusions.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
CHAPTER II
OJIBWE CULTURE
Introduction
Before I address the midewiwin directly it is neces
sary to set its context. This chapter will, therefore,
be devoted to a structural interpretation of Ojibwe cul
ture as presented by its ethnographers-
The Ojibwe are Algonkian speakers found in the eastern
subartic and Great Lakes regions. Their mythology tells
of an eastern origin and a westward migration that climaxed
for most groups with settlement around Lake Superior,
although one group continued its westward movement to the
northern Great Plains (Skinner, 1920).
The researcher of the Ojibwe looks in vain for that
baseline ethnography which cotv I serve as a sourcebook for

understanding the culture. The problem of the reconstruc
tion of the aboriginal culture has been addressed in the
literature (Hickerson, 1962a) and exists primarily because
of early influences by the fur trade and the different
geographical regions that the tribe has occupied. Usually
these regions are classified into four categories: 1) the
Northern Ojibwe occupying the Canadian region in Ontario
13
14
just north and west of Lake Superior, 2) the Southwestern
Ojibwe in Minnesota, Wisconsin and southern Ontario, 3)
the Southeastern Ojibwe, in Michigan and southeast Ontario,
and 4) the Plains Ojibwe, the smaller group, that adapted
to a life on the northern Canadian plains in Manitoba and
eastern Saskatchewan. (See Map 1)
Northern
0j ibwe
Southwestern* v. 9 Southeastern
s 0jabwe v. L /A ct
l* % . V(
I ^ ^ ^
Map 1
Considerable ecological diversity exists in these four
regions. The Plains Ojibwe are bison hunters. The
Northern Ojibwe primarily hunt the solitary moose, but also
do some trapping and fishing. In the southeastern region
the Ojibwe developed what Cleland (1984:11) calls the
"Inland Shore fishing complex," a fishing industry adapted
15
to Lakes Michigan and Huron as well as lessor inland lakes.
Here fishing provides the major food item. This Inland
Shore fishing complex is also found in the Southwestern
Ojibwe area in those communities just south and west of
Lake Superior, however, the economic adaptation of this
last region is more complex than in the Plains, Northern
and Southeastern Ojibwe areas. For the purposes of my
work on the midewiwin I will speak primarily of Ojibwe
culture found in the Southwest region, that is, northern
Minnesota, northern Wisconsin and southern Ontario. This
is the region in which the important midewiwin research
has been accomplished. In summarizing southwestern Ojibwe
culture I will isolate it into three components: subsis

tence practices, social organization, and world view.
Subsistence Practices
The Ojibwe are hunters and gatherers who practice
minimal gardening. For the Southwestern Ojibwe the prin
cipal large game animals - white-tailed deer, black bear,
moose, elk - are of course, mostly of the solitary types.
The usual, smaller terrestrial animals of the northern
woodland forest (rabbits, beaver, porcupine, etc.) are
taken for food, and some, after European contact, for their
furs. The ubiquitous lakes, rivers and streams supply
fish. Birds and water fowl also are taken.
16
For many of the communities, the main vegetal resource
is wild rice which grows in the inland lakes and sloughs
(Jenks, 1902). Maple sugar is manufactured and the
American Indian trilogy of com , beans and squash is grown
in small garden patches.
The ethnographer-ethnomusicologist, Frances Densmore,
in 1927, while working with an informant from the Mille
Lacs Band of Minnesota Ojibwe, recorded a narrative of sub
sistence activities that spanned the entire year (1970:
119-123). Her informant was Nodinens, a 74-year-old Ojibwe
woman who related in detail the seasonal routine of her
family. Her account fits well the late 19th century -
early 20th century time focus of my work, and provides a
basis for an overview of Ojibwe subsistence practices.
The year is bisected into a major winter and a major
summer camp with two lessor encampments, one in fall and
one in spring. The winter and summer camps usually are of
at least four or five months each in duration. The fall
encampment is for the purpose of harvesting wild rice and
it lasts only a few weeks, although it is of great impor
tance. The spring camp, a maple sugar camp, likewise is
of short duration but of significant importance. The fall
camp is established by women who go to the rice fields
near the end of summer to mark off individual family har
vesting areas (Ibid.:128). Rice is a water plant and both
17
sexes are active in its harvesting. Typically, a woman
sits in a canoe and knocks rice into it with a stick while
a man poles the canoe through the rice field. Gilfillan
states, however, that men rarely help in this operation
(1901:83,125). The rice is usually dried, parched,
pounded, and treaded - a complex process that again is per
formed by men as well as women. It is the woman, however,
who has the final responsibility of preserving the rice,

packaging it, and storing it in caches for later use. It
is clear that the rice camp is the domain of the woman.
Its function is to harvest and preserve a vegetal food -
a task that in Ojibwe culture falls to the woman.
As the rice harvest concludes, and fall enters, the
men usually leave the camp to spend several weeks trapping.
It is at this time that the new winter coats are on the
animals. Densmore's informant relates that during this
time the women might return to the summer camp to harvest
the garden produce and to prepare for the migration to the
winter camp. In the fall, while the men are trapping, "the
women began their fall fishing, often working at this
until after the snow came" (Densmore, 1970:123). This fall
fishing is economically important because the catch usually
is large and can be preserved as a necessary winter food
source (Gilfillan, 1901:73).
18
Fall subsistence activities, therefore, are centered
upon rice harvesting, trapping, and fishing. At the con
clusion of these activities the family moves to its winter
camp. This is located in a forested area inhabited by
big game. During the winter the male's hunting ventures
take him to great distances from camp and he can often be
alone in the forest away from his wife for days, weeks,
and even months at a time (Landes, 1968:4-7). "Some of
the men started on long hunting trips in the middle of
winter, and did not get back until after the spring work
was done. . (Densmore, 1970:122).
In contrast to the men, the women spend the winter in
close proximity to the lodge. Their days are filled with
manipulative and processing tasks such as securing fire
wood and working with bark and other vegetal materials to
manufacture containers and cordage for bags and fish nets.
The firewood can at times be carried from the woods to the
camp by the men (however, their frequent prolonged absences
mean that this task really falls to the woman), but once
in camp it is the woman who works it up into managable
pieces and carries it into the lodge. Gilfillan insists
that firewood procurement is the task of the women. Writ
ing about firewood preparation at Red Lake, Minnesota, in
the 1870's he says:
It is the business of the women to supply it.

Every day one can see, about four o'clock in the
afternoon, long strings of women, each with her
19
ax and packing strap, going out into the woods
perhaps a mile; soon the woods are vocal with
axes; and then equally long strings of women are
seen issuing from the woods, each with her load
upon her back, and each woman packs an immense
quantity (1901:77).
During the day, at least, the woman maintains the lodge
fire. She leaves camp on occasion to retrieve game that a
man has killed in the woods. He might bring a quantity of
the fresh meat to camp, but the bulk of the kill is worked
up by the woman at the killsite, cached in the vicinity
or brought back to camp and cached near the lodge. The
camp, with its lodge, is the woman's just as the woods is

the man's.
The hunting lodge. . . was erected at about the

center of the game range. It 'belonged' in
Ojibwe parlance to the wife, who occupied it with
the young children. The woods and the hunt
'belonged' to the man, who left the wigwam almost
daily for his quarry. He might remain away days
or weeks at a time, and return home only for a
rest (Landes, 1968:7).
This opposition of woods (= male) and camp, or lodge
(=* female) permeates the literature of Ojibwe culture.
In late winter, just before the point of spring
breakup, the family moves to the maple sugar camp. As
with the fall ricing encampment, it is of comparatively
short duration. Gilfillan says it lasts for "a month or
six weeks" (1901:70). Densmore's informant reported that
the women tap the trees (1970:122), and like the fall camp,
this camp is the domain of the woman. Gilfillan says the
women make the maple sugar (1901:70), and Landes agrees,
20
saying, "Women assume the principle role in sugar making"
(1971:127). This point is supported by elderly informants
from Red Cliff, Wisconsin, who recall that in the 1920’s
women assumed the major tasks in sugar making and one
informant remembers his grandmother operating her own
"sugar bush" during 1912-1915.

The tree tapping, sap gathering, and its working-up
into sugar are all activities that involve the use of fire
wood, and manipulation of food and containers, all female
activity in Ojibwe culture. Males might be involved in
the sugar manufacturing process, but at this time of year
they are also concerned with their late winter - early
spring trapping, hunting and ice fishing (Gilfillan, 1901:
70). The winter ice is at its thickest and fishing is a
profitable venture. Unlike the women, the men use spears
to take the fish.
In Canada the characteristic men's style is, or

was to fish with the lance. . . a man built him
self a tiny wigwam over a hole he had made in the
icy surface of a lake, squatted over the hole with
a torch and his lance, and when a fish came in
sight, he speared it. This form of fishing
typically is never practiced by the woman CLandes,
I97T:131-1327 'Italics added). -----------
In an important way both spring and fall camps are
similar. Densmore (1970:128) saw this when she commented
that the "one corresponded somewhat" to the other. Each
usually contains few families who work their own section

of the rice field and maple grove, the entire unit forming
a little village. The division of labor of the fall camp
21
is replicated in the spring camp. The main activities in
each are controlled and led by the women while the men
carry out the ancillary tasks of trapping and spear fish
ing. Often, immediately following the ricing and sugaring,
the women pursue their fishing, but with nets, not spears.
In spring, like in fall, the people "frequently. . . went
from the sugar camp to a place where they could fish"
(Ibid.:124).
In late spring and early summer the families establish
their summer camp. This is near "some body of fresh water
where fish, berries, and wood were plentiful" (Landes,
1968:6). These villages have been called "fishing settle
ments" (Hallowell, 1974:119), but this label is not
entirely appropriate because summer for the Ojibwe is a
time for other subsistence ventures as well. Actually,
all subsistence activities (with the exception of maple
sugaring and ricing) are carried out then and no single
activity is paramount. Yet, Hallowell's nomenclature is
essentially correct. By labeling the summer villages as
fishing settlements he is suggesting an opposition between
winter as the time when the male provides the food (meat)
and summer as the time when the female is the major pro
vider since among the Southwestern Ojibwe fishing is
largely a female task. Even though v:l:e men hunted all
year (as the women fished all year), summer hunting was not
emphasized and consequently it was not a major food
22
procuring activity. Densmore's informant supports this
when she characterizes male summer activity as a time
when "they rested a while. . . (before they) started off
on their fall hunting and trapping"(brackets added)
(1970:122). "Fishing, except in the coldest winter, was
the work of the woman, who placed the nets in the water at
night and took them up in the early morning, spreading and
drying them" (Densmore, 1970:125). Landes agrees, saying:
"Every woman sets out nets for fish, especially during the
seasons of open water" (1971:128). Gilfillan stressed that
fishing was "a branch of industry which. . . is reserved
by the Ojibways exclusively for women" (1904:66). Else
where he continues, saying that:
Every morning the first thing the woman living

on Leech Lake, Cass Lake, or Winnibigoshish,
does when she wakes is to take her paddle, jump
into her canoe, and draw her nets. . . Out of
the 1,000 Indians at Leech Lake only one man was
ever known to draw or set a net; it is left
exclusively to women (1901;80).
However, while fishing with nets in the southwestern
Ojibwe region is normally a female activity, and a major
source of food, it must not be thought that only women
fish. As already stated, men spear fish. Cleland (1984:
6) states that " . . . the subsistence adaptation of the

southwestern Ojibwa developed out of the Inland Shore fish
ing complex of the south-eastern Ojibwa," and that in the
southeast the taking of fish is "a male enterprise" (p.
11). (Thus, in the 1980's, men use gill nets to take fish
23
on Lake Superior and the larger inland waters like Leech,
Winnibigoshish and Red Lakes in Minnesota.)
Women are active in the summer camp and its immediate
environs, but unlike the winter camp, the men are usually
there too. Summer is the one season when the sexes can
regularly be together. At the start of the summer encamp
ment the gardens are prepared for planting. The men labor
to break the ground (Densmore, 1970:122), but after that
the women assume the work of planting, minimal maintenance
and finally, harvesting. Throughout the season as numer
ous berries ripen the women harvest and prepare them for
immediate consumption or cache them for winter use. At
the end of summer it is time to prepare for the move to
the fall rice camp. Thus the annual cycle is begun again.
A division of labor is seen in this round of seasonal
subsistence activities. A man is primarily a hunter. This
is evident all year long, but especially in the winter.
During this season a man can expect to be active for long
periods of time, alone, or with one or two male companions
out in the forest, distant from the camp. (A vivid
example of this is the late 18th and early 19th century
account of John Tanner (1956) who tells at length of time
spent in winter alone in the woods equipoised from his
wife's lodge.) This disjunction between male and female
characterizes winter subsistence practices.
24
While the man is moving about in his hunting terri
tory the woman is in the winter camp. For her this is a
time of minimal involvement in the food quest. She is
expected to process any large animals the male is able to
kill, and this can at times, involve a considerable amount
of labor, but except for winter net fishing (Landes, 1968:
5) she is not acting as a primary provider of food. For
her the winter encampment is a place of domestic respon
sibilities, especially the manufacture and maintenance of
clothing and food containers, meal preparation, child care,
and importantly, firewood making. The ax is an essential
tool for her. In fact it has been considered the property
and symbol of the female (Gilfillan, 1904:49-52). At
birth an Ojibwe female infant is often given an ax whereas
the male receives a hunting weapon. At death a woman is
sometimes buried with her ax (Densmore, 1970:74; Warren,
1970:72-73). The sexual division of labor in Ojibwe cul
ture, in other words, is expressed not only in the direct
quest for food, but also in the ownership and manufacture
of tools.
The Ojibwe themselves make the tools needed to live
in their woodland habitat. When an object consists of a
wooden frame to which another material like bark, hide or
twine is added, the male makes the frame and the female
adds the other material. For example, the frames for a
pair of snowshoes are made by a male but the female weaves
25
the bindings onto the frames (Landes, 1971:125-126). This
same division of labor is followed in canoe making; the
male builds the framework and the female encloses it by
attaching it to the bark, including its sewing with cordage
sealed with pitch (Densmore, 1970:151).
Numerous examples of this feature of the sexual divi
sion of labor occur in the literature of the Ojibwe. The
man's task is to provide the materials for the framework
and the woman's is to enclose the framework, to make it
into a container. This pattern, for example, is seen in
the construction of the family lodge.
The activity center of the camp is the lodge and, as
already mentioned, it belongs to the woman. She oversees
its construction and maintenance. Men usually set the
lodge poles into the earth and force them down to be tied
together, but interestingly, this is the extent of their
lodge building labor. The woman actually ties the poles
together and then fastens the bulrush mats and birch, elm
or basswood bark to the framework. The women, in effect,
are the lodgebuilders (Ibid.:25). Women construct the
family habitation lodges but they also construct the cere
monial lodges. In one version of the Ojibwe origin legend
the Sun Spirit orders "the women to make a wigwam of
bark. . ." (in which to hold the first midewiwin ceremony)
(Hoffman, 1891:173). The lodge for the Menominee version
26
of the midewiwin is built by the females (Hoffman, 1896:
71). Likewise. Landes (1968:141) claims that the midewiwin
lodge is built by the females.
Considering the lodge, food caches, bulrush and bark
mats, bulrush and yarn bags, bark cannisters, fiber fish
nets, and even clothing as similar items (they all are
containers) we see that the manufacturing and manipulation
of items of containment are the domain of the female.
In summary, Ojibwe traditional subsistence practices

show a division of labor based upon space, time, and sex.
A spatial disjunction between male and female in the winter
contrasts with the spatial conjunction of the sexes in the
summer camp. This seasonal/spatial oscillation is bordered
on both margins by spring and fall activities. These
latter seasons are iiminal periods when the sexes are
together and yet apart, that is, the disjunction of winter
and the conjunction of summer are replaced by the relation
ships necessary to accomplish the fall tasks of rice har
vesting, net fishing and fur trapping, and the spring tasks
of maple sugar manufacturing and spear fishing. In both
spring and fall the sexes are together at times and apart
at others. The cyclical movement of the seasons is
reflected in this oscillation of the conjunction and dis
junction of the sexes. This pattern can also be viewed as
a movement away from a central point beginning in fall and
a movement back toward a central point beginning in spring.
27
It is in this sense that Hallowell characterizes this
seasonal pattern as "a centrifugal movement" in late fall
when the tribal members begin to disperse from their

summer settlements and a "centripetal movement" in spring
when they begin to return to the central summer encampment
(1974:119).
Other evidence supports the characterization of fall
and spring as seasons of liminal activities. In spring
and fall the subsistence activities of the sexes become
somewhat similar, i.e., they supplement each other
(Buffalohead, 1983:244). While the male's role of hunter
remains unchanged, and the female's role of "netter" like
wise is unchanged, it is in spring and fall that this
complementary structure is bisected by a supplementary
relationship. To see this it is necessary to look again
at the ethnography on spring and fall subsistence prac
tices.
The fall rice harvest requires both male and female
labor although ricing is predominantely a female activity.
Trapping and snaring might seem to be a male activity in
Ojibwe culture, especially when a man leaves the camp to
penetrate the encircling forest to traverse his trap and
snare lines, sometimes at great distances. However,
trapping and snaring are also female activities, and in a

structural sense may be more female than male. Landes
reports that women did some fur trapping in Canada in the
early 20th century (1972:94). Densmore's informant says:
"We snared rabbits and partridges for food. . (1970:
121) , however, while I assume she is referring to women in
this case, it is not finally clear just who did the
snaring. Likewise, an informant at Red Cliff, Wisconsin,
says she snared rabbits in the 1920's. Just as important
as these examples is the recognition that trapping and
snaring are activities of containment and as such are of
the same genre as fishing with nets. As a subsistence
activity they are opposed to the usual techniques males
employ in getting game; males kill animals by the issuance
of projectiles to pierce and tear like arrows, lances and
bullets, or they use deadfall traps in which a log or
branch falls on an animal, usually killing it with a blow
to the skull (Densmore, 1970:130-131).
In the fall when men assist in ricing and trap and
snare animals they approach the female position in the
division of labor. In the spring they do the same when
they assist with the maple sugar manufacturing, an essen
tially female activity. Landes, for example, tells of
men who make maple sugar in Canada (1972:96-97). In
spring men engage in fishing, another female activity,
although they use spears instead of nets. Similarly,
the female becomes male-like in the spring and fall. She
extracts the sap from the maple trees in spring by piercing
29
the tree bark with a sharp object. In fall she harvests
the rice by administering blows to the plants as she
knocks the grain into the canoe.
Fall and spring, then, are seasons when the boundaries
between male and female subsistence activities are less
well defined.
Social Organization
Ruth Landes (1972) has provided a description of the
social organization for the Southwestern Ojibwe that fits
the time focus of my work. In the following I will use
her material as my primary literary source.
The largest social unit is the summer village,
usually composed of "three to fifteen f a m il i e s " (Ibid.:
1). Each such village is politically and economically
independent; the leadership is shared by clan and family
elders, midewiwin leaders, and any others who can command
respect.
The Ojibwe have non-localized exogamic patrilineal
clans, but the number is uncertain. Warren (1970:44-45)
lists 21 for Wisconsin and Minnesota in the early 1800's,
whereas Landes finds fifteen in Ontario (1972:32-33).
Together, these sources suggest that six clans have names
of land animals, while most of the rest have the names of
fish, water birds, or aquatic animals (see Table 1). A
structure presents itself in these names: the opposition
30
TABLE 1
OJIBWE CLAN NAMES
Land Water Air
Caribou Aquatic Fish Crane
Moose Beaver Catfish Loon
Lynx Muskrat Pike Black Duck
Bear Otter Sucker Goose
Wolf Mink Sturgeon Gull
Rattlesnake Marten Whitefish Kingfisher
Mermen Eagle
of the sky (= air) categories to the land categories is
mediated by the aquatic animal and fish categories. Fur
thermore, the air clans have a definite preoccupation with
the mediatory categories, since all the air clans are
named after water birds. Clans in northern groups seem to
have had an exogamic function, although it was lost some
time after European contact. There is evidence to suggest
that in Minnesota and Wisconsin leaders were at times
drawn from the Crane clan but this function also ceased
soon after contact (Warren, 1970:A7). The ethnography
offers little additional information about the clans and
few Ojibwe today seem aware or even concerned about their

clan affiliations.
31
These non-corporate, non-localized descent groups
are sometimes linked to form a phratry system. As with
the smaller clan units, the phratry's only function is the
regulation of marriage (Landes, 1972:36). Landes claims
that the Ontario clans are unstratified and have no specia
lized functions (p. 37).
Ojibwe kinship terminology is classificatory. All
relatives in Ego's, the first ascending and the first
descending generations are sorted "into two great classes;
the class into which Ego marries, and the class into which
he was b o m and cannot marry" (Landes, 1971:6). The
former includes Ego's cross-cousins and their families and
the latter includes Ego's parallel cousins (Hickerson,
1962:75). Throughout the society these two sets of rela
tives stand horizontally opposed to each other:
Imarriageable persons non-marriageable persons

l_________________________
In Ego's generation, terminological address is recip
rocal. That is, throughout the society terms of address
within any single generation are "the address of equals"
(Landes, 1971:6). Moving vertically within the primary
generations, however, terms of address are complementary,
or unequal. These unequal terms of address are between
parent/child and grandparent/grandchild. Thus, these two
terminological address axes bisect each other:
32
address of equals
(within a generation)
address of unequals
(between generations)
(Interestingly, the rule of unequal address is not seen
outside of the three primary generations. In the exchange

between the third ascending and the third descending
generations - between great-grandparent and great
grandchild - the term of address is a "sexually undiffer
entiated term" (Ibid.).)
This kinship terminology system is overlaid with the
descent (patrician) system and both coincide in the regula
tion of marriage. According to Landes:
The terms used to distinguish persons of one's

own gens are those of the kinship system, but
taken only from Ego's generation. Hence, sib-
mates are 'sibling'; all others are 'sibling-in-
law' (or) 'cross-cousin'. . .So, from the view
point of the gens, the population consists of
just one generation made up of two intermarrying
groups. . . (1971:38). These two intermarrying
groups are the most important relatives the
Ojibwa recognize (Ibid.:18).
Importantly, Ojibwe social structure, from the per
spective of the clan, expresses a relationship between
primarily only two groups, Ego's parallel and cross-cousin
groups, or the non-marriageable persons and the marriage
able persons. The horizontal disjunctive posturing of
these groups is bisected on the vertical axis by the
relationships between generations. Vertically there is
terminological opposition between parents, children, and
grandparents while horizontally this opposition is found
between clan members (= "siblings”) and non-clan members
("siblings-in-law" or "cross-cousins"). For Ego this
disjunction is resolved on the horizontal axis by marriage.
The disjunction never is resolved on the vertical axis
between the primary generations. (An Ojibwe marriage is
more than a union of individuals. It is also a union of
the two exogamic groups. Since at the clan level these
are the only two groups in the society, a marriage can be
viewed as a union of the entire society.)
In summary, Ojibwe social structure can be seen as
a dual structure based on a distinction between the
marriageable and the non-marriageable persons. This dual
organization replicates the pattern in the division of
labor in subsistence practices. The temporal and spatial
axis between male and female subsistence roles is analogous
to the horizontal axis of the categories of marriageable
and non-marriageable persons. In an absence of cohesive
devices such as corporate descent groups or special
interest associations, we find a fragmented structure of
small habitation units (nuclear families) where a division
34
of labor is important as an organizing principle.
One further point about social organization needs to
be made before moving on to a discussion of the Ojibwe
world view. According to Hallowell (1964:51-53), "a dis
cussion of Ojibwa social organization must go beyond what
we usually consider social organization.11 It must include
a consideration of relationships between humans and a
category of beings who are ’’living persons of an other-
than-human class" (Ibid.:57). These relationships will be
investigated in the following paragraphs.
World View
World view has been defined as a group's view of the
world "in and around them" (Mendelson, 1972:576). A com
prehensive concept, it describes the nature of the world
and the behavior required to exist in that world. When
attempting to understand a world view it is best perhaps,
to link its beliefs and values to other aspects of the
cultural system (Kearney, 1972:43). An attempt at a com
plete analysis of this facet of Ojibwe culture is beyond
the purposes of this chapter. Instead, I shall limit my
discussion to its principle features.
The Ojibwe are not unlike the other Algonkian speakers
of the northeast woodland and eastern subarctic culture
areas. They are individualisticaliy oriented in person
ality and inter-personal relationships (Bamouw, 1950:
Hallowell, 1974). Other than the midewiwin there seems
to have been no all-inclusive tribal ceremonies that
regularly brought them together and routinely subordinated
the individual to the group. Rather, the Ojibwe approach
cosmic questions through the isolation of the vision
quest, dreams, and for those individuals who join the
rite, the midewiwin. Therefore, in Ojibwe culture norma
tive behavior is achieved through an "emphasis upon inner
control rather than outward coercion" (Hallowell, 1966:
470-471).
In the absence of any overall impersonal power, or
structure, that serves as the basis for explanation of
the world, the Ojibwe perceive a world peopled by separate
persons and use a "personalistic theory of causation"
(Hallowell, 1964:49-82). Thus, the concept of persons and
their actions, rather than some impersonal grand plan, or
design, is paramount in understanding the Ojibwa world
view. This category of "persons" includes humans and
non-humans (pp. 51-53). The interaction of these two types
of persons is an "integral force in the functioning of a
unified cosmos" (p. 60). This point is important. In the
context of the Ojibwe socio-cultural system these two
categories are structurally postured so that through their
interaction the universe comes into being; put another way,

they "unify" the cosmos.
36
Mary Black takes this interpretation a step further
by suggesting that this unification is achieved as these
two classes of persons interact in controlling power. She
identifies an Ojibwe "Control-Power Belief System" and
finds that it relates well to Hallowell's earlier "Persons
Belief System" (Black, 1967:171). Overholt and Callicott
(1982) also note the importance of power. Drawing on
analyses of several myths, they delineate six character
istics of the Ojibwe world view: 1) power, 2) metamor
phosis, 3) the situation of blessing, 4) disobedience and
its consequences, 5) reciprocity, life and death, 6)
dreams.
For the Ojibwe, power is a life force in nature; as
such, it sustains their physical, psychological, and
spiritual well being (Roufs, 1978:2). Relationships
between human and non-human persons are, at heart, about
this force. A person with power can take different forms
as particular situations warrant. When power is trans
mitted from one person to another, it has a beneficial
effect on the recipient. This transference of power, or
"blessing," usually is from non-human persons to humans.
It can be elicited through offerings and fasting, a means
of evoking pity. Instructions on behavior are often given
with the power or with the promise of its receipt at a
future time, and disobedience to these instructions can
cause the loss of power. The transference of power often
37
involves the willingness of animals to be killed and used
as food by the Ojibwe but to ensure this the people have
to show respect to the animals. This is usually accom
plished by making offerings (often of tobacco) to them and
by treating their remains properly. If this reciprocal
relationship is maintained then the animals do not really
die when hunted; they are able to come back to life and
enjoy the offering. Finally, power can be received through
dreams. As Hallowell points out and Overholt and Callicott

reiterate, dreams are a major occurrence when the human
persons and non-human persons categories interact. Dreams
are social reality just as in the Ojibwe "awake-time" and
are important in effecting actual social behavior.
In summary, Overholt and Callicott conclude that the
interaction of humans and non-human persons is basic to
the Ojibwe world view and that:
. . . it is the presupposition that such other-

than-human persons exist as essentially spiritual
entities and have certain characteristics (the
power of metamorphosis, an instability of outer
form, speech, volition, social relationships and
the like) which shapes the Ojibwa perception of
their world as a kind of drama in which actors
of unequal power relate to each other through
patterns of blessing and reciprocal obligation
(1982:161).
As is true in all cultures, the Ojibwe world view
describes a particular reality, one that the majority of
culture bearers recognize as being valid. However, world
views do more than give a description of reality - they
38
offer at the same time, a guideline for normative behavior
in that reality (Geertz, 1973). When this is recognized
a world view is seen to have an integral role in norm
maintenance within a socio-cultural system, but to accom
plish this a world view must be integrated in some way
with other key aspects of that system. I suggest that in
Ojibwe culture this integration is achieved through struc
tural similarities in the world view, social organization
and subsistence practices.
Ojibwe subsistence practices are accomplished not so
much through the interaction of groups (i.e., descent
groups or voluntary associations) as through the inter
action of individuals. Hunting involves a relationship
with the sources of power (the non-human persons). This
is a reciprocal dyadic relationship between the hunter and
these power sources, but its importance is felt throughout
all of Ojibwe culture (Landes, 1968:1-16). As stated
earlier, reciprocity also exists between male and female
subsistence activities. Structurally the Ojibwe world
view has essentially, a relationship between two groups,
humans and non-human persons, and similarly Ojibwe subsis
tence practices have at base, a relationship between male
and female roles. Thus, the structure of relationships
in the world view is similar to that found in the subsis

tence practices.
This binary structure is found as well, in the
social organization, when we recall that the latter has
at its heart the relationship of two groups - the marriage
able persons and the non-tnarriageable persons. The dis
junction between these two groups is similar to the
disjunction between the human-persons and the non-human
persons groups in the world view. As stated earlier, this
disjunctive state in the social organization is resolved
through marriage, and the disjunction between humans and
non-human persons is resolved through the transmittance of
power from the latter to the humans, largely through the
vision quest, dreams, and as we shall see, the midewiwin.
In summary, subsistence practices, social organiza
tion and world view, are each composed of two disjunctive
categories. The interaction between these categories is
the drama that is Ojibwe culture. This binary organiza
tion of the several domains constitutes the basic structure
of the culture. It is my ^intention that Ojibwe ritual
serves, in a paradoxical way, to both maintain this struc
ture and to allow for its traiiscendence. In particular,
this, I suggest, is a primary function of the midewiwin.
CHAPTER III
THE MIDEWIWIN ORIGIN MYTH
Introduction
Ojibwe myths tell of two beginnings, that of the
people (the Anishinaabeg) and the origin of the midewiwin.
Some versions describe how people were living on the
earth without the midewiwin and then, through supernatural
intervention, received it. I have located eight written
origin myths; five of which deal with the creation of the
people and three only with the beginning of the midewiwin.
In this chapter I present these versions and under
take a structural analysis of them. An attempt will be
made to define the themes and patterns that constitute
the voiderlying structure of the myth. First I analyze
the five versions about the origin of the Anishinaabeg,
then I analyze the midewiwin origin versions. I have
arranged the eight myths into two sets. The first includes
those that tell of the origin of both the people and the
midewiwin. The second tells only of the origin of the
midewiwin. I have alphabetized the first set according to
the names of either the informant or researcher, and will

present each in its turn.
40
41
Origin Myths; Set One
Myth One (M-l) : Tom Badger
The first version (M-l) is that of Tom Badger (a
pseudonym), an Ojibwe from Lac du Flambeau, Wisconsin. It
was collected by Victor B a m o u w in 1944 (1977:13-45). I
have edited it, to include only the sections that relate
to the origins of the people and the midewiwin.

(M-l) An old woman and her daughter were the only
people living. It was on another world - not the
earth as we know today. One day while the daughter
was in the woods picking berries, at noon time, a
wind came, blew up her dress and impregnated her.
She didn't know what had happened, but after some
time the old woman understood what had happened.
She knew it was the Stan.
Later the girl gave birth to triplets. The
first was Wenebojo, the second was unnamed, and
the third was Maskasaswabik, a stone. Wenebojo
and the second brother traveled everywhere, but
always came back to camp at night. The stone,
however, never went anywhere. He stayed right
in camp where they were living.
Wenebojo wanted to travel further and tired
of coming back to camp each night so he decided
to kill his stone brother. He borrowed his
42
grandmother's pole-axe but he couldn't scratch
the stone with it. His brother, the stone, then
spoke to him, telling him how to kill him with
heat and water. After heating the stone in a
fire he poured water on him causing him to crack.
That was the first time that anybody ever died

on earth.
Wenebojo then traveled farther with his
second brother, but soon this brother tired.
He buried the brother, promising to come back
in four days to dig him up, but he forgot to
come back on time. The second brother grew
tired of waiting for Wenebojo to return and
left the hole. Wenebojo came back to the hole
and finding his brother gone sat down and began
crying. Soon his brother came and told Wenebojo
he was going to make a road for the people to
travel along when this thing (death) happens to
them. The brother began walking along a road
to the west. He said, "Well, I'll tell you what
the Indians will call me. They’ll call me
Nekaj iwegizik" (someone who goes down behind the
sky, behind the sunset). Then he disappeared
and Wenebojo couldn't see him anymore. His

brother never had a name before then. He named
himself.
Now that Wenebojo was alone he travelled all
the time. He became ;friends:with some wolves and
one day some manidog (spirits) killed a wolf-
friend of his. Wenebojo became angry and
threatened to pull the spirit from down under
the earth up to the surface, and the spirit
that is up in the sky down to the earth. (The
earth has four layers. The bottom layer is
dark, its night there all the time. That's
where the manido is who rulesthe bottom of the
earth. He rules all four layers. There is no
special name for him or for the different layers.
The sky has four layers too. In the top layer
of the sky there was a manido whois equal in
power to the manido at the bottom of the earth.
It is always day there. It is never night.
This manido has no name, but you can call him

Gicimanido (Great Spirit). There is no name for
the top layer. W e ’re right in the middle in
between the four earth layers and the four sky

layers.
Then the earth manido came up and the sky
manido came down to the space between their
layers. They agreed to appease Wenebojo by

giving him something. Several manidog were sent
out to bring Wenebojo to the meeting but all
44
failed. Finally a white otter agreed to go to
look for Wenebojo. He was told to tell Wenebojo
that the manidog wanted to give him something.
The otter hollered and the echo of his
voice was heard in the sky. When the otter came
to the middle of the ocean he hollered again.
Then he went into another ocean, swam half way
across and hollered again. Finally he came to
Wenebojo, sounding like a waterfall, and con
vinced him to come to the meeting.
At the meeting the earth manido made a
mound of clay and placed a megis (shell) on it.
He shook his rattle and talked. Soon the mound
turned into a living woman. Then the sky manido
did the same and made a man. Then the earth
manido told Wenebojo, "You see what we have done.
This is the thing we are going to give you, if
you will take it." This couple were Wenebojo's
parents. They were the first people and were
made hard, like a shell. They were meant to live
forever. This was decided on at the council.
All the manidog from all over the universe were
there, except Nekaj iwegizik, Weneboj o 's brother,
who made the path of death. This is why humans
die. Then the manidog told Wenebojo about the
midewiwin. They told him all about it.
45
The myth is about the origin of the Ojibwe and the
loss of their immortality. Four important themes are
seen: 1) the sun spirit comes down to earth to impregnate
a woman, 2) the birth of the trickster and his two brothers
whom he kills, 3) the manidoo council meeting and the
creation of the first people at this meeting, and 4) the
trip of the emissary of the council to search for the
trickster in order that the latter can be given some
parents.
The theme of the sun's visitation to earth and the
resultant impregnation is common throughout North America.
It expresses, at a deeper level, the conjunction of male
and female and earth and sky; the earth is associated with
the female principle and the sky with the male. The wind
(sun) comes down to the girl at noon, or from a high posi
tion; the sun is high and the girl ?*s low. Also, inter
estingly, the male principle is isomorphic with the wind.
The second theme, that of the birth of the brothers,
is another common North American motif. In M-l we see
three brothers, one being Wenebojo, the trickster, a
second, Nekajiwegizik, the maker of the path of death,
and a third, Maskasaswabik, a stone. Why a stone? We
will learn later, that a stone figures prominently in the
material inventory of the midewigaan, the lodge in which
the midewiwin ceremony is held, but at this point in the
46
analysis its meaning is uncertain. The myth states the
stone never went anywhere, implying that it is the stone's
continuous, stationary existence that upset trickster and
led to the killing of the stone by fire and water.
Nekajiwegizik, the second brother, was absent from
the manidoo council and felt slighted. He went to the
west, the place where the sun disappears, and disappeared
himself. With the death of these brothers, mortality came
to the Ojibwe. It may be significant that both brothers
chose their own deaths. Before the trickster brought
death all the myth's characters were manidoog (spirits).
This conjunction was broken by the trickster.
Another point can be made about the second theme, as
seen in M-l. We are told that Nekajiwegizik made the road
of death to the west. Here is a clear relation between
death and the west, and a suggested relation between these
two and the sun. By implication, east and life are
associated and compose a contrasting pole with west and
death. Therefore, we see that M-l associates the sun,
male, high, wind, death and west.
The third theme is that of the manidoo council. At
the meeting the characters representing the boundaries
of the Ojibwe cosmography were present. The four cardinal
points and the zenith and nadir were collapsed to a
central meeting place between the four earth layers and
the four sky layers. Here the decision was made to send
47
an emissary to bring the trickster to the center. It was
here, also, that the first Anishinaaabe were created. The
male and female polarity is evident again when we see that
the earth manidoo made the first woman and the sky manido
made the first man. Both were created from clay and
brought to life with the aid of the white shell (the
miigis) and the rattle. These people were given to the
trickster as parents, were immortal, and had a scale-like
shell covering.
When Wenebojo threatened to pull the earth manidoo
up and the sky manido down he was being the true trickster
He literally was threatening them with his power, but
metaphorically he was conveying a message: he was saying
he would cause the formation of the manidoo council. This
is the sort of humor in trickster myths we see again and
again. It is humorous because we know that Wenebojo will,
indirectly, cause the calling of the council due to his
bringing death, but it seems that he does not know this.
Therefore, he is threatening to do what will happen anyway
The trickster will, in other words, bring about the solu

tion to the problem he caused (death).
The fourth theme is that of the otter's search to
locate the trickster and bring him to the council to be
given a set of parents. The otter plays numerous roles in
North and South American mythology. According to Levi-
Strauss (1974:199-214), he infantalizes (makes characters
48
become like children in some way) , pierces (is used to
break barriers), assumes a male identity, drowns people
(he lures them to him by making crying sounds like a
child), gives wealth (gives a coat of riches to anyone
who hears his baby cry), has an aversion to filth and
stench, and "has a didactic role with shamanistic rites of
initiation." We will see that all of these except one
(the aversion to filth and stench) apply to the otter's
activities in the midewiwin. At this point it is enough
to note that in M-l the otter as an emissary is an
assistant to the manidoog who teach the midewiwin to
Wenebojo. There is another way that this didactic func
tion of the otter comes through in this version, however.
Recall that he is vocal in M-l (= a teaching character
istic) , "hollering" when surfacing (this combination of
sound and barrier piercing also has a procreative associa
tion) . This characteristic is also expressed, perhaps,
and more subtly, in the sound of a waterfall he makes when
approaching the trickster. Among the Cherokee Indians,
at least, water teaches supernatural things to the people
(Mooney, 1898:426, referred to in Ldvi-Strauss, 1974:191).
The idea of course, occurs in English also: running water
"babbles." A waterfall, then, may be especially didactic.
Thus, in M-l the otter is a teacher. Two other points,
which will become important later in my analysis, is that
the otter climbed up and down a hill and also went to
the center of the water.
Ojibwe mythology is filled with characters that climb
up and down hills, swim or dive, or otherwise move about.
Perhaps this is related to the constant movement in Ojibwe
subsistence practices. However, I suggest that the jour
neying refers to the structure of the cosmos. Mythic
characters traverse the universe on horizontal and vertical
planes, often going to the boundaries, or edges of their
world, only to return to a central locality. The otter,
I suggest, traverses the horizontal and vertical planes
of the Ojibwe cosmography (although, admittedly his trip
is not clearly described in M-l) and arrives, finally, to
the depressed trickster at the center. In this sense the
otter's journey is similar to that of the manidoog who
formed the council. The manidoog, beginning at the car
dinal extremes, the zenith, and the nadir points, journey
to the central meeting place. The otter, after being
brought to the center, journeys to the polar locations.
Thus the inversion:
manidoog : coming :: otter's : going

journey to the journey to the
center poles
This opposition needs further comment. Recalling that
the otter's goal was to bring the trickster to the manidoo
council, we see what appears at first as a journey to
50
establish disjunction is finally a journey to establish
its opposite, conjunction. The otter went to the outer
boundaries of the world (a disjunctive act), then came to
the middle (a conjunctive act) where the trickster was
sitting. Logically, this had to occur someplace other
than where the manidoo council was being held, but meta
phorically it can be seen as a replication of the formation
of the council. Like the manidoog before him, the otter
had collapsed the Ojibwe cosmos into a central spot. We
see then, that in M-l spatial parameters are set up only

to be collapsed to establish the opposition of conjunction
and disjunction. In M-l the trickster is at a place away
from, or discordant to the council, and the emissary's
function is to restore the spatial conjunction of all
characters.
Another aspect of the otter's trip is that he jour
neyed to the trickster to bring him immortality through
the midewiwin. This contrasts with the trickster's
earlier journey to camp to kill his stone brother. Both
the otter and the trickster set out to find someone, in
the former case it was to bring life, in the latter it
was to bring death. Thus, the emissary's journey is an
inversion of the trickster's earlier journey.
I suggested that both the manidoo council's journey

and the otter's journey established a conjunction between
previously disjunctive elements. We have now added the
51
point that the otter's journey can also be viewed as a
life-bringing journey. Can this be said about the manidoo
council's journey? The myth's narrator stated that the
purpose of the formation of the council was to appease
Wenebojo, the trickster, and the method of appeasement was
to give him a set of parents, i.e., to create the Anish
inaabeg. In this sense, both the otter's journey and the
manidoo council's journey are life-giving journeys.
Now, let us re-consider the opening moments in M-l
when the sun journeyed to earth. We saw the male-sun
descend to the female-earth in order to bring life through
coitus. Thus we see that there are really three life-
bringing journeys in the myth: the manidoo council1s
journey, otter's journey and sun's journey. The sun
traveled down to the earth for procreation with the girl;
to help give life to Weneboj o and his two brothers. We
have already associated male, high, wind, west and death
with the sun and now we can add the characteristic, life.
We recognize then, a life/death function for the
sun's journey. I have concluded a relationship between
death and the sun through the sun's association with the
west. In M-l the west was the location or the abode of
the dead, the place to which Nekajiwegizik made his road,
and it was where the sun disappeared each day.
What other evidence exists for considering the sun's
journey as having a life/death function? Structurally,
52
the sexual union is as much an act of death as it is an
act of life since the disjunction of male and female is
resolved by coitus. In M-l the discordant male-sky-sun
and the female-earth-girl are distant, respectively high
and lew characters before they meet. The termination of
this disjunction through the breaking of barriers by
penetration (from the male view) or by engulfment (from
the female view) can be seen as the termination, or death,
of disjunction.
This conclusion leads us back to a re-examination of
the three previous journeys in M-l, that of the manidoog,
the otter, and the trickster. I propose that, like the
sun, they are all involved with both life and death and,
more specifically, the creation of life through death.
In the first instance, we recall that the manidoog left
their polar positions (a state of disj miction) to meet in
the center (conjunction). This union, like that of the
sun and earth, caused the ending, or death of this manidoo
disjunction. There is a second way that the manidoo
council is linked with death. Since the purpose of the
council was to give the midewiwin to the trickster, and
recalling that initiation into the midewiwin involves the
shooting of the miigis and the "killing" of the initiate,

we see that a function of the council, like the sun's
journey, concerns death.
53
We have already established that the second journey,
the otter's trip, is a replication of the formation of the
manidoo council. The otter established the parameters of
the universe (a disjunctive act), then "destroyed" them
by coming to the center - an act of death. More clearly,
the otter set out to bring the trickster to the meeting so
he could be "killed" in the midewiwin.
The third journey, that of the trickster to his stone
brother, was to kill the stone. No explanation is given
for this death and, unlike the other journeys we cannot
relate it to any attempt to bring life. In M-l the trick
ster's journey is duplicated by the journey of his second
brother, who undertook a journey to make the path of death.
In this last case it appears that we can establish only a
complimentary relationship between the trickster's journey
(and his second brother's) and the other three journeys.
The trickster seems only to give death, not life.
What we have seen is an example of re-duplication in
the case of the life/death-bringing journeys. We would
have a fourfold example if the trickster's journey had
exactly duplicated the others. As it stands, we are left
with a strong, although not complete, relation between
these four journeys. According to Ldvi-Strauss (1370:333-
340) reduplication in myths carries the same function as
its occurrence in language, that being signification. The
54
numerous journeys then, are signifying an underlying func
tion: an opposition between conjunctive and disjunctive
states.
Myth Two (M-2) : Everwind
The next myth (M-2) was collected by Ruth Landes in
1937 from Everwind, a midewiwin leader at Red Lake,
Minnesota (1968:90-93). It exhibits Christian influence,
but is still useful. For our purposes, an edited version
will suffice.
(M-2) Four manidoog, two of the earth and two
of the sky, were appointed by the Great Spirit
to make the earth's animals and the sky's birds.
After this creation a meeting of all spirits was
held "in the very center of the world." The first
Indian was invited to the assembly. At his crea
tion his body had been enameled with a plate like
a finger nail. At the meeting he was told that
sickness could not penetrate his enamel, so he
was capable of perpetual life. This first Indian
was given a mate, made from dirt, and the couple
later had four sons, the last one dying.
The trickster was concerned about the size

of the world and whether there would be space if
everyone lived forever. He felt there was not
enough room so he decided to destroy some of the
rules set at the manidoo council (one rule was
that people were immortal). He searched for the
character who was left out of the council meet
ing and after much traveling, found him in a
barren place; in a state of poverty. This
character was called "elder brother" by the
trickster. His name was Miski magade wabig (the
great black stone). The trickster convinced
this stone "brother" to break a rule of the
manidoo council. Moving in an easterly direc
tion the stone traveled underwater, surfacing
four times. On the fourth time he saw a shell-
covered Anishinaabe child and urged him to take
a white scale that the stone offered. As the
child grasped the scale his enamel covering
fell off, leaving just remnants at the ends of
his fingers and toes. Thus, the people were
no longer immortal and a land for the dead was
established.
The first theme, that of the sun's journey to earth,
is omitted from M-2. The second theme, the trickster's
birth and the introduction of death is present, although
this version does not clearly identify the brothers.
Almost as an aside, the narrator says that the last brother
died. The function of the brothers is taken over by the
trickster and the stone, whom the trickster calls "elder
56
brother". The functions we saw in M-l of the stone and
his brother, Nekajiwegizik, are combined in M-2 where we
saw only the stone bringing death, or as Everwind says,
"establishing a land for the dead." The trickster does
not kill his stone brother in M-2 as he did in M-l, and
in both versions the stone willingly aids in introducing
death.
The manidoo council theme is evident in M-2. All the
spirits were present at the council, except for the

brother who later brought death to the Ojibwe, and again
the council was held "in the very center of the world."
The layering of the universe is not mentioned, but the
stone breaks through the water four times before he finds
the child, as if he were breaking through the four earth
layers. The myth tells of four subordinate manidoog, two
of the earth and two of the sky that helped the Great
Spirit create the world. Thus, the duality of the earth
and sky is implied.
This version (M-2) does not include the giving of the
midewiwin to the* trickster as in M-l, so the fourth theme,
the otter's journey, is omitted. There are really, only
two journeys in M-2, that of the manidoog to form the
council, and that of the stone as he travels eastward with
his gift of mortality.
In the analysis of M-l, I suggested that the trickster
journeyed to camp to kill his brother. The narration of
57
M-l did not emphasize this trip and it was with some
trepidation that I compared it with the three journeys
in the myth. Now, however, in M-2, we can more conclu
sively suggest that a journey to bring death involving
the trickster is evident, and this supports my conclusion
about the M-l journey. Actually, there is a double journey
in M-2 in this regard. The trickster searched (= jour
neyed) for the character who was left out of the council
meeting (recall that in M-l this was Nekajiwegizik, the
trickster's brother) to convince him to bring death to
the Anishinaabeg. We cannot be sure of the directional
nature of this search, but it seems to have a westward
or death-like character since it was "a barren place"
and the brother residing there was in a state of poverty.
At the trickster's insistence the stone brother also
journeys, this time in an easterly direction, to find the
child who will be made mortal by the loss of the shell

covering.
In M-2 we are given the reason for the trickster's

desire to bring death to the people. He was concerned
about the size of the earth and the immortality of the
Anishinaabe, reasoning that if people lived forever there
would eventually be no room for them. Therefore, paradox
ically, to ^llow them to live he brought them death. The
ultimate goal of the trickster's gift of death was life.
The opposition between east and west appears in M-2 also.
58
In M-l we saw the brother make the road of death to the
west, thus establishing a directional nature to death.
I suggested that the east, as the opposite direction of
west, represented life. Now, in M-2, the relationship of
east and life begins to emerge. Miske magade wabig (the
stone) journeys in an eastward direction to find the
Anishinaabe child. On this journey the stone is coming
from the west with the gift of death. The child was
immortal, and by association the east is seen as a place
of immortality, or life. Because of this journey we
begin to see the expected directional life-death relation
ship:
west :• death.:-:' east .: life:
Myth Three (M-3): Basil Johnston
The next myth (M-3) is from Basil Johnston, a Canadian
Ojibwe (1976:11-20). At first reading it seems to con
tradict many of the conclusions I have drawn from M-l and
M-2. Johnston's long account has been reduced to include

only the origin of humans and the midwiwin.
(M-3) The world was made from nothing by Kitche
Manidou and then it was devastated by a flood.
After the destruction a woman spirit whc resided
in the heavens was given a male companion and
she bore two children, one of spirit and one of
flesh. They fought and destroyed each other.
59
Later the woman came to the flooded earth and
rested on the back of a turtle and asked

numerous animals to dive for earth. A muskrat
finally was successful and the woman breathed
upon the soil, making a large island. The
island grew as plants and animals filled it
with life. Again the woman gave birth, this
time to twins, a boy and a girl. Each was
part spirit and part flesh and as male and
female they complimented each other. They were
called the Anishanabeg (the first Ojibwa).
Thus, the cycle of creation, destruction,
and re-creation was complete. The spirit woman
finally withdrew to the heavens where she watched
the people from the moon. The people increased
and prospered until disease and death came and
threatened them. A young boy, Odaemin (Strawberry),
died, and at the Land of Souls asked for help for
the people. He was restored to life and told the
people that Kitche Manidou had promised to send
an intermediary to teach them what was essential
for survival. He sent Nanabush, the Trickster.
Nanabush was b o m of a human mother and
sired by a spirit named Epingishmook (The West).
Nanabush was raised by his grandmother and
learned that his mother had been killed by his
60
father. He set out to battle his father to
revenge this death. Finding his father he
fought him to a standstill and both agreed that
they should stop. His father agreed to remain
in the West and Nanabush returned to the Anish-
anabeg and taught them how to live, i.e., he
taught them the midewiwin.
Johnston's version is a synthesis and literate rework
ing of numerous myths he had gathered from contemporary

Candian Ojibwe. Christian elements are evident and the
account reads like a well reasoned and developed piece of
literature rather than a verbatim account lifted from an
oral tradition.
In M-3 the cycle of creation, destruction and recrea
tion is stressed. The earth is created then flooded and
finally a second birth takes place. This is followed by
disease and death, again, to be followed by a re-birth
through the teachings of the trickster.
Johnston presents the earth-diver theme in the early
portion of M-3. This seems not to be an integral theme

in the midewiwin, however, I will offer commentary on it
since it relates to some of the conclusions I have drawn

about M-l and M-2.
The earth diver has a wide distribution in North and
South American mythology, and generally follows closely
to the details presented by Johnston. According to this
61
motif, the world is a place of water, with a culture hero
and some animals afloat. A series of animals are sent
down to the bottom to bring up some earth, but all fail
until a small one, often a muskrat, succeeds. The hero
then enlarges the few grains of soil by blowing on them,
or exposing them to the sun's rays after which they grow
into an island. This becomes the home of the animals and
humans (Bamouw, 1977:38-39; Kongas, 1960-151).
What is seen in the earth diver motif is the union
of the male and female poles already identified in M-l and
M-2. In M-3 the muskrat dives down (after the other
aquatic animals have failed) and brings to a central loca
tion (central between earth and sky) a few grains of
earth. These are breathed upon by the woman, enlarging

them into an island.
Breathing or blowing on the grains of earth, and
exposing them to the sun's rays are all procreative acts.
In M-l the girl was impregnated by the east wind. This
same incident occurs in a text collected by William Jones
(1974:3) in northern Minnesota in 1906 in which a girl is
admonished not to rest in the woods by facing the west
(she does face the west and becomes impregnated by a wind
that comes up behind her, from the east) . It appears that
air, whether in the form of human breath or natural wind,
is agency for the masculine principle in procreation.
62
It is important to recall that in M-3 this procreative
event occurred at a particular place. It was a central
location, in water, between the earth and sky. With this
in mind we can go back to M-l for a moment to reconsider
a series of events that occurred at the manidoo council.
Recall that the manidoog sent out a series of animals (all
aquatic) to bring the trickster to the center, but all
except the otter failed. In both cases the animals went
to the pole(s) to bring something to a central place for
a creative act, i.e., the ,,impregnation,, (by the miigis

into the trickster) to create life. (In M-3 the diving
animals traversed a vertical plane and in M-l it was more
directly, a horizontal plane). In this sense our analysis

of the earth diver theme in M-3 has proved fruitful. We
can now expect to find evidence in other myths to sub
stantiate the association of the manidoo council with

procreation.
With this digression aside we can return to our
analysis of M-3. Our first theme, that of the sun's jour
ney to impregnate the earth woman, seems absent from M-3.
We find impregnation, although not by an expressly stated
Sun Spirit as in M-l. Instead, it is Epingishmook, (The
West), who sires the trickster and his brothers. Perhaps
Epingishmook is a variant of the Sun Spirit of M-l. Is

there any evidence for this conclusion?
63
First, it is noteworthy that M-l does not explicitly
identify the sun as the ea:st spirit. Second, it is
important that M-3 labels the sire "the Spirit of the
West," and not the sun spirit of the west. Remembering
that I have already established an east/west and life/
death polarity in M-l and M-2, we can see that in M-3 the
trickster's father, Epingishmook, or the spirit of the
west, has an identity with death. This identity is assured
when we note that Epingishmook introduced death by killing
his wife. Since we have already established a relationship
between death, the west, and the sun in M-l (the sun dis
appeared in the west), we can suggest that our first theme
is not absent from M-3, only hidden through a series of
transformations. Also, we probably see a simple direc
tional reversal in M-3. Assuming that in M-l, the sun has
an eastern direction identity (although this has not yet
been conclusively established), in M-3 we see a reversal
as the sun is clearly identified with the west. This,
however, must remain a tentative conclusion until more

myths are analyzed.
Our second theme, that of the trickster's birth and
the killing of his brothers, is evident in M-3 but in a
reversed form. In both M-l and M-2 the trickster sets out
to kill his brother, to bring death to the people. In
M-3 he sets out to kill his father, because he brought
death to the people. This double reversal indicates the
relation between these two events. The trickster, in M-l
and M-2 kills his brother, not to punish him for bringing
death, but to facilitate the coming of death. In contrast
he sets out in M-3 to kill his father to punish him for
bringing death. What in the first case is a horizontal
disjunction is changed in the second to a vertical dis
junction:
The third theme, the manidoo council, is alluded to
in M-3, but not stressed. A character new to us, a young
boy named Odaemin (Strawberry, or Heartberry), reports
that the Great Spirit has promised to send help to the
people. This, we might infer, was decided at a council,
but the inference is weak. We can, however, recognize a
metaphor for the council (although weak again) whereby
Odaemin appealed to the Great Spirit at the Land of the
Souls for help for the people. The boy was restored
(given life), as the first initiate into the midewiwin
was given life at the first meeting.
Our last theme, the emissary's trip to help the
Anishinaabeg is evident in M-3, although it is less
65
detailed than the otter's journey in M-l. In M-3 the
trickster jovmeys to the Anishinaabeg. He is sired by
Epingishmook, and born of the earthwoman. After battling
his father, but net overcoming him, he agrees that death
must be a counterpart of life, and stays among the people
to teach them the midewiwin.
On careful examination, then, M-3 validates rather
than contradicts conclusions drawn from M-l and M-2.
M-3 reverses key sequences in M-l and M-2, and thus,
supports them. This transformation by inversion (Ldvi-
Strauss, 1970:307-308) can be seen in three ways: 1) M-3
has a husband kill his wife, while M-l and M-2 have a
brother kill a brother, 2) M-3 places the male principle
in the west, while M-l places it in the east (still a
tentative conclusion), and 3) M-3 has the trickster, as
emissary bringing life, while in M-l and M-2 he brings
death. There may be other eve. .ts in M-3 that can be
argued to be reversals of events in M-l and M-2, but these
three serve to make the point that M-3 carries the same
message as M-l and M-2, i.e., in all three myths the
people are given death only to be given immortality through
the midewiwin.
Myth Four (M-4): James Red Sky
Our next myth (M-4) is that of James Red Sky, an
Ojibwe leader from Canada, and was recorded in 1969 by
66
Selwyn Dewdney (1975:24-36). Again I have reduced it to
include only the events germane to the origin of the
people and the midewiwin.

(M-4) God created the world after four tries.
Then he decided to make a man. So he spat on the
ground. And afterwards he picked the ground up,
moistened it, and he held it in his hand. And
he laid his hand on it and breathed on it. The
man came to life. He had flames shooting from
his mouth and lights from his eyes. This was
too much power so God toned him down abit. Then
God made a woman and paired them.
The world became filled with humans butthey
began to get sick and die. God calleda meeting
of all the living creatures in the world. He
said, "I'll have them meeting at the centre of a
... of a different continent across the water.:
It was decided that the people should be given the
midewiwin and that the Bear was to take it to
them. (Red Sky says Bear was carrying a heavy
pack of Everlasting Life.) Bear started walking
and in turn, met three walls. He broke through
each one in turn by poking a hole with his tongue
and crawling through. Finally, after breaking
through a fourth wall he saw a midewiwin lodge
and entered it, taking eight steps inside. He
67
took out a little cedar tree and planted it into
the middle of the lodge floor. A Thunderbird
came and sat in the tree. Later a big Rock came.
After coming out of the lodge the Bear ’came
down, he came to the shore of a Big Water.’ He
didn't know how to cross it. Finally a voice
started talking. It was the Megis who agreed to
take the pack to the people across the water.
He followed the bottom of the ocean, coming up
four times, once coming out to climb up and down
a very high hill. Upon coming out the fourth
time he came ashore and found a little baby boy
by a wigwam. He took the baby back across the
ocean to the midewiwin manido who taught the boy
the midewiwin. Many years later the boy, now a
grown man, returned to his family with the
midewiwin.
Red Sky is a midewiwin leader and, at the same time,
an Elder in the Presbyterian Church. His Christianity
influences his myth. His account was transcribed by

Dewdney as Red Sky was interpreting birch bark scrolls,
the pictographic medium used to teach the midewiwin,
rather than relating unrecorded oral legends from memory.
Therefore, his version is given in bits and pieces, and
similar to B a m o u w with M-l, Dewdney established much of
68
the version's chronology. However, Red Sky's account is
rich, detailed in places, and cannot be ignored.
Our first theme, thesun spirit's journey, is so
thoroughly hidden in M-4 that it appears inconsequential.
The only place where it is hinted at is when God creates
man by spitting on the earth, a reproductive act similar
to the sun's journey.
As in our first three myths the first human being was
a manidoo made of earth. Here, in M-4, we are not only
told of this spirituality, but more graphically, we learn
that the first human had lights and fire emanating from
his facial orifices, an indication of supernatural power.
The second theme (the brothers and death) is evident

in M-4, but like the first theme it is implicit or dis
guised. To tease it out we must review what Dewdney
calls Red Sky's Cutfoot legends. Cutfoot is the name of
a character in Ojibwe mythology who is sometimes introduced
as the first Ojibwe, or the first initiate into the mide
wiwin (Landes, 1968:32). Here it suffices to note that
Dewdney identifies Cutfoot as the boy who was taken from
his parents. In M-4 the boy is taken from his family as
the brothers were taken from theirs in M-l. This loss
of a child motif is also seen in M-2 when the trickster
had his brother, the black stone, bring death to a child
69
by having his white shell covering fall off, and in M-3
with Odaemin1s death. Thus, we find a fourfold relation
ship:
(M-l) Trickster kills brothers = loss of child(ren)
(M-2) Trickster has brother kill child = less of
child
(M-3) Odaemin (boy) dies = loss of child
(M-4) Miigis takes boy = loss of child
Clearly, although different agents are involved, in all
four versions the function is the same: disjunction
through the loss (= death) of a child.
Why a child? The definite pattern of the loss of a
child seems to anticipate the gaining of a person, perhaps
an adult. This double opposition may already be seen in
M-4 where the child who was taken (= given death) returns
as an adult after being taught the midewiwin (= given life) .
A second question concerns the manner of killing.
It appears that there are two types of killings or death
in our four versions. The first may be called the primal
death; it appears soon after the creation. The agent for
this death is the trickster (M-l, M-2) or his father (the
West) (M-3). The second type we can call the midewiwin
death. It appears after the manidoo council meets, or
during the meeting. Diachronically the midewiwin death is
a resolution to the first, or primal death, but synchroni-
cally it appears as a replication of the primal death. I
70
suspect that these two types are present, although latent,
in the three myths reviewed earlier, and that they will
emerge as a strong motif in the remaining myths.
The third question concerns agency. We have seen
the trickster (M-l, M-2), the West (Sun) (M-3), and
now in M-4, the miigis, all serve as the bringers of
death. We can add the white otter (M-2) and the bear
(M-4) to this set since they also acted as the council's
emissary (i.e., brought, or at least carried the midewiwin
death). Why these various agents? This question becomes
even more puzzling when we recall that in M-l the trickster
assumes the role of the first initiate into the midewiwin,
a role filled elsewhere by Cutfoot and the young boys.
The manidoo council, the third theme, appears in M-4.
Dewdney actually gives two versions from Red Sky, and the
latter's Christianity aside, these versions both support
my conclusion that the council met at a cosmologically
central place (Dewdney, 1975:34-36). (When Red Sky rather
vaguely says the council was called Mat the centre of a
. . . of a different continent across the water," I
suggest he is struggling with the paradoxical notion of a
place that is somehow both distant, yet very near.)
Our last theme, that of the emissary's journey, is
clear and detailed in M-4. Here the character is
initially a bear and later the miigis, not the white otter
of M-l, or the trickster of M-3. In M-4 we see the bear
71
and the miigis do extensive travelling as they carry the
"pack of everlasting life" to the Anishinaabeg. We are
reminded of the white otter's journey in M-l, which I

concluded, was a replication of the manidoo council's
journey. Here in M-4 the bear travels in search of the
midewiwin lodge. He breaks through four walls with his
tongue (a procreative act similar to spitting, breathing,
and blowing) and finally enters the lodge, presumably from
the east. A significant question is whether the bear was
travelling along a horizontal or vertical plane. The
text is unclear, except for saying that upon coming out
of the lodge "he came down, he came to the shore of a

Big Water." Perplexed, he finally heard someone talking
and discovered the miigis, to whom he gave the "pack" to
be carried across the water to the people. The miigis
travels underwater on the surface of the earth, surfacing
four times (breaking through the water four times) to look
for the people. In the course of his trip he climbs up
and down a high hill. I suggest that both the bear and
miigis, like the white otter in M-l, have traversed the
boundaries of the Ojibwe cosmos before coming to the center
(the bear came to the lodge to plant the tree and the
miigis brought the child to the council meeting to initiate
him). The bear's break-throughs of the walls, the miigis'
emergences from the water and the otter's trip with his
72
circling and hollering are all spatial replications of
this centralizing principle.
Myth Five (M-5) ; Sikassige
Our next myth (M-5) is from Sikassige, a midewiwin
leader from White Earth, Minnesota, and was recorded by
Walter Hoffman in 1889 (1891:172-173). As with the
previous myth, M-5 was recorded as the narrator was inter
preting a birch bark scroll. I have edited the myth only
slightly to facilitate its tinderstanding without having
the scroll's diagram to follow.
(M-5) In the beginning, Dzhe Manido made the
Mide Manidos. He first created two men and two
women; but they had no power of thought or
reason. Then Dzhe Manido made them rational
beings. He took them in his hands so that they
should multiply; he paired them and from this
sprang the Indians. When there were people he
placed them upon the earth, but he soon observed
that they were subject to sickness, misery, and
death, and that unless he provided them with the
Sacred Medicine they would soon become extinct.
Between the position occupied by Dzhe Manido

and the earth were four lesser spirits with whom
Dzhe Manido decided to commune, and tc impart to
them the mysteries by which the Indians could be
73
benefited. So he first spoke to (the spirit
nearest him), and told him all he had to say, who
in turn communicated the same information to (the
next spirit), and he in turn to the next, who also

communed with (the last) . They all met in council,
and determined to call in the four wind gods.
After consulting as to what would be best for the
comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits
agreed to ask Dzhe Manido to communicate the mystery

of the Sacred Medicine to the people.
Dzhe Manido then went to the Sun Spirit and
asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people
as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun
Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the
earth and lived with a woman who had a little boy

of her own.
This family went away in the autumn to hunt,

and during the winter this woman's son died. The
parents were so much distressed that they decided

to return to the village and bury the body there;
so they made preparations to return, and as they
travelled along, they would each evening erect
several poles upon which the body was placed to pre
vent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the
dead boy was thus hanging on the poles, the adopted
child - who was the Sun Spirit - would play about
74
the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his
adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for
their sorrow. The adopted son said he would bring
his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents
expressed great surprise and desired to know how
that could be accomplished.

The adopted boy then had the party hasten to
the village, when he said, 'Get the women to make
a wigwam of bark, put the dead boy in a covering
of birch bark and place the body on the ground in
the middle of the wigwam. ' On the next morning
after this had been done, the family and friends
went into the lodge and seated themselves around
the corpse.
When they had all been sitting quietly for
some time, they saw through the doorway the

approach of the bear which gradually came towards
the wigwam, entered it, and placed itself before
the dead body and said hu, hu, hu, hu, when he
passed around it towards the left side, with a
trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began
quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear
continued until he had passed around four times,
when the body came to life again and stood up. . .
The little bear boy was the one who did this,
He then remained among the Indians and taught them
75
the mysteries of the Grand Medicine; and, after
he had finished, he told his adopted father that
as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return
to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have

no need to fear sickness as they now possessed
the Grand Medicine which would enable them to
live. He also said that his spirit could bring a
body to life but once, and he would not return to
the sun from which they would feel his influence.
We see little that is surprising in M-5, but much
that is important. Each of our four themes is present,
giving us a complete version with which to conclude our
analysis.
Our first theme, the sun spirit's journey to earth is
present but at a later place in the myth, and (at least at
first reading) fulfills a different purpose. In this
instance the sun spirit acts as the emissary of the

manidoo council, and interestingly, in the form of a young
boy.
In M-l and M-3 the sun impregnates the earthwoman,
producing the trickster and his brother(s). Now, in M-5,
he comes to earth as the emissary of the manidoo council
to bring the midewiwin. In the first myths he is agency
for procreation and in M-5 he is agency for the midewiwin.
It was in the discussion of the earth diver motif in M-3
76
that this point was raised. Now, with the added evidence
from M-5 we can more seriously consider that a positive

relationship exists between procreation and the manidoo
council, and finally, the midewiwin. since the council met
to bring the latter to the people. This should prove to
be a major conclusion about the midewiwin, and we can
expect to address it later in this work.
Our present myth (M-5) gives us new data concerning
another matter, that of the sun's relationship to the
east/west - life/death polarities. Recall in our discus

sion of M-2, how we concluded that M-l intimated such a
relationship and M-2 seemed to support it, but that we
still did not have reason to equate the sun with the east
and with life except on a logico-intuitive level. Now,
in M-5, we have support for the sun/life relation, since
as the council's emissary the sun brings life through the
midewiwin (as already noted, it also is bringing death).
We still however, need further evidence to make the
expected sun/east relationship.
There is one remaining point to be made about our
first theme as evident in M-5. It concerns the young boy
motif. We have seen this in all the versions of this set,
but until M-5, not cast as the council's emissary. We
know that a child is a mediator between the male and
female states (Ldvi-Strauss, 1970:329), and so, accordingly,
77
in M-5 we might suspect that the child emissary is media
tory, but in just what way?
The second theme, the birth of the trickster and his
introduction of death, is intimated in M-5. The sun, as
a boy, comes to earth to live with a woman and her son.
This woman has a husband, but his role is understated,
since the father's presence would detract from the primary
relationship between the woman and the sun-boy. This is
the same relationship between the sky-sun-male and the
earth-girl-female that is so strong in M-l.
As in M-5, brothers are present, but one saves the
other rather than kills the other. One further aspect of
the introduction of death in M-5 can be seen. The family
"went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the winter
this woman's son died." Traditionally winter is a time of
social dispersal for the Ojibwe. Individual, often nuclear,
families stayed in their own hunting territories, usually
miles from other such units, making winter a time of
social dissociation (see Chapter Two). Also, to the
Ojibwe, as to many aboriginal cultures in the northern
hemisphere, winter is a time of "death” as summer is a
time of "life". Metaphorically, we can see the family in
M-5 "go westward into winter," i.e., go toward death
during this time of seasonal disjunction. Finally, the
boy's death (extreme disjunction) brought about its
78
opposite: a return to the village and the midewiwin, or
a return to conjunction (a return to extreme conjunction).
The manidoo council, our third theme, with its
collapsing of the poles of the Ojibwe world, continues in
M-5. In our last myth the four wind spirits are intro
duced, who duplicate the four manidoog who precede them
in this myth; both sets of spirits representing the four
cardinal points to the Ojibwe.
The last theme, that of the council's emissary,
appears in M-5. However, as already noted, in this myth
the emissary takes the form of a sun-boy. First he goes
down to the earth, does the familiar travelling (this time
in winter), and after the brother's death he instructs
that the women build a midewiwin lodge. Next day he, now
transformed into a bear, comes from the east (the entrance
way of the lodge is always towards the east), circles the
body in a clockwise direction, saying "hu” four times,
finally causing the dead boy to come back to life.
This is the first mention of a midewiwin ceremony in
our five myths. Although brief, it does suggest a parallel
with aspects of some of the earlier myths. As the coun
cil's emissary the bear travels in a circle, uses the
number four, comes down from the east and "speaks" to the
dead boy by uttering a plosive "hu" four times. It might
be said that we have come full circle with the emissaries,
seeing in succession, the otter, trickster, bear and
79
miigis, before going to the sun, the first character to
undertake a journey in our myths (M-l). Recalling that
the sun represents the male principle we can more convin
cingly state that in M-5 the emissary represents, among
other things, this same principle.
We conclude that all of our four themes are strongly
evident in M-5. The following chart compares their
presence or absence in the first set of myths:
CHART 1
THEMES OF THE FIRST SET OF MYTHS
Sun Trickster's Manidoo Emissary

Spirit1s Birth and Council Trip
Journey Introduction
of Death
M-l + + + +
M-2 - + + -
M-3 + + .+ +
M-4 + + + +
M-5 + + + +
A strong relationship is established between all five
versions and the four themes. Considering these themes
as integral to the message of the myth we can now recognize
the paradigmatic structure of the set. First there is con
tinuity of the manidoo world of which the Anishinaabeg are
.
a full part. Then the trickster introduces disjunction by
giving death to the people. This presents a contradiction

if the Anishinaabeg are manidoog why do they die? To
resolve this problem the manidoo council meets to give the
midewiwin to the people to restore their spirituality. In
that way the opposition between continuity and discon
tinuity, or life and death, is mediated by the midewiwin.
Origin Myths: Set Two
Myth Six (M-6): Nawajibigokwe
We can now go on to analyze the second set of myths,
those that speak directly to the origin of the midewiwin
and its introduction to the people. Frances Densmore
(1973a:21-23), in the first decade of the twentieth cen
tury received M-6 from Nawaj ibigokwe, a woman from the
Ojibwe community at White Earth, Minnesota, and a member
of the midewiwin. Even though quite similar to M-5, M-6
offers some important differences.
(M-6) The Chippewa believe in many manido, or
spirits. The highest of them all is called Kijje
manido, literally translated, 'Uncreated Spirit.'
Those connected with the Mide are (1) Mide manido,
the Mide spirit, and (2) four manido, one at each
point of the compass. . . In the Mide it is also

the belief that there are four 'layers' beneath
81
the earth and four above the earth. These
'layers,' or planes, are distinct from each
other.
Originally all the inhabitants of the
earth (Chippewa Indians) who were to learn the
Mide lived on Madeline island, in Lake Superior,
and in that portion of the country. They were
selected by the Mide manido to be taught the
Mide religion.
There was first a consultation among the
manidoo (East, South, West, and North). This
took place at the center of the earth, not under
the earth, but at some place far away. There
they sat together and talked and decided to teach
the Mide to these particular Indians.
So the East manido was selected to go among
these Indians and teach them. Before he left the
others he told them that they must get everything
ready and decide exactly how the Mide should be
taught to the Indians. Of course the East manido
could not approach the Indians in his spirit form,
so he was b o m of an old woman who had lived with
her husband all her life but had had no children.
This couple lived on Madeline island.
The people were astonished and said, 'He must
be a wonderful person to be b o m in this way,' so
82
both mother and child were treated with great
respect. . . The child grew up rapidly, and when
he was a young man he had as his friend and com
panion one who was his mother's brother1s son -
his cousin.
When he grew up he began to consider, 'I
must begin to instruct these Indians in the Mide;
that is the purpose for which I came.'

t
After thinking this over he said to the old
man, his father, 'We will go on a journey to the
end of the lake;' his mother went with them. The
point to which they went was not where Duluth now
stands, but was where Superior is located. This
was the location of the old town of Fond du Lac.
They reached this place and stayed four days.
On the fourth day a terrible storm came from the
northeast, sweeping across the lake. During the
storm the East manido said to his father and
mother, 'My cousin at Madeline island is very ill;
we must go back.'
His father said, 'It is impossible to even
put the canoe on the water in such a storm. '
Then the East manido said, 'Put the canoe on
the water, and the waves will at once subside.'
As soon as his father put the canoe on the
water the storm subsided.
83
It was about noon when this happened, and the
distance to Madeline island was about 80 miles,
but they paddled so fast that they reached there

before sundown. When they arrived they found that
the cousin had been dead four days, but the body
had been kept so that they could see him.
The east manido told his father and mother and
their friends not to weep for the young man. Then
the next morning he told the people to make a long
lodge extending east and west, such as is now used
for the Mide. He showed them how to make it with
the top open and the sides of birch and leaves, and
he said that they must all bring tobacco and cooked
food. In the center of the lodge he placed a Mide
pole, and told the Indians to sit in rows around the
lodge; he also made a Mide drum and rattles, such

as are still used..
West of the pole and a few feet away he placed
the hewn coffin of the dead man; on the south side
of the lodge he seated the relatives and friends.
Then he told his father to take the Mide drum

and sing.
The old man said, 'I do not know how to sing.'
His son said, 'Just try; make the effort and

you will be able to sing.'
84
Then the East manido spoke to the parents of
the dead man and to his own parents, saying, 'I am
about to leave you. I will be absent four days.
You must stay here continuously and do every day as
I have told you to do to-day! The old man promised
to sing the Mide songs and do everything as he had
been told to do.
Then the East manido took vermillion paint and
also blue paint and made marks across the faces of
the parents of the man and also his own parents -
streaks across their foreheads, the lowest red, then
blue and red alternately. Then he started away and
said he would return on the morning of the fourth
day. He went through the air toward the eastern sky.
They could see him go. . .
During the fcur days that the East manido was
absent the sun shone constantly. There was not a
cloud and the wind did not blow.
On the morning of the fourth day they looked
toward the east and saw the sky streaked with colors
like those he had painted on their foreheads. The
Indians all looked in that direction with expecta
tion.
All this time the old man had been drumming

and singing.
85
A little before noon they heard a peculiar
sound in the sky. It was from the east. Some one
was calling Wa, hi hi, hi as they call in the Mide
ceremony. They watched the sky and saw four Indians
walking toward them in the sky, giving this call.
Each had a living otter in his hand.
The East manido came down to the Mide enclosure,
lifted the drapery and allowed the others to pass in.
The four manido came in and took their stand at the
east end of the lodge. A little beyond the center
was the coffin of hewn logs in which lay the body
of the young man, who had been dead eight days.
The four manido held the otters with the right
hand near the head and the left hand below. These
otters were their medicine bags.
The East manido stood first in line. He began
to sing, sent halfway to the coffin, blew on his
medicine bag, and shot from there toward the coffin.
Then the top of the coffin burst open, and the East
manido marched around the lodge and took his place
at the end of the line.
Then the next one, the South manido, did
exactly as the East manido had done. When he had
shot, the young man opened his eyes and breathed.
Then the South manido took his position at the end

of the line.
86
Next came the West manido. When he had shot,
the young man raised up and looked at the manido.
Last came the North manido, and when he had
shot the young man rose up entirely well in every
respect.
Then these four manido began to talk to the
Indians, and to tell them that this was the method
by which they were to treat the sick and the dead,
and that the East manido would instruct them in all
they were to do.
Then these manido told the Indians that they
would never come to earth again, but the Indians
must offer them gifts and sacrifices, which would
be spiritually received. They must always remember
that the Mide was given to them by the manido.
Before we begin this analysis we need to recall the
rationale for dividing the eight origin myths into two
sets. One set addresses the origin of the Anishinaabeg as
a people, and the other, whose versions neglect this ori
gin, emphasize instead, the origin of the midewiwin. Our
present myth (M-6) being of the latter set, begins by
stating that the Anishinaabeg were living on Madeline
Island. It does not tell of the creation of the Ojibwe
nor of the trickster bringing death, but instead explains
how the midewiwin came to the people. We might expect
therefore, that our first two themes would be absent.
87
However, quite interestingly, all four of our themes are
clearly evident in M-6.
The myth begins with the manidoo council and the
selection of an emissary, then relates a series of events
that are similar to what we found in M-6 whereby a boy
comes to earth to live with an old woman. Most of M-6 is
spent relating how the midewiwin was brought by this boy.
Continuing with the analytic procedure established
with M-l, we will start with our first theme, that of the
sun spirit's journey to earthwoman. The sun spirit is
not mentioned in M-6, yet it is obvious that his function
is present. In M-5 we saw him chosen as the manidoo
council's emissary to take the midewiwin to the people,

and I suggested that this association of agency and pur
pose supported the hypothesis that the midewiwin had a
procreative function. Significantly, M-6 uses the east
manidoo as the emissary, clearly associating procreation,
the east and the midewiwin. This relationship has been
hinted at in all our versions but not explicitly presented
until now. Our first theme, then, is evident in M-6 as
a transformation into the emissary's journey.
Our second theme, the trickster's birth and his gift
of death, is also present in M-6, but as an inverted trans
formation. The east manido "was b o m of an old woman" who

had no children. This was the trickster's birth. In M-6
he beffiends his maternal cross-counsin, or "brother."
88
However, he does not kill this brother, but gives him
life instead.
Our third theme, the manido council, is also evident.
In a brief but important passage M-6 tells of the meeting
of the cardinal points "at the center of the earth, not
tinder the earth, but at some place far away.” As in M-l.
M-2, M-4, and M-5, we see the conjunction of the council
at an abstract center.
The fourth theme, the council's emissary, is also
evident in M-6. The east manidoo came to earth as a boy
to bring the midewiwin. There are two features of this
theme that need analysis. The first is the direction
that the east manidoo (= sun spirit = boy) travels. He
and his family resided on Madeline Island in Lake Superior
and traveled west to "the old town of Fond du Lac," where
Superior, Wisconsin, now stands. It was here, after four
days, in the west, that the boy (= trickster) learned of
his "brother's" sickness (= death). Significantly, "it
was about noon when this happened," that is, the sun was
at the zenith, high above in the sky. (Here is another
connection of the east manidoo-boy with the sun and sky.)
The family traveled back to the east where the boy intended
to give life to his brother. After giving the people
instructions on preparations for the midewiwin ceremony,
the east manidoo-boy left "through the air toward the
eastern sky." After four days, "a little before noon," he
89
was heard returning to earth, from the east. Here, both
the characteristics, high and east, join in the boy. He
was seen bringing the four direction manidoog to the

lodge, each carrying a live otter.
What we see here is a repetition of the east/west
and high/low polarities that have run through the versions
of our first set of myths. In M-6 the family went to the
west and learned of death, then returned east for life.
The boy traveled u£ to the east and brought (= collapsed)
the four manidoog (the four cardinal points) to the center
in the midewiwin lodge.
The second issue is the matter of barriers and their
removal, penetration and breakthrough. In M-6 we see the
boy, upon returning from the sky with the four manidoog,
lift the drapery over the east door to allow the manidoog
to enter the lodge. This is reminiscent of the bear pene
trating the walls (M-4) and the miigis breaking the water's
surface (M-4). When the boy, as the manidoo council's
emissary, lifts the drapery, he is aiding in the procrea
tive function of the arrival of the midewiwin.
Myth Seven (M-7): Walter Hoffman
The next version (M-7) is from an unnamed informant
from Red Lake, Minnesota. Like M-5 it was collected by
Walter Hoffman in 1889 and is an interpretation of a brich
bark scroll (Hoffman, 1891:166-167). Hoffman obviously
90
edited the interpretation. In the following transcription
I have omitted the direct references to the diagrams on
the scroll.
(M-7) When Minabozo, the servant of the Dzhe Manido,
looked down upon the earth he beheld human beings,
the Anishinabeg, the ancestors of the Ojibwa. They
occupied the four quarters of the earth - the north -
east, the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest.

r
He saw how helpless they were, and desiring to give
them the means of warding off the diseases with
which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide
them with animals and plants to serve as food and
with other comforts, Minabozho remained thoughtfully
hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring
to devise some means of communicating with them,
when he heard something laugh, and perceived a dark
object appear upon the surface of the water to the
west. He could not recognize its form, and while
watching it closely it slowly disappeared from view.

It next appeared in the north, and after a short
lapse of time again disappeared. Minabozho hoped
it would show itself upon the surface of the water,
which it did in the east. Then Minabozho wished
that it might approach him, so as to permit him to
communicate with it. When it disappeared from view
in the east and made its reappearance in the south,
91
Minabozho asked it to come to the center of the
earth that he might behold it. Again it disappeared
from view, and after reappearing in the west Mina
bozho observed it slowly approaching the center of
the earth, when he descended and saw it was the Otter,
now one of the sacred manidos of the Midewiwin. Then
Minabozho instructed the otter in the mysteries of
the Midewiwin, and gave him at the same time the
sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick;
the sacred drum to be used during the ceremonial
of initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to
be employed in invocations and in making peace. The

place where Minabozho descended was an island in
the middle of a large body of water, and the Mide
who is feared by all the otter is called Minisinoshkwe
(He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then Minabozho built a
Midewigan (sacred Mide lodge), and taking his drum
he beat upon it and sang a Mide song, telling the
otter that Dzhe Manido had decided to help the Anish-
inabeg, that they might always have life and an abun
dance of food and other things necessary for their
comfort. Minabozho then took the Otter into the

Midewigan and conferred upon him the secrets of the
Midewiwin, and with his Mide bag shot the sacred migis
into his body that he might have -immortality and be
92
able to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the
Anishinsbeg.
This version (M-7) begins with the Ojibwe in a state
of disjunction, located "at the four quarters of the world,
sick and dying." As a member of our second set, M-7 does
not tell of the original creation, nor of the coming of
death. Minabozho (= the trickster) hovers above them
puzzled, since he cannot find a way of communicating with
them. There is no mention of a manidoo council in M-7
and no clear statement of a chosen emissary to carry the
midewiwin to the people, although we can assume that the
trickster in M-7 is fulfilling the role of the emissary.
Even without our first two themes, it is apparent that
M-7 is another version of our previous six examples.
The trickster "hovers over the center of the earth"
(italics added) when he hears the laughter of the otter.
Recall in M-l where it is the otter who is sent out to
locate the trickster. This sequence of events is reversed
in M-7 where the trickster journeys to- find the otter. In
M-l the otter "hollered" and made the circuit (the car
dinal points, zenith and nadir) while in M-7 he does the
same (circles all four points, dives and comes up). The
otter foreshadows his didactic role with his laughter.
He is given the rattle, drum and tobacco to use when he,
in turn, would teach the midewiwin to the people. The
93
other item of sacred paraphernalia,the medicine bag, was
not given to the otter, presumably, we'll see, because he
himself was the medicine bag. (Very often the medicine
bag is in the form of an otter skin.)

My earlier suggestion that the otter had a teaching
function is substantiated by M-7 in which he is told to
teach the midewiwin to the people. More importantly, in
M-7 the otter as the first initiate into the midewiwin, is
a metaphor for the people, the Anishinaabeg.
In conclusion, M-7, in its brevity, while omitting
our first two themes, and forcing us to make assumptions
about the last two, has offered little that is new. It

stands as a supplement to our first six versions and in
doing so, supports the conclusions I have drawn concerning
them.
Myth Eight (M-8); Hole-in-the-Day

The last myth (M-8) of our second set is from Hole-
in-the-Day, a midewiwin leader from Cass Lake, Minnesota
(Landes, 1968:98-103). I have reduced it slightly, delet
ing details that do not pertain to the midewiwin.
(M-8) The earth supernatural (called the Shell-
Covered One, or Shell) wanted to help the Indians
because they were troubled with sickness and death.
Shell wanted to give them the midewiwin. He called
down the sky supernatural (called Great Spirit) who
was above the fourth, or top layer of the sky. The
Great Spirit came down and agreed, saying, ’Call
all the manitos of Earth; tell them of this that
we plan. And I, too, will tell those up there with
me.'
Shell sent Bear out to get the manitog. Bear
went to the east, then to the south, then west, then
north, and finally came back to Shell. All the
manitog agreed to give the midewiwin to the people.
The bear took the pack (the midewiwin), reared
up and turned around, clockwise, once and he was
black. He found near him a mide (cedar) tree. He
was at the first earth layer. He pushed the mide
tree up to the second earth layer, and he turned red.

He pushed the tree up through the third layer and
turned yellow. Then he pushed the tree up through
the fourth layer (the earth's surface) and turned
white.
Bear stayed here four days, then went east.
He climbed a hill up to the east, then came down
again to a great body of water. The water was rough
so he calmed it with his left hand, then walked
across it (a second version has him walking on the
floor of the lake to get away from the roughness) -
he walks on the water, then tinder it, then 'between
the top and bottom of the waters.' Then he swam on
95
the surface and came to land. 'Arising, he sounded
like rattling icicles and these were manito shells.
Again he started out and soon descried some blackness
on his course, which he saw was land. He rushed for
it, to try himself against it, struck it, and the
land burst open. Earth rumbled, and Sky also.

Thunder sounded.'
Bear finally found an old man, 'old, almost of
an age to die,' whom was brought to Shell. At the
center of the earth the old man agreed to be the
'voice' for the Indians (to be the mide drum). He
agreed and turned himself into a drum. The manitos
felt the drum was too heavy (powerful) for the
Indians, so the old man spun around, clockwise, and
caused the drum to splinter into many pieces. The
otter came from the east and dropped over the drum,
making its cover. Then a loon came from the south,
stretched over the drum and his legs became drum
sticks. Then two snakes came and curled themselves
around the top and bottom of the drum. 'The Great
Spirit advised him (Shell): Tell us when you are
ready (to bring the midewiwin from its birthplace in
the bowels of Earth). You (and Bear) be the first
ones to lift it out. We will come at the last.'
They commenced to move it. Earth made a great rum
bling. As they came through successive layers to the
top layer of Earth, the rumbling grew louder. Then
they came out. At that time also he up above (Great
Spirit), the mide manito and other manitos commenced
to move it (the mide ceremony) . The noise came down
the layers of the mide sky. At the last layer of Sky
they paused, then met at the midpoint between Earth

and Sky and there was a terrible noise for a long
time, indeed, a great noise. Thus it was when
midewiwin assembl d from Earth and Sky.
This version (M-8) o ;ers detailed renditions of the mani
doo council and tJ emissary's journey. It supports all
the conclusions I have been making about the first seven

versions, and is therefore, an excellent conclusion to our
analysis,
Since M-8 is a member of our second set it omits
direct reference to the first and second themes. It begins
with the earth supernatural pondering the plight of the
Anishinaabeg who are confronting death. Very interest
ingly, the earth is named Shell-Covered-One, or shortened,
just Shell. We are familiar with the white, shell-covered,
or enameled nature of the first people (M-l, M-2). This
covering signifies immortality and is lost due to the
trickster's gift of death. Here in M-8, we see the label,
"Shell-Covered-One" used to identify the manidoo at the
earth pole of the earth/sky polarity. (Recall that the
narrator in M-l commented that the earth pole really had
no name.) What can be made of this nomenclature? I think
we can be safe in assuming that the "Shell-Covered-One" is
not the miigis; it has the characteristic of the shell,
while not being the shell. In this sense all manidoog can
be called "Shell-Covered-One." This characteristic (immor
tality) , as we know, is expressed by the metaphor of the
miigis, which an early writer called the emblem of the
midewiwin (Warren, 1970:78). Accordingly, the midewiwin's
function, at base, is immortality.
In M-8 we get the clearest and most detailed account
of the formation of the manidoo council. Here we see the
union of the earth and sky poles, the calling in of the
cardinal points, and the collapsing of all the spirits at
the center between the earth and sky layers. Nominally,
the concept center is given, explicitly, by the narrator.
In preparation for the first initiation into the
midewiwin we see the earth supernatural and the helper,
Bear, labor to bring the midewiwin uj) through the four

layers of the earth, and the sky supernatural and the
helper, Eagle, later to bring it down through their four
layers, where they "met at the midpoint between Earth and

Sky and there was a terrible noise." This account is a
graphic description of events that were alluded to, or at

most, far less vividly depicted in our other versions.
i
detailed in M-8. The narrator tells of Bear pushing a
cedar tree up through the four successive layers of the
earth, each with a particular color, then traveling hori
zontally, climbing up and down a hill in the east, coming
to water and traversing it by walking on top, walking

Mil
underneath, moving between these two extremes, then
finally, like the otter in M-l, swimming toward land. He
finds the land as a barrier (M-4) but breaks through again
with a loud, thunderous noise whereby both poles (earth

and sky) rumbled. Here we get a graphic description of
the important nature of the "pack of life" that Bear was

carrying.
This completes the analysis of the second set and all
eight versions of the Ojibwe origin myth. My conclusions
can now be synthesized to show the message of the under
lying structure of the myth.
Summary and Conclusions
Five points emerge in this analysis. First, it is
seen that the four themes discovered in M-l follow through
regularly in all the versions except for M-7 and M-8 where
the first two are, understandably, absent (see Chart 2).
These syntagmatic chains give the paradigmatic struc
ture of the myth. At first there is a state of continuity.
All forms of life are manidoo-like, even the people are
99
CHART 2
THEMES OF BOTH SETS OF MYTHS
Sun Trickster's Manidoo Emissary's

Spirit's Gift of Council Journey
Journey Death
1 o
X. 3 4
M-l + + + +
M-2 - + + -
M-3 + + + +
M-4 + + + +
M-5 + + + +
M-6 + + + +
M-7 - - + +
M-8 - - + +
manidoog. They, the Anishinaabeg, are created with the
union of earth and sky (the female/male poles of the
cosmos) which takes place in the first event, the sun's
journey to earth. However, discontinuity sets in when the
people receive the gift of death from the trickster.
There exists then, a state of disjunction - the people,

who were initially shell-covered and therefore, immortal
like the other spirits, are now mortal. The third event,
the manidoo council, solves this problem. It is decided
to help the Anishinaabeg by giving them the midewiwin
(metaphorically, to give them back their shell-covering,
or their immortality.) An emissary is sent out to contact
the people (the fourth event). Successfully, with this
last event, the people are given the midewiwin, and through
its death, achieve immortality. The disjunction between
the people and the spirits is then closed. The original
continuity is mystically re-established.
Secondly, the presence of the four themes, at least
two of them in both sets of variants indicates that we
have a meta-system (Levi-Straus, 1970:97). All eight
versions are linked through these themes to give the
paradigmatic structure.
To see this more clearly we can notice an isomorphism
between the first two themes as a set and the last two as
a set. To review, we remember that the first theme is
that of the sun spirit's journey to earthwoman to impreg
nate her (= to give life) . The second theme concerns the

trickster's journey to kill his brother (= to give death).
Therefore, these two themes form a contrasting set:
Theme Sun's : Life :: Theme Trickster’s : death

► Journey .Journey
#1 #2
4
101
Similarly, the third theme is of the formation of the
manidoo council to help the dying Ojibwe (= to give them
life), and the fourth theme is the emissary's search for
the first initiate for the midewiwin (= to give him the
midewiwin death). We see, again, the formation of a con
trasting set:
Set #2 Theme Manidoo : Life :: Theme Emissary's Death

Council .Journey
#3
The two sets supplement each other, the one replicat
ing the other. These two sets really have two kinds of
relationships: on the one hand they are isomorphic and
supplementary, but on the other hand they are heteromorphic
and complementary. This latter relationship is seen when
we remember the paradigmatic structure of the myth. The
first set offers two distinct sequences of events that,
if left stand, remain open, in a state of dis-unity (i.e.,
the Qj ibwe were created as manidoog, yet they die). The
second set of different sequences diachronically close
the first set by resolving the contradiction of the
trickster's gift. Thus, the second set, as a different
form of sequences, complements the first set. Together,
both sets form the meta-system.
102
The third point concerns the matter of replication.
I have just concluded that in one sense the last two
themes supplement, through replication, the first two.
The relationship between these four themes, however, is
more complex than one set simply replicating the other.
On another level of analysis it is possible to say that
each of the four themes replicates each other. (I have
already argued that in one instance theme number four
replicates, through transformation, theme number one.)
To understand this it may be necessary to recall that each
of the four themes (journeys) operate on a life/death
axis. To review:
Theme 1 - death of sun/earth disjunction life to
people
Theme 2 - death of brother(s) -*•life to people
Theme 3 - death of manidoo spatial disjunction -► life
to people
Theme 4 - death of initiate -*•life to people
This extreme degree of replication is signifying an
underlying opposition: life/death. This opposition (=
continuous/discontinuous) emerges as a major message of

the myth.
Fourth, a procreative motif appears regularly in the
eight versions. It was initially obvious in the sun's*
journey, then later became evident in the manidoo council
and finally in the midewiwin itself. It is the sun's
103
journey and the manido council which most clearly signify
this procreative principle. The Anishinaabeg were first
created through the union of the sky and earth poles and
then recreated through the midewiwin. In this sense, the
midewiwin is finally, signifying the creation of the
people. This conclusion is complex but can be supported
by going back to the opening version of the myth (M-l).
In M-l the trickster was saddened by the loss of his wolf-
friend. The manidoo council was called to appease him by
"giving him something." What the earth and sky gave him
was a set of parents: the first people, the Anishinaabeg.
A careful reading of the version indicates that the
narrator stressed this and only secondarily added that
after the presentation of the gift of parents the manidoog
taught the midewiwin to the trickster. The point is that
the gift was both the parents and the midewiwin. Impor
tantly, the midewiwin is a metaphor for the creation of
the people.
This conclusion solves the enigma of the loss-of-
child motif that I raised earlier. A child mediates
between its parents and it is in this sense that the
trickster, and his brothers, are mediators. In the numer
ous versions of the myth these parents are, finally, the
earth and sky poles. The importance of the child now
emerges. The child, as an tandeveloped, or perhaps defi
cient or incomplete Anishinaabe, is lost through death and
I
104
then reborn (= returned in M-3, M-4, M-5) as an adult
(= developed, complete) Anishinaabe. The earth and sky
poles achieve a unity in the adult Anishinaabe who was
created by the midewiwin.
With this conclusion we are back again to the matter
of the procreative function of the midewiwin. There is
one last issue that appears in the myth which concerns this
point. Recalling the strong similarity between the sun's
journey and the emissary's journey, (the male sun coming
down from the sky in M-l; the emissary as the sun in M-5,
and the east manidoo coming down from the sky in M-6), it
can be suggested that the emissary is metaphorically
representing, or bringing, the male principle as it comes
down to earth. It is being brought to the female prin
ciple. In the midewiwin ceremony the initiate receives
the shell as in the myth (M-l) the earthwoman received the
sxm. Thus, in the ceremony it appears that the initiate,
often in the form of a child, assumes the role of the
mythical earthwoman. It is in this sense that midewiwin
ritual is re-enacting the drama of this primal union of

male and female, or sky and earth.
The fifth and last point concerns the interplay of
content and form, an important aspect of structural analy
sis (L§vi-Strauss, 1970:98). Throughout the eight versions
of the myth it was seen that what was at first introduced
as a detail of content, for example, an individual setting
105
forth on a journey, has become a form. This transformation
of content into form is seen repeatedly in the four themes,
i.e., in M-l the otter seeks the trickister, but in M-7
the trickster seeks the otter. The content of the eight
versions (the events of the four themes) has become the
form of the myth. Structurally, it is not important,
finally, who seeks whom, but rather that the opposition of
"seeker and seekee" and the resolution of this opposition
is repeatedly presented.
This concludes the structural analysis of the Ojibwe
origin myth. The next chapter will examine midewiwin
preparatory ritual.
CHAPTER IV
MIDEWIWIN PREPARATORY RITUAL
Introduction
Much local variation in midewiwin ritual exists.

Communities, and even individuals, perform the rites
according to their own rules. These differences, however,
are variations on a similar structure.

Researchers usually present two phases of midewiwin
i
ritual. One includes several preparatory, often closed
meetings between the candidate for initiation and the
officiating priests. The other is the day-long, open
ceremony called the "public rite." The preparatory ses
sions take four days and the public rite always occurs on
the fifth. However, Ruth Landes (1968:171-176) tells of
four more days of activities that follow immediately after
the public rite.
The preparatory sessions are devoted to teaching mide
wiwin origins, songs, pharmacopoeia, and the proper use of
material paraphernalia. The sweat lodge is also used.
After this basic knowledge is imparted these sessions are
terminated with a rehearsal of the ritual for the public

ceremony.
106
107
A candidate can be tutored for an entire year or
more. In the past this time span may have been affected
by Ojibwe subsistence practices since a full seasonal
round of hunting, fishing, ricing and maple sugaring could
have been required to accumulate the material wealth needed
for initiation fees (Hoffman, 1891:164). This lengthy
instructional period can be expedited if a candidate is
seriously ill and requires the immediate benefit of the
midewiwin. In this case the fees can be negotiated and
paid later (Landes, 1968:76).
The same plot is seen in all midewiwin initiation
ritual. A group of officials lead a novice through a series
of activities, climaxing with the mystical infusion of a
sacred shell. The candidate's previous existence is ter
minated (depicted by the candidate falling "dead"). He
then is reborn into a new life that is immortal. Hoffman
(1891) calls the group of officiating priests a midewiwin
council, suggesting a representation of the manidoo
council of the myth. Landes (1969) goes further, stating
throughout all her discussion, that the actors in the
rite are impersonating the characters in the myth.
Some researchers use a canoeist's idiom when identi
fying the officials in the ritual activity (Pensmore,
1974a:29; Hoffman, 1896; Landes, 1968:114-115). Each

session is overseen by a leading priest and his assistant,
but they turn portions of the activities over to a group
108
of officials whose leaders are called Bowman and Steersman.
When entering and leaving a lodge these officials line up
in order (Bowman at the head and Steersman at the rear),
and they follow this ordering when taking part in activi
ties inside the lodge. Figuratively, it is as if the
ritual takes place not on earth or in the sky, but on
water, and in a canoe moving from east to west.
Preparatory activities are not stressed in the origin
myth. Only two of the versions we examined give hints of
the first initiate being prepared in any way. Recall
that in M-7 the trickster is hovering above the water
attempting to contact the Anishinaabeg when he hears a
laugh and finds the otter swimming below him on the hori
zon in the west. In this version, it is the otter who
acts as the first initiate, and his actions can be consi
dered as ritual preparations for his initiation. He is
in the mediatory water, between the high sky and the low
earth, moving sunwise from one cardinal point to another,
effecting a breakthrough and a call or laugh at each one.
He is moving on a horizontal plane but by breaking up
through the water and then diving down out of sight he is
also moving on a vertical plane. He is, in other words,
traversing the spatial boundaries of the universe (the
cardinal points, the zenith and nadir) before coming to the

trickster in the center.
Another narrative presented by Hoffman (1891:175)
gives a hint of preparation ritual. In it the trickster
builds a lodge in which to initiate the first candidate
(again the otter), but before entering the lodge the otter
spends four days sunning himself by the doorway. Perhaps
he is filling himself with the potency of the sun. Note
that he suns himself for four days and enters the lodge on
the fifth.
The scantiness of data on preparatory ritual in the
myth is offset by its abundance in the ethnographic litera

ture. Ruth Landes, in her monograph, Ojibwa Religion and
the Midewiwin (1968), records an extensive and rich des
cription of this ritual as narrated by her informants at
Red Lake, Minnesota, in the 1930's. The details of pre
paratory (and public) ritual constitute the ethnographic
data portion of my study and this chapter and the next will
be devoted to the presentation and initial analysis of this
data. In both these chapters I will use the Landes mono
graph as my primary text.
Preparatory Ritual
A novice contacts a priest to arrange for the start
of the preparatory rites. If agreed, a midewiwin priest
is designated the candidate's tutor. The meetings open
with a night session, followed by a second night session,
then a sweat ritual on the third day, then a session on
110
the third night and finally, day-long activities on the
fourth day.
First Night Ritual

This is started by the candidate when he brings food
and tobacco to the leading official, or else asks the
priest to come to his lodge for the feast. Assistants
are also asked to attend and to consider the candidate's
reason for wanting to join the midewiwin. This night a
portion of the origin myth istold but the rest is left
for succeeding sessions. Landes gives little other data
on the events of this night. She does not tell of the
details of the ritual gifting and smoking of tobacco that
other researchers stress, however, in a personal communi
cation (Landes, 1984) she states that tobacco is an
important item in all these sessions and none are started
without a gift of tobacco from the candidate to the offi
cials. According to Hoffman (1891) all such meetings
start with a smoke. He does not say that the candidate

smokes with his mentor, but he gives a detailed descrip
tion of the use of the pipe:
. . . (this) is done by taking a whiff and point

ing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing
the stem to the south; another whiff, directing
the stem to the west; then a whiff and a similar
gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff
is taken slowly and with an expression of rever
ence, when the stem is pointed forward and upward
as an offering tc Kitchi Manido; and finally,
Ill
after taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed
forward and downward toward the earth as an offer
ing to Nokomis, the grandmother of the universe,
and to those who have passed before (Ibid.:190)
(brackets added).
Second Night Ritual
Here Landes is more brief than with her description
of the first night's activities. Apparently the meeting
takes place in either the official's or the candidate's
lodge. Singing, dancing, smoking and myth telling con
tinue. During this session the priests ask the manidoog
to help the candidate.
Third Day Ritual: The Sweat Bath
This day is devoted to a group sweat bath by the
officiating priests. The candidate is told, by the lead
ing official, to build a lodge. It is circular, four
feet high and six to eight feet in diameter. Saplings
are cut and set into the earth at the cardinal points.
Then four more poles are set between these four locations.
The opposite poles are bent over toward each other and
tied to form the top of the structure; number one with
two, three with four, five with six and seven with eight
(see Diagram 1).
112
Diagram 1: Sweat Lodge Posts
The single doorway is in the east-southeastern direction.
Mythically the doorway is in the east, but in the sweat-
lodge the post was there so the doorway was actually in
an east-southeast location. A pile of eight heated stones
is set in the center of the floor and a pile of silvery
beach sand is placed nearby. A pan of water is provided.
The lodge represents the mythical Bear of the origin
myth. Quoting her informant, Landes says:
. . . the sudatory was protected by the Mide Bear,

'for our Grandfather Bear told the Indian to get
in under him and then he dropped his hide over
him,' creating a cavernous lodge. Each pair of
curving sticks arched over one diameter of the
circular lodge or 'shadow of the Bear,' encom
passing cardinal points (p. 118).
On the morning of the third day, the officiating
priests approach the lodge's entrance. Usually, when
acting ritually they line up and follow the strict
113 ‘
movement of the sun's path, from east to west, or else in
a circular movement from east to south to west to north
and back to east. When the heated stones and the pile of
beach sand are in place Bowman enters the lodge, as the
officiating priest stands nearby and sings a song about
the entrance. Bowman sings and dances a complicated cir
cuit that weaves around all eight poles. This is done in
the following fashion. Entering the doorway he immediately
turns to the right, circles around the first pole, then
moves on a sunwise path outside the structure to pole
number two at the western cardinal point, directly across
from number one in the east. After circling number two
he continues sunwise outside to number three. He continues
in this order until all posts are circled and he ends up
at number eight back at the east door. (Diagram 2 shows
his path.)
start
doorway
end
Diagram 2: Bowman's Dance
114
A careful study of the diagram shows that Bowman is
making two opposite circuits. The first is the obvious
sunwise circuit - starting in the east with the first
post, then always moving to his left. However, he is also
making a circuit that runs counter to this. This is seen
when Bowman completes one set of post encirclements at a
time, i.e., numbers one and two, then moves on to the
next set, composed of numbers three and four and so forth.
He makes a circle starting with poles one and two, then
moves to three and four, and so on, until all sets of
poles are circled. In this way he begins with an east-
west axis by using the set of poles one and two, and
rotates it counter-sunwise to a northeast-southwest axis,
then to a north-south axis, then to a northwest-southeast
axis before completing the circle at the east-west axis.
Through this complicated dance Bowman is circling
each individual post in sets of opposites (combining
numbers one with two, three with four, and so forth),
while he moves in the sunwise fashion; but he is also com
bining this sunwise circuit of the entire structure with a
counter-sunwise circuit as he moves from one completed
set of posts to the next. We might say he is "cancelling
out" the oppositions of each set of poles as he joins them
in sets and on a larger scale he is cancelling out his
entire sunwise circuit with his counter-sunwise circuit.
The four posts at the cardinal points represent the
115
cardinal manidoog. According to William Mustache, Sr.,
(the fourth degree priest from Lac Courte Oreilles,
Wisconsin) a set of four alternate manidoog is located
between the cardinal points. Considering posts three,
four, seven and eight as representations of these alter
nates, Bowman has cancelled out all the horizontal
boundaries of the cosmos, or, collapsed them to the center
of the lodge.
Upon finishing the weaving circuits Bowman enters the
doorway, between posts eight and one, steps over the stone
pile and beach sand in the center of the floor and exits
between posts two and seven. Moving sunwise he enters
again between posts three and one, crosses over the lodge
center and exits between posts two and four. He next
enters between three and five, exiting between four and
six. Lastly, he enters between five and seven, exiting
between six and eight. He then makes a complete sunwise
circle outside the structure back to the doorway and
finally makes a complete sunwise circle inside the lodge
between the center stones, the sand pile and the posts.
His task is finished when he arrives back at the doorway.
(See Diagram 3.)
The same pattern of opposing circuits seen in Diagram
2 is seen in this diagram. Bowman enters the lodge through
the eastern doorway and exits just to the north of post
start
doorway
end
Diagram 3: Bowman's Second Dance
number two at cardinal west. Then he enters in the next
"doorway" between posts one and three and exits between
two and four. This entrance and exit circuit is rotated
counter-sunwise around the entire circle. Again, it is
seen that while he makes his sunwise circuit through and
around the lodge, he is at the same time making a counter-
sunwise, or opposite circuit. Also, each time he traverses
through the lodge he is "climbing up" the sand pile and
stones and then back down. Thus, he is moving on both a
horizontal and vertical axis. Bowman is impersonating the
mythical Bear of the origin legend when he carries the
pack of life from the center of the earth, through its four
layers, to find the Ojibwe. His circuiting is meant to
elude the evil manidoo that follows Bear on this trek.
Bowman then enters the lodge, stands by the stones and
sand, and invites the other officials inside. He holds
•=*
several items that he carried while he made the above
circuits, "a pipe of tobacco, two drumsticks, a stone-
carrier slung across the chest, and a water-carrier, all
indispensable in the sweat rite" (Ibid.:121-122). Bowman
is representing Bear and these objects are his body. The
water-carrier is a cluster of cedar boughs used for sprink
ling water on the heated stones. Bowman then recites
portions of the origin myth and asks Bear to help him level
the sand pile by spreading it over the center of the lodge
floor. Minor officials come forward and help with this
task. Bowman then takes his seat at post number eight,
the left-hand postof the doorway. Each of the others
sit at a post with Steersman located to the right of
Bowman at post number one. The candidate then places a
hot stone in front of each person, starting with Bowman,
moving sunwise to Steersman. Two containers of water are
placed before Bowman, one for drinking and one for sprink
ling on the stones. The lodge is then covered with
blankets, branches or other available material.
Once the lodge is covered Bowman sprinkles his stone
with water and passes the waterpan and cedar bough to his
left. As the other members sprinkle their stones and the
lodge fills with steam and heat, he sings a song about the
miigis being distributed all over the earth and all over
the sky. On a second circuit of water sprinkling, Steers
man sings a brief passage about the supematurals
(represented in the lodge by the people) as they encircle
the stone.
At this time the candidate brings in more water for
drinking and it is passed around the circle, sunwise.
This sweating lasts twenty to thirty minutes and ends with
Bowman thanking the priests for their help before Steersman
leads them out of the lodge. The candidate does not take
part in this sweat ceremony, but is busy keeping the stones
heated. After the ceremony is over the candidate has to
disassemble the lodge.
Remarking about the purpose of this ceremony, Landes
suggests that:
The obligations of this session were to baffle the

Evil Monster (accomplished by Bear's tortuous
circuit), to orientate the lodge in terms of the
cardinal points, to establish mystic unity of mide
officers and the guardian cardinals by having the
officers sit at proper posts, to alert Super
naturals, to fortify mide officers through ritual
sweating and thereby to benefit the patient (Ibid.:
124) .
Contrary to Ruth Landes' data, Walter Hoffman (1891)
says it is the candidate who goes through the sweat lodge
ritual, not the officiating priests. Hoffman says the
candidate must take a sweat bath on each of the four days
just prior to the public rite. For this purpose a small
lodge is built east of the initiation lodge and the candi
date enters it to sweat each of the four evenings before
the initiation. He is aided by assistants who heat the
stones outside, then pass them inside, along with water to
119
make steam. Hoffman tells little of the events inside the
lodge, saying only that when inside "the candidate’s
thoughts must dwell upon the seriousness of the course he
is pursuing and the sacred character of the new life he is
about to assume" (Ibid.:206). When the night has quieted
he is accompanied by his mentor to his own lodge to await
the morning. At the same time the assistants carry the
candidate's gifts to the initiation lodge and suspend them
from its high poles inside the structure.
Third Night Ritual
This night is devoted to eating, smoking, singing and
dancing. The candidate invites the leading official to his
house for a meal. The leader arrives with assistant(s)

and a messenger. The latter delivers invitation sticks
to all other officers the leader wants in attendance.
These sticks are returned to the leaders as the guests
arrive. According to Landes' informant, "Each guest
brought a clean food-pail; but the head mide should receive
from the patient a fine one with a cover, polished to a
gleam" (Landes, 1968:125). Cedar boughs are located around
the floor near the walls, and the middle of the floor is
covered with sand. At the center are located the piles of
fees and the cooked food.
As before, the officials line up outside the lodge in
sunwise fashion and enter through the east door. They
120
circle the interior and sit down in order (from leader to
least influential). The leader has his messenger fill and
light the pipe and it is passed in sunwise order around to
the officials. Each smokes, then the messenger serves
the food to each official. After eating, the leader starts
telling the origin myth. The assistants tell portions,
and Steersman concludes the narration. Then songs are
sung and the candidate rises and moves in a sunwise cir
cuit to the leader and acknowledges him. Starting with
the leader and moving sunwise, each official plays the
drum and sings a song accompanied by the person to the left
with a rattle. The candidate moves with the drum and
stands dancing in place before each official as he sings.
After this singing and dancing the leading official
gives the drum and rattle to Steersman who leads the group
on two sunwise circuits inside the lodge. According to
Landes:
. . . they made two sunwise circuits of the inside

of the ledge and ended up at the west door in their
original standing position. During these circlings,
Steersman chanted barkingly, 'Wah! hee-ee! hee-ee!
hee-ee!' Closing the first sunwise circling, when
Steersman reached the lodge center, he cut across
the north side, continued sunwise around until he
reached north again, returned to the center, and
laid the drum and rattle on the ground alongside
the pile of goods or fees. This circuit and its
barking was to defeat Evil; the circuit symbol
recurs over and over in mide rites. Steersman and
his train next greeted the chiefs, 'Hail', were
acknowledged, travelled to the west door, and filed
out. (Ibid.:128-129).
121
Diagram Four depicts this route:
S
Diagram 4: Steersman's Dance
The leading priest then leaves the lodge, concluding
the night's activities. The candidate sleeps through the
night in the lodge with the fees.
Fourth Day Activities

This day is devoted to three events: the distribution
of the fees, the shooting of the shells and the building
of the lodge for the public ceremony. At dawn the leading
priest tells the candidate to take invitation sticks to
the participating midewiwin members and to tell them of
the feast that is to start at ten o'clock A.M. At about
ten these officials arrive at the lodge, return the sticks
and file into the lodge. They are in their usual ranked
succession, entering from the east and circuiting along
the inside until seated. After they are given gifts of
tobacco and food, the leader and his assistant rise, walk
sunwise around the pile of goods (fees) that are on the
ground in the lodge's center and the leader picks them u p ,
122
then circles again and goes to the east doorway and says,
"Now I have taken this that (the patient) hands to the
mide manito" (Ibid.:130). He then circuits the inside of
the lodge again, sunwise, and places the pile back onto
the ground. After each officer lays tobacco on the fees
(the number of these officers depends upon the grade of
the initiation), the goods are placed around the lodge, a
pile before each officer's seat.
Then the remaining attending officials file into the
lodge (from the east) and take their seats just behind
their piles of fees. Songs are sung by Bowman and Steers
man and the drum is passed around the circuit to other
officers. Landes gives two songs Bowman might sing:
1. From the daylight land (the east) I walk.

(Sung four times.)
Like a white bear (considered most powerful)
I look in my walking.
From the daylight land I walk.
2. Nee-ee wah heh-eh (nonsense syllables).

(Sung eight times.)
I (the patient) am to be kissed,
I am to be kissed.
Nee-ee wah heh-eh. (Ibid.:132)(brackets Landes').
The drum is passed around the circle of seated offi
cials as the songs continue. Since these people are
representing the supernaturals, the drums "voice" and
"song" are used "to invoke every Supernatural in turn"
(Ibid.:133). When it arrives back to the leader, near the

eastern doorway, he says, "Again our Grandfather (drum)
returns, having made the round of the mide manitos. So
123
now we shall rise and lift up our goods to the mide manito"
(Ibid.) (brackets Landes').
Each person picks up his pile of goods and follows
the chief officer around in the sunwise circuit of the
lodge, often singing in a dancing walk. Four circuits are
made but on the start of the fourth, each member places
his pile on the ground before the officials at the east
end of the lodge, then returns to his seat. Then the
chief has an assistant count the accumulation of goods,
whereupon each official rises and files by to receive his
pile. When all fees are distributed the leader dismisses
the members and they file out the western door, in ranked
order, in sunwise fashion. This concludes the distribution
of fees.
After this the candidate and officiating priests
rehearse the shell-shooting ceremony that is to take part
the next day. Local variation again is evident and Landes
gives two versions of this activity, one from Ontario,
Canada, and the other from Minnesota. Since each is ger
mane to my argument I will give a summary of both.
The first version is from Ontario. Here the candidate
is moved around the inside of the lodge by the leading
official, making two sunwise circles, starting and ending
at the east. The candidate then sits on top of the pile

of fees in the center of the lodge, facing east. The
leader circles again and goes back to the eastern door.
124
Bowman leads the priests around the lodge in two sunwise
circuits, and stops at the cardinal point north of the
lodge's center. From this direction:

Bowman approached the patient and laid a shell
on (the) patient's right toe; the next man laid
one on the left toe; the next on the inside of
the right ankle; the next on the inside of the
left ankle; the fifth man on the right knee; the
sixth on the left knee; the seventh on the right
hip; the eighth, on the left hip (Ibid.:140)
(brackets Landes').
It is not clear just what degree this pattern of
shell placement is for. Landes says, "This pattern of
starting from the lower body belonged to the first grade,
which was nearer Earth's 'bottom layer' than advanced
grades of Earth midewiwin" (Ibid.). Does she mean that this
entire series of placement of eight shells is done in a

first grade initiation? It seems, especially after study
ing the following Minnesota version of shell placement,
that what we have is the Ontario pattern for the first
four grades, i.e., the first grade cure probably involves
only the two shells placed on the right and left toes,
then the second grade placed on the ankles, and so forth
up to the fourth grade on the hips. If this is correct
then the mythical layers of the Ojibwe earth, which Bear
broke through in the myth are replicated by the four

degrees of the Earth midewiwin, and by the placement of the
shells in the Ontario pattern.
125
The Minnesota version, as given in the 1930's,
includes all four of the earth lodge's grades. Landes'
informant said that:
The first grade cure required four shells placed

solely on the heart, for the heart is the seat
of life! (And) that Earth's second cure called
for shell placements 011 right ankles and knees;
that the third cure demanded placements on right
and left little toes and hips, plus one on the
pubes and one on the navel; that Earth's fourth
cure located shells on right and left sides,
including the soles of feet, the space between
the big toe and the next, and in the kidney
region but placed ventrally (Ibid.:140)(brackets
added).
Landes continues, referring to the remarks of her informant:
. . . there were Sky aspects to these cures which

Ontario people ignored but which should not be
ignored, for every person consists, like the world,
of a region above as well as below. Therefore,
second grade added 'above' treatments involving
Sky power by shell placements in right and left
wrists and elbows. Third grade required additional
'above' placements on right and left, including the
little fingers, shoulders and ears. Fourth grade
'above' placements went on both sides, including
nipples, collarbone, inside of the mouth, palms,
between thumbs and index fingers, on upper lip,
and on top of head (Ibid.).
After each officer places the shell he continues to
the south cardinal, then moves aside to the west, behind
Steersman. Note that when approaching the candidate each
official starts from a position at north-center and moves
down to a south-center position before moving to the west.

The leading official, who has been drumming on this cir
cuit, places the drum down m the center, moves to the
south, faces that direction and speaks to the supernaturals
126
by saying: "Thanks for strengthening (the patient's) life.
That is all. By putting these shells in his body, not
ever again can any injury touch it. I tell the mide
people. HailI" (Ibid.:141)(brackets Landes').
This ends the rehearsal. The time is now about mid
afternoon. After this rehearsal the initiation lodge is
built. It is the locus of the public rite that climaxes
the initiation on the fifth day. Bowman asks several
village women to build it. They are summoned to the pre
paratory lodge, served tobacco and food and told:
Eat all of you, this mide food. Now the manito

wishes you to help build the manito wigwam where
our lives are to be strengthened. There we
villagers go tomorrow. That is all I have to
say. Hail!" (Ibid.:142).
"While the women build the lodge the officers sit in
the preparatory lodge and eat more food provided by the
candidate and his kinsmen. The candidate does not eat
since the food is considered part of the fees. After the
meal they sing and drum. This is done one at a time in
sunwise fashion around the lodge, and as each sings the
candidate dances in place before him. Then the women who
have completed building the lodge come to the preparatory
lodge, join in the dancing and help consume the rest of the
food. At the conclusion of the dancing and eating the
leading official asks Bowman and Steersman to lead the can
didate into the lodge on the following day. Then everyone
*
I 127
leaves the preparatory lodge in the usual formal order by
|
i
the west door.
j
This concludes the activities on the fourth day. The

preparatory ritual is nowcompleted and the candidate is
j ready for initiation in the publicceremony on thefollow-

r
i
I ing day.
The Preparatory Rites: An Analysis
In the following paragraphs I identify and analyze
six features of the preparatory ritual.
1. Request and Fees
Here, in the ritual, unlike in the myth, it is the
candidate who seeks the officials and asks to be initiated.
Recall that in the myth the manidoo council dispatches an
emissary to find the candidate and bring him to the meet
ing. This is reversed in the preparatory ritual whereby
the candidate not only has to ask to be admitted but has
to pay initiation fees as well.
The amount of material wealth demanded is a matter
of local determination, but all sources agree that the
expense increases with the higher degrees. (At the turn
of the century fees took the form of material goods of the
times: galvanized buckets, blankets, guns, food, tobacco
and the like (Baraouw, 1960:78).) These materials are
sometimes called fees, gifts or sacrifices in the litera
ture and they are accumulated by the efforts of the
128
candidate and his kinsmen. Some tobacco and food is given
to the officiating priests and immediately consumed but
the other fees are placed within the initiatory lodge and
become an integral part of cne public rite. It is not
enough to note what is used as fees. It is just as impor
tant to note how these items are used by the actors in the
rites. All items move, largely on an east-west axis, and
mostly in an east to west direction. They also, repeatedly,
move sunwise, or in a clockwise, circular pattern, and

less frequently on a north-south axis, as between the
zenith and nadir. They move both horizontally and verti
cally and at all times have a clear relation with the
spatial center of the lodge. When at rest they usually are
placed in the center on the floor. Often before their
distribution they will be hung from the roof poles of the
lodge and later in the ceremony taken down and placed on
the earth. According to Hoffman (1891), when the candidate
comes to the lodge carrying his fees he places them on the
ground at the doorway. He does not simply hand them to
the official inside the lodge, instead he puts them down
unto the earth. The priest picks them up and puts them
inside. Such an action may seem minor, but in a struc

tural analysis these smaller events are often related to
major themes. It is seen, then, that the fees travel from
a high to a low position as in the origin myth when the
sun travels down to the earth. They move on a vertical
129
axis, and more specifically, move to a center position.
The accumulation and placement of fees in the center of
the lodge is a centripital movement (they are moved from
a disjunctive to a conjunctive state) and with their dis
tribution to the priests who represent the cardinal
manidoog, they are given a centrifugal movement (from a
conjunctive to a disjunctive state).
Two items that figure prominently in the preparatory
ritual are tobacco and food. The ritual use of tobacco
is well known in North and South American ethnography.
We noted Hoffman's account of the smoke offering and
Landes' comment on the importance of tobacco in midewiwin
ritual. She tells of sacks of tobacco being tied to the
handles of food kettles that are carried into the initia
tory lodge (1968:116) and how a special, large pipe with
a very long stem will, at times, be passed around the
lodge during a community smoke (Ibid.:126) . Densmore says
it is customary for each official to have ". . . a pipe
which he smokes only at meetings of the Midewiwin. . ."

(1973a:13).
In the Americas, tobacco is considered to have a
special affinity with the realm of the sacred, and among
the Ojibwe, according to Densmore, "Tobacco was regarded
as a gift from the manito, and for this reason it was
supposed to have 'magic power'" (1970:145). Another com
mon explanation for its use is that the manidoog prefer it
130
(they like its smell) and will help the people if given
tobacco (Overholt and Callicott, 1982:75). Still another
reason is the notion that when smoked, its blue vapor
carries the message of humans up to the spirit world
(Brown, 1973; Densmore, 1973a:130). These types of
explanations relate well to the conclusion of Ldvi-Strauss
that in a South American culture "tobacco plays a mediat
ing role between earth and heaven" (1970:105).
Walter Hoffman does not stress the role of food in

his material on preparation ritual, although he says that
the candidate provides it for the officiating priests.
According to Landes, it is obligatory for the candidate
to serve food to the officials during each of the prepara
tory days (1968:125-26). Right from the start, on the
first meeting, the candidate gives food to the officials.
After this is consumed, smoking is done before the start
of other activities. On the third night the officials
come to the lodge with clean, empty food pails in hand and
Landes notes that it is customary for the candidate to give
the leading official a new food pail as a gift. Impor
tantly, this is expected to have a lid that is polished to
a brilliant shine. Containers of cooked food are prepared
by the candidate's family and stand conspicuously on the
floor in the center of the lodge. After the opening smoke,
the group is served the food and consumes it before the
night's other business begins. Another meal is served on
131
the fourth day, at about mid-morning before the day's
other activities start. Still another is provided at the
close of the day. Landes notes that, on the fourth day
at least, the candidate does not eat with the officials
since the food is felt to be part of the fees. It would
follow that the candidate does not eat with them on the
earlier days either. It is not told what the food is,
but it is evident that it is consumed as a gift, like the
tobacco that is smoked, from the candidate to the manidoog.
The movement of the food is similar to that of
tobacco and the other fees. It comes to the preparatory
lodge from the east, is carried on the familiar sunwise
circles and placed down onto the earth in the lodge's
center. When served it is important that all the food is
consumed, or if that is not possible, that the remainder
be removed from the lodge with all the food containers
CDensmore, 1973a:40; Hoffman, 1891:253, 249; Landes, 1968:
124).
2. Manidoo Council
The group of officiating priests is a replication of
the manidoo council in the myth. The priests serve as a
tutelary group to oversee and guide the candidate through
the preparatory rites and, with the exception of the
nightly times for sleep when the candidate repairs to his
family's lodge, he is never released from the presence of
132
this group. Recalling that in some versions of the myth
the first initiate is a child, it is as if this childlike
characteristic is imparted to the candidate. Hoffman
reports (1891:227) that at one point in the preparatory
activities the officiating priest sings a song in which
he portrays the candidate as a child, crying for help.
3. Sweat Lodge
Sweat lodge activities are a major part of the prepar
atory rites, yet according to Hoffman, it is the candidate
who uses the lodge alone on the four preceding evenings
to the public rite, while Landes tells of only the offi
ciating priests sweating as a group on the third'day of
the preparatory activities. Densmore reports, like
Hoffman, that "several days are allowed for this portion
of the ceremony," but she agrees with Landes that the
officiating priests are the participants in the lodge, not
the candidate (173a:25-26; 1970:94-95). Hoffman offers
no details of the activities inside the lodge, but Landes
gives much information, calling sweat ritual "a sovereign
medicine of the Ojibwa, for moral and intellectual power"
(1968:117). To her informants, the sweat lodge represents
the body of the mythical Bear who brings the midewiwin to
the people (Ibid.:118-122). The small lodge structure can
be built inside the large preparatory lodge, forming a
pattern of concentric circles. First there is the
133
preparatory lodge, then the sweat lodge, then the people
in a circle within it, then finally, the circle of heated
stones. (To the Dakota this pattern represents immortality.
"This symbol, a circle within a circle, stands for life,
for that which has no end" (Lame Deer and Erdoes, 1972:
178).) According to Landes, the sweat lodge's imagery
"said it was circular like the earth, the sun, the moon,
and was staked out by cardinal points to invoke their
guardianship" (Ibid.:118). As already stated, the lodge
is a small dark enclosure in which the officials sit,
crowded around the heated stones. By regularly sprinkling
the stones with water they create steam and maintain an
intense degree of heat.
The sweat lodge ritual is considered to be a purifi
catory rite. Those who sweat are cleansed physically and
in the process, are strengthened spiritually (Vecsey,
1983:113,150-151). This involves a transition from a state
of contamination, or profanity, to one of spiritual purity.
When the Ojibwe candidate finishes his fourth bath he is
in such a pure state - a neutral, or iiminal condition -
between the profane and the sacred. He has shed his
previous impurities but has not yet been infused with the
new, sacred features of the miigis. This is why, as
Hoffman reports, upon completing the nightly bath the can
didate is secreted back to his lodge after dark "so not to
come in contact with the large crowd" of people gathered
to witness the initiation ceremony (1891:206).
Other than for purification, the sweat lodge has
another function. This is best seen by examining the inipi
(sweat lodge) ritual of the Ojibwe's neighbors, the
Dakota. To them., the physical structure of the sweat lodge
is a replication of the universe (Lame Deer and Erdoes,
1972:177; Brown, 1973:31-43). All the spirits of the uni
verse, even those of deceased humans, are present in it.
The Dakota version of the lodge has a small depression in
its floor's center in which the heated rocks are placed,
unlike the Ojibwe's with its (according to Landes), pile
of silvery beach sand and its encircling stones. The
imagery, however, is the same, and all the forces of the
universe are collapsed into the small dark, steamy, hot
space of the lodge's interior. This merging, or conjunc
tion of all, is the centering phenomenon, the ritual

mechanism, that aids in purification and strengthening.
With this in mind it is possible to offer an explana
tion for what might appear as a trite bit of ritual
behavior in Landes' description of sweat lodge ritual. As
recalled above, the paraphernalia of the lodge includes a
pile of sand that is placed at the center of the floor.
At the beginning of the activities, "Bowman would appeal
to 'our Grandfather' (the mythic Bear) to help him level
the sand heap, for spreading over the dirt floor" (Landes,
1968:122)(brackets Landes'). I suggest that one reason
for the presence of this pile may be to emphasize the
vertical dimension of the universe and perhaps the action
of its leveling is, symbolically, collapsing this dimension

to a center point. This act is reminiscent of the myth's
scenes in which the sun journeys down to the earth, the
bear treks up and down hills while he' struggles up through
the earth's layers, and the otter repeatedly dives beneath
the water's surface. In all three cases the vertical
dimension is being depicted. The expression of this dimen
sion in ritual is difficult to accomplish (Hugh-Jones,
C., 1979:258), but it is seen repeatedly in midewiwin myth
and ritual.
Tobacco is used in the sweat lodge. Landes says
Bowman carries a pipe filled with tobacco into the lodge
and that it is "indispensible in the sweat rite" (1968:
122), yet she does not tell how it is used. We can only
assume that it is smoked as an invocation to the manidoog.
This is supported by Densmore's comment that the officials
open their sweat rituals with smoke offerings inside the
sweat lodge (1970:94-95). This smoke invocation summons
the spirits to the lodge and reinforces the belief that
the assembled priests are representing these spirits.
Landes notes that among the purposes of sweat lodge
ritual are the need "to orientate the lodge in terms of
the cardinal points," and "to establish mystic unity of
mide officers and the guardian cardinals by having the
136
officers sit at proper posts" (1968:124). This structure
of the sweat lodge (the circle with its cardinals, and
the horizontal and vertical axis) represents the parameters
of the universe. This can be considered as the condensa
tion, or collapsing of these cosmological boundaries that
were originally established in Ojibwe mythology. Paradox
ically, this sweat lodge structure (a synchronic, disjunc
tive state) at the same time represents the denial, or
collapse of the cosmos (a diachronic, conjunctive state).
Both the physical structure of the lodge and the actions
of the smoking and sandpile leveling priests represent
this conjunction.
This is a major point in my argument and can be better
understood by an examination of the similarity between
Hoffman's description of the spirit invocative pipe ritual
and the details of sweat lodge symbolism. While the con
tents of both the smoking and sweating rituals are
different, their forms are the same. Recall that in the
smoke ritual the pipe is filled with tobacco, lit, and
offered to the four cardinals, the zenith and nadir.
According to A. I. Hallowell, "by including all of the
directions all of the spiritual entities in the entire
universe are the recipients of the smoke offering" (1974:

201). The offering is completed when the pipe is pointed
down to the last direction and when all the tobacco is
consumed (Bamouw, 1960:78; Hoffman, 1S9*J:78). This
137
tobacco offering to the spirits is also an invocation of
the spirits. The manidoog are called into the lodge,
literally concentrated inside its small enclosure. This
point is supported by Hubert and Mauss (1964:42-43, 136)
when they argue that the Latin vocare in means "to call
into." They suggest this results in the concentration of
spiritual force at the scene of the rite.
Smoke has been considered as a mediator between the
corporeal and incorporeal. It joins the high and low by
moving between them as a blue, fog-like vapor, and takes
on a spiritual characteristic (Jacobi, 1959:163; Ldvi-
Strauss, 1979:320).
In Ojibwe culture, as perhaps in all cultures, this
ethereal characteristic is shared with fog, steam and
breath. Fog is mystical and manidoo-like (Hoffman, 1891:
264; Densmore, 1973a:64). In the tribal cultures of North
America, as oral cultures, speech and song are of major
importance and behind these lay the primal concept of
breath (Gill, 1982:39-58). A midewiwin practitioner blows

his breath onto his medicine bag to give it power (Densmore,
1973a:21,23,43,44) . Hoffman saw men blow smoke onto their
bags (1891:177), and recall that in a version of the crea
tion myth the sun blows upon some earth after he spits
upon it to give it life. In North America breath has been

called the "symbol of life, and exhaling an act of ritual
blessing" (Waters, 1975:292). Among the Dakota the sweat
138
lodge steam is seen as the "sacred breath" of the stones
(Brown, 1973:37). This "breath of life" is "exhaled" by
the spirits through the heated stones and as stated by a
Dakota shaman, as a participant in a sweat lodge rite,
"You inhale that breath, drink in the water, the white
steam. It represents clouds, the living soul, life"
(Lame Deer and Erdoes, 1972:180).
The sacred, heated stones in the Ojibwe sweat lodge,
when doused with the mediatory water, emit steam that,
like tobacco smoke, rises to the manidoog but at the same
time is inhaled by the rite's participants as life giving
breath from the manidoog. This unity of the earth (repre
sented by the stone) and the sky (represented by the steam)
is facilitated by the water. All of the "mystic sprinkling
water" that is brought into the sweat lodge has to be
consumed in the rite. None can be left remaining (Landes,
1968:124). We see, then, that the smoke offering ritual
and the sweat lodge ritual are similar. Both are asso
ciated with a representation of the universe. According
to the Dakota:
In filling a pipe, all space (represented by the
offerings to the powers of the six directions)
and all things (represented by the grains of
tobacco) are contracted within a single point
(the bowl or heart of the pipe), so that the
pipe contains, or really is, the universe (Brown,
1973:21).
However, both rituals do not merely symbolically
reconstruct the universe. Most importantly, they mythically
139
collapse it to a central point. All of the forces of the
cosmos are pulled together into a numinous unity into the
sweat lodge and pipe.
This conjunction helps us understand a song sung by

Bowman inside the sweat lodge. He sings about the "manito
stone" being distributed all over the earth and all over
the sky (Landes, 1968:123). We can interpret this "manito
stone" as being the influence of the steam from the
heated sweat lodge stones, but it probably also signifies
the white shell (the miigis) that the mythical Bear (whom
Bowman impersonates in the sweat lodge) brings up to the
earth's uppermost layer. In the lodge this influence
(the steam and at the same time the white shell) permeates
the entire universe. (Note the opposition of light - the
white steam and the white shell - and the dark interior of
the little lodge.) This influence aids in the purification
of the persons inside the lodge.
In summary, we have seen that the sweat lodge has
three important functions for the midewiwin: 1) it
purifies the participants, and thus, readies them for the
public rite-, 2) it replicates the universe-, and 3) it
collapses the universe to a central point.
4. Music, Song and Dance
Several types of musical instruments are used in pre
paratory ritual. These are the drum, drumsticks, rattle,
140
clapper and singing sticks (Densmore, 1970:95,96,166-169;
Hoffman, 1891:190-191; Landes, 1968:81,84; Blessing, 1977:
22). The clapper is mentioned only once and remains a
mystery since we are not told anything about its use
(Densmore, 1970:169), likewise, singing sticks are men
tioned only once as a possible replacement of the drum
when, in the preparatory rites, an official might sing to
the candidate as he taps out a beat on a stone or food
container (Hoffman, 1891:230).
Compared to the large Ojibwe dance drum (Vennum,
1982), the midewiwin drum is a smaller, columnar water
drum. Its size is about ten inches in diameter and twenty
inches long. It is made of cedar or has swood with a deer-
hide head and a bunghold in its side for adding water. The
water gives it a distinctive high pitched tone that carries
great distances (Ibid.:40-41) . Hoffman said the drum is
a gift from the Great Spirit through the trickster and is
"used to invoke the presence of the mide manidos, or
sacred spirits" (1891:190-191). Landes' informant offered
two versions of a myth that gives the origin of the drum
(1968:101-104). They tell of the manidoog preparing the
midewiwin for the Ojibwe and needing a voice to carry its
message. Bear is sent to find an old man ("very old,
almost of an age to die") who agrees to be the voice. He
turns himself into a drum by circling sunwise several times
at the earth's (universe's) center. However, the manidoog
141
decided the drum will be too powerful for the people to
use so that is. why the old man spins around several
times more and flies into splinters. Bear then takes one
of these pieces and climbs up through the four layers of
the earth to get to the Ojibwe. As he climbs the piece
of the drum turns into a cedar tree that extends from
the lowest earth layer up to the highest sky layer.
The drum is an important and multivocal symbol. It
signifies the message of the supernatural (its voice or
breath), the sacred cedar tree, the old man, and the cos
mic axis (Grim, 1983:78,161). According to the myth it
is the otter who comes to the center and gives his skin
for the head of the drum. Thus, while deerskin is used
in the construction of a midewiwin drum, mystically each
drumhead is made from the hide of the otter.
Drumsticks are not stressed by some midewiwin
researchers, but Densmore (1970:96) writes, "It is said
that a mide drum stick is more valuable than the drum, and
frequently is older." She goes on to say that:
Some of the drumming sticks represent the owl,

but that representing the loon is regarded more
highly. The loon was the first bird selected
to form part of the Mide beliefs, and the end
of the stick which strikes the head of the drum
is carved to represent the head and eyes of the
loon. Gagewin (her informant) said, 'The Mide
stretch their hands toward the western ocean
where the loon rises out of the water and gives
a signal that he responds to their call'(brackets
added).
142
Densmore describes a drumstick she saw that was covered
with the skin and feathers of a loon's neck. The shiny
black feathers were speckled with the loon's character
istic small white dots (p. 166). Landes' myth, mentioned
above, also tells of the loon, like the otter, coming to
the center and using part of his anatomy to become the
drumsticks (1968:101-102). Both the otter and the loon
make excellent contributors to the mythic drum. The otter
is a terrestrial animal that is rarely on land, instead,

it spends much of its time in water, often diving beneath
its surface. The loon is a celestial animal that seldom
flies, instead, it spends much of its time on water, like
wise often diving beneath its surface. Also, both
characters are known for their vocal "laughter."
Hand held rattles are another indispensible instru
ment for the midewiwin official. Densmore says that a
set of four rattles goes with each drum and they differ
"in pitch according to their size and the quantity of
pebbles or shot they contain" (1970:97). According to
Hoffman, the rattle "has even more power in the expulsion
of evil demons than the drum" (1891:191).
Rattles are small, usually cylindrical containers

made of any thin, sturdy material with a wooden handle
that runs through the centers. Objects like dried c o m
seeds and buckshot are put inside (Vennum, 1982:34-39;
Hoffman, 1891:191; Dent-mere, 1970:97). In one instance
143
it is said that mystically, the miigis is placed inside
the rattle (Kineitz, 1947:186).
Rattles are used alone or in conjunction with the
drum. Usually, as the drum is passed around the initiation
lodge and a member simultaneously sings and drums, a
colleague accompanies the song with a rattle. They are
vigorously shaken when the candidate is shot with the

shell.
Singing is an integral part of the preparatory ritual

and all sources tell of many songs that are sung from the
beginning of the activities on through their completion.
In American Indian cultures songs are regarded as "spirit
ual forces" that are used to "affect the world, give it
shape and meaning" (Gill, 1982:39).
To make song is an act of vitality, of the breath.

It is rooted in the heart, the seat of life and
center of emotions. It is not only a sign of
life but - as important - an act of life. It is
creative in the most primary sense" (Ibid.:43).
Densmore sees this aspect of Native American song
when she comments on an Ojibwe song about maple sugar:
The words furnish an example of the affirmation

which strongly characterizes the mide songs.
There is no request; the song simply asserts
that the sap is flowing freely, thus presenting
to the mind a vivid picture of the conditions
which would produce the desired supply of maple
sugar (1973a:87).
The singing of a midewiwin song is at once the musi
cal expression of the literal message of the song's words
and the performance of the ideas the message expresses.
Thus, the most important meaning of the song is not
simply in its words, but in the creation of a scene that
allows the actors and witnesses to experience the song's
idea (Gill, 1982:50-55). In Densmore's example of the
song about maple sugar, the singer does not ask for any
thing. Instead, the song can be called a celebration that
acknowledges the running of the sap which will lead to the
desired sugar. The maple sugar song helps create the
scene that, mentally, the people experience. In this
sense, midewiwin songs need to be viewed as performing
acts that help create the symbolic construct of characters,
objects, and events that compose the ritual activity.
I With this in mind we need to ask how these important
songs are sung. We note that they are not merely sung,
but chanted (Kinietz, 1947:204). They are chanted to the
accompaniment of the water drum, the rattle, or both, or
in rare instances, singing sticks. The song's message,
its idea, is projected with regular, repetitive notes of
these percussion instruments. These help shape the song,

and according to Densmore, it is the combination of the
melody and song's idea that is most important:
The melody and the idea are the essential parts

of a mide song, the words being forced into
conformation with the melody. To accomplish this
it is customary to add meaningless syllables
either between the parts of a word or between the
words: accents are misplaced and a word is some
times accented differently in various parts of a
song; the vowels are also given different sounds,
or changed entirely. Any of these alterations
are permissible. . . (also). . .it is permissible
for different members of the Midewiwin holding
high degrees to use slightly different words for
the songs, but the idea of the song must always
remain the same. The words serve as a key to
this idea without fully expressing it (1973a-.14)
(brackets added).
Midewiwin songs are creative descriptions of what is
occurring during the ritual activity. As each singer
chants, he expresses verbally and behaviorally the idea of
the song. His actions are this idea. Thus, as Bowman
dances to the lodge singing about Bear bringing life to
the Ojibwe he is Bear with his pack of life. These songs
are sometimes chanted while the performer is seated in the
lodge, but most often while he is dancing, either in place
or along the pathways leading to, from, or outside and
inside the lodge.
5. Shell Shooting Rehearsal
Landes gives two versions of this activity. This
occurs on the fourth day of the preparatory rituals.
The symbolism of the directions in this rehearsal is
sim ilar to that discussed elsewhere in this analysis. The
activity starts in the east, then leads down from the high
north cardinal, to the lodge's center. Before approaching
the center the actors make two drumming and dancing cir
cuits of the cardinal points. The fact that the candidate
sits atop the pile of fees suggests that he, himself, is
146
a part of the pile, offered as a sacrifice.
The duality of the earth and sky in the midewiwin is
seen in Landes' informant's insistence that shells are
placed on both the low and high parts of the body. This
signifies the union of earth and sky counterparts in each
Ojibwe's body. Also, drumming is constant as the shells
are placed; the drum's voice announcing the presence of
the shells.
The placement of the shells in right and left pairs
seems significant (Hertz, 1973), but there must be great
variation on this ordering in the numerous Ojibwe commun
ities, so any attempt to point out any final significance
in the locations of the shells would be conjecture. What
is assured is that after a person goes through the fourth
degree his body is, mystically, covered with shells.
After the placement of the shells, and after their
retrieval, the officials continue their directional move
ment from high to low by going to the south cardinal, then
on to the west. We see that simultaneously they traverse
a horizontal (east to west) direction and a vertical (high
to low and north to south) direction. Again, we see the
collapsing of these parameters to a point in the lodge's
center.
The Minnesota version of the rehearsal concludes with
Bowman standing at the south cardinal, facing south vjhile
he sings a song of thanks to that direction for the shells.
147
We see that the shells come to the candidate from three
directions: they start from the east, then come down from
the north, and at the same time come up from the south.
6. Space and Time
The concepts of space and time are both used in these
preparatory activities. This is done through the repeti
tious use of numbers, directions of movement, and circles.
There is a primary east to west horizontal movement, an
incessant circling in a sunwise fashion (usually from east
to south to west to north, then back to east), a vertical
movement from north to south and from south to north and
the regular use of the number four, or its multiples, and
the number five. The canoeist idiom places the ritual
activity existentially in a water setting.
Along with these indicators of the spatial dimension
we find temporal ones as well. Landes tells of night
activities on all four of the preparatory days and of day
time activities on only the last two days. The timing
involved in these daytime activities is important. We are
told simply that on the third day the priests come to the
sweat lodge in the morning and that presumably, the sweat
ing ceremony lasts throughout the daylight hours. On the

fourth day, like the sun, the candidate is up at dawn
bringing the invitation sticks to the guests. Importantly,
Landes states that the day's group activities begin about
ten o'clock and terminate about three o'clock in the after
noon. The major activities, in other words, occur while
the sun is at its highest position. As in the myth when
the girl is impregnated by the sun, the fee distribution
and shell shooting rehearsals take place at this same
time, when the sun is at its zenith.
This concludes our description and initial analysis
of preparatory ritual. Next we will look at the ritual
of the public rite.
CHAPTER V
THE PUBLIC RITE
Introduction
In this chapter I present a description and analysis
of midewiwin initiation ritual. This occurs on the fifth
day of activities and is open and public since it takes
place in a lodge without a covering. Only midewiwin
members can enter the lodge but non-members,as bystanders,
can observe the activities from positions outside. I use
Ruth Landes' (1968) description of the public rite as
my primary text. As with her preparation ritual material,
Landes presents one account of the activities which sum
marizes the initiation ritual of all four degrees.
Transporting the Fees to the Initiation Lodge

The initiation takes place on the fifth day of ritual
activities. Before sunrise on the morning of this day an

officer rises and goes to the preparatory lodge. Recall
that the lodge had been built near the initiation lodge,
and that it was the scene of significant preparatory acti
vities. The fees had been taken to this lodge the night
before and "hung indoors on a rack, at the lodge's north

wall - for the Sun to see as it rose" (Landes, 1968:144).
149
The candidate,(Landes' informant refers to him as 'the
patient'), who had slept with the fees, is awakened, and
walks on a sunwise circuit inside the lodge while the
priest uses a rattle. They start the circuit at the

north, but face south, then go to the east, and make the
circuit, stopping back at the north.
The candidate is told to bundle the fees onto his
back, and then the candidate with his pack and the priest
with his rattle, circuit to the west door. A dog, either
live or dead, lay at the threshold (Landes does not say
who supplied the dog, but it appears the candidate did).
The dog "represented the Bear, the door1s guardian. There
were also two invisible Snake guardians, one on each side
of the door" (Ibid.:145). The candidate picks up the dog
and carries it to the eastern door of the initiation lodge.
Here the priest greets the manidoo to the north and the
one to the south. The candidate lays the dog on the
ground and he and the priest circle it. The doorway is
now open and they enter. They make two sunwise circuits
inside but on the second one stop at north center and
cross to south center, then recross to the center of the
lodge floor where the candidate takes off his pack and
places the goods on a rack at the lodge's ceiling. He
hangs these fees in a ranked fashion, i.e., first the
fees for the leading priest, followed by the others in
151
descending fashion. By this time the sun has risen and
they exit the lodge by the west door.
The Public Rite

Later in the morning, at about ten o'clock, the
officiating priests walk to the lodge and enter. Women
bring kettles of cooked food for the supematurais in the
lodge. These kettles are placed on the ground in the
center under the hanging fees. Then Bowman, trailed by
his troup (the candidate, his mentor, other midewiwin
members and finally Steersman) come to the east door. The
doorways are not ritually open to this group so Bowman
circles the outside of the lodge once as he barks ritually.
(Landes says the barking is done like the mythical Bear
of the origin legend (p. 147).) When back at the east
door he stops and sees it is still not open. He circles
in place, goes sunwise to the west door, circles in place
again, comes back to the east door, circles again and goes
back to the west door. Here an assistant (whom apparently
had carried the dog from the east door) hands him the dog
and he carries it back to the east door, enters and lays
it onto the ground. The way is now open-and the others
enter the lodge.
Contrary to Landes' description of events at the
start of the fifth day, Hoffman (1891) says the activities
start when the candidate goes to the sweatlodge, enters,
152
and waits for the arrival of his mentor and the other
officials. They do not sweat, but begin the day's acti
vities with the smoke offering and a few songs inside the
little lodge. It is here also, that the leading official
gives what Hoffman calls the "mide sermon" (pp. 211-212).
This is a serious speech in which he tells the candidate
of immortality achieved through the white shell in the
midewiwin. In this speech he refers to the candidate as
a child.
Some members bring kettles of food and place them
near the center on the floor under the hanging fees. When
everyone is inside the lodge the candidate is directed to
lead the officiating priest and his assistant once around
the inside, in a sunwise circuit. According to Hoffman
(1891:248), the leader impersonates the mythical bear and
"His body shines as if it were ablaze with light - due to

magic power." Back at the east door the leader speaks
about the group's desire for life, and about the food in
the lodge and how the people present will be "trading this
food for mide life" (Landes, 1968:148). Bowman then
starts a round of speeches, and a series of songs with
drum and rattle by the officers. This is concluded by
Steersman. As the drum and rattle move around the lodge
the candidate moves with them, dancing in place before
each singing official. Landes records two versions of
speeches that are given at this time. These include
153
references to the origin legend and how the lodge is
"filled throughout with Supematurais" (Landes, 1968:150).
One version refers to Bear as he travels the earth working
to bring the midewiwin to the people.
Our Grandfather continued the journey, piling up

life in Earth's center for the Indian to draw
upon. It was like piling up food in one dish
for many people to eat from. At Earth's center
. . . he piled up the pack of life (Ibid.:151).
After this round the leading priest and the candidate
dance a sunwise circuit inside the lodge, ending in the
east. It is then time to acknowledge the fees, or as
Landes' informant calls them - "the sacrifices." The
candidate and the priest dance sunwise around the poles
holding the goods. Then the priest declares that the
manidoo accepts them and they circle them again, this time
stopping at their western end. The candidate takes down
a blanket and gives it to the leader, then takes down the
other goods and holds them as he and the official dance
sunwise around to the center of the lodge where he places
them in a pile upon the floor.
These two then make another sunwise circuit in the
lodge and when coming to the south center at the pile of
fees the candidate takes a seat on them, facing east.
According to Landes, the officiating priest "saw the
patient and his goods as a whole before the Supematurais,
since both pleaded for 'life"' (Ibid.:153). Similarly,
Densmore reports that the candidate sits upon his pile of
fees (1973a:42).
At this time the leading priest turns the ceremony-
over to Bowman. He does this by ordering Bowman and the
other officials to prepare their medicine sacks and shells
for the ritual shooting. This change of leadership can be

emphasized by the leader "picking up his drum and snaking
around in the tortuous fashion called ’eluding the evil
manito' while he sang a group of songs or verses called

'Moving the Drum'" (Landes, 1968:153). During this session
the leader shakes the drum and makes several complete sun
wise circuits, and oblique movements along the lodge's
east-west axis, while he sings about lands in the east and
the south (he does not mention the north or west), and
about manidoog that walk "at the Earth's middle" and "at
Sky's middle" (p. 154). When finished and back at the
east doorway he hands the drum to Bowman and takes his

seat.
Once Bowman receives the drum he acknowledges all
the material paraphernalia in the lodge and also the sky
and earth and orders the officials to prepare themselves to
aid the candidate. When finished, he gives the drum back

to the leading official.
During this activity the dog is killed, if not already
dead, and prepared for cooking. This is accomplished out
side the lodge by an assistant. A period of eating (the
155
food in the center of the lodge - not the dog - is served)
and smoking follows Bowman's activities. Then Bowman and
the other officials make a complete sunwise circuit inside
the lodge using the drum and rattle. When back at the
east door the shooting is ready to begin. The candidate
is situated in the center of the lodge floor and Bowman,
medicine sack in hand, starts toward him by moving from
the east door, sunwise, along the lodge's inside to a
point at the south center. At that location he points his
sack at a predetermined spot on the candidate's body
(dependent upon the degree). Bowman barks repeatedly in
this circuit, and after pointing his sack he moves to the
west door. The other officials follow the same procedure,
moving to a center position on the lodge's south side and
aiming at the candidate from that point, "each shooting
at another stipulated spot, so that couples covered oppo
site sides of the body" (Ibid.:157). Steersman concludes

the shooting, again from south center, and moves to the
west door. With Steersman's shot the candidate collapses
to the floor, falling face down, toward the east. Bowman
and his group then move sunwise from their western loca
tion to a spot at the north center in the lodge. From
here they cross, going south to the candidate in the
lodge's center. They are joined by the leading priest and

his assistant who had stayed in the eastern end of the
lodge. These two officials (one carries the drum and the
156
other a rattle), walk sunwise to south center, then cross
north to the group in the lodge's center. Here they,
along with the others "barked twice, aimed their sacks,
then laid them on the patient's back, stroking it" (Ibid.:
158). This causes the candidate to stir and they all
help him to his feet.
Bowman next faces the candidate to the north and moves
him sunwise to the east door, while the others follow.
The group stops at the east door, then all move on to the
west, then to the north center where the candidate crosses
to stand near his fees. The officials then move sunwise
as they take their seats alongside the lodge walls. A
similar description of the shellshooting ritual is
recorded by Hoffman (1891) except that as the officials
touch the "dead" candidate with their midewiwin sacks to
revive him, a shell falls from his mouth. This is picked
up by the leading official and after being presented to
the four cardinals and the zenith it is, lastly, given back
to the candidate.
It is now time to distribute the fees. The leading
priest, with his assistant, rise and come sunwise to the
candidate and say to him: "Not7 deliver your offerings"
(Landes, 1968:159). The candidate picks up two blankets
for the leader and his assistant (but he holds them him
self) . The leader and his helper pick up the other fees
and the candidate leads a sunwise trip to the leader's
157
seat and lays the two blankets down. He leads the leader
and the assistant to Bowman's seat where the leader lays
a blanket over the candidate's left arm. The candidate
circles sunwise, in place, before Bowman and gives him the
blanket. He ritually places his palms on the top of Bow
man's head and moves them down the sides of his face as
he says, "Thanks for strengthening my life" (Ibid.:160).
The candidate, with the leading priest and his assistant,
continue the sunwise circuit and stop at the other offi
cer's seats and give each his fee, touches each with his
palms and gives thanks.
After this the officials all rise with their fees and
sing as they dance a circuit around the lodge. Then they
take their seats, the food is served, and everyone eats

and smokes.
AJEter this interlude the leader orders Bowman and his
group to prepare their shells again. They rise and move,
sunwise to the east door where they remove their shells
from their sacks. The candidate is then seated on a mat
in the lodge's center, facing east. Bowman moves sunwise
to the south center point on the circuit, comes up (north)
to the candidate and places a shell on his body (the loca
tion varies with the degree and the community). He then
continues to the west door. The other officials follow in
order and end at the west door with Bowman. This group
circuits to the north, then to the east and on to the
158
south, crosses to the center to pick up their shells, and
continues the circuit to the west, then the north and
finally ends at the east door each with his shell in his
right hand and the sack in the left.
Bowman circles sunwise in place, and leads his troupe
sunwise to the south center spot and here each puts his
shell in his mouth and squats down while the leading
priest and his assistant drum. Then alone, Bowman moves
sunwise to north center, to the east door and on to the
south center. He moves up to the candidate in the center
and gags up his shell, expelling it onto the mat (Landes
does not say he picked it up but this is assumed). Bowman
then circuits to the east door. The officers waiting at
the west door make the same circuit, approach the candi
date from the south center point and expel their shells,
then pick them up and move to the east door.
This group dances sunwise to the candidate again and
each thrusts his sack at him, causing him to double over.
Then all dance to their seats. The leading priest speaks
to members outside the lodge who have been watching and
tells them to enter. He says,. "Here is your life rooted
fast, like a pole driven into the ground" (Ibid.;161-162).
They enter and dance in place on the lodge's pathway.
Two officials rise and move sunwise as they carry the
drum to the lodge's center where they stand, holding the
drum and beating it. The candidate (now a member) rises
159
and barks for the first time, then dances the sunwise
circuit around the lodge to Bowman's seat and shoots Bow
man with his shell. Bowman topples over from his seated
position. The candidate continues to shoot all the offi
cials in Bowman's troupe, each recovering soon after being
shot.
3
i Bowman rises and shoots one of the guests. Then
3 Bowman's group rises and does the same, in order of rank,
but each shoots only one guest. This is done in sets, the
number depending upon the degree of the initiation. When
the guests recover they shoot another set. This occurs
sunwise until all guests are shot. As this takes place
the leader and his assistant move to the drummers and
take positions at the drum, one on the east and the other
on the west. Then two others come to the drum on the
north and south sides. They all drum and then all others
in the lodge come to the drum, in turn, to drum at the
north and south positions.
This exchange of drummers occurs while the group
shootings take place. At this time the leading priest and
his assistant stand at the drum's east-west axis while the
candidate stands at the north cardinal and the last drum
mer to have a chance at the drum stands at the south
cardinal. These four dance in a small circle to the next
cardinal point, i.e., the person at the west moves up to
the cardinal north position as the other three move to
their next position. One of the four sing a song, then
they all move to the next point. (What occurs here is that
each of the four drummers reverse positions with the
person at their opposite cardinal point.) In other words,
it's as if the cardinals cross over to take the position
of their opposite. Then all four bark together and make
four complete sunwise circles in the lodge’s center, "bend
ing progressively lower" as they place the drum on the
floor (Ibid.:164).
This is followed by a rest. People find seats along

the lodge walls, food is served again and some of them
smoke. At this time the dog, now boiled, is brought into
the lodge. The leader's assistant cuts it up and the
leader orders that all people should get some. This dog
is "the symbolic Bear" who in the myth carries the mide
wiwin to the Ojibwe (Ibid.:165). The meat is served sun
wise but the dog's head is treated differently. It is
served to four fourth degree members, or at least to the
highest ranking members present. These four people move
to the center of the lodge and eat the meat there, separate
from the rest.
After this feast everyone goes back to their seats
along the walls of the lodge. One more event occurs
before the day's activities cease. Bowman and Steersman

go to the drum in the center of the lodge, moving there
by the sunwise route. They pick it up and moving sunwise
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
161
again, start from the eastern door, then go to south cen
ter and cross north to north center, then back south to
south center, then back to north center, then sunwise to
the east door and on to south center again, then on to
the west door and finally to north center. Here they turn
right, to the south. When arriving at the center of the
lodge they place the drum back down onto the ground.
(Diagram 5 shows their route.)
(START
Diagram 5: Moving the Drum
After they take their seats the leader orders Steers
man to end the ceremony by leading the people out of the
lodge. Steersman prefaces his dance with the following

speech:
. . . We finished our search for the life this

patient so desires. . . The shells, each bearing
life, were placed one by one all over your body
. . . I salute the Skies and the mide Earth. . .
(Ibid.:165-166).
He then walks sunwise to the west door, and the drum and
rattle are brought to him. Everyone except the candidate,
his family members, the leading priest and his aide, then
E
162
rise. Steersman drums and sings as he moves to the east
door. An official takes the drum from him and replaces
it near the center of the lodge floor. Then as Steersman
begins a sunwise circuit the people fall in behind him.
He goes to the s'outh centerpoint and crosses over the
north centerpoint. He leads them "crossing back and forth
from north center to south center and back three or four
times, in a weaving dance, all in the single line. . ."
(Ibid.:166). Finally, Steersman leads them to the west

door, halts and says, ". . . 1 salute the One above watch
ing us, Sun Manito who visits us daily. He requested to
be the last mentioned in the rite" (Ibid.) . Steersman
then leads his troupe out the west door.
The leading priest rises and announces that the
initiation is over. His assistant, the new member and his
family rise also and follow him as he leads them sunwise,
to the west door, then to the north center point. Here
they cross to the south center point, then recross to the
north center, then move to the east door and then to the
r west door where they exit. Once outside they trek once,
C
| sunwise, around the outside of the lodge, then file to the
£
preparatory lodge. This ends the public rite.
§ Walter Hoffman on Fourth Degree Ritual
Hoffman's account (1891) of the fourth degree initia-

i
l tion ritual introduces some features that are not
16S
encountered in the Landes material. According to
Hoffman, the physical structure of the lodge for the
fourth degree is altered to include two additional door
ways, one at each of the north and south cardinals. This

I
four doorway lodge seems common for the fourth degree.
(See Dewdney, 1975.) The sacred stone is located inside,
close to the east doorway, the pile of fees is just beyond
it to the west on the east-west axis, and four degree
posts are placed on this axis from just to the west of the
lodge's center running toward the west door. Inside, at

*
the east and west doorways, to their left and right sides,
short cedar posts are implanted and are "5 feet high and 8
inches thick, painted red upon the side facing the interior
and black upon the reverse" (Hoffman, 1891:256). A stone
"about the size of a human head" is placed at the base of
each. Hoffman says these "represent the four limbs and

feet of the Bear Manito who made the four entrances and
forcibly entered and expelled the evil beings who had
opposed him" (Ibid.). Hoffman offers a pictograph of a
bear standing over the initiation lodge with his four feet
inside by the east and west doorways, as if he is protect
ing the lodge, or, may even be the lodge (p. 267). (This
is reminiscent of Landes' informant's claim that the sweat
lodge is the bear's body.) Four cedar trees are planted

outside the lodge at its four comers and four small brush
structures, called nests, just big enough to contain a man,
are placed several yards away from the north, west and
south doorways on the vertical and horizontal axes.
There was no small brush nest outside the east door. The
origin myth upon which Hoffman bases his description of
the fourth degree ritual tells (see Hoffman, p. 179), that
such a structure stands outside each of the four doers,
however, the eastern brush structure is represented by a
peepboard that offers a keyhole view of the interior of
the lodge. (See Hoffman, p. 178, for a diagram of this
board.) By using the peepboard the view through the east
doorway is circumscribed so that the negative manidoog,
that Hoffman says crouch within the lodge, are isolated
and emphasized.
The presence cf malevolent manidoog in and around
the lodge who try to prevent the candidate's entrance is
stressed by Hoffman. According to him these spirits are
present in increasing numbers as the candidate attempts
to advance to the second, third and fourth degrees. At
the fourth degree initiation all these manidoog gather in
and around the lodge to make a last stand at blocking the
candidate's advancement.
The candidate approaches the lodge by crawling on
all fours. Hoffman offers no explanation for this form
of movement except that the candidate is impersonating
the bear and perhaps adopts the locomotion of this animal.
Furthermore, he may be representing the otter's locomotion
165
since he is, according to some myths, also representing
the otter. (The otter is often said to have brought the
miigis to the people.) He may, too, have been crawling
like a child since the priests referred to him as one.
As he is crawling he is hailed by a voice heard behind him,
in the east.
This is ge-gi-si-bi-ga-ne-dHt manido. His bones

are heard rattling as he approaches; he wields
his bow and arrow; his long hair streaming in the
air, and his body, covered with mi-gis shells
from the salt sea, from which he has emerged to
aid in the expulsion of the opposing spirits
(p. 262).
The candidate "assumes and personates the character"
of this manidoo (Ibid.). Hoffman offers no translation for
this Ojibwe word, but he tells that this character is
heard wailing behind the candidate, that he comes from
the east (he emerges from the salt sea), that his body
(a skeleton with rattling bones) is covered with shells,
that he has long hair that streams in the air, and that he
carries a bow and arrows. Dewdney (1975:110) calls this
rattling skeleton "the megis manito." William Mustache
Sr.,- identifies him as a manidoo who brings "an admonish
ment to cleanse yourself"; Delores Bainbridge, an informant
from Red Cliff, Wisconsin, translates g6-gi-si-bi-gd-ne-d&t
as "a cleansing manidoo, someone who is washing himself or
was washed at the river." It also seems likely that this
character might represent the dead. His image, a skeleton
with rattling bones, suggests this association. This
166
character is reminiscent of pagak (Coleman, 1937:42-43;
Jones, 1979:65). These are described as flying skeletons
that move from east to west. If someone fasts too exces
sively he can be turned into a pagak, i.e., he can merge
with the dead.
Since the initiation lodge is a representation of the
universe it follows that the dead must be numbered among
its contents. (This will be discussed further in a later
chapter.) At the time of death the Ojibwe travel, like
the setting sun, to the west. Yet, perhaps, like the sun,
they can re-emerge in the east. Ge-gi-si-bi-ga-ne-d&t
manidoo emerges from the salt sea in the east to aid the
candidate and perhaps as a deceased person who was

cleansed by death, he represents all the deceased, ances
tral Ojibwe, who have come to aid in the initiation.
The candidate is given a bow and four arrows by his
mentor and armed with these he crawls to each doorway,
starting with the eastern one. He feigns three shots at
each and shoots an arrow into the lodge on the fourth and
then rushes into the lodge only to quickly exit at the
next sunwise door. In this fashion he shoots into each
doorway and rushes into the lodge as he makes the circuit

outside the structure. He leaves tobacco at each doorway
and between shots rests at the small brush nests found
several yards from each of the doorways. The arrows rout
the malevolent manidoog and after circuiting the lodge by
167
visiting all four doorways he finally enters back at the
eastern one.
All through Hoffman's midewiwin material he stresses
an opposition between good and evil manidoog. The fourth
degree lodge, for example, shows the accumulation of all
the malevolent manidoog that resist the candidate's
entrances to the three previous initiation lodges. By
using this evil versus good model the actions of the
candidate in approaching the four doorways of the fourth
degree lodge are easily understood, as Hoffman relates, as
attempts to drive the evil manidoog from the lodge. How
ever, the lodge, as a microcosm of the universe, contains
all the forces of :the universe and.the concept of the center
ing, or collapsing, of all these into the lodge precludes
any notions of driving some out. All have to be present
since the lodge i£ the universe. A careful reading of
Hoffman, while not making this point explicitly, does make
it implicitly. While the fourth arrow shot by the candi
date "puts to flight all opposition on the part of this
host of manidos" (the malevolent ones) (Hoffman, 1891:163),
we are told finally, that they do not leave the lodge,
only that they stop opposing the candidate's entrance.
With this in mind we see that the candidate's strenuous
activity (like Bear he has to rest in the nests) of crawl
ing to, rushing in and out the doorways and shooting an
arrow in each, signifies more than ridding the lodge of
evil. The doorways represent mythical barriers that must
be broken through. On this level the candidate, as the
bear, is replicating the breakthroughs at each of the four
layers of the earth as he struggled to bring the shell up
to the people. One myth tells of the bear making an open
ing in each layer with his tongue (Dewdney, 1975:32) and
others tell of the otter and bear strenuously laboring
to break through the layers. The doorways to the lodge
then, represent more than doorways. They, as the four
earth layers, are boundaries that need to be passed
through.
I suggest also that the candidate's activities at
the four doorways of the fourth ledge resemble the activi
ties of Bowman in Landes' account of the sweat lodge
ritual. Recall that Bowman wove a complex path around and
through all the "doorways" of the sweat lodge before it
was covered. Landes calls this "eluding" the Evil One
(1968:120). Since the sweat lodge also is a representa
tion of the universe we see that Bowman is not, finally
"driving away the evil spirits." He is, instead, attempt
ing to accomplish something more complex. He is "eluding"
them, or managing to avoid their malevolency while yet
remaining in their presence. He is working to mystically
transform them into a more acceptable state so that the

lodge is safe to use. He is sanctifying the lodge.
I We could consider the candidate's maneuverings at the
[ fourth degree lodge in Hoffman's account in the same way.

[
| He is eluding the malevolent manidoog by pacifying, or
! transforming them with the power the bear, otter and

a
\ skeleton-man bring to the lodge. In this effort he is,
| perhaps, also aided (through the bow and arrows from
| gd-gi-si-bi-gei-ne-dclt manidoo) by the power of all the

deceased Ojibwe.
The Public Rite: An Analysis
In the following paragraphs I isolate and discuss the
major features of the public rite ritual.
1. Fees
We see the same pattern of fee movement as in the
preparatory activities. They move in an east to west and
high to low fashion, finally coming to rest at the center

of the lodge. At the start of the day of the public rite
they are on a rack at the north (high) cardinal in the
preparatory lodge. Landes says they are placed in this
location "for the Sun to see as it rose" (1968:144). The
fees are gifts for the sun who is a representation of
celestial manidoo power, and their position at dawn is
meant to please the sun, but perhaps a reciprocal relation
is operating also. Perhaps at the first break of day, the

fees receive the powerful influence of the sun’s rays, as
I7Q
if the fees are sanctified by the sun, remembering that
they are to enter the sacred initiation lodge later in
the morning.
At dawn the leading priest, or a designated official,
comes to the preparatory lodge and wakes the candidate.
They both face the south while the official says that they
are about to take the "manito path to the manito wigwam"
(Ibid.:144). He throws the rattle as they turn to the
east and makes a complete sunwise circuit insida the lodge,
stopping when back at the north cardinal where the fees
are tied onto the candidate's back. They march from the
north cardinal directly down to the south cardinal, then
to the west door where they exit. We see that at the
start the official is addressing the south (low) position
and that the path leads from a high to a low position.
Thus, finally, with the pack they come down from the north
to the south cardinal.
They encounter the dog at the west door of the pre
paration lodge - this will be discussed later - and the
candidate carries it to the east door of the initiation
lodge where he places it down onto the ground. Upon
entering the lodge with the pack he makes the sunwise
circle and when coming to the north cardinal he turns and
marches down to the south cardinal, then turns and comas
back up to the lodge's center where he finally hangs the
171
fees at the lodge's ceiling. At the proper time in the
rite they are ceremoniously taken from their high position
and carefully placed down onto the floor (Densmore, 1972a:
36-42). My point in retracing this fee-carrying trek is
to emphasize that the fees start with a high (north)
orientation in the preparatory lodge, and after the inside
circuit again come down from the north, but then, lastly,
come uj> to their resting place from a southern or low
position. Clearly, the fees come to the initiation lodge
from all three directions: north, east and south, while
they move from both high and low positions to the lodge's
center.
Tobacco and cooked food continue to have a prominent
role all through the public rite. We recall that in the
preparatory activities Landes notes that a sack of tobacco
is tied to a kettle of food before it is presented to the
officials. This close relationship of food and tobacco
continues throughout all midewiwin activities. On the day
of the public rite, when the group activities are about to
begin in the initiation lodge, kettles of cooked food are
placed on the lodge's floor beneath the racks of fees and
when all fees are assembled (food, tobacco, and the goods
on the racks), the leading official relates a portion of
the origin myth. In it he says Bear brought the mediwiwin
up to the people, "piling up life in Earth’s center for the
172
Indian to draw upon. It was like piling up food in one
dish for many people to eat from. At Earth's center. . .
piled up the pack of life" (Landes, 1968:151). This is
an important quote. The "pack of life" is signified by
the food, and importantly, the food is "in one dish for
many people to eat from." The pack of life is not just
for the candidate but for the entire community of Ojibwe.
Also, we see that the miigis shell is likened to a dish -
to a container for food. This is supported by a statement
made by the leading official when he says, upon being
served food at the end of the shell shooting rehearsal in
the preparatory rites, "Thank you for filling my 'shell'
dish. . ." (Ibid.:142). In another account of the ritual
the officiating priest, impersonating the emissary Bear,
says of the shell, "This is the food which I am giving to
the (candidate)." (Barnouw, 1960:93)(brackets Bamouw's).
However, the pack of life is not only analogous to food.
As we have already shown, it is also represented by the
tobacco and other fees placed in the lodge's center. Thus,
the pack of life, fees (tobacco, food, other goods), and
the miigis are all associated.
I have mentioned that when eating the food it all has
to be consumed, or at most, right after the meal, the
remaining amounts and all utensils have to be removed from
the lodge. This, perhaps unusual, requirement will be dis
cussed later, but here I want to draw attention to the
similarity between food and other consumables in the
rites. We recall that when describing the sweat lodge
ritual, Landes relates that all water brought into the
lodge has to be used up in the ritual activities. All the
water has to be consumed as all the food has to be con
sumed. We also recall that all the tobacco in the smoke
rituals has to be consumed. Thus, regarding patterns of
consumption, we see the following equivalencies:
(tobacco = water = food)
More correctly, I suggest, it is the steam and smoke
produced by the fire in the pipe and the "fire" in the
heated sweat lodge stones that has to be consumed. We
have already established an association between steam and
smoke (and fog and breath). Both the steam in the lodge
and the tobacco smoke are the "breath" of the spirits and
are consumed by the humans (conversely, as human offerings
they are consumed by the spirits). As steam and smoke are

consumed, so is the food. We can, therefore, consider
food as another symbol of the "breath" (the power) of the
spirits. This is especially clear when we consider food
as the pack of life, or shell, that Bear brings up to the
people. Thus, the equivalencies in the above equation

should be changed to:
(smoke + steam + food = manidoo breath)

'
•*
s.
What is seen in all of this is a mediatory relation.
The steam, food, tobacco (and other fees) are mediators
between the manidoog and the people. Structurally, the
significance of these items is that they are relations
between humans and the manidoog. The fees, steam and
smoke, are given to and consumed by the manidoog (are
literally taken in by the actors impersonating them in
the rites), but in a reverse fashion, all the food, tobacco,
goods, etc., that the people rely upon to sustain them

selves on earth are, in turn, gifts from the manidoog. In
true mediatory fashion, the food, etc., moves both from
the people to the manidoog and from the manidoog to the
people.
Landes tells of a dog being part of the initiation
rites. It is first encountered at the west door of the
initiation lodge and placed on the earth outside the lodge.
It is later cooked and brought into the lodge for consump
tion. One dog is used at a first degree initiation, two
at a second, and so forth up to the last degree (Densmore,
1970:90-92; Landes, 1968:136).
Landes says that in both the sweat lodge and the
preparatory lodge, Bowman (as Bear) holds "a small rough-
cut profile in birchbark of Bear" (p. 136). In the public
rite this is replaced by the body of the dog which repre
sents Bear. According to Landes, this dog
was laid at the east entrance because Bear com
menced his travels in the east; Bear was said to
be 'the one who opens the mide lodge door.' The
dog was also an offering to Bear for purchasing
entrance to the mide life from this Guardian of
the portals. Thus, the cooked dog simultaneously
represented the birchbark image, the animal and
manito Bear, and an offering (p. 136).
In the absence of a dog, whiskey can be substituted

(Landes, 1968:164). Kineitz (1947:200) records no use of
a dog in a midewiwin initiation rite at Lac Vieux Desert,
Wisconsin, in 1940, but does tell that whiskey or wine
was passed during the ceremony.
Although the cooked dog is eaten like the other food,
it is handled differently. Everyone in the lodge is to
get a taste of it, but the head is reserved for the four
highest ranking officials. These priests move tc the
center of the lodge floor to eat the meat from the dog's
skull (Landes, 1968:165). This need for those is also
reported by Densmore (1973a:40,53). The inclusion of a
dog in the midewiwin rites raises some important questions
(Dewdney, 1975:145-146) and will be addressed in the next

chapter.
2. Shell Shooting Activities
For this activity the candidate takes a position at
or near the lodge's floor's center. Densmore tells of the
candidate being seated at the foot of the pole for this
purpose (1973a:42-43). This cedar pose represents the
vertical axis of the earth (Grim, 1983:76,130) so the
i candidate, when shot is mystically seated at the center
I of the universe.
1 In the public rite the shells come to the candidate
1 from the south, but in the preparatory ritual they come

1
| down from the north. We have already established a sub-
4
v
f*
| stantive association between the shell and the fees (they
I both are represented by Bear's pack of life that ultimately
| comes to rest at the lodge's center) and now we find a
: directional relation as well. The theme of shell shooting
with its directional aspect (the shell comes to the candi
date from the south to the north) in the public rite has
a complimentary but oppositional relation with the shell
shooting in the preparatory rite. In the latter the
shells come down to the candidatelike the fees come down
to the lodge floor, and in the myth, the sun comes down
to impregnate the. earth. In this sense the journeys of
the fees, the shell and the sun are all homologous (they
replicate each other). Like the movement of the fees,
the shell shooting is at once a high to low, low to high,
north to south, south to north and east to west movement.
Furthermore, as noted in the preceding chapter, the shell
shooting ritual is a replication of the mythical union of
the earth and sky.
We see that after Bowman and his group shoot the can
didate they move to the west and then on to the north
cardinal. It is from this position that they come down
to the candidate to lay their sacks onto his dead body.
As they are moving in this direction the leading priest
and his assistant, who stay at the east doorway during the
shooting, come to the south and move up to the candidate,
also to lay their sacks onto his body. These complimen

tary and simultaneous approaches emphasize the vertical
dimension and the movement to the center. The touch of
the sacks facilitate the rebirth of the candidate, or put
another way, the union of the low and high in the center
evince his rebirth.
After the shooting ritual the candidate reciprocates
by distributing the fees (the food he provides is served
also). Then come the activities wherein the shells are
laid upon parts of the candidate's anatomy. It's as if
this was a repeat of the shell shooting rituals. We see
how Bowman and the others once again approach the candi
date from the south to place the shells and later to
retrieve them. They, then, in the south again, swallow
their shells, squat down, rise, circuit the lodge, and in
the south again, spit the shells out. In these actions it
is the officiating priests who experience the infusion of
the shells, the midewiwin death (the squatting down) and
the rebirth (the ejaculation of the shells). (Densmore
gives a different account of this in which the priests do
not place their shells onto the parts of the candidate's
body. Instead, they laid them on a centrally located
blanket and then, together "with a uniform motion," pick
them up and swallow them (1973a:48).)
Before the ceremony is over all the participating
midewiwin members have been infused with the shell. What
started as an initiation of a single member concludes with
the entire community being given the shell.

B W II
3. Music. Song and Dance
While many songs are sung in the preparatory rites,
virtually all verbalization in the public rite is done in

this medium. Recalling what we have said about song in
the preceding chapter, here it is enough to emphasize
that the creative description function of songs that we
identified for the preparatory rites is continued in the
public rite. Both Hoffman and Landes show that the pat
terned physical movement (dancing) and chanting that occurs
in the public rite is regularly accompanied by the drum and
rattle. The repeated circuits inside the lodge, whether
danced in place or around the cardinal points are usually
made in step with the sounds of these instruments. Landes
stresses that the drum is played at the lodge's center
during the entire few hours that the group shooting activi
ties take place and that the drum is never deserted during
the entire ceremony.
The drum, usually accompanied by the rattle, makes
the circuit of officers inside the lodge "for its 'voice'
and 'song'. . . to invoke every Supernatural in turn"

(Landes, 1968:133). When dancing around the circuit the
actor often recognizes eadi cardinal point by a short song,
or in the case of Bowman (as Bear), barks a recognition at
each one. This invocation of the supernaturals is similar
to the smoke ritual and sweat lodge activities already dis
cussed. Thus, we see that music (as voice or breath) is
analogous to smoke and steam. All three are used to invoke
the manidoog, or put another way, to collapse the universe
to the interior of the initiation lodge.
We see also, that in the midewiwin, music (the songs
of the drum, rattle and people) is like food. Food is
brought into the lodge on the sunwise path and served to
the people representing the manidoog as they sit around
the lodge's circle. Like tobacco smoke and sweat lodge
steam, both food and song are consumed by the manidoog.
In this way songs serve as relations between humans and
the spirits. Thus, we can add song to the equation given

above:
(tobacco = water = food = song)
We have noted in the preceding chapter that the sing
ing of midewiwin songs needs to be seen as the performance
of acts that recreate the events being sung about. This
performance is physically demanding and drummers and
■
dancers are often exhausted at the end of a public rite
(Landes, 1969:127; Densmore, 1973a:43-44). Dancing, with
its kinesethic qualities, can be a powerful signifier
(Royce, 1977:162), that, it has been suggested, appeals to

7s
i an inherent sense of motion (Anderson, 1974,. quoted in
i
*
5
Royce, p. 197). In the midewiwin dancers communicate with
1 their viewers through the sounds they emit (not only their
voices and the drumming and rattling that accompany them,
but also in the rustling of their garments and the stamping
of their feet), and through the smells and heat given off
by their bodies. The dancers are manidoog and as they
move about the lodge help to create an ambiance that
envelops the viewers.
The actors in the public rite are acting out the
events of the myth wherein Bear brings the pack of life
up to the earth's surface for the benefit of the Ojibwe.
Of necessity, there is a linear and sequential nature to
this - the candidate has to be marched to the lodge, the
fees brought down, the bear has to break through the
earth's layers (the lodge doorways), and so forth. Such
a linear order in which information is given is usually
found in a dance performance, however, in the performance
in the midewiwin public rite I suggest that this line is
bent into a sphere. In the midewiwin the dancers are
using both space and time to create the center of the
universe. They use the movements of their bodies
(traversing the circle and often pausing at the cardinals
to set up the motionless and timeless center point) . What
starts as a linear form of expression - the sequential
events of the myth - ends as a circular form in which the
sequential ordering of information is replaced by a,
perhaps indescribable, awareness of the center.
This point will become clearer when we recall our
comments on the nature of music, song and dance in chapter
four. Dancing, drumming, rattling and singing often occur
simultaneously in the midewiwin and the beat of the drum
and throw of the rattle set the melody for the songs that
the dancers sing. Melody, as a succession of single tones,
is diachronic, and since it establishes a series of audi
tory intervals is disjunctive. Yet the idea of the songs,
when paired with the music of the percussion instruments
and the patterns of the dancers, create a synchronic, con
junctive state that is timeless.
It appears that the structure of the midewiwin is
homologous with the structure of the myths. Both, on one
level, serve to construct the parameters of the cosmos and
then to collapse them to a center point. In the following
quote Levi-Strauss discusses myth and music and draws the

same conclusion:
. . . myth and music share of both being languages

which in their different ways, transcend articulate
expression, while at the same time - like articulate
speech, but unlike painting - requiring a temporal
dimension in which to unfold. But this relation to
time is of a rather special nature: it is as if
music and mythology needed time only in order to
deny it. Both, indeed, are instruments for the
obliteration of time. Below the level of sounds
and rythems, music acts upon a primitive terrain;
this time is irreversible and therefore irredeemably
diachronic, yet music transmutes the segment devoted
to listening to it into a synchronic totality,
enclosed within itself. Because of the internal
organization of the musical work, the act of listen
ing to it immobilizes passing time; it catches and
enfolds it as one catches and enfolds a cloth
flapping in the wind. It follows that by listen
ing to music, and while we are listening to it,
we enter into a kind of immortality (1970:15-16).
t
Immortality is a goal of the midewiwin, a point made in
? chapter three. The actors infuse each other with the
^ shell to achieve everlasting life. The music, song and
dance help construct the cosmic, immortal state within
the lodge.
4. Space and Time
The prominent structure of temporal and spatial indi
cators that we found in the preparatory rites continues

in the public rite ritual. All significant acts usually
begin at the eastern doorways of the lodges and move to the
left in the sunwise circling path and after contacts with
the south, west and north cardinals, conclude back at the
east. This circuit is made both outside and inside the
lodges, and includes all participants in the rituals, along
with the material paraphernalia they carry.
We have found that both horizontal and vertical axes
p are emphasized in the midewiwin. The former by the east
to west movement and the latter by the north to south and
south to north movement. The almost constant east to west
movement, which at first appears to be linear, is also,
like the movement of the sun, a circular movement. The
Ojibwe origin legend stresses the people's migration from
the east to the west and midewiwin ritual activities "move"
from east to west, while paradoxically they remain station
ary in the lodges. The circular activity serves to empha
size a wholeness by repetitiously including the six

%
£
1 directions, but it also emphasizes a stationary center-
| point - the center of the universe. This emphasis is seen
$ in virtually all of our discussion of ritual activity. For
example, we see that the shell has an east to west, north
to south, south to north, high to low and low to high
movement, but more correctly it moves from east to center,
north to center, south to center, high to center and low
to center. The public rite ritual, then, supports the
conclusion that spatially the directional movements in
midewiwin ritual are oriented to the concept of the center.
This central orientation is emphasized by the ritual
use of numbers. The number four is used repeatedly in
midewiwin ritual, and it has become an anthropological
truism to note that in North American ethnography the
number four is a sacred number. Structurally this number
is important and as Ldvi-Strauss (1974:73) says:

I
|
:
We are not dealing with a gratuitous enumeration,
which can be dismissed with brief reference to
the mystic connotation of the figure 4 in American
thought. No doubt the connotation exists; but it
is systematically exploited to build up a multi
dimensional system allowing the combination of
synchronic and diachronic attributes, relating in
the one case to structure, in the other to events,
to absolute properties and relative properties,
essences and functions.
Spatially the number four leaves the cosmos incom
plete. In midewiwin ritual it is associated with the hori
zontal placement of the cardinal directions, yet if left
alone, the four cardinals fail to acknowledge the zenith
and nadir points.
A Dakota informant from Minnesota says the number
seven is a sacred number to his tribe. There are seven
Dakota bands and the seven sacred tribal rites openly
acknowledge the seven "directions" (the cardinals, the
zenith, nadir, and the center)(Brown, 1973). We have seen
that implicitly the number five is important in the mide
wiwin. The public rite takes place on the fifth day, and
according to Landes and Kineitz this day is centered
between four days of preparatory activities and four post
public rite activities. On a horizontal plane the number
five is a central number. When the vertical dimension is
added then the number seven becomes the central number.
In ritual activity the numbers five and seven have center
ing functions (Needham, 1979:11-13).
Myths and rituals are often filled with events that
appear idiosyncratic but in structural analysis the con
sideration of a feature like the directional movement of
actors can sometimes lead to an understanding of this sort
of apparently trivial or un-explainable data. This point
can be shown by examining an event Landes describes for
the public rite. She tells how, just previous to the
shooting activities, the leading official puts Bowman in
charge by giving him the drum. This is sometimes accom
plished by the official "snaking around in the tortuous
fashion called 'eluding the evil manito1 while he sang a
group of songs or verses called 'Moving the Drum"' (1968:
153). This dance is similar to Bowman's when he eludes
the manidoo in the sweat lodge ritual. When first
encountered, Landes' brief comments on the leading offi
cial's "eluding" dance are of uncertain importance. How
ever, Hoffman also tells of such a dance. According to
his account, just before he begins the trek the official
tells the candidate, "Now is the time (to take) the path
which has no end. . ." (1891:163)(brackets Hoffman's),
then he takes a zig-zag dance down the east-west axis of
the lodge and returns to the east door along the same route.
(See Diagram 6.)
Hoffman says the purpose of this dance is "To search
further that no malevolent manidos may remain lurking
within the midewigun. . ." (Ibid. :265). Thus, both Landes
BTs HuKCa EE
Diagram 6: Hoffman's Path of Life

zt? ru ss
T
and Hoffman link the dance to the notion cf an evil force
in the lodge. Densmore also tells of such a dance just
before the shell shooting ritual, in which the official
circles four times along both the north and south sides
of the lodge, as if he were circling the midewiwin poles
(1973a:40). These dances are uncharacteristic for the
midewiwin ritual we have so far encountered. In the

E:
F Hoffman and Landes examples the priests move right down
| the horizontal axis of the lodge, weaving around the
[ objects on the axis (the stone, fees and midewiwin posts),
i instead of dancing along the typical sunwise circuit. Why

f;
; this exception in directional movement? Perhaps the
p,
answer is found in the statement, given above, by Hoffman,
whereby the priest refers to his taking "the path which
has no end." This path is also called the path of life
and is often depicted on birchbark scrolls used in teach
ing midewiwin lore (Densmore, 1973a:24; Dewdney, 1975),
where it is found leading from the west door of the initia
tion lodge to a circle off in the west. (See Diagram 7.)
187
Diagram 7: The Path of Life
The terminal lines represent pitfalls along life's
way that the individual has to guard against. The mide
wiwin helps keep him on the right path by avoiding these
dead ends. Note that the path ends in a circle. By
referring to Diagram 6 we see that the dancer starts at
the east and moves to the west (the abode of the dead),
but then circles and comes back to the east doorway. It
is as if the priest is acting out what will happen to the
candidate in the shell shooting events, i.e., he will go
to the abode of the dead (be ritually killed) only to
return (experience rebirth) with the help of the shell.
He will return in a manidoo-like, immortal condition. The .
zig-zag path of Hoffman and the tortuous path of Landes,
while described by their ethnographers as dealing with
negative forces may also be signifying the Ojibwe path of
life. What initially seems to be a minor event in the
public rite turns out to be important. Landes' leading
official, while moving the drum to Bowman for the start of
188
the shell shooting activity, is confronting (eluding) the
negative forces in the lodge but also is replicating the
path of life that the candidate (and all members in the
lodge) will traverse.
One last example of the importance of directional
movement in midewiwin ritual needs to be made. The leading
officer turns portions of the activities over to Bowman
and Steersman, and Bowman starts the activity while Steers
man concludes it. We see that Bowman leads the people
into the lodge and Steersman leads their exit from the
lodge. The use of this canoeist idiom is consistent with
the east to west emphasis in the ritual. As already men
tioned, it is as if the actors are in a canoe, moving on
water on a horizontal axis from east to west. While this
linear aspect of the midewiwin is evident I suggest that
the canoeist idiom also shows a centering aspect. This
is evident by noting that when Steersman concludes an
activity, like leaving the lodge by the west door, he is
not the last person to exit. He starts the terminal acts
and is followed in order by the other officers, with
Bowman being the last to act, i.e., of Bowman's group of
officials it is he (Bowman) who leaves the lodge last.
It is as if they file into the lodge and then back away,
or file out in a reversed order. Bowman is the first to

the center and Steersman the last, and then Steersman is
the first to leave and Bowman the last.
189
This seems a better explanation of the canoeist idiom,
other than just the east-west movement, for if the latter
axis is the only direction meant to be emphasized then
Steersman should not be given the task of initiating the
concluding events. While he should conclude each event it
should be Bowman, as the leader in the canoe, who starts
each one.
This discussion of directional movements concerns the
use of space in midewiwin ritual. As mentioned in the
discussion of preparatory ritual in chapter four, there
are temporal aspects to the midewiwin as well. We have
already noted that the major activities take place between
dawn and dusk, and that the shell shooting events occur
when the sun is at its zenith. An in-depth discussion of
the temporality of the midewiwin will be presented in a
later chapter. I will conclude this section on space and
time by making the following brief comments.
When the actors move from one cardinal point to
another they are emphasizing periodicity. The time spent
at each point sets up the disjunction between each. Yet
within this construction of these poles we see their
destruction. The repetitive circling in the lodge not only
recognizes the cardinals but also emphasizes the center and
in doing so it is a denial of periodicity. When the actors
come down to, or up to the lodge center then "collapse"
the cardinals inward to this point. Thus, although both
190
space and time are used disjunctively (the cardinals
are both spatial and temporal parameters), this use cul
minates in their denial, as they move conjunctively to the
center.
Landes; Post Public Rite Activities
Introduction
According to Ruth Landes (1968:167-176) initiation
ritual activities do not end with the public rite. She
claims that four more days of ritual events follow the
public rite. The public rite takes place on the fifth day
and is, in Landes' words "a high point and a brilliant
break in the still ongoing sequence of curing days and
nights" (p. 167). The fifth day, with its four preceding
and four succeeding days of activities is a climactic mid
point in the activities. In the following paragraphs I
summarize the post-public rite activities as recorded by
Landes.
Sixth Day Activities

On this day the candidate, now a midewiwin member,
holds a feast in his lodge for the leading priest and his
assistants. In late morning the officials come to the
lodge and sit in its center and are given food and tobacco.
A small sweat lodge is built inside the candidate's lodge.
Bowman and his troupe use this in a sweat ritual that
lasts until late afternoon. The leading priest and his
closest assistants do not take part in this ritual.
Instead, that evening the candidate prepares another sweat
ritual for these officials. Throughout the day's activi
ties the candidate does not join in the feast or the
sweat baths.
Seventh Day Activities
On this day the officials again come to the candi
date’s lodge in the late morning and are given tobacco and
food. After the feast the leader orders each of the
priests to give a shell to the candidate. These are the
shells that were used in the shooting ritual of the public
rite. The candidate is wearing a black cloth over his
chest with a human figure embroidered upon it. Small
pockets are located at points on the figure that corres
pond to the locations on the candidate's body at which the
shells were shot during the public rite. The shells are
placed in each little pocket which is then stitched up.
This black cloth can be worn by the candidate at future
midewiwin ceremonies and is called the candidate's "Shell
Person" (p. 170). This Shell Person represents the image
of the manidoog that strengthen and otherwise aid the can
didate in life. After giving the shells the priests
terminate the activities with singing and dancing.
Eighth Day Activities
On this day the candidate is invited to two feasts,
one given by Bowman and his troupe, the other by the lead
ing priest and his assistants. The candidate and his
relatives go to the lodges of the priests and are given
food, but they do not eat with these officials. Instead,
they carry the food back to their own lodges and eat it
there. After giving this food the officials feel they are
free to keep the fees that were presented to them during
the public rite.
Ninth Day Activities
On this day the candidate goes to the lodges of the
priests to ask them for the songs that had been given to
him over the previous days. (Some songs are personal
property and during preparatory and public rites priests
can announce that they are giving certain songs to the
candidate.) The candidate uses strips of birchbark he has
prepared for the recording of these songs.
At this time the leading official and his assistant
also present the candidate with materials for two midewi
win sacks. One is the hide of a land animal and the other
the skin and feathers of a bird. According to Landes,
this concludes the post-public rite activities. The can
didate now possesses several shells, songs and the animal
and bird sacks.
Analysis
Similar to Landes, Vernon Kineitz (1947;194) reports
an initiation that took nine days, and Densmore (1973a:
51) says that the officials are expected to hold a feast
for the candidate after the public rite and that shells
are to be given to him at this time. However, Hoffman
(1891) does not record any post-public rite ritual.
The sweat baths taken by the officials on the day
after the public rite are viewed by Landes as a termina
tion of several days and nights of strenuous activity.
Their gift of the shells, feasts, songs and sacks that
follow in the remaining few days apparently are considered
anti-climactic.
The tobacco and food given by the candidate to the
officials on the first two post-public rite days can be
viewed as more gifts that open the day's events and also
as symbols of gratitude for the priest's efforts through
out the previous days. However, the feasts provided by
both Bowman and his troupe and by the leading official and
his assistants might be more significant. This is the
first time in all the day's activities that the priests
give tobacco and food back to the candidate, his relatives
and colleagues. It is a reversal of the movement of these
commodities and perhaps symbolizes the passage of life
from the manidoog to the people.
CHAPTER VI
THE SKY LODGE, GHOST LODGE, AND SACRIFICE
Introduction
K
£ The Ojibwe midewiwin does not stop with four degrees.
I
| Several researchers report the existence of fifth, sixth,
I
| seventh and eighth degrees (Blessing, 1977:80; Coleman,
| 1937:44; Densmore, 1970:88, 1973a:13; Dewdney, 1975:111;

£
| Grim, 1983:131-133; Landes, 1968:52; Warren, 1970:100).
\ These have been called sky degrees and compose the Sky
■ Lodge as the counterpart to the first four degrees which
make up the Earth Lodge (Landes, 1968:52). Together the
Sky and Earth Lodges have been called the Life Midewiwin
(Ibid.:86,88), meaning it is an institution for the living
Ojibwe. This is counterpoised with the Ghost (or Death)
Midewiwin, an institution for deceased Ojibwe. The purpose
of this chapter is to present and analyze data on these
Sky and Ghost Lodges, and to show that the midewiwin can
be viewed as a sacrificial rite.
Sky Degrees
In chapters four and five we saw the recurrent refer

ences to the sky and its manidoog and in chapter three in
several of the myths we saw dual roles of the earth and
194
195
sky in the creation of the people and the midewiwin. The
Sky Lodge is a logical and perhaps, expected part of the
midewiwin, although the literature does not offer extensive
data on it. Hoffman (1891) does not mention it at all,
while several others give only brief comments. The two
major sources are Dewdney (1975) and Landes (1968) and
their data are minimal. However, while the data are scant
there is no doubt that the Sky Lodge is an integral part
of the conceptualized ideal organization of the midewiwin.
One reason for the relative lack of data on the sky
degrees may be the secrecy that shrouds them. The mide
wiwin is a spiritually powerful institution and as an
individual progresses through the grades his power
increases since with each infusion of the shell he becomes
more manidoo-like. This power can be used both positively
and negatively and Dewdney (1975:114) suggests that fifth
to eighth degrees are sought by individuals who intend "to
use their enhanced power destructively." Informants are
traditionally reticent to divulge information on the mide
wiwin and may be especially fearful of speaking about the
higher degrees. This notion is also evident in the
research efforts of some ethnographers in the early years
of this century. Frances Densmore refuses to record what
she calls "bad medicine songs" since they, in her words,
196
"represent a phase of life and thought which it were
better to leave untouched" (1973a:20).
It seems probable also, that a reason for the scarcity
of information on the sky degrees is that they are achieved
by few people and consequently their ritual is seldom
practiced and not well known. The fees for advancement to
these degrees are said to be "exhorbitant" (Dewdney, 1975:

S3
114) and prevent some individuals from reaching them. In
some communities this may result in a genuine unfamiliarity
■Zi with sky degrees.

*S
Sky Lodge ritual is not more elaborate than that of
the Earth Lodge and Dewdney claims it repeats the ritual
of these first four degrees (Ibid.). Nonetheless, in com
parison with Earth Lodge ritual, there are some important
changes. For the sky degrees the initiation lodge is
conceived of as a nest for the presence of the sky forces
(Landes, 1968:184). The fees are not hung on poles near
the roof, instead immediately being placed down into the
"nest" of the floor. They are then picked u£ when used
in the rites. This contrasts with the handling of fees in
the Earth Lodge where they are placed up on the poles,
then later taken down when used ritually. Also, according
to Landes, the claws of birds of prey replace the cowrie
shell, and midewiwin bags used in the rites are to be made
of bird skins instead of land animal hides. Eagle feathers
are to replace the cedar invitation sticks (Ibid.:184,131).
In the lodge the poles for the fifth, through eighth
degrees are placed on the horizontal with those of the
first four degrees, the fifth going between the first and
second, the sixth between the second and third, and so
forth (Ibid.:130).
In chapter three, in M-8, we saw that cooperation
between sky and earth forces is required to bring the

63
midewiwin to the people. In it the spiritual force at the
8 nadir is matched in power, and tasks, with the spiritual

Al
t
force at the zenith. These two forces have assistants, or
emissaries, who take the midewiwin to the center-point
between the earth and sky layers. Bear, of the earth, is
matched by Eagle, of the sky. As Bear struggles to break
his way up through the earth's layers, Eagle struggles to
break his way down through the sky layers. It follows that
in the sky degree ritual Bowman impersonates Eagle, and as
Landes (1968:185) claims, in Sky Lodge ritual the spiritual

force of the sky ("The Great Spirit" in her informant's
words) is emphasized instead of "Shell" in Earth Lodge
ritual.
Dewdney (1975:112) found a birch bark scroll designed
for use in the fifth through eighth degrees. It is
anomalous (the fifth and sixth degree lodge has doorways
at the north and south instead of the expected east and
west) yet it shows birds (sky manidoog) coming down to the
lodge, and Eagle and Buffalo are prominently displayed in
the lodge's center. (The scroll was from, the western Ojibwe
territories in Canada and shows plains influence, thus
Buffalo replaces Bear.) This is the only sky degree scroll
extant in the literature and, like the rest of the data
on the Sky Lodge, it is minimal and leaves us wanting more
information.
Structurally, a symmetry exists between the earth and
| sky degrees. (See Diagram 8.) The vertical and horizon
tal axes intersect at the universe's center, signified by
the center of the lodge. The drama of Bear's struggle is
re-enacted with each of the Earth Lodge's initiations, and
that of Eagle with each of the Sky Lodge's initiations.
Logically there is an ordered, lineal sequence to a
candidate's movement through the hierarchy of the midewi
win 's eight degrees. In time he can be initiated into
them one after another. However, in space each initiation
involves a centering process which has a non-linear nature.
The cosmic forces of the zenith and nadir, as well as those
from all the parameters of the universe, meet in the
center for the initiation. Grim (1983:79) uses the con
cept cosmic centration to describe this process. This
centration occurs repeatedly with each initiation; a first
degree initiation is effected by the efforts of both Bear
and Eagle, and so forth, right through all eight degrees.
Regardless of the degree, the initiate receives the
power from both these earth and sky sources. Therefore,
199
Male
Sky
High
North
Eagle
J - Fifth Degree
- Sixth Degree
Sky Lodge<
- Seventh Degree
I
- Eighth Degree
J'
West 0j lbwe East
Fourth Degree
Third Degree
Earth Lodge <
Second Degree
First Degree
Bear
South
Low
Earth
Female
Diagram 8: Earth and Sky Lodges
at a first degree initiation the ceremony is a re-enactment
of Bear's first earth-level breakthrough and simultaneously
of Eagle's first sky-level breakthrough. At such an ini

tiation it is as if the candidate is at the same time,
initiated into both the first and fifth degrees. Thus,
during an initiation the midewiwin simultaneously ascends
from the earth layers and descends from the sky layers as
it is "guided along the cosmic axis by the manitou powers
to the interface of the cosmic regions, namely, flat-
earth" (Ibid.).
Perhaps this aspect of the structure of the eight
degrees of the midewiwin is another reason for the paucity
cf data on the Sky Lodge. We know that there is an earth
and sky motif in each of the four Earth Lodge degrees
and that one informant argues for the existence of sky
counterparts to those of the earth in shell-shooting
ritual. Recall that, according to him, in an earth degree
initiation a candidate receives shells at locations on
his lower anatomy but, at the same time, sky placements
are demanded at locations on his upper body (Landes, 1968:
140). I have argued, in chapters four and five, that the
initiate is, at times, among other things, impersonating
Bear as he struggles up through the earth. From what I
have said it follows that he is also impersonating Eagle
in his struggle to descend to earth. With every intiation
the candidate is mythically moving through the sky's and
earth's levels to the center. He is travelling up through
the earth while simultaneously travelling down through
the sky to reach this point.
The literature offers scattered bits of data that
relate to this pattern. At times Bear is characterized
as having feathers, in other words, as a metaphor for
Eagle (Densmore, 1973a:74,77; Landes, 1968:131). These
two emissaries who have a complementary but. opposed rela
tionship, become like each other - they both carry the
pack of life to the people and, in Sky Lodge activities at
least, the differences between them are vague (Landes,
1968:185). In his description of fourth degree ritual,
Hoffman refers to Bear's small brush structures near the
lodge doors as nests, as if both Bear and Eagle were, at
the same time, using them (1891:261). Densmore (1973a:
69-70) gives two initiation songs that are used together
and tell of a figure (* Bear) coming up from below while
a bird (= Eagle) comes down from above. Also, recall that
at the end of an initiation ceremony, according to Landes'
informants, a new member is given two sacks - one made
from the hide of an animal of the earth and another from
the skin and feathers of a bird (1968:167-176). Similarly,
Densmore says that sacks are made from "the skin of a bird
or animal" (1970:93) and Blessing states that, along with
those made from animal hides, bird skin sacks are used in
the lower degrees (1977:81). Furthermore, at the start
to the public rite Bowman ceremoniously salutes both the
earth and sky manidoog, and Steersman, at the conclusion
of the activities, does the same (Landes, 1968:144-167).
The pattern of the placement of midewiwin poles in the sky
degrees also suggests a replication of earth degrees.
The fifth degree post is set next to that of the first
degree, the sixth next to the second, the seventh next
to the third, and the eighth next to the fourth, so that
| each two posts act as a set composed of both earth and
| sky counterparts.
1
| Also, we found in chapters four and five, that the
s fees come to the initiation lodge from both the north
I (high) and south (low) cardinals, as if they were simul-

4
I taneously brought by Eagle and Bear. Actually, both the
fees and shells, as the pack of life, come to the center
along the vertical cosmic axis. Like all Ojibwe mythical
origins, they start in the east (on the horizontal axis)
and in the course of the rituals, paradoxically, are
brought to the center simultaneously from the high and
low (vertical) directions.
The problem of the nature of the Sky Lodge and its
relation to the Earth Lodge is found throughout the mide
wiwin literature (Dewdney, 1976:114). It is my contention
that by using the notion that sky degree initiations are
implied in the lower degrees we can better comprehend the
overall structure of the midewiwin. This idea of the
simultaneity of earth and sky degree initiation can be
t seen in the remarks of Lafleur when he writes that the
| "fifth (degree) would be a modification of the first" and
even though the individual may think that eight, twelve
or sixteen (degrees) are possible, in reality "there are
only four" (1940:707-708)(brackets added).
This simultaneous earth-sky degree initiation is
implicit in the structure of the midewiwin. When a person
reaches the fourth degree he is not only extremely power
ful (manidoo-like), but structurally he has reached the
center and there is no further place for him to go. He
has reached the source, the point in time and space of the
primal beginning. Actually, he has reached the center with
the first degree and the succeeding three degrees are
replications of this first initiation. We could argue
that as he is mystically moving both up and down through
the sky and earth layers (in lineal fashion), he is also
moving horizontally from one cardinal point to another
(in circular fashion), and with the fourth degree he has
traversed the whole - the entirety of the Ojibwe cosmo
graphy. (The first degree would be associated with car
dinal south, the second with west, the third with north
and the fourth with east.) In this sense, midewiwin
mythology is like others that are at once horizontal and
vertical and must be read as such (L6vi-Strauss, 1976:126).
Water as the Mediator Between Earth and Sky
A ubiquitous theme in the literature of the midewiwin
is the presence of water. Densmore says that this concept
"occurs frequently in the Mide songs" (1973:40) and that
the "Ability to attract water animals is greatly desired
by members of the midewiwin" (Ibid. :111) . Water has been
called the "indispensable mediator" (Ldvi-Strauss, 1979:
321). While it is between the sky and earth in a spatial
sense, it is between them in form as well. Like the air,
it is invisible, yet like the earth it can be felt. Water
animals and water birds both play prominent roles in mide
wiwin mythology. In it they join forces to aid the people.
As the sky and earth are mediated by water, structurally
the Sky and Earth Lodges meet at a place of water. (This
is seen in chapter three in M-7 wherein Otter is the first
initiate into the midewiwin.)
We see that the importance of water is evident in
the names of Ojibwe clans. (See chapter two.) A tri
partite division exists composed of life forms from land,
water and air. On another level, to emphasize the impor
tance of water, I suggest that most of the clan names have
a water affilitation. All the air (bird) clans are named
after water birds, and fish and aquatic animal clans of
course, likewise are related to water. Of the remaining
six land animals, one of them, the moose, spends much of
its time feeding in water. The caribou is a name found
only among the far northern Ojibwe and may have been a
result of diffusion. Only the bear and wolf, who are

constant and important forest companions of the Ojibwe
and figure prominently in their mythology, and the lynx
and rattlesnake remain as having solid land affiliations.
Thus, the Ojibwe, who themselves spend over one-half of
the year in villages located on the shores of lakes, use
clan names that, largely, have a water affiliation.
The canoeist idiom used in midewiwin ritual now
becomes more meaningful. (Aboriginally, travel by canoe
was a common means of transportation for the Ojibwe. Their
trips were either by canoe or on foot, and therefore, the
midewiwin canoeist idiom is appropos.) L£vi-Strauss sug
gests that "The image of the canoe associated with a
ritualistic celebration must be deeply rooted in the
American mind. . ." (1981:453). What may be important, is
not the image of the canoe but the image of motion in,
or on, water. This theme of movement runs throughout much
of Ojibwe mythology and plays a paramount role in the
midewiwin. The Ojibwe epic is one of an eastern origin
followed by a westward migration. This migration largely
takes place on water in a canoe. However, in line with
this .structural argument presented in the preceding
chapters, we can now view this origin and migration as a
process of centration. The east, as the place of origin,
has become the center of the cosmos where Bear and Eagle
meet. Furthermore, this location is in water, between
earth and sky. We can now understand the references in the
literature whereby the Ojibwe see themselves as living on
an island. (The largest island of the Apostles in Lake
Superior is often claimed to have been this island. The
nearby Ojibwe community of Red Cliff, Wisconsin, calls
itself "The Hub of the Ojibwe Nation.") Mythically, the
Ojibwe live on water. Frances Densmore records a midewiwin
song that makes this point. In it the singer sings: "In
the middle of the sea, the lengthy room of the sea, there
I I am sitting" (1973a:76). Water, then, has great meaning
to the Ojibwe. Not only does it mediate the sky and earth
poles, but it represents the central place in which the
people live.
The Ghost Lodge
Both Hoffman (1891:178-281) and Landes (1968:189-204)

ft*
tell of a Ghost Lodge in the midewiwin. Its rationale is
that if a person has declared his intent to enter the
society but dies before that can be effected, a relative
can go through the initiation for him. By this way the
deceased becomes a member. This can occur when a parent
announces that a newborn child will become a midewiwin
member, but the child dies before puberty. (According to
Hoffman (1891:278) it is "not customary to admit anyone
into the society" before they reach puberty.)
The dead go, like the sun. to the west and reside
there in the "land of the dead," therefore, the Ghost
Lodge initiation lodge is to be located to the west of the
initiate's habitation lodge. In the initiation the
relative of the deceased portrays the soul of the deceased
as it moves westward to the mythical place of the dead.
This is a village, depicted as a large midewiwin lodge.
(See Diagram 9.)
West
I East
\
Ghost Lodge Initiation Lodge
Village of the Dead
Diagram 9: Path to Village of the Dead
The Ghost Lodge initiation is a re-enactment of the
deceased moving to this village, where the lodge is,
according to Hoffman (1891:280), "covered with megis." It
is a glistening, enamelled structure.
Hoffman says the night before the initiation the can
didate 's proxy is to walk barefooted to the western lodge
as he carries four pairs of moccasins. He is also
instructed to pick (mythically) pairs of fruit from beside
the path (a strawberry from the right and a blueberry from
the left, then a June cherry from the right and a plum
from the left)(p. 280). Both the footwear and the fruit
are placed on the lodge floor center and are joined with
dishes of food. All are for the use of the deceased on
his journey to the village of the dead. The following day
208
the proxy and officials go to the lodge and hold the
initiation. Its ritual, according to Hoffman, is the same
as that of the first four degrees.

Landes offers a myth that explains the Ghost Lodge's
origin (1968:193-194). According to her informant, the
trickster is concerned about the immortal nature of the
first Ojibwe, so he kills his son to demonstrate death
and takes the body to the land of the dead where he asks
his brother to help him. The brother refuses and the
trickster then goes to the south for aid. Here he drops
his son's body and "it burned down to the bowels of
Earth." Bear and Hawk try to raise it but can not.
Finally it is raised by flying insects. Landes' infor
mant calls the boy's body "the pack" as in "the pack of
life." The boy is returned to the earth's surface and
after a year the trickster has him enter the land of the
dead by being initiated into the midewiwin, but the mani
doog first have to create the Ghost Lodge since the boy is
dead. After this, uninitiated deceased Ojibwe can become .
midewiwin members by joining the Ghost Lodge.
The Ghost Lodge is not graded in the sense that the
initiate enters at the first grade, then progresses to the
second, and so forth. Instead, the grade of the initia
tion ceremony matches that which the deceased has achieved
while alive, or, if the candidate dies just before or
during a ceremony, he, by proxy, can be initiated into
the next degree. If the initiation is for an uninitiated,
deceased child, then the ceremony would be in the format of
the first degree. This explains statements in the litera
ture that tell of the Ghost Lodge ritual repeating that of
the first four degrees.
The sky and earth grades, with their mythic charac
ters, ritual, and paraphernalia compose the dual structure
of the Life Midewiwin. Now we find a replication of this
dual structure in the complementary relation of the Life
Midewiwin and the Ghost Midewiwin. As the earth and sky
motifs constitute the Life Midewiwin, the life and death
motifs constitute at a more inclusive level, the entirety
of the Midewiwin. This point calls for elaboration.
The sky-earth complementary structure signifies the
vertical axis of the Ojibwe cosmography, and the Sky and
Earth Lodges are the Life Midewiwin. This Life Midewiwin
gives immortality to the Ojibwe and as the source of life
it has an eastern character. (The east is the location
of the sun's rising and the start of all activity in
midewiwin ritual.) The ritual of the Life Midewiwin also,
as we found, has a theme of movement in a canoe on water
on the horizontal axis from east to west. Structurally,
therefore, we can place the Life Midewiwin (with its
internal structure of the vertical axis) on a horizontal

axis, in the east.
210
The Ghost Midewiwin represents the termination of the
east to west theme of the Life Midewiwin and, cosmographi-
cally opposes the Life Midewiwin. It is, therefore, found
in the west. However, while the Ghost Midewiwin can
structurally be placed on this east-west axis, it, like
the Life Midewiwin, has a vertical dimension. Recall that

the initiation lodge for the Ghost Midewiwin replicates
the land of the dead and is placed on the vertical axis
with its doorways on the north (high) and south (low) .
The poles (east and west), while having a horizontal
aspect also have a vertical aspect and together they exhi
bit both the horizontal and vertical axes. This spatial
posturing of the dual structure of the Life and Ghost
Midewiwin is shown in Diagram 10.

Both the vertical and horizontal axes are always
evident in initiation rites. In the first three of the
Life degrees (both Earth and Sky Lodges) the initiation
lodges are constructed on the horizontal axis with the
doorways in the east and west. The fourth earth degree
(and correspondingly, the eighth sky degree) however, has
the lodge with doorways on both the east and west and the
north and south axes. Therefore, the fourth (and eighth)
degree initiations are structured as if they are a com
bination of both the Life and Ghost Midewiwin. This
realization may be what Dewdney (1975:109-111) is implying
when he includes a discussion of the fourth degree lodge
211
North/Zenith
-H ■Sky Lodge
jj 3 o t-1
00 t 4 s: h- East
P* Hi
H-
■Earth Lodge
South/Nadir
Diagram 10: Dual Structure of the Life and

Ghost Lodges
and ritual in his presentation of Ghost Lodge scrolls.
Logically, this superimposition of the horizontal and
vertical axes (or as I prefer, their collapsing and cen
tration) does occur with each initiation, but is made
explicit in the fourth (= eighth) as the final initiation.
This opposition in lodge orientations between the
Life and Death Midewiwin indicates a metasystem. This is
seen, I suggest, in the comment by Landes when she says
that Life Midewiwin and Ghost Midewiwin "rituals were
actually a continuum" (1968:189). Together these two
212
systems form the entire, or complete midewiwin. The
sense of this notion of the wholeness of the structure of
the midewiwin is seen in a few birch bark scrolls from
Minnesota and Canada (depicted in Dewdney, 1975, pp. 109-
111). Diagram 11 replicates the pattern of these scrolls.
It is taken from a fourth degree scroll from Nett Lake,
Minnesota, and is reminiscent of the fourth degree lodge
with its doorways at all four cardinals. However, the
diagram shows not simply a single lodge with four doorways,
but two clear lodges, one superimposed over the other. It
seems, therefore, that the four doorways of the fourth
degree are not only signifying the four directions but
also the land of the living and that of the dead.
iZZZZZZ
vzznzzzzzz.tzn. !Eg \
; rrm
V J J J JJ.A
|J
»JJUX
>!'/////. ■ ///////// f/ / / /
2Z2ZZ2Z
Diagram 11: Nett Lake Scroll
213
Logically, a concern with the dead must be present in
the midewiwin. Since each initiation ceremony replicates
the cosmos (everything is inside the lodge) the land of
I the dead must be included. In North America it is not
uncommon for the dead to be summoned to major ceremonies
(Gaster, 1961:224). (The Ojibwe's Feast of the Dead accom

i plished this in the seventeenth century (Hickerson, 1960)
and a modern version of the same rite is reported to have
been held in Michigan's Upper Penninsula as late as the
1940's (Walker, 1949).) Today's Roman Catholic All Souls
Day celebration, a rite similar to the older Feast of the
Dead, is annually carried out in some Cjibwe communities.
In Wisconsin the Ojibwe's nearest southern neighbor, the

i
Menonimee, have their own version of the midewiwin in
which the deceased are said to be present during the rites,
inside the lodge (Hoffman, 1896), and in recent times its
ritual has come to stress the deceased (Spindler and

Spindler, 1978).
The role of gegisibiganedat manidoo in Hoffman's
description of fourth degree ritual now becomes more
certain. Recall that this figure is said to be an old man
with long white hair whose bones rattle as he comes to the
lodge, and who is covered with the shell. This "cleansing
manidoo" comes from an eastern body of water to help the
initiate, and I reiterate, may signify the dead. This
i
214
relates to a song Hoffman says is sung during a fourth
degree initiation in which the singer sings about the
initiate being able "to commune with the spirits of the
departed mide(wiwin members)" (1891:263)(brackets added).
In Ojibwe culture the land of the dead is generally
said to be in the west (Ibid.:241; Lanes, 1968:190). (The
Berens River, Ontario, Ojibwe say it is in the south
(Hallowell, 1974:199).) The path of life as depicted on
midewiwin scrolls leads to the west and, as already noted,
terminates in a circle. In chapter three (M-l) when the
trickster's brother makes the path to the land of the dead
he says he is moving like the sun, to the western horizon.
Even though the sun "dies" each evening in the west it
is "reborn" each morning in the east. Therefore, we might
say that the brother's trip is foreshadowing the "rise"
of the people, like the sun, in the east. They have to
experience death before, through the midewiwin, they can
receive life (the midewiwin immortality) . The claim that
the Ojibwe hold the notion of reincarnation (Hilger, 1944;
1951) gains support with this argument. Like gegisibigan-
edat manidoo, mythically they can rise from the eastern
sea to enter the midewiwin initiation lodge and join the
living Ojibwe on their cyclical canoe journey.
Thus, on one level, the midewiwin with its lodge for
the living and lodge for the dead achieves a unity between
the world of the living and that of the dead. At each
initiation they meet in the center of the lodge.
The Midewiwin as Sacrifice
The midewiwin public initiation ceremony is a sacri
ficial rite. William Warren (1970:265), one of the
earliest students of the Ojibwe culture, saw this in the
middle of the last century. More recent writers have
made the same point (Grim, 1983:91-92; Landes, 1968:130).
In chapter five we found a structural equivalence
between the pack of life, fees (tobacco, food and other
goods), and the miigis. More specifically, we argued that
the food, the smoke from the offeratory tobacco and the
steam from the sweat lodge water are all signifying the
midewiwin breath, and that, finally, the goods as fees
function as mediators between the manidoog and the Ojibwe.
The act of mediation consecrates the sacrificial
victim (or objects) and changes the nature of the person,
or persons, who are giving the sacrifice. The people
involved become imbued with the sacred through the contact

provided by this mediation. This is precisely what is
effected in a midewiwin initiation ceremony. The candiate,
by passing the fees, etc., to the manidoog and, more cer
tainly, when shot with the mediatory shell, takes on
manidoo characteristics.
The rest of this chapter will be devoted to an
analysis of the midewiwin as a sacrificial rite. The
midewiwin data will be applied to the theoretical model
of sacrifice presented by Hubert and Mauss (1963). Along
with the ritualistic preparations of the actors and the
location for a sacrifice, they see a sacrificial rite as
having three components: an entrance, the act of sacri
fice itself, and an exit.
Every sacrifice has a sacrifier and a sacrificer. The
concept sacrifier refers to "the subject to whom the bene
fits of sacrifice thus accrue, or who undergoes its
effects" (Ibid.:10). Often a sacrifice might be given for
the benefit of particular objects such as a new house or
temple, and in this case these can be called the objects
of sacrifice. The sacrificer is the person who actually
performs the rite
In the midewiwin the candidate is the sacrifier since
he provides the fees and benefits from the effects of the
rite. Also, in the midewiwin there are no objects of
sacrifice except perhaps, the life of the candidate. In
this sense the sacrifice is for the benefit of the candi
date 's existence and thus, he, or more correctly, the

phenomenon of his life, can be considered as the "object"
of the sacrifice. The sacrificer is the priest who leads

the initiation ceremony.
217
A sacrifice can not be held without ritual prepara
tions. A location for the rite has to be established as
a place for the divine presence. We see that this is
accomplished in the midewiwin ritual whereby the sweat
lodge and the initiation lodge are sanctified before being
used. The mere construction of these lodges mystically
sets up the locus for the manidoog. (Recall Bowman's
weaving dance around and through the framework of the
sweat lodge and the careful approaches to the initiation
lodge's doorways, especially in Hoffman's account of fourth
degree ritual.) These lodges become altars - sanctified
areas for the meeting of the sacred and the profane.
Actually, in midewiwin ritual this meeting occurs each
time the candidate meets with the officiating priests.
This helps explain the manditory presentation of tobacco
at the onset of the; preparation meetings.
Along with the physical locations for sacrifice, the
actors also have to be prepared. The candidate is sub
mitted to four days of preparatory activities that, in
Hoffman's data at least, include a series of sweat baths.
He has to be prepared to leave the realm of the profane
so he can enter that of the sacred. Through these prepara
tions the candidate is overseen by an officiating priest

and his group of assistants.
As the sacrificer the leading official is an inter-
mediatory between the manidoog and the candidate and as
such stands "on the threshold of the sacred and the pro
fane world and represents them both at one and the same
time" (Ibid.:23). Perhaps this fact of the sanctity of
the leaders is the reason for Hoffman's lack of data on
their own preparations for the initiation. (Recall that
Landes and Densmore both report that the officiating
priests take preparatory sweat baths but that Hoffman does
not mention this fact.) Since these officials are already
recognized as sacred persons there may be no strong stric
ture on their sweating before the rite. (In the 1930's
in Minnesota, Landes noted that some officials were no
longer bothering to undergo the sweat ritual before the

$ initiation ceremony (1968:118).) The priest, as a media
tory figure, represents both the sacred and the profane,
and therefore, is identified with both the candidate (as
the profane) and the manidoog (the sacred). He is a
centering figure, a person who combines these opposites

(Grim, 1983).
Preparations also include the internal nature of the

Ef participants. Recall how Hoffman stresses that when in
the sweat lodge the candidate is to dwell upon the serious
ness of his undertaking, and that at thd start of the
ft initiation the leading priest gives the Midewiwin Sermon -
a thoughtful, admonishing speech about the severity of the
rite. This sermon is meant to put all participants in the
proper frame of mind for the day's events (Densmore, 1973a
13-14; Hoffman, 1891:211-212).
The time of the initiation is as important as its
location. While some preparatory meetings take place at
night all the public rite activity occurs during daylight.
Usually events start at dawn (the invitation sticks are
dispatched at sunrise, and recall that on the fifth day
the candidate is assisted in carrying his fees to the
initiation lodge from the preparatory lodge at sunrise).
In the public rite most group activity occurs between late
morning and early afternoon. This is the ideal time for
the ritual smoking and consumption of the food. Also, the
candidate is shot with the shells when the sun is at, or

E3
close to, its zenith. Thus, the peak of the initiation
occurs when the sun is on the vertical axis directly above
I the earth. (However, due to the Ojibwe's extreme north-
erly location the sun never is directly above them.)
| It is important that the object being sacrificed be
totally consumed, or if that is not possible, that its
remains be removed from the sanctified area after its
sacrifice is effected. By the complete removal of the
object from temporal surroundings its transition to the
realm of the sacred is carried out (Hubert and Mauss,
1964:38). We see that this is done in the midewiwin. In
the smoke ritual all the tobacco has to be burned and in
the sweat lodge all the water has to be used up. Likewise,
the food is to be eaten in the lodge, or that remaining
along with the utensils is removed right after the feast.
Even the other fees (blankets, etc.), are removed from the
lodge after their distribution. Thus, the midewiwin fees

are completely "consumed" during the rite.
The taking in of food has been called "the utmost
extreme of intimacy" (Ibid.:43). As Hubert and Mauss say:
"It brings about not only a mere external proximity, but
a mingling of the two substances which become absorbed in
each other to the point of becoming indistinguishable"

(pp. 43-44).
During midewiwin ritual the tobacco smoke, the sweat
lodge steam, the cooked food, and even other non-edible
fees all move between the candidate (as the profane) and
the attending midewiwin members (as the sacred manidoog) .
These material items become relations that unite the sacred
and profane polarities. Thus, in the midewiwin, as a
sacrifice, all the forces which meet in the lodge are

"blended together" (Ibid.:44).
The communion achieved through this exchange of fees
is analogous to the physical act of the touch that occurs
in the public rite. After the candidate has fallen to the
floor in his ritual death, the priests lay their medicine
sacks upon his body and stroke them. This touch brings
the candidate to life (= rebirth). Later as a new member
he distributes his fees and then, according to Hoffman,
touches the members in the traditional Ojibwe way by
running his palms down the sides of their heads. These
acts of touching signify the passing of sacredness between
the parties. When the priests touch the fallen candidate,
as when shot with the shells, the force of the sacred
flows into him and when he, as a new member, touches their
heads he is signifying a new communion, or similarity,
that exists between them.
At the start of a sacrificial rite the actors must
ritually approach and enter the consecrated area, and at
the conclusion a ritual exit must be carried out. The
actors that gather at the site of the sacrifice are
separated from the profane world. Rituals had been
required to effect their coming together, and are also
required to dissolve the bonds that joined them during the
rite. Since they have to return to the profane world
these exit rituals are part of the sacrificial rite
(Ibid. :45-49) . In the midewiwin we see how the actors line
up and approach the lodges from the east and how the lodge
doorways have to be ritually opened. Also, at the end of
the ceremony, we see the group's final activities as it
carefully exits the lodges by the west doorways.
Hubert and Mauss use the analogy of a curve to des
cribe a sacrifice, saying the sacrifier and all who take
part in the rite rise "progressively into the religious
sphere," then reach a "culminating point" before returning
down "into the profane" (p. 48). This curvilinear move
ment is found in the midewiwin, but also, it can be
conceived as a process of centration (Grim, 1983). We
have seen how the actors move concentrically to the
lodge's center for the rite, then exit centripitally. Even
though literally, they use the east and west doorways to
enter and exit the lodge, they, as manidoog, come to the
lodge from all cosmic directions and after the rite return
from whence they came.
In the midewiwin, sacrifice is operating on more than
one level. First of all, the candidate provides material
goods that are consumed (= destroyed) during the rite.
These items are passed to the manidoo world in exchange
for the initiation of the candidate. Another item of
sacrifice is the dog. We have already mentioned how a
dog can be cooked and served as food at an initiation.
The dog is an important ritual figure in North
America. It is a creator in the origin legend of the
Ojibwe's northern neighbor, the Chipewyan (Oswalt, 1978:

34), and the Dakota, as do several groups, use it as a
ritual food item (Howard, 1965:108). Hoffman does not
mention the dog, except to note that in a myth one is
given to the trickster by the manidoog (1891:185). Other
researchers give numerous references to the dog (Coleman,
1937:36; Densmore, 1970:90-92, 1973a:52-53, 1973b:68,91,
150,173-180; Dewdney, 1975:3,82-83,145,156-157; Landes,
1968:136,164-165).
We have noted in chapter five, the multivocality of
the dog as an important midewiwin symbol. Primarily it
represents the midewiwin bear, but is also an offering to
the bear for bringing the midewiwin to the people. The
number of dogs required at an initiation increases with
the degree being sought (Densmore, 1970:90-92), and when

I eaten it demands special handling. Everyone in the lodge
is to get a portion of its meat, but the head is reserved
for the highest members and it is to be consumed in the
center of the lodge floor. Densmore reports that, unlike
other food, all of the cooked dog has to be eaten in the
lodge - none can be carried away (1973a:40). Furthermore,
the bones of the dog deserve special treatment - care being
taken not to break any (Dewdney, 1975:157).
Since the dog represents Bear, a key Ojibwe benefac
tor in midewiwin mythology, we see that symbolically, Bear
is sacrificed and eaten by the people. This is akin to
what Hubert and Mauss call the "highest expression" of
sacrifice - the sacrifice of the god (1964:77-94). Bear
is not only the messenger that works to bring the midewiwin
to the people but he is also an extremely powerful manidoo
in Ojibwe mythology.
The color of the dog seems to be important. The
Northern Ojibwe have a White Dog Feast as part of the
midewiwin rites, in which the dog is equated with the
mythical Bear (Morrisseau, 1965:43, quoted in Dewdney,
1975:145). We have seen that Bear, as he struggles to
bring the midewiwin up to the people glistens with a
brightness as if he were covered with miigis shells, and
thus, it follows that a white dog moreso than other colors,
would aptly signify this feature of Bear.
One further comment on the dog needs to be offered.
Ldvi-Strauss (1974:202-206) suggests an interesting
although speculative relationship between dogs and otters.
He argues that in South American mythology the otter has,
among other attributes, an infantalizing quality. He can
turn people into infants and furthermore, among the
Guianese Indians, he is considered as a "fishing dog."
Ldvi-Strauss also notes that the Ojibwe have a myth that
"attributes the same infantalizing role to the dog" (p.
202). In remembering chapter three we recall that the
role of the child is an important one in Ojibwe mythology
and that a child, in one myth, is the first initiate into
the midewiwin. Providing that all of this has signifi
cance, we could suggest that the Ojibwe, by ritually eating
the dog are being infantalized, and therefore, they are
replicating the primal initiation by symbolically becoming
225
the first child initiate. The dog is more than a signi-
fier for Bear - he also represents Otter (whom incidently,
is also a first initiate), and as such helps facilitate
the transformation of the people into the first child
candidate.
While the dog, food, tobacco, etc., are sacrificial
items in the midewiwin, it is seen that the candidate,
himself, also is sacrificed. Grim sees this when he says
that in one version of the origin myth, the trickster
sacrifices himself as the first initiate (1983:91).
During one phase of the initiation the candidate sits atop
the pile of fees in the lodge's center (Densmore, 1973a:
42; Landes, 1968:153) and according to Landes, while he
sits there the leading priest "saw the patient as his
goods as a whole, before the Supernaturals, since both
pleaded for life" (1968:153). Also, in the ritual shooting
of the shells the candidate is destroyed like the rest of
the fees. While the fees become immortal by being consumed
by manidoog,he becomes immortal by dying and .experiencing
rebirth.
However, it is not only the candidate who is mysti
cally killed and reborn. We see that the officials and
all members attending the rite are shot with the shell and
reborn. Thus, the entire cadre of characters in the lodge

is sacrificed. More inclusively, since these actors
represent all the manidoog in the universe (the lodge is
the universe), we see that in a midewiwin initiation the
entire cosmos is ritually destroyed and then created anew.
Hubert and Mauss state that sacrifice always involves
expiation (the removal of past conditions) and communion
(the joining with the divine). In the midewiwin the past
state of the candidate, his mortal state, is expiated and
he joins the community of manidoog. This alternation of
opposites, of death and life, or disjunction and conjunc
tion, is repeated with each ceremony. The initiate repre
sents all the living and deceased Ojibwe and by his
consecration through sacrifice blends these two poles
into a single entity. This centralizing union is similar
to the coming together of the Sky and Earth Lodges in the
structure of the Life Midewiwin and in the union of the
Ghost and Life Lodges in the entire Midewiwin.
CHAPTER VII
AN ANALYSIS OF MIDEWIWIN SYMBOLS
Introduction
In the preceding two chapters I presented and analyzed
the spatial, temporal and behavioral aspects of midewiwin
ritual. It was seen that during the rite, actors move in
patterned ways while they manipulate objects like the
drum, midewiwin bags and shells. Such objects, when used
in a ritual context, take on meanings that go beyond their
literal appearance. The drum, for instance, is an object
made of wood and leather and is built to certain specifi
cations of size. Substantively it is simply an instrument
used to provide music. However, when placed in a ritual
context, it, like other midewiwin items, becomes more than
it literally appears to be. It becomes a powerful symbol
that speaks to the meaning of the ritual. Therefore, in
an analysis of midewiwin ritual it is necessary to go
beyond an understanding of the patterned use of objects to

inferences of their various symbolic properties.
According to Victor Turner (1967:20), inferences about
the symbolism of ritual objects can be drawn from three
classes of data: "(1) external form and observable char
acteristics; (2) interpretations offered by specialists and
227
laymen; (3) significant contexts largely worked out by
the anthropologist." In this chapter I use these types
of data to interpret midewiwin symbols.

In combing the literature and in interviewing field
informants I have amassed a body of data which shows
patterned commonalities. These are at the base of the
structure of symbols to be presented. Previously, ethno
graphers have discussed the nature of some of the obvious
midewiwin symbols but what is new in my analysis is the
aspect of pattern. Researchers like Hoffman and Densmore
do not use the anthropological perspective in their
accounts of the midewiwin. They record descriptions of
ritual objects and often offer interpretations (from both
informants and themselves), but these are not presented
in what Turner calls "significant contexts," i.e., the
social and cultural settings of their use. As social and
cultural facts, midewiwin symbols can only become meaning
ful when placed within the structure of Ojibwe society
and culture.
The Cedar Tree
The cedar tree (genus Juniperus) has been called the
Ojibwe cosmic tree (Grim, 1983:78). This tree plays a
major role in Ojibwe myth and ritual; its wood and boughs
jj being used for several purposes. In the origin myth it
provides material to make the first drum and invitation
sticks. We see how Bear pushes the tree up through the
earth's layers and then plants it at the earth's center.
Upon questioning William Mustache, Sr., about the tree, he
said, "The cedar tree is most important in the midewiwin."

1 Both red (J . virginiana) and white cedar (J. Occident-
h
alis) are found in Ojibwe territory and both grow near
water, preferring wet, swampy ground. As a conifer, the
cedar retains its green foliage year around. Its bark is
soft, thin and pliable, and its trunk often straight. Its
wood is soft and resinous and emits a fragrance that is
pleasing to humans. Due to its high resin content it
resists decay and is lively in fire, snapping and sending
out sparks at will. When burning, the foliage delivers a
pungent and fragrant smoke.
The cedar's affinity to water is reminiscent of the
role of water animals and birds in Ojibwe clan names and
of actors in the myths. I have already argued that water
takes an important structural stance in the midewiwin.
The resinous nature of cedar wood and boughs suggests a
presence that can beexperienced in both an olfactory and
visual sense. An informant (a midewiwin member) says he
boils cedar boughs to produce an aromatic liquid which he
pours over a heated stone to make steam. By inhaling the
steam he feels he captures some of the spirituality of the
cedar. The cedar's sweet fragrance and its lively
behavior in fire enhance its ritual role. Another
1
230
important observable characteristic is the tree's refusal
to "die." In winter, with other conifers, its green
boughs stand juxtaposed with the otherwise lifeless winter
landscape and when used for construction purposes its
poles have an unusual longevity. As a Red Cliff informant
said, "they last forever."
In the Ojibwe classification system all living things,
even plants and trees, are imbued with manidoo power
(Black, 1967:171). It is easy to understand how the cedar

1
&
tree, with its form and observable features, exhibits this
3
j±
$ power-holding characteristic.
SS
s*
«3
§ The Midewiwin Lodge
&
In light of the importance of the cedar tree in
midewiwin myth and ritual it seems likely that a relation
ship exists between the symbolism of the cedar and the
midewiwin lodge. We have seen that the lodge is an oblong
structure, with a framework of saplings partially covered

$
§*
j with boughs, that is built by women specifically for the
ceremony. In the classic sense described by Hubert and
Mauss (see chapter six), it is sanctified as an altar -
|
A a space prepared for the sacred. Mythically it represents
E
the universe with its cardinal directions, its open zenith
(the sky) and nadir (the earth)(Muller, 1954:64). It might
seem appropriate for the lodge to be made of cedar but no
researchers tell that it is, literally or mystically, made
231
from that tree. Landes (1968:142) tells of a lodge built
from ash saplings, and Densmore (1970:92) tells of one
made from birch poles and pine boughs, while Hoffman never
says what type of wood is used. While the literature does
not tell us that it was made of cedar, it does suggest an
affinity between the lodge and the cedar tree. For
example: one of Hoffman's informants explains that four
cedar trees are planted at each of the four outside
corners of the lodge and four more at the inside corners
(Hoffman, 1891:178). Landes describes a lodge that "had
been decorated with aromatic green cedar brush spread
over the ground and propped up a bit against the sides of
the structure; the ground was sanded in the middle" (1968:
125) . Victor B a m o u w reports that in a midewiwin ceremony
the fees are piled in the center of the lodge floor, on
cedar boughs (1960:90).
Therefore, when considering the symbolism of the
physical properties of the lodge as they might relate to
the cedar tree, we find hints at an affinity between the
two, but no explicit characteristics of statements that
suggest the lodge is a representation of the tree. What
we do see can best be understood as a complimentary,
spatial relationship between the two. The lodge, as a
representation of the form and boundaries of the universe,
acts as a container, a circumscribed space for the posi
tioning of the cedar, or cosmic tree. This conclusion
232
is evident when we consider the contents of the lodge.
The Midewiwin Pole

A cedar post - or a series of posts, depending upon
the degree - is embedded in the earth at or near the
center of the lodge floor. Hoffman calls this "the sacred
mide post of cedar" (1891:188). This post is a material
representation of the axis mundi of Ojibwe cosmology
(Grim, 1983:76). It also represents a tree (Landes, 1968:
81) - the mythical Cosmic Tree - which stretches vertically
from the nadir to the zenith through all eight layers of
the Ojibwe cosmography. It is this tree (= post) or path
that Bear and Eagle move along (one going up while the
other comes down) as they struggle to bring the midewiwin
to the people at the center. Landes (1968:130) says,
correctly, that the posts also represent the layers of the
universe that Bear and Eagle penetrate on their centering
journeys. In a ceremony for a second degree, or higher
initiation, the cedar posts are placed on a horizontal line
between the east and west cardinals, one post for each
degree (= each layer). This alignment of posts is a hori
zontal depiction of a vertical dimension. As a candidate
advances from one degree to the next he moves horizontally
along the Ojibwe path of life from east to west, but he
also is moving vertically along the axis mundi, to the
center, effecting a breakthrough of each layer along the
way. Like the cedar tree's green foliage that lives
through winter, he is achieving immortality by traversing
this path.
The Midewiwin Drum
We see in one version of the myth (M-8) how the offi
ciating manidoog need someone to be the voice for the
people. They have Bear bring an old man to the council,
at the earth's center. The old man turns himself into a
drum and Bear brings it up to the people. At this point
we need to look again at this myth. The following quote
is the portion that pertains to the drum as given by
5 Landes' informant:
Now he turns (a number up to four, varying with the

grade). Then at the site in the middle of Earth he
crawled out (in his first large drum-appearance).
The Spirits talked low: 'I'd guess the Indian will
not be able to handle it easily.' Then he spun
around (to make the drum small, upon manito advice;
the number of times corresponds with the grade).
Then one (drum) sliver our Grandfather (Bear) took.
Then far, far above (from the bottom layer of Earth
to the top, fourth layer of Sky) he (the drum man)
p stretched himself, so that he reached the Sky.
I- Halfway up the Sky he spread four limbs (now the
| sliver had turned into a tree, Grandmother Cedar),
ii To the ends of the Sky he spread his four limbs.
Four (or any lessor number corresponding to the grade)
holes did our Grandfather (Bear) make (through the
I? drum) and said, 'Here is where the Indian will state
| his wants.' Four (or any lessor number) times, he
£ (the drum) stretched his legs (now roots) to the ends
P of the Earth: 'From here (i.e., universally) they will
| attend to the Indians's wants.' (Landes, 1968:104)
| (brackets Landes').
I
| There are some important points to stress about this
1 myth. Perhaps the most obvious one is that the drum
becomes a cedar tree that stretches from the nadir to the
zenith as the axis mundi. Another is that Bear brings an
old man, old almost to the point of death, to the center
to become the drum. The opposition of an aged person and
a very young person begins to be evident in the midewiwin
(recall that in M-4, M-5 and M-6 it was a child that was
the first initiate into the midewiwin) . A third point is
that the old man, at the advice of the manidoog, dismembers
himself into splinters so he (the drum with its power) will
be more easily handled by the Ojibwe. He did this by
spinning around centrifugally, while he is at the earth's
center, so the splinters fly out, away from the center.
Bear picks up one of these cedar splinters and carries it
up through the earth's four layers to the center; in this
case the splinter is the cedar tree. This splintering of
the old drum-man is similar to the ritual dismemberment
of Siberian shamans reported by Grim (1983:51). During
the shaman's journey along the axis mundi he becomes dis
membered, only to be re-assembled when coming back to
earth. In the Finnish epic, The Kalevala, this same thing
happens to Lemminkainen, one of the mythical characters
who travels to Pohjola, the place far to the north. Levi-
Strauss (1979:370) labels these sorts of events detotal-
izing and retotalizing operations in myths. A character
or scene, is broken down into components that are widely
235
dispersed (detotalized) only to be brought back together
(retotalized) at a later time.
Drum Sticks
i The midewiwin drum is played by using only one drum

1
2 stick. It is about a foot long with "a gradual bend near
its beater end" (Vennum, 1982:228) . It is not clear what
wood is used in its construction. Recall (see chapter
four) the relationship between the drumstick and the loon.
The image of the loon is important in the version of

midewiwin origins wherein the crane leads the people on
their westward migration, for it is the loon that answers
the crane's fourth call at Lake Superior. The loon becomes
the voice that answers the crane in the primal council
(Warren, 1970:87-88). John Mink, a midewiwin priest at
Lac du Flambeau in Wisconsin, says that:
The drumstick can be used in place of a medicine

bag to throw the megis, (to shoot it in the initia
tion) but it is very powerful and should be thrust
lightly. . . There's a lot to that drumstick that
shouldn't be mentioned (Ritzenthaler, 1940-41;
quoted in Vennum, 1982:284)(brackets added).
The drumstick is mediatory in several ways. First as
a metaphor for the loon, a water bird, it assumes the image
of mediation which water holds. Secondly, it can replace
the midewiwin sack in the ritual; the sack, we will see,
is also mediatory. Third, it relates the drum player to
the drum, and fourth, as the loon is in the myth, it is
236
involved in the primal answer (= the voice of the drum)
to the crane when the midewiwin comes to the people.
Invitation Sticks
The use of invitation sticks in Ojibwe culture is a
common method of summoning people to a central location.
There is a logistic purpose to their use - it is a simple
method of informing people of an upcoming event at which
their presence is requested. Hoffman says they are "about
one-quarter inch in diameter, about 6-7 inches long" and
i are sometimes colored with painted bands on the ends, or
wrapped with cord (1891:203-204). Grim says they are
red and green (1983:129) and Landes says they are colored
red (1968:135). They are used as a tally to determine the
number of midewiwin members attending an initiation cere
mony so the distribution of gifts can be accomplished
properly. On the day of the ceremony the sticks are
bundled together and placed in the lodge on the earth
beside the center post (Densmore, 1973a:3S).
Landes was told the sticks "had to be of cedar" and
that they are "split from the mother piece" (the mythical
drum/cedar tree), are whittled, colored and become "formal
sticks." They are made by the candidate during the prepar-
ation sessions and are issued by him to the officials.
She was told that they are used in multiples of four, from
four at a first degree initiation up to sixteen at a fourth
237
degree initiation (1968:135). These are sacred items
since they can be kept in a person's midewiwin bag (Hoff
man, 1891:220).
The pattern of movement of the sticks is similar to
that of the emissaries in the myth (see chapter three),
of the manidoog in the formation of the council, and of
the old drum-man's splinters just discussed. Mythically,
the invitation sticks are splinters from the Cosmic Tree
that are dispersed out to the periphery of the universe
(= to the edges of the Ojibwe community) and then brought
back to be bundled together (= retotalized) and placed at
the center of the lodge (= the universe).
Rattles
A major component of an official's ritual parapher
nalia is a set of hand held rattles (see chapter four).
While the earliest rattles may have been "jingle rattles
made of dried dewclaws of deer or moose," other materials,
especially after European contact, are used (Vennum, 1982:
35-39). There is no account of rattles being made of
cedar.
We have seen that rattles are used regularly in the
initiation ceremony. "Ojibwa rattles are considered to
have supernatural power" (Ibid.:36) and according to
Hoffman (1891:191) when treating the sick they are more
powerful than the drum. The rattle is certainly an
238
interesting instrument, but one that has received little
attention in the Ojibwe literature. The rattle, as a
spherical container with a solid shaft running right
through its central axis, and its pebbles, dried corn or
shot moving around this shaft, is similar to the structure
of the midewiwin lodge with the activity of the singing,
I drumming and dancing actors moving around its central pole.
| If we consider the lodge's pole and the rattle's shaft as

5
| phallic images and the lodge, like the round rattle con
s'
ij tainer, as female symbols, then the structures of both
| the rattle and the lodge suggest the union of male and
3 female, i.e., the union of polar extremes.
: What is certain is that rattles are agents for creat
ing sound, or noise. Levi-Strauss argues that "The
rattle. . .determines the appearance of supernatural
beings, spirits or gods, with a happy outcome for society"
(1974:332-333). In the context of midewiwin ritual the
noise of the rattle can be interpreted as signifying the
presence of the manidoog inside the lodge. This issue,
and the entire matter of the role of noise in midewiwin
ritual will be addressed in the next chapter.
The Midewiwin Stone

A prominent object in most accounts of midewiwin
ritual is the midewiwin stone. Recall that this is a
rounded stone, about the size of a human head which is
239
placed on the earth near the center of the lodge towards
the eastern doorway. Usually only one stone is said to
be present. Few explanations for the stone's presence can
be found. When asked the reason for its use, William
Mustache, Sr. offered a stock reply to such questions:
"We were told by the manitous to use it, so we always
have." According to Densmore (1973a:36): "The stone
symbolizes the power of the mide as a defense, one man
stating that the mide is like a stone to throw at an
enemy." Hoffman (1891:240) said the stone is where the
initiates (patients) are placed against (if severely ill)
and that it has the power to fend off illness.
References to the ritual use of stone are ubiquitous
in world ethnography. For example, in Melanesia, among
the Dani, each adult male keeps "small flat slate stones
called habo. They are. . . very sacred and are never
publicly displayed" (Heider, 1979:120). The Hopi in North
America keep a sacred white stone in their kivas (Waters,
1963), and closer to the Ojibwe, some Siouan groups in
the Eastern Great Plains of North America have their’own
form of the midewiwin in which small pebbles are considered
sacred (Skinner., 1920).
The reasons for this symbolism of stones has not been
rigorously addressed in the scientific literature, but
attempts at explanation, such as the following, can be

found:
The mathematically precise arrangement of a crystal
evokes in us the intuitive feeling that even in so-
called 'dead' matter, there is a spiritual ordering
principle at work. Thus the crystal often symboli
cally stands for the union of extreme opposites -
of matter and spirit. . . Many people cannot refrain
from picking up stones of a slightly unusual color or
shape and keeping them, without knowing why they do
this. It is as if the stones held a living mystery
that fascinates them. Men have collected stones
since the beginning of time and have apparently
assumed that certain ones were the containers of the
life-force with all its mystery. The ancient Germans,
for instance, believed that the spirits of the dead
continued to live in their tombstones. The custom of
g* placing stones on graves may spring partly from the
symbolic idea that something eternal of the dead
person remains, which can be most fittingly repre
sented by a stone. For while the human being is as
different as possible from a stone, yet man's inner
most center is in a strange and special way akin to
it (perhaps because the stone symbolizes mere exis
tence at the farthest remove from the emotions,
feelings, fantasies, and discursive thinking of ego-
consciousness). In this sense the stone symbolizes
what is perhaps the simplest and deepest experience -
the experience of something eternal that man can have
in those moments when he feels immortal and unalter
able. (von Franz, 1964:221-222).
The idea that stones can represent the union of
extreme opposites - of matter and spirit - may be related
to the importance of the stone in midewiwin ritual and
myth. When William Mustache, Sr. says, "Even the stones
can contain the life force," he is making the point that
in the midewiwin stone we find the intriguing juxtaposi
tion of spirit and "dead" matter. This point is implicit
in a scene in Ojibwe mythology wherein a man who annoys
the trickster by asking for "a life with no end," is
twisted into a stone and thrown into a c o m e r of a lodge,
then told, "You asked for a long life. You will last as
long as the world stands.” (Densmore, 1970:100). In this
story the brash man was given eternity but also the
immobility (= death) of a stone.
This characteristic of representing both life and
death, is seen in the role of stones in the origin myth.
Recall that the trickster has a stone brother in both M-l
and M-2. In M-l the stone's immobility angers the trick
ster enough so that he finally kills the stone. This
death is accomplished by combining the extremes of fire and
water which cause the splintering (= detotalization) of
the stone. This death represents the coming of death to
the people. In M-2, another version of the same myth, we
see how the trickster's stone brother causes a child to
lose his enamel covering (i.e., to lose his immortality),
thus bringing death to the Ojibwe. While the stone bro
ther, in both versions of the myth, is a living being,
he also is the agent for bringing death to the people.
Therefore, to understand part of the symbolism of the
midewiwin stone, we might suggest that the stone signifies
the union of the polar opposites of life and death.
The placement of the stone inside the lodge is impor
tant. Recall that it is located near the center of the
lodge floor next to the cedar pole. The pole signifies
the Cosmic Tree and the path of life. We see that the
initiation ceremony needs to be viewed as a mystical
journey along this pathway. We also see how both Bear and
Eagle struggle along this path to bring the midewiwin to
the people. The pathway is a place of movement, of mobil
ity. In this sense the cedar pole represents movement
along the axis mundi - a mobility that is Ojibwe life.
With this in mind the placement of the stone next
to the post becomes more understandable. While the post
represents life, the stone (on one level of analysis), as
inert matter signifies the absence of life, or death. This
union of extremes is found at the center of the Ojibwe
universe. Thus the equation:
(pole : life :: stone : death)
However, the Ojibwe path of life is also a path of death,
for the path leads to the village of the dead. It is as
if the Ojibwe, in a candid acceptance of their mortality,
conceive of their lives as roadways leading to death. In
the 1850's the German ethnographer, J. G. Kohl, while
working with the Wisconsin Ojibwe on Madeline Island in
Lake Superior, wrote about how an informant explained this:
I Tibekana, the Indian said, meant, in his language,

[ 'the path of life.' A portion of the word simply
means, in the Ojibbeway, 'trail.' or 'path.' and
[■ the whole means, 'the way of the dead,' 'the path
leading into paradise,' or 'the path of life.'
[ (1975:294).
r
f Therefore, while the pole represents life it also
; signifies death. Similarly, we have seen that in Ojibwe
| culture the stone, while being a symbol of death, also

I
r
§
I
3
I
contains a spiritual essence and represents life. The
above equation must, then, be changed to:
(pole : life/death :: stone : life/death)
The juxtatposition of these two qualities in both the
pole and stone is another indication of the role of centra-
tion symbols in ritual. While Grim (1983) stresses the
role of the pole as a physical representation of the
spatial center of the Ojibwe cosmos we now see that these

sorts of symbols can also represent the joining of abstract
and opposite qualities like life and death.
The idea that the post and stone can be considered as
a cognitive set in which the characters complement each
other gives meaning to Densmore's notation (1973a:51) that
after an initiation the new member removes both the post
and stone from the lodge and secrets them away to some
isolated location in the forest. Over time he returns to
this private, sacred spot.
The Miigis
The miigis, or cowrie shell (Cypraea moneta) , is an
important symbol in the midewiwin. We have seen how the
miigis is mystically shot into the initiate causing his

transformation into a midewiwin member.
Cypraea moneta is a small, hard, salt-water shell
about three-fourths of one inch in length and three-
fourths inch wide. Its ovoid shape has a narrow slit
running along one side with a small central mound on the
other. Its color is a shiny white that can run to light
yellow, especially in the rising central mound, or "bump."
It is used as money in some parts of the tribal world
although there is no evidence that the Ojibwe ever did so.
Within the context of the midewiwin it is considered
extremely sacred.
Like the midewiwin symbols the miigis is multivocal.
In one version of the migration legend (Warren, 1970:87-
88) a "Great Megis" appears to the people four consecutive
times, always in the west. It appears and disappears -
its last appearance being on the western end of the south
shore of Lake Superior. The people follow it until they
arrive at their present location. In another myth in which
Bear is struggling to bring the "Pack of Life" to the
people he is stopped by a large body of water and transfers
the pack to the Great Miigis who continues the journey
(Dewdney, 1975:33). In the migration account the shell is
a white, gleaming object that reflects the brightness of
the sun as it leads the people on to the west, before it,
like the celestial sun, disappears beyond the horizon. We
are familiar with another version of the migration in which
a white crane leads the people westward, by making four
stops and cries, along the route. One researcher reports
245
that the crane has an eye that "is the sun." (Reagan,
1912, referred to in Dewdney, 1975:53). Dewdney concludes
that:
The Megis, reflecting the sun, the Crane, and the

Sun itself are therefore, interchangeable and
allegorically synonymous, and even the Council's
Agent, who conveys the actual Mide message -
whether Bear or Otter - shares in these figurative
associations (Ibid.).
The sun, as a bright, gleaming force is important as
a cause of the people's migration. A theme in the versions
of the migration myth is that the people keep moving toward
the gleaming, white color. The miigis, the sun, and the
crane all signify this quality of whiteness.
In chapter five I established a structural similarity
between the miigis, the initiation fees and the mythical
pack of life. We saw that the pack of life represents the
midewiwin. The miigis is perhaps the foremost symbol of
the midewiwin and as such ±t symbolizes both the pack of
life and the midewiwin. (It follows paradoxically, that
in the myth wherein the Great Miigis helps Bear by taking
the Pack of Life onto his back that the miigis carries
himself to the people. In this instance the miigis becomes

both the signifier and the signified.) Structurally, these
three associated symbols (miigis, fees and pack of life)
represent a third character that mediates between two
opposing poles (the people and the manidoog). This
246
tripartite system lies at the base of midewiwin myth and
ritual.
Beyond the characteristics and metaphorical relation
ships just discussed, the miigis has also been considered
as a stone (Densmore, 1973a:76; Landes, 1968:123). The
shell's size and hardness have a pebble-like quality. The
original people are often described as being covered with
a hard, white, gleaming enamel-like material that signifies
their immortality. This is lost when they acquire death

but it is mythically gained back with the shell shooting
in the ritual. This enamel covering is a valued charac
teristic held by manidoog in the midewiwin. The gleaming,
white features of the otter, crane, bear, eagle, sun and

miigis, all play instrumental roles in bringing the
midewiwin, i.e., the "enamel" to the people.
This theme seems related to other references of a
similar nature that can be found in North American ethno
graphy. For example, the Episcopal missionary, Gilfillan,
reports that in the middle of the last century at Red Lake,
Minnesota, the Ojibwe covered their shoulders and backs
with white clay during the summer months (1901:62). This
favored enamel covering also is similar to the "coats of
riches," possessed by otters in Tlingit myths, that would
be given to people (Ldvi-Strauss, 1974:199-214). More
recently, in the 19th century (and experiencing a revival
today), female dancers at Ojibwe powpows wear dresses
247
covered with shiny, rolled lids from snuff (tobacco) cans.
These gleaming tin cones emit a gentle sound like rattling
| icicles when the women dance. To anyone familiar with
Ojibwe mythology the appearance of such a dancer coupled
with her sound and the drumbeat in the background, is
reminiscent of the white, gleaming characters of the myth.
A similar phenomenon is found with the Ojibwe concep
tion of copper. References to metal and its hard quality
as a strength that aids people in life can be found in
Ojibwe literature (Landes, 1968:149). Warren (1970:98-99)
says copper is sacred to the Ojibwe and thus, it is used
only for religious purposes, such as in a midewiwin cere
mony when shiny pendants are worn by the actors. The
bright, yellow hardness of copper is not unlike the hard
enamel covering of the manidoog.
The shooting of the miigis brings death to the candi
date but allows him to live again, with the enamel covering.
This pattern of life after death is similar to a theme in
the Ojibwe world view about reciprocity, life and death.
Recall how the reciprocal relation between humans and non
humans that involves the use of power, offerings and
exchanges, allows animals to continue living after being
killed by the hunters.
Running throughout all of Ojibwe mythology and very
prominent in the midewiwin is the theme of the positiveness
of a gleaming, bright quality. Kohl tinderstood this in the
early part of the 19th century. He was told that when the
first people were given the midewiwin it was brought in:
a white hare-skin, the feathers of a white-headed

eagle, and a medicine-sack of white otter-skin.
These contained all the Indian medicines and bene
factions of the Great Spirit to mankind. And from
this time white became a sacred colour among the
Indians (1957:414-415).
White is not the only color used in the midewiwin.
One myth (Landes, 1968:98-39) tells how the layers of the
earth are associated with colors. The lowest layer is
black, the second red, the third yellow and the top is
white. These colors suggest, perhaps, the movement of
the miigis from the lowest layer - sometimes referred to
as a dark place - to the highest, i.e., to the white,
central place between the sky and earth. In M-2 the
stone brother of the trickster is a black stone, perhaps
because of his association with death. These references
are intriguing but they are too limited to attempt an
analysis.
Other than white, two colors that are found through
out midewiwin myth and ritual are red and blue. Coleman
(1937:38) calls red and blue the Ojibwe "tribal colors."
Members can decorate their faces with these colors, accord
ing to their rank (Hoffman, 1891:180-181). Cedar posts
inside the lodge can also be painted with them and one
account (Barnouw, 1960:90) tells of *-ed and blue marks
being painted upon the candidate's body to mark where the
shells should be shot. Throughout the literature red has
associations with the earth (= female) and blue with the
sky (= male), and although William Mustache, Sr. agrees
with this he is quick to say that there are three colors
used in the midewiwin. (The third he identified by point-
ing to the sun as he moved his arm across the sky from
east to west.) Together with red and blue the bright,
white and yellow color of the sun forms the tripartite
system of midewiwin color symbolism. I have suggested
that the white characters in midewiwin myth and ritual
have centering roles in midewiwin drama. As a central
color, white, like water, mediates between the earth (red)
and sky (blue).
Ritually, contrasting colors, like red and blue in
the Ojibwe case, signify differentiation and periodicity
(Ldvi-Strauss, 1970:324-325). White, as the totality of
all colors, signifies the union or transcendence of this
differentiation and periodicity. It helps establish the
numinous characteristic of the cosmic center.
Along with this valued color of whiteness, the miigis
has another important characteristic. As a centration
symbol the shell joins the opposing traits of male and
female. The small white shell is shot from the midewiwin
sacks like semen from the male organ. Yet the shell has
a vagina-like opening and can give birth to young. The
miigis has the ability to mythically reproduce itself.
250
Shells, when wrapped up and left alone for a lengthy
period of time are reported to produce offspring (Densmore,
1973a:79-80; Dewdney, 1975:47; Fortune, 1932:109; Landes,
1968:170). Thus, both male and female sexual traits are
found (collapsed) in the symbol of the shell, and this
makes it a powerful symbol of reproduction in the mide-

/
wiwin.
Midewiwin Bags
The last symbol I will discuss is the medewiwin bag.
These have been introduced in previous chapters. Recall
that they are made from the skins of various animals and
birds and are used as the container of the miigis in shell
shooting ritual. In one version of the myth the first bag
is depicted as a live, white otter, and many references in
the literature are to bags made from this animal. These
bags are often elaborately decorated with quill and bead-

work.
When used to shoot the shell they are held at the hip
level, the right hand underneath the bag's mid-section and
the left under the head. These bags have been referred to
as guns (Bamouw, 1960:92). Usually the priest makes
three forward thrusts before the shell is expelled on the
fourth. This activity, according to Densmore (1973a:44),
is the "climax of the entire ceremony" and it "draws
heavily on the resources of the person performing it and
251
is very exhausting." She says that in the ritual the
priest approaches the initiate:
thrusting the medicine bag toward him and ejacu

lating with great vehemence. It is difficult
to describe this ejaculation, which is not loud
but very forceful, with a peculiar throbbing tone.
It is exceedingly impressive and the hearer can
not fail to realize that the entire power of the
speaker is being projected toward the person
under treatment (p. 44).
These bags carry the power of the midewiwin. One is
reported to have the "power to drive together the animals
from all parts of the earth" (Densmore, 1973a:85) - a
centering ability. All bags are extremely valuable per

sonal property and are usually buried with their owners
(Densmore, 1970:93). Structurally they are synthetic
symbols, i.e., they facilitate the union of humans and
non-human manidoo power sources. They are mediatory also
since they, like the miigis, represent at once, both male
and female traits. As elongated objects that shoot small
power-laden white shells they are phallic. (Ldvi-Strauss
suggests that phallic figures mediate between male and
female (1967:222).) At the same time they are containers
that hold the shells in their "wombs." As noted above,
when the bags are stored away for periods of time, as
during the winter months, they can be opened later to
expose a parent shell with its newborn offspring.
252
Summary
A theme of mediation between opposites runs through
out the pattern of midewiwin symbols. The scene in which
the opposing poles are mediated is constructed in the
lodge. The cedar pole mediates the eight layers of the
universe and facilitates the movement of the pack of life
to the center. The drum (with its stick) and the rattles
serve as voices that move between the people and the
manidoo world and their sounds are almost constant during
the ceremony. The invitation sticks, like the primal
council’s emissaries move from the center out to the peri
phery of the Ojibwe world and then back to the center as
they bring the people with them. As the cardinal manidoog
come to the central manidoo council, so do the people come

to the initiation.
The stone, too, plays a synthetic role with its union
of opposites, as does the miigis and its sack. The theme
of protection through enamelling is found in these three
symbols. The enamel is a glistening white color and it
makes the center of the universe a gleaming, white place.
Recall the mound of silvery beach sand that is spread over
the floor's center in the sweat lodge, and also that the
center of the floor in the initiation lodge is sanded.
Recall too, the food pail with the bright, highly polished
silvery lid that is given to the priest and placed in the
lodge's center. We have seen that food used in the rites
253
has a structural association with the miigis, and as such,
it mythically takes on this bright, glistening quality.
Primarily it is the high (= male, sky, blue) and low
(= female, earth, red) poles that are mediated by this
whiteness, but all opposing characters, the horizontal as
well as the vertical, are affected. Whiteness, in other
words, symbolizes cosmic centration.
The midewiwin symbols first help to construct the
cosmos, and then through the behavior of the actors in the
ritual collapse it to a center point. Spatial and temporal
movement occurs along both the horizontal and vertical
axes, finally concluding at the center. The pattern of
these symbols is reminiscent of that found in Ojibwe sub
sistence practices, social organization and world view.

We have seen that Ojibwe subsistence practices evince
a binary structure in the sexual division of labor. The
products of the endeavors of both parties move along the
axis of this relationship. The male provides food largely
in the form of meat and the female provides, primarily, the
vegetal food and the fish. Structurally, these different
male-procured and female-procured food resources flow
against each other along this relationship. The food
unites the opposing male and female poles.
Two categories in the social organization, the mar
riageable persons (the category of Ego's parallel cousins)
and the non-marriageable persons (the category of Ego's
cross cousins) compose the most comprehensive social units
for the Ojibwe. Marriage mediates these two categories.
Since children are a reproductive "product" of marriage,
the Ojibwe child stands as a mediatory agent in the social
organization as the food resources stand in the structure
of subsistence practices.
The Ojibwe world view is also structured upon a binary
relationship. In this instance it is the categories of
human persons and other-than-human persons that stand
opposed to each other. Here the relationship is mediated
by the transfer of power from the manidoog to the people
in return for tobacco and other fees. ("The Ojibwe offer
tobacco, whiskey and sometimes food to manidoog at times
throughout the year other than during the midewiwin rites.)
In all three aspects of Ojibwe culture - subsistence
practices, social organization and world view - we find
a dual organization. The opposing poles are mediated by
a third category to form a tripartite system. This third
category is signified by food, children, manidoo power and
fees (tobacco, food, etc.):
I
255
food female
marriageable non-marriageable
children
persons persons
We find, in each of the three cases, a system com
prised of two terms and a third one that maintains their
relationship. The third term is more complex than the
initial two and it establishes a harmony, or equilibrium
between them. In our three cases the food, children,
manidoo power and fees all signify this harmonizing rela
tionship. Without this third term each set of opposing
poles would not form a system. If a male and female pair
would not cooperate in the food quest neither one could
function in their expected sex roles in Ojibwe culture.
Also, if a married couple would not produce offspring
their relationship would be considered unusual and pro
bably not persist since as in most tribal cultures an
Ojibwe marriage is expected to produce offspring. And in
the third case the relationship between humans and manidoo
would not be meaningful without the transfer of power.
256
With the deterioration of the third term the relationship
of the two polar terms would atrophy.
The symbols of the midewiwin are similar in function
to the symbols of this third category. I have argued that
virtually all midewiwin symbols are mediatory; their final
purpose is to facilitate the exchange of fees and power
between the Ojibwe and the manidoo world. We have seen
that a structural similarity exists between the food and
other fees used in the midewiwin ceremony, the candidate,
the miigis and the pack of life. (Recall how the candi
date was conceptualized as being part of the composite of
sacrifices during the initiation.) During both the pre
paratory rites and the public ceremony the candidate was
referred to as a child right up to the time of the shell-
shooting activity. In the myth the child was the product
of the primal sexual union of the sky and earth (in M-l
it was the sun and the earth-woman who had intercourse) ,
and often this child was a major character in both the
coming of death to the Ojibwe and in the first initiation
into the midewiwin. This child-mediato’r role in the
midewiwin is similar to the child-mediator role in the
social organization.
This pattern of replication is also evident in the
structures of the Ojibwe world view and the midewiwin.
Clearly, the mediatory role of the exchange of power and
fees between human persons and non-human persons in the
257
world view is replicated by the exchange of the miigis
for the fees in the ritual.
If I have interpreted the structure of the myth and
ritual of the midewiwin properly, what this analysis has
uncovered is the mediation of a dual structure by a third
component. This tripartite system replicates that found
in Ojibwe subsistence practices, social organization and
world view, and it follows that the structure of the
midewiwin myth and ritual serves, among other things, to
substantiate this structure of Ojibwe culture.
CHAPTER EIGHT
SUMMARIES, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS
Introduction
In my analysis of midewiwin myth and ritual I have
presented patterns of interaction which at times must be
interpreted as deriving from ideas and motivations that
are not explicitly expressed by the actors. Midewiwin
ritualists and myth tellers are often unaware of most of
these patterns because their interest is in the goal of
the activity moreso than in any abstract underlying struc
ture of relations. Perhaps all behavior has an ideational
component and with ritual behavior in particular, this
involves ideas and relationships that the actors and myth

tellers cannot explain because of the unconscious nature
of these patterns. To the outside observer it may be
difficult to interpret the ritual and myths in a way that
meaningfully connects them to conditions in the real world.
This problem has been evident in past attempts to explain
the midewiwin. Even when the actors are able to share
some of the beliefs that underlie the institution with
observers it is still difficult to relate the ritual action
to the external world. This difficulty in understanding
258
259
points to the existence of the underlying ideational com
ponents. In my analysis I viewed ritual largely as
symbolic action in which aspects of these components sur

faced as symbols that the actors manipulated to achieve
their goals.
The authenticity of the structure I have presented
may be questioned, but I reiterate, however, the point
made in chapter seven about pattern. Until this research
the midewiwin and its symbols has not been subjected to

an indepth analysis by using the structural method. I
acknowledge the complexity of an institution like the mide
wiwin and recognize that my conclusions are tenative.
However, I have attempted to analyze the myths and ritual
within the specific context of Ojibwe culture and in doing

this I agree with Turner (1967:26-27) when he says the
anthropologist can bring a perspective to a problem that
lends credence to his conclusions. The ritualists and myth
tellers for most purposes are not concerned with this
perspective, but this does not obviate its application.
From the beginning of this analysis I have assumed the
existence of the midewiwin within the context of Ojibwe
culture. When using the concept "Ojibwe culture" I am not
asserting that a single homogeneous system is found
throughout all of the geographic regions identified in
chapter two. Recall that I said my analysis speaks mainly
to the southwestern Ojibwe. However, considerable cultural
260
diversity can still be found even within this region.
Those communities adjacent to Lake Superior, for example,
have somewhat different patterns of subsistence procure
ment than those further inland such as in central Minnesota.
We also find variation in midewiwin myth and ritual within
this region. This diversity has been a major problem in
past attempts at achieving an understanding of Ojibwe
culture that generally applies to all Ojibwe communities.
Roufs (1984:36-37) says that researchers have been
guilty of "perpetuating the myth that an Ojibwa monoculture
exists in a way that ethnographers and others can meaning
fully scrutinize, analyze, and evaluate." It must be
recognized that my analysis of the midewiwin may be
included in this indictment. However, according to Ldvi-
Strauss, it is one of the merits of the structural method
that it has applications across cultural boundaries. If
this is correct then the method has even greater applic
ability to the Ojibwe communities which, accepting their
diversity, still share great linguistic and other cultural
similarities. Rather than accuse this present analysis of
assuming the existence of an Ojibwe monoculture, I suggest
it should be recognized that it may exhibit an analytical
method that could have broader applicability to the study
of other aspects of Ojibwe culture. If this were attempted
perhaps we would recognize, especially at a structural
261
level, greater commonalities in Ojibwe adaptation than
expected.
Some of the difficulty in our understanding of tribal
religion and its ceremonies has been our propensity to

treat "primitive" ritual as cult-like activity that
attempts to coerce and cause magical effects (Douglas,
1975:58-72). This Frazerian approach can be found in the
early references to the midewiwin, but also in Hoffman's
monograph and to some extent even in Landes' later publi
cation. It was viewed as a complex of rituals meant to
effect an immediate change - the curing of patients. This
approach is best seen in Ritzenthaler's work (1953:182-185)
in which the midewiwin is considered as a rite to cure
illness, with few other implications.
My analysis implies a broader range of meaning and
functions for the midewiwin. The institution and its
associated myths offers a construction and explanation of
the universe. While its ritual gives a definite form to
the institution this must not be viewed as a flaw or short
coming, but rather as a legitimate aspect of its impor
tance. Ritual form "focusses attention by framing; it
enlivens the memory and links the present with the relevant
past" (Douglas, 1974:64). The complex ritual of both the
preparatory and public rites is not "empty." On the con
trary, woven around the items and persons within the lodges
262
it is instrumental in making the cosmos meaningful to the
people.
When it is remembered that tribal myth and ritual
emerged out of "a practical interest in living and not an
academic interest in metaphysics. . . then their whole
significance alters" (Ibid.:89). Ojibwe life must always
have been oriented in an elemental way to the issue of the

relationship between manidoo power sources and humans.
Recognizing that the food sources of the Ojibwe are all
part of the manidoo world, and that a particular pattern
of human social relationships is needed to secure food,
the parallel between human and non-human relationships in
the midewiwin and those in other aspects of the cultural
system becomes apparent. Tanner (1975:214) is referring
to the Ojibwe's northern neighbors, the Cree, when he says
their "Ritual symbolism is not overtly aimed at the formu
lation of ideological messages but ostensibly at acting
upon the environment. . .", but he could have said this
about the Ojibwe as well.
A Structural Meaning of the Midewiwin
In the following discussion I present conclusions
about the meaning of the midewiwin. These are recognized
as being speculatory at times and are at most, offered as
suggestions. As I have done in the preceding chapters, I
limit my approach to the structural method and in particular
263
attempt to relate my findings to interpretations of myth
and ritual offered by Ldvi-Strauss.
Reproduction
I have stressed a theme of journeying in the myths.
The manidoog journeyed to the center to form the council,
the emissaries journeyed out to find the first initiate
and they also j oumeyed to bring the midewiwin to the
people. It is as if the major theme of the midewiwin myths
concerns this movement out to the periphery of the cosmos
followed by a movement back to a center point. This
pattern was replicated by several different characters at
different times in the myth. We also saw that this was
repeated several times by different actors and objects in
the ritual.
This theme is similar to the structure of movement
found in Ojibwe subsistence practices. During the winter
season the male hunter journeys out from the central lodge
in search of game. This is brought back to the lodge where
the female works it up, transforming it into food. Like
wise, in the ritual, the candidate brings food (fees) to
the initiation lodge and in the myth the emissary journeys
out to locate the initiate and then brings him back to the
manidoo council. In all cases there, has been a journey,
or search, for a commodity that was brought back to a cen

tral starting.spot.
264
An implicit sexuality is evident in all of these
cases of journeying. The male hunter goes out away from
the lodge, he returns to the female with the game, and she
transforms it into food. If the patterns in the myth and
ritual are derived from this pattern in the subsistence
practices, then both emissary and the candidate "are male"
when they bring their "packs of life" to the lodge. Like
the hunter the council's emissary represents the male
principle as he goes out, away from the center to "hunt"
for the first initiate. He comes back, bringing the candi
date. Similarly, Bear and Eagle bring their packs of life
and also, in the ritual, the candidate brings his fees.
These characters bring their burdens back as the hunter
brings the game to the lodge. This game is manipulated by
the female to produce food. Metaphorically, this is the
same activity that occurs when the priest shoots the candi
date with the shell in the lodge. The candidate, as the
female principle, receives the shell and "works it up"
(transforms it) - recall how he spits up the shell after
being shot. This can be seen as a symbolic birth. After
the impregnation by the shell a new person, a child (= the
regurgitated shell) is b o m . Metaphorically, this is not
unlike the woman receiving the hunter's game and transform

ing it into food.
The hunter's game, the emissary's first initiate,
Bear's and Eagle's packs of life, and the candidate's fees
265
and the priest's shell all signify a commodity essential
to the continuance of Ojibwe culture. Recall how in the
myth the first initiate is often depicted as a child and
how in the ritual the candidate is referred to as a child.
The regurgitation of the shell by the candidate, and later
by all members inside the lodge, expresses the birth of
this child. This commodity (child, shell, game, pack of
life, fees, etc.) is the goal of all of the male-joumeying
and female-manipulating. Metaphorically, it is a reinact-
ment of the sun's primal journey to earthwoman which leads
to the emergence of the first people. It is a reduplica
tion of the union of polar categories of sky and earth.
Using metaphors from subsistence practices, it is the
female netting principle working to catch the male piercing
principle. The male journey has a piercing characteristic
and the female role assumes a netting, or engulfing stance.
While the sun impregnates the earth, the earth catches the
sun (contains it) to transform its burden into a necessary
commodity, i.e., a child. This pattern is similar to that
found in the relation between the two major components of
Ojibwe social organization. The two exogamous social
groups are united by marriage which produces the necessary

commodity, the children.
This movement and manipulation (= piercing and net
ting) can be called the Ojibwe quest for life (Hocart,
1936). The mythic canoe trip that is acted out in the
266
ritual is a metaphor for this quest, and what is being
sought is signified by the white gleaming object (= miigis,
food, fees, child, etc.). This commodity is a centralizing
commodity.
Fire, Noise and Mediation
Ldvi-Strauss (1970) states that myth relates a cosmic
or meteorological order to a cultural or social order.
Some mediation for example, is required between sky and
earth to control their relationships just as it is needed

between male and female, or between other social categor
ies. The extreme disjunction or extreme conjtonetion of
earth and sky would be chaotic just like the extreme dis
junction or conjunction of the human social categories.
This idea lies behind the fear of solar and lunar eclipses
and climatological phenomena like prolonged droughts or
especially long and harsh winters. In these cases the
relation of the earth to celestial bodies is not proper
and needs to be changed.
The fear of the union of earth and sky is found in
the myths of Eastern and Western Subarctic cultures in
Canada and in some Northern Plains groups. Likewise, an
Ojibwe myth tells of a solar eclipse and how men shoot
fire-arrows at the sun in an attempt to help it regain its
light (Frazer, 1967:90). A fear of an earth/sun total
conjunction often has to do with drought in South American
267
mythology, but in Ojibwe culture this might be expressed
as a fear of a prolonged winter caused by an extended dis
junction of the earth and sun. In contrast to South
American mythology where actors attempt to increase the
disjunction of the sun and earth to ease the drought, in
the climatological zone of the northern hemisphere the
intent would be to shorten winter by enticing the sun
closer to the earth. This could explain why the midewiwin
initiation ceremony is traditionally held in spring and
fall (Bamouw, 1977:6; Densmore, 1973a:13; Hoffman, 1891:
224-225,258; Warren, 1970:100,265). The Ojibwe may be
trying to speed up the coming of spring or prolong the
coming of fall by effecting the closeness of the sun to the
earth. Winter is a time of isolation and often of hardship
and hunger. In times of extreme deprivation people can be
submitted to the terror imposed by wiindigoog, mythic
cannibalistic icemonsters that prey upon the people during
the depths of this season (Landes, 1968:7; Parker, I960:
602-623).
Midewiwin ritual is a reenactment of Sion's journey
to Earthwoman. In spring it can be an attempt to mythi
cally alter the relation of Sun and Earth, putting an end
to winter (a disjunction of these two) and in fall it can
be an attempt to prolong the conjunction of summer and
forestall the disjunction of winter. Perhaps this is at
the base of claims about the powerful and dangerous nature
j
268
of the midewiwin. It deals with the relationship of the
sun and the earth - a truly astronomical endeavor.
A goal of the midewiwin is to alter the seasonal
rhythm of this relationship, or put another way, to effect
its periodicity. Hallowell (1964:58-59) argues that the
Ojibwe do not conceptualize the sun as being controlled by
a natural law; there is no guarantee it will rise and set
on time on a daily or seasonal basis. They see it as a
"person of the other-than-human class" and like all per
sons it does not behave in a strictly predictable way. He
goes on to say that an Ojibwe mythic person once snared
the sun causing darkness until the people helped achieve
its release. Likewise, he tells of an Ojibwe story in
which two old men boasted of their power. One was able to
make the sun go down, right after it had risen, just by
ordering it to do so.
At this point we need to examine a mythic character
called Cutfoot, who was mentioned only in passing in
chapter three. Cutfoot is the name given to a character in
Ojibwe mythology who at times is a young boy, a grown man,
and later an aged man (Dewdney, 1975:34-36,54-56,98-99,
173-174; Landes, 1968:95, 101,109-111,113). Dewdney feels
that all of the references by Hoffman, Densmore, Skinner,
Landes and his own informant, James Red Sky, to a young
boy as the first initiate to the midewiwin are about this
character. Landes tells of the midewiwin being taught to
269
"the primordial Indian Cutfoot in an eight years' series
of visions" (1968:95). Dewdney (1975:173) sums up the
theme of what he calls the Cutfoot legends:
Somewhere along the shore of a large body of water

a baby (or small boy) living with his parents (or
foster parents) grows up and becomes strongly
attached to a brother (foster brother, or cousin)
who becomes ill (dies). The boy (young man) has
a vision (is kidnapped by a Manito who instructs
him) and teaches the parents the rites that result
in curing (bringing back to life) the sick (dead)
child (young man) .
Another reference to Cutfoot (Landes, 1968:113) is
in a myth about the origin of sleep. Landes' informant
says this myth is told during midewiwin ceremonies by an
official at the close of every night session, just before
everyone left the lodge. Here Cutfoot is portrayed as
an old man who is the first Ojibwe to sleep. This myth
is about the coming of sleep to the people but it is also
explicitly about the rhythmic relation between day and
night as caused by the periodic coming and going of the
sun. Thus, we see that Cutfoot is mediatory in two ways:
as a character who is agency for both the coming of the
midewiwin, and for the establishment of periodicity

between day and night.
The name, Cutfoot, suggests a person with an injured
foot; someone who probably limps. Recalling that Cutfoot
is the son of Earthwoman it is interesting to note that
Ldvi-Strauss (1967:212) says that, "In mythology it is a
universal characteristic of men born of the Earth that at
270
the moment they emerge from the depth they either cannot
walk or they walk clumsily." Elsewhere (1970:53) he
argues that limping as a form of pathology is valid in
mythology; in fact sickness, etc., is often attributed a
positive significance - the sick, lame, etc., - "embody
means of mediation. . ." between life and death. He also
notes (1974:460-464) that in mythology "Limping is every-
\ .ore associated with seasonal change." He goes on to
offer a hypothesis,.admittedly exploratory in nature, about
the structural implications of mythical limping. He sees
limping "as a reflection, or more accurately as a dia-
gramatic expression, of the desired imbalance" between
climatic periods like dry and wet seasons, and winter and
summer. A normal gait could be a symbolic representation
of the regular periodicity of seasons. A desi.re to change
this periodicity in order to extend one season to the
detriment of another, could be represented by a limping
gait. From this perspective the Ojibwe Cutfoot may be a
signifier for the expression of the desired imbalance
between the seasons - the desire to extend summer and
shorten winter. Since Cutfoot is clearly involved in the
relation between Sun and Earth that establishes the regu
larity of day and night it seems plausible to extend this
mediatory role to the periodicity of seasonal change as
well. It appears that the Ojibwe Cutfoot legends support
271
Ldvi-Strauss1 hypothesis about the relationship between
limping and seasonal change.
It is noteworthy that the Cutfoot character signifies
both youth and age. As a mediatory signifier it contains
aspects of both these opposing poles. We saw in Hoffman's
description of fourth degree ritual, how the candidate
(= a child) assumes the character of the cleansing manidoo
the aged skeleton-man who approaches the lodge from the
east with a bow and arrows. This collapsing of polar
oppositions is similar to the semantic equivalence we find
along the vertical axis of the Ojibwe kinship terminology
system in which the concepts great-grandchild and great-
grandparent are merged in a common term of address.
This same phenomena occurs with the Cutfoot symbol in
the case of the opposition between the male and female
principles. In the myth Cutfoot is both the initiate
(an expression of the female principle) and the emissary
who brings the midewiwin to the people (= the male princi
ple). In the eight visions of Landes' primordial Cutfoot
he is the adult male who returns, after being taken as a
child, to bring the midewiwin to the people just as Bear,
Eagle and the other emissaries did. Thus, the Cutfoot
character is similar to other figures in midewiwin myths
who bring together opposing characteristics.
The absence of fire in the midewiwin is curious. The
symbolism of fire is important in much of North and South
272
American ethnography, but its ritual role in the midewiwin
is never explicitly stated. I found only two references to
fires being located inside the lodge. Densmore (1973a:35)
says they are optional and are used only to warm the
participants in case of cold weather, and Kinietz (1947:
189) agrees. Fire is used in sweat lodge ritual to heat
the stones and in both the preparatory and public rites to
cook the food, but these tasks are accomplished in areas
peripheral to the center of ritual activity and nowhere in
the literature is this cooking activity even minimally
described. Ldvi-Strauss (1970) argues that in South
American mythology domestic cooking fire symbolically
mediates a proper relation between the sun and earth, or
finally, culture and nature. I do not intend to attempt
to relate the structure of the midewiwin fire symbolism
to this conclusion but I do suggest that the role of fire,
although perhaps implicit, may be important in understand
ing the structure of this institution. In the following
passages I will begin to explore this role by suggesting
that midewiwin sweat lodge stones may represent both food

and children.
In chapter five I posited a structural association
between food and the miigis. In turn, the miigis has an
association with the sacred midewiwin stone. The sweat
lodge stones are prepared by fire as a cooking fire pre
pares food. (It is interesting to note that Landes says
273
cedar wood is used to make the sweat lodge fire (1968:119),
and that a Minnesota informant refers to the few hours
spent with a large fire that heats sweat lodge stones as
Mthe time for cooking the rocks.") In chapter four I said
that the sweat lodge ritual mystically collapses the para
meters of the universe. Inside the lodge the sun and the
earth are joined. This union is also evident just prior
to the people's entrance to the sweat lodge when the sun's
fire cooks the earth's rocks in the fire outside the

lodge. Recall how the steam from the heated stones repre
sents the influence of the miigis, the breath of life,
fog, tobacco smoke, and so forth. These cooked stones are
transformed by the fire (through the union of Sky and
Earth) into symbolic food. Since the midewiwin food,
tobacoo, fees, etc., are structurally associated with the
candidate, and since the candidate is a child, the cooked
stones with their steam represent children, i.e., the
children from the primal union of Sion and Earthwoman. If
this can be accepted then sweat lodge ritual is similar in
its reproductive symbolism to the shell shooting ritual of
the midewiwin initiation ceremony. In both cases the
mythic creation of the first people is being replicated.
One more component needs to be added to the above
argument: the aspect of noise. Levi-Strauss (1970) finds

a relation between the symbolism of the cooking fire and
noise. He feels that along with the proper relation that
21k
the fire establishes between the earth and the sun "comes
a cautious attitude toward noise" (p. 293). This is unlike
the role of noise in the cases of a solar eclipse and a
charivari. It is demanded during an eclipse to mediate
the sion and earth, and likewise in a charivari to mediate

3
a couple united in a reprehensible marriage. In these
cases the relationship of two opposing poles is unaccept
able - without the mediators they could separate to total
disjunction or collapse to total conjunction. Both such
outcomes would terminate the system.
The cooking fire mediates between Sun and Earth by
effecting both a conjunctive and a disjunctive union.
Sun and Earth are joined, yet separated in a proper rela
tionship. This relation of harmonious equilibrium (a

proper conjunction and a proper disjunction) allows for
the existence of culture. A situation of total disjunction
is like total conjunction: in either case there is no
systematic relation between poles since both extremes
cancel out the opposing terms. Noise attempts to restore
the system by properly relating the poles.
Since the cooking fire allows for a proper relation
between sun and earth, noise is to be avoided during cook
ing because it could alter this relationship. While I have
no data on what occurs in midewiwin ritual at the times the
food and stones are being cooked, it is clear that silence
275
is prescribed during the times when the food is being
served and eaten, and during the smoking rituals.
We have seen that noise (drumming, rattling and sing
ing) is integral to midewiwin ritual. While these expres
sions of sound are almost constant, especially in the
public rite, it must be noted that the entire complex of
ritual (sweat lodge, preparatory and public rites) is per
formed in a subdued, quiet manner. Even at the high point
of activity (the shell shooting) there is a lack of loud,
forceful noise. Recall also, how the singing during the
rites is done in a chant-like fashion. Only after the
shell shooting scene, when the initiation is said in
effect, to be over, does the occasion take on a louder,
more festive nature (Densmore, 1973a:48-50).
Drumming has been associated with rites of passage
(Needham, 1972) and this relates well to the midewiwin

instance of drumming since the candidate (and by extension
the entire Ojibwe community) is moving from a mortal to an
immortal state. However, with the midewiwin, drumming
and numerous other expressions of noise may be signifying
more than a rite of passage. Throughout the literature
noise is associated with several actors and events. It
announces an approaching sky manidoo (Densmore, 1973a:129-
130). The emissary Bear when coming to the center with his
pack of life is covered with gleaming miigis shells and
makes a sound "like rattling icicles" (Landes, 1968:100).
276
(This is not a lone instance. Virtually all of the
emissaries emit sounds when coming to the center.) The
otter shouts, and the crane cries out as it approaches
the earth during the migration from the east. Bowman, as
Bear, barks as he makes his repetitious circuits inside
the lodge, the child initiate cries out as does the elderly
cleansing manidoo in the fourth degree ritual. Water, too,
is noisy. Recall that water is a recurrent theme in the
myth, song and ritual. Densmore (1973a:40) says it is
"usually presented as in action - bubbling, flowing, seeth
ing, or casting up the white Mide shells."
These examples of noise all seem to be announcing the
approach of a spiritual force. Ritualists and myth tellers
have the problem of how to depict this force, and they
choose images of winds, breath, and the like for this pur
pose. Air and wind can befelt and their actions can be
seen as, for example, moving flags and swaying tree tops,
but they may also be heard. This acoustic characteristic
seems to be at work in the midewiwin. The Ojibwe use of
sound, motion and color as a composite of symbols for a
spiritualistic presence is noted by Kohl (1957:230) when
he speaks of a burial site he saw near an Ojibwe village.
Three tall poles with white flags were placed by three
graves on a windy hill by a lake. He writes: "These ever-
fluttering, ever moving, flags over the graves are highly
symbolical: they doubtlessly refer to an existence beyond
the grave, the immortality of the living soul.”
Ldvi-Strauss (1970:295) attempts to relate ritualis
tic chanting to instances of total conjunction, suggesting
that neither silence nor noise are apropos in such an
instance but that chanting is acceptable since it is an
acoustic behavior that is "halfway between silence and
noise." He sees chanting as a "sacred modality" of noise.^
The midewiwin chanting would be similar since it occurs
at the time of the union of Sun and Earth. Rattles come
to mind at this point too; they make noise and effect con
junction. (Recall how I suggested that the structure of
the rattle may represent the male and female reproductive
embrace.)
Other instances of midewiwin noise may signify con
junction. This would explain an account of the shell
shooting ritual in which a group of people (mostly women)
are added to the rear of Bowman's troupe and are required
to "make a let of noise with their feet" during the time
while the shells are being shot into the initiate (Bamouw,
1960:82,91). Like the numerous other examples given the
noise of these foot shufflers seems to signify the pre
sence of manidoo power during the time of the reproductive

union of Sim and Earth.
Ldvi-Strauss (1970:299) notes that in both North and
South America "a natural incompatibility between eclipses
and culinary utensils" occurs. During an eclipse the food
278
kettles have to be turned over or dumped, and food is to
be hidden or thrown away. This is reminiscent of the
requirement in the midewiwin that all food (and tobacco and
water) has to be consumed and that all food utensils have
to be removed from the lodge before the shell shooting
rite. L6vi-Strauss attempts to explain this by suggesting
that noise is a violation of the sky, and a lack of
respect of food is a violation of the earth. Thus, he
feels a function of myths is to show "an isomorphic rela
tion between two types of order" (p. 316). In this
instance these are cosmic and cultural orders. This sup
posed similarity in orders also exists between the cosmic
and the social order. Using marriage as an example he
argues that "every marriage disturbs the equilibrium of
the social group" (p. 328). If after marriage a couple
remains childless, that union alters this equilibrium.

* *
However, the birth of a child to such a couple (who is a
potential marriage partner to a child from a different
family) serves to signal the "re-entry, into the cycle of
matrimonial exchanges, of a family that had been outside it
as long as it remained sterile" (Ibid.). The child
mediates the union of the couple (it establishes a certain
distance between them) as cooking fire and noise mediate
between the sky and earth. Structurally the child, fire
and noise all represent the third term that changes a dual
system into a tripartite system. This mediatory, or
centering role is what is structurally important about
the relational aspect of all the midewiwin symbols dis
cussed in the previous chapter.
In concluding this discussion on fire, noise and
mediation we see that these issues may have great applica
bility to the midewiwin. Mythologically the Ojibwe began
in a state of total conjunction with the manidoo world.
In this undifferentiated existence everything is in a
white, enamelled state. This is changed by the disjunc
tion of the coming of death - a process of differentiation;
the people are now set apart from the manidoog, clearly
demarcated as mortal beings. Then comes Cutfoot (and the
numerous other midewiwin heros) with his midewiwin to
restore the original conjunction. As the rhythm of
regular seasonal change from summer to winter repeats
itself, with its dialectic of intervals, so too does the
annual ritual of the midewiwin repeat itself as it works
to restore conjunction. What unfolds is a continual
sequence of conjunctive and disjunctive states between the
sun and earth, people and manidoog, and on lessor levels,
the other opposing semantic poles that make up the orders
of the Ojibwe world.
Research Problems and Implications for Future'Work
A methodological issue in my research relates to Levi-
Strauss' (1976:65) dictum that the analysis of a myth must
not be limited to the study of only a single myth, or a
corpus of related ones, but must be extended to include
the numerous transformations of the initially studied ver
sion. In my analysis I attempted to reply to this dictum
by using eight versions of the Ojibwe origin myth that tell
of the coming of the midewiwin. These eight versions are
explicitly related to each other since they all speak of
the origin of the midewiwin. I have not examined, however,
the entire corpus of Ojibwe myths. In principle, it should
be possible to test some of my interpretations against

this broader set of data.
A second issue concerns ritual. Although I restricted

my analysis of ritual to that of the midewiwin, it might
prove instructive to compare it with rituals of death,
childbirth, marriage, hunting, courtship, gathering, etc..
A case in point, for example, may be the reference by
Skinner (1920) to the Ojibwe use of marriage blankets.
These are deernides with a hole in the center that are
placed between the bride and groom on their wedding night.

They can perhaps be seen as symbols of separation, or
barriers that must remain between the couple (who represent

the sun and earth).
Two other problems of my methodology can be mentioned
although I suggest they, theoretically at. least, are not
really problems at all. One is the fact that I offered
281
summaries of the eight myths and the other is that I used
English translations of these versions. These are not
unrelated issues. My summaries are all from the literature,
and in most cases the myths were told in English to the
ethnographers by English speaking informants. I used sum
maries for the ease of the reader. Furthermore, in many
cases I incorporated data from the entire myth to enrich

and complete the discussion.
Yet, there is a more important point to be made about
myths and their translations. Ldvi-Strauss says (1981:
644) 11. . .every myth is by its very nature a translation
. . .", for "conter (to tell a story) is always conte
redire (to retell a story)." He goes on to say that a

myth:
does not exist in a language and in a culture or

sub-culture, but at their point of”articulation
with other languages and other cultures. There
fore a myth never belongs to its language, but
rather represents an angle of vision on to a
different language, and the mythologist who is
apprehending it through translation does not feel
himself to be in an essentially different position
from that of the native narrator or listener (p. 645).
Structurally, it is not the linguistically or cultur
ally constituted content of the myth that is of lasting
importance, but the nature of the organization of that
content. While a philogical study can enrich our under
standing of a myth, such a study, from a structural view
does not "essentially affect the semantic content" of the
myth (Ldvi-Strauss, 1981:645). It is in this sense that
myth "moves toward a particular content" (p. 629) rather
than itself being derived from that culturally constituted
content. Thus, it is the underlying structure of the myth
that organizes the scenes, characters and events that the
culture provides.
An early criticism of structural analysis is that it
works to uncover a structure in myth and religious ritual
while failing to meaningfully relate this to other aspects
of culture. Examples of ethnographic research that
address this problem are now beginning to appear (Clastres,
1977; Hugh-Jones, C., 1979; Hugh-Jones, P., 1979; Mosko,
1980; Tanner, 1979). In only a small way I tried to speak
to this problem in this present work. More needs to-be
attempted in exploring the relationship of the midewiwin
to both Ojibwe techno-economic systems and social organiza
tion. Cross-cultural study of versions of the midewiwin
in neighboring tribes may be an avenue towards greater

understanding of these relationships. Fortune1s study
(1932) of the Omaha, Hoffman's (1896) study on the
Menominee and Radin's work on the Winnebago (1911,1945)
all indicate that such a project would be beneficial.
Fortune's finding that the theme of symbolic death and
rebirth does not exist in the Omaha version of the mide
wiwin, and that the institution is used for political
| purposes is intriguing and calls for a comparative analy
sis. Likewise, Hoffman's hint that the remnants of a

%
phratry system are at work in the Menominee version, and
that the deceased have a major role in its ritual is
another case that needs analysis. Radin's extensive work
on the Winnebago version of the same institution should
also be considered.
At least two other issues come to light in this study
that call for further research. One is the role of women
in the midewiwin and the other is the complex of ideas
that I will label the "good versus evil" issue. Through
out all the literature we are told that both males and
females can join the midewiwin, and that both sexes take
part in the ritual. Yet, Ojibwe culture is said to be
oriented to male values and male related characteristics
(Landes, 1968). Women seem also to be expected to defer to
men in some of the ritual activity (Densmore, 1973a:44;
Hoffman, 1891:224). Still, female midewiwin priests
exist. What is needed is a study of the roles of females
in Ojibwe ritual and religion.
The second issue, "good versus evil," appears repeat
edly in the literature. Ethnographers often describe how
the midewiwin deals with an ongoing struggle between the
people and "The Evil One," or at least some unnamed nega
tive manidoo power, or powers. The Underground Panther,
snakes or serpent-like figures are mythic personages that
are sometimes portrayed as enemies of the midewiwin. This
entire issue is often expressed as the struggle between a
Great Spirit and a negative counterpart. Yet, references
can be found which say that aboriginally the Ojibwe held
no notion of a "Great" nor opposing "Bad" spirit (Baraouw,
1964; Grim, 1983:92; Vecsey, 1983:6). I suspect that the
polarity between good and evil that is so important in the
Western World was not originally as explicitly set forth

by the Ojibwe.
ENDNOTES
1. Of the several different names used by the early
Europeans and Americans to identify this tribe, the
words, Ojibwa, Ojibway, Chippewa and Otchipwe are
perhaps the most familiar. The Canadian communities
just north of the Great Lakes were called the Saul-
teaux while those in the plains were sometimes c,ailed
the Bungi. In their own language the people are known
as the Anishinaabeg s work I use the spelling,
Ojibwe, after Nichols and Nyholm (1979).
2. The midewiwin is being practiced in Michigan, Wiscon
sin and Minnesota in 1985, but I am unable to state
the number of practitioners. It seems likely that it
is found outside this three state region as well.
3. See Levi-Strauss (1970:285-299) for a discussion on
the role of noise in an eclipse and a charivari.
4. See Ldvi-Strauss (1970:185-299) for a detailed discus
sion of the nature and role of chanting in ritual.
285
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INFORMATION TO USERS

The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify notations which

1. Manuscripts may not always be complete. When it is not possible to obtain

3. Oversize m aterials (maps, drawings, and charts) are photographed by sec­

4. Most photographs reproduce acceptably on positive m icrofilm or micro­

Paap, Howard Dorsey

THE OJIBWE MIDEWIWIN: A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS

University of Minnesota Ph.D. 1986

HOWARD DORSEY PAAP

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

Gratitude is expressed to the faculty of the

Anthropology Department of the University of Minnesota.

Special recognition is given to Dr. John Ingham for his

support, and as a mentor, for his penetrating insights

into the nature and functioning of culture.

Also recognized are the contributions of the Oj ibwe

ethnographers, past and present, whose work has laid the

groundwork for current research. Especially noteworthy

are the efforts of Frances Densmore, Joseph Gilfillan,

John Grim, Walter Hoffman, A. I. Hallowell, Georg Kohl,

Ruth Landes and William Warren.

I acknowledge the patience of the Red Cliff Band of

Ojibwe Indians. Especially noteworthy are Gladys De Perry,

Delores Bainbridge, Mary Roy, Michael De Perry, John

Buffalo, Rose Buffalo and very importantly Walter Newago,

Sr., and Mike Newago. Also I am particularly respectful

of William "Pipe" Mustache, Sr., who shared the midewiwin.

I acknowledge the tireless aid of Patricia Loving,

a librarian par excellance.

Lastly, I acknowledge the perennial patience of my

family: Marlene who 'understands better than I, and Max,

of the earth and sky.

The Midewiwin: Myth and R i t u a l .......... 5

II. OJIBWE CULTURE.................................13

III. THE MIDEWIWIN ORIGIN M Y T H .................... 40

IV. MIDEWIWIN PREPARATORY RITUAL................. 106

V. THE PUBLIC RITE . . ........................ 149

VI. THE SKY LODGE, GHOST LODGE,AND SACRIFICE . . 194

VIII.SUMMARIES, CONCLUSIONS ANDIMPLICATIONS . . . 258

Introduction ............................ 258

REFERENCES CITED .................................. 286

1. Sweat Lodge P o s t s ............................. 112

2. Bowman's Dance................................. 113

3. Bowman's Second D a n c e ......................... 116

4. Steersman's D a n c e ............................. 121

5. Moving the D r u m ............................... 161

6. Hoffman's Path of Life......................... 186

7. The Path of Life............................... 187

8. Earth and Sky Lodges........................... 199

9. Path to Village of the D e a d ................... 207

10. Dual Structure of the Life and Death Lodges . 211

11. Nett Lake Scroll............................... 212

1. Themes of First Set of Myths................ 79

2. Themes of Complete Setof M y t h s ............. 99

The midewiwin is a religious institution found among

the Ojibwe Indians of North America.^ It was flourishing

in the 18th and 19th centuries but experienced a decline

by the 1890's (Hoffman, 1891:300). At the present time it

This work will be written in the ethnographic pre­

sent and will focus primarily on the institution as

reported by its researchers during the years from the

1880’s to the 1930's. These five decades encompass the

bulk of much of the earliest significant ethnography on

3. Oversize m aterials (maps, drawings, and charts) are photographed by sec

4. Most photographs reproduce acceptably on positive m icrofilm or micro

This work will be written in the ethnographic pre

originated with the Ojibwe, it is found in numerous varia

European contact and aboriginal shamanic beliefs and prac

According to this view the midewiwin, as a complex cere

The midewiwin has been discussed in the anthropologi

myth on the one hand, and the structural relations of sub