Understanding Police Impersonators: Common motives, characteristics, and patterns ‘Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts in Criminal Justice at Curry College. James Walekner 28" April 2006Signature Page Rebecca Paynich, PhD. Rose Bigler, PhD. David Fedo, PhD. Date Date Date iiAbstract This thesis examines the problem of persons illegally impersonating police officers in the Northeastern United States. This thesis examines characteristics of police impersonators. Multiple data sources were utilized including police reports, media accounts, and interviews with police officers and police supply store personnel. A total of fifty police impersonation incidents were analyzed based on key characteristics such as gender, number of offenders, crimes committed, and police equipment used. Police impersonators are categorized into three distinct profiles based upon the impersonator’s motivations. Those profiles were labeled: “wannabe,” “deviant,” and “materialistic.” A statistical analysis of government reports of incidents and media accounts revealed compelling consistencies and patterns for the different profile types. Limitations of statutes defining and prohibiting such conduct are discussed. Legislative changes are recommended as well as increased attention and research devoted to this area.iv Acknowledgements This thesis could not have been possible without the assistance of many professional colleagues, fellow students, and faculty members. I would like to thank Dr. Rebecca Paynich for her guidance and contribution to this thesis, Kathy Russell for her tireless research assistance, Dr. Barbara Spence for her encouragement over the past several years, and the graduate student body at the Curry College Worcester Campus for their many suggestions and contributions. Finally, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my family and friends for the stable platform of support. Babysitting, helping with meals, offering encouragement, and just being there made all the difference.Table of Contents Chapter Chapter 1 Introduction Chapter 2 Literature Review ......- Chapter 3 Methodology . Chapter 4 Analysis. ... Chapter 5 Conclusions ..... References ...... Figures and Graphs .. Appendix 1 ...... Appendix 2 .. 23 32 a7 - 50 - 56 - 86 - 88Chapter 1: Introduction The phenomenon of criminals impersonating police officers has attracted the public’s attention in recent years following several high profile incidents. Most of these cases highlight the ability of a perpetrator to successfully complete a criminal act when impersonating a law enforcement official. This research attempts to demonstrate the significance of the police impersonation problem and prove it to be a social dilemma. The research will identify what types of crimes impersonators attempt, police impersonator profile types and the specific methods utilized by the different impersonators. The research will show that there are different profile types of police impersonators. Each profile is defined by the actor’s motivations, which typically fall within one of three areas: economic or materialistic gain, sexual objectives, or police enthusiasts. The profiles are labeled as wannabe, materialistic, and deviant. Each profile type exhibits common traits, for instance, whether or not there are multiple perpetrators or whether or not they used a vehicle equipped with emergency lights in the commission of their acts. There are numerous cases of materialistic profile police impersonators. Many work in groups and conductsimulated drug raids, stealing money and narcotics. one case in Chicago spoke of a man and woman team, where the female would pose as a prostitute and the male a police officer. The male police impersonator would handcuff the imposter prostitute’s customer and rob him. Perhaps the most notable case of the materialistic police impersonator profile type is that of the Gardner Art Museum theft in 1990, the largest art theft ever in the United States (Kirkjian, p.Al). In this case, two men posed as Boston police officers requesting entry into the museum by the on- duty security guards. Once inside, the impersonators restrained the guards with handcuffs and, over a period of over an hour, stole $300 million worth of prints, including three Rembrandt's and a Vermeer (Kurkjian, p.Al). The sexual deviant impersonator type uses the auspice of a trustworthy police officer acting in a lawful capacity to put their victims at disadvantage so they can commit their crimes. A study of thirty sexually sadistic criminals revealed that thirty percent were “police buffs” and twenty-three percent impersonated a police officer while committing their offenses (Dietz, et al., p.186). A recent case involving the sexual deviant type gained national attention and resulted in legislative changes. Lacy Miller was a twenty-year old college student raped andmurdered in Fort Collins, Colorado in 2003 by a man pretending to be a police officer. This case inspired a legislative response by the governor of Colorado, who signed new statutes making the impersonation of a police officer a felony and outlawing the possession of emergency lights (Borus, p.1). Another case of the sexually motivated profile type is that of David Stewart, a thirty- seven year old man accused of telephoning numerous fast food restaurants across the country pretending to be a police officer conducting legitimate criminal investigations (www.ABC7Chicago.com). Stewart successfully portrayed himself as a police officer and convinced restaurant managers to conduct strip searches of employees on his behalf and, in some cases, commit sexual acts against subordinate employees (www.ABC7Chicago.com). Police enthusiasts who impersonate police officers are too frequently dismissed by law enforcement and the public as harmless, since their activities do not always include robbery, sex crimes, or other offenses. General perceptions of this type of impersonator profile seem to minimize the seriousness of their actions, and fail to recognize the many severe consequences that evolve from their conduct. Police buffs often present unique characteristics substantiated by this research. Policebuffs impersonate police officers for no tangible motive such as robbery or sexual objective. Police buff impersonators usually act alone and possess police paraphernalia. This type of impersonator is more likely to use a vehicle equipped with emergency lights than the other profile types. Police impersonators present many real consequences to society. Their existence impacts law enforcement at several levels. The effective practice of using unmarked vehicles and plainclothes officers for the detection of criminal activity is substantially impacted by the presence of police impersonators. Legitimate police officer's credibility can easily come into question. Many communities encourage motorists to not pull over for unmarked police vehicles immediately, but instead, continue to a public area or police facility. Criminals posing as police officers conducting “drug rips” where they simulate a police drug raid and rob their victims of money or narcotics creates an environment of distrust and threatens authentic officers with mistaken identity and increased resistance. ‘The public is clearly at risk when faced with police impersonators. Well-intentioned, law-abiding citizens who unquestionably submit to police authority can easily fallvictim to sexual predators and robbers posing as police officers. Police buffs place their victims at risk simply by the possible, unintended consequences of their conduct. Police officers are trained to stop motorists in a safe manner so as to protect the stopped vehicle, passing motorists, and themselves; imposters pulling over motorists along busy roadways or positioning vehicles incorrectly can be hazardous. Impersonators place themselves at risk in the course of their actions. Police officers are trained and equipped to interact with a variety of dangerous situations and aggressive personalities. Police impersonators may well encounter one of these “bad” people and be ill-equipped to handle the problem they created. Police buffs, sometimes acting with the intention of admonishing traffic violators, might easily fall into this predicament. Police impersonation is a problem that can affect many groups in society, and threatens the public’s safety at several levels. Therefore, it is necessary to better appreciate the significance of their conduct and understand what motivates them, and how they function.x2: Literature Review Incidents involving police impersonation have caught the attention of the American public for many years, and the media has consistently exposed the problem. However there exists almost no scholarly analysis of the police impersonation problem. Few works discuss police impersonation in detail; in fact, only one piece worthy of scholastic merit has been published that specifically explores this phenomenon. Other studies make mention of the police impersonation problem while focusing on another topic, such as sadistic sexual offenders. The Colorado State University published Borus’ thesis titled, Police Impersonation: Publicized Cases and State Laws, in 2004. Borus’ thesis examined police impersonation from several paradigms in attempting to demonstrate some of the problems associated with it. At the onset of his work, Borus detailed the events surrounding Lacy Miller’s murder, whose death was perpetrated in 2003 by a man pretending to be a police officer. The Miller case caught national attention, as did the legislative response from the State of Colorado. The State of Colorado is now among the states with the toughest laws regarding police impersonation. Colorado imposes a minimum 15-month jail sentence for impersonation, as wellas prohibiting the mere possession of red and blue lights typically used by emergency personnel (Borus, p.27). Most states have regulations prohibiting only the use of such lights, and have no restrictions regarding the mere possession of such equipment. Borus analyzed twenty-seven incidents of police impersonation, from which he made several observations. Borus found that “a vehicle/traffic stop was involved in the commission of the crime” in “approximately 78%” of the cases (Borus, p.19), and that “some sort of flashing lights on the vehicle” were used in seventy-two percent of the cases analyzed (Borus, p. 2). He found that an over- whelming ninety-six percent of the cases analyzed involved the use of police paraphernalia by the offender (Borus, p. 22). He failed, however, to define, with any specificity, what constitutes police paraphernalia, leaving the reader to question whether a firearm, a security badge worn on a belt, or other similar item would meet his criteria. Borus was able to identify the ages of only seventeen offenders, observing the median age to be twenty-seven, from a range of ages spanning from eighteen to sixty-one (Borus, p. 20). Eighty-six percent of incidents involved a lone offender, leaving the reader to speculate that groups perpetrated fourteen percent of incidents, or that the information wasnot available. Borus found that all of the offenders in his data set were males, and boldly concluded, “It is very easy to generalize that the typical offender in these types of cases is almost (even, exclusively) male” (Borus, p. 21). He noted that ‘in at least 44% of the total case examined the impersonator was a known repeat offender; however, Borus did not define what a repeat offender constituted, leaving the reader to question whether the offender was a previously convicted police impersonator or had multiple victims before being detected (Borus, p.22). Borus observed, *..in almost 40% of the cases of police impersonators there were multiple victims involved.this may be because police impersonators believe they are too powerful and too intimidating to be interrupted, even by victims who may outnumber them” (Borus, p. 18). Borus’ speculation is not founded on interviews of offenders, a xeview of law enforcement interrogations of perpetrators, or any psychological studies of impersonators, begging the question of what his basis of evidence is for the assertion that impersonators feel “too powerful or too intimidating.” The previously noted observations were based on twenty- seven cases, leaving the reader to question why that number. Typically, the minimum number of cases to be considered for a statistical analysis of content is thirty;Borus suggested that he was able to identify only twenty- seven different cases, however, a sample of twenty-seven cases is not sufficient to justify some his conclusions. This section of Borus’ conclusions, while conducting important analysis and noting some compelling answers, need to be carefully weighed considering his sources. Borus indicated that all of the considered cases were obtained from Internet sources, primarily LexisNexis and Google. The primary research and analysis conducted by Borus was based on cases originating largely from media sources. A more credible and scholarly analysis may have been conducted if Borus elected to follow-up on these media xeports and acquire actual police incident reports or court xecords. Those documents may have provided much of the essential missing data, for instance, the offender's age and race, and would have been inherently more reliable sources of data. Interviews of offenders or law enforcement officials could have served to complete his data set while contributing to the reliability of his study. Borus went to great length in his collection and analysis of state statutes governing this type of conduct. He found that most states classify police impersonation as a misdemeanor, carrying minimal sentences. In his report10 on sentencing, he found that most states carry a maximum jail sentence of one year’s imprisonment. Borus included a figure that listed each state’s classification of the crime, with the penalties that can be imposed. Borus noted that states with felony and misdemeanor classification alike could usually impose a jail sentence. Borus contrasted the penalties allowed under the states with a misdemeanor classification to those that categorize impersonation as a felony. He showed the disparity by mentioning how five states carry sentences up to five and ten years while others impose only a fine (Borus, p. 31). Unfortunately, his research was not able to reflect any disproportion in impersonation rates between states with more significant penalties opposed to those states with lesser sanctions. Borus detailed the impact of the new police impersonation legislation in Colorado to the Colorado Mounted Rangers, a volunteer organization of approximately 250 members that supplement police agencies by performing traffic control and crowd control (Borus, p.43). This consideration in Colorado has brought forth an interesting debate surrounding the value of an organization such as the Rangers weighed against the police impersonation problem. ‘The current Colorado statutes prohibit Rangers frompossessing and using red and blue lights they previously utilized while performing legitimate volunteer emergency services. Borus expanded his legal analysis to regulations concerning the possession and use of emergency lights. He noted that many acts of police impersonation involve the use of a vehicle, equipped like a police vehicle (Borus, p. 40). He found that some states have no laws governing the possession of flashing or rotating lights used by police officers and other emergency workers, only prohibitions against the use of such equipment. He noted that the state of Hawaii was among the first of states to ban the possession of blue lights in vehicles by private citizens, following a 1982 murder perpetrated by a police impersonator (Borus, p.47). An important dilemma facing a state’s regulation of emergency lights and their possession are the interstate agreements which allow vehicles, registered in other states, to remain equipped with front facing blue or red lights, if allowed in the registering state. For instance, a vehicle registered in a state that does not prohibit the mounting of front-facing blue lights may legally drive ina state that prohibits possession of the lights. Borus recommends that states employ a higher level of uniformity12 when establishing regulations to ensure continuity (Borus p.35). While Borus’ contention that statutes addressing vehicles and emergency lights are “becoming more and more important in the prevention of police impersonation incident” seems logical, there was no evidence presented to support this assertion (Borus, p.34). The notion that stricter laws prevent crime is often refuted when considering rate of capital crime in states that impose the death penalty contrasted to the crime rate in states that do not. Legislation, as we know, does not appear to reduce crime alone, and Borus’ contention that tougher sanctions will have the desired effect without supporting documentation is flawed. Borus appropriately discussed the availability of police equipment to the public. He previously noted that ninety-six percent of offenders in his sample possessed police paraphernalia (Borus, p.22). Borus found that some states have legislation banning the possession of police equipment by members of the public, but failed to mention which ones (Borus, p.47). Borus contended that it would be logistically cumbersome to ban to possession of many items associated with police equipment, given their use in other professions, such as security officers and volunteer firefighters (Borus, p.46). For instance, many security13 officers who possess no police authority wear uniforms and carry equipment similar to police officers. The true problem herein derives from a lack of adequate pre- employment background checks of prospective applicants, and the subsequent hiring of abysmal employees who may exceed their authority and falsely represent themselves as police officers, and the resulting confusion by the public as to whether they are interacting with a legitimate police officer or some other person. Borus hypothesized that causes of police impersonation can be better understood when considering several criminological theories. He suggested that examining police impersonation through the paradigm of environmental criminology might adequately frame it. Borus summarized Routine Activities Theory as ‘when a suitable target, a likely offender, absence of a capable guardian and no person to control the activities” come together, crime becomes more likely. This concept is applicable to almost all crime, yet fails to adequately explain what motivates a person to commit crime, as other criminological theories seek to do. Routine Activities Theory does not seem to explain all incidents of police impersonation used by Borus in his collection of cases; for instance, Jonathan Fehr who entered the Nashua, NH police station posing as a14 Massachusetts State Trooper and sought assistance in locating an armed suspect (Borus, p.89). In this instance, he was detected only by his suspicious behavior. Routine Activities Theory does not explain the cause of this incident, given that the offender intentionally encountered society’s guardian, the police, and engaged the police, a very unsuitable target. Borus introduced a second criminological explanation to police impersonation; Tittle’s control balance theory. He explained, ‘exercising control and being controlled are continuous variables” to the theory, and that police impersonators have an “unbalanced control ratio” that “predisposes them toward deviant behavior” (Borus, p.41). Borus suggested that a “control surplus can predispose the individual toward autonomous forms of deviance,” using the previously mentioned Fehr case to illustrate. A control deficit “can predispose these individuals toward repressive forms of deviance” (Borus, p.42). Borus attempted to explain all police impersonation with Routine Activities Theory and Tittle’s control balance theory; however, he failed to capture the essence of offender motivations. Without clearly identifying the motives of an offender’s actions, it becomes difficult to analyze the root of their behavior. Police impersonators15 hhave various motives. Consider those impersonators who operate in groups and simulate police raids against drug dealers, robbing them of money and drugs. In those instances, rational choice theory may serve to help better understand these incidents. Essentially, rational choice theory proposes that “the decision-making process of determining the opportunities for meeting (those) needs, the potential costs of action, and the anticipated benefits” (Williams, p.240). Impersonating police in these situations serves as a means to accomplishing a criminal objective, for instance, robbery. Bands of police impersonators targeting drug traffickers have knowingly increased their opportunity for success and reduced the potential consequences by posing as police and neutralizing their target. General strain theory may explain the cause of police impersonators who engage in this activity for the sake of no apparent objective. Agnew's general strain theory considered goals viewed favorably by society and one’s inability to reach those ends. “Wannabe” type of police impersonators are best described as “police buffs” who possess a fascination with policing, yet have been unsuccessful in becoming an officer. The desire to be a police officer, coupled with the offender's inability to16 become one, creates a strain that is evident in these types of impersonation cases. ‘The act of police impersonation by police buffs is clearly not a means to accomplishing a criminal end, like those groups of impersonators who, for instance, rob drug dealers. In these cases, the act itself is the motivating element. Gottfredson and Hirschi’s self-control theory may well explain this event. Their theory asserts that people are self-interested, and that crime should focus on common characteristics, such as simple gratification from excitement or risk. Their theory suggested that crime derives substantially from one’s low level of self-control (williams, p.276). Borus’ thesis allows for a wide overview of the police impersonation problem, from criminological theories and conclusive hypotheses to the many laws governing this, and related, conduct. His research explored, in great detail, a unique case of impersonation and murder that caused a sweeping response by legislators and the governor of Colorado to stiffen penalties and try to effect some change. While his thesis brings the problem to light, his research and subsequent conclusions should be carefully considered, given his lack of credible sources.17 While a historical account of the police impersonation phenomenon in the United States does not appear to exist, one study is worth noting. Gellately, a professor of Holocaust History at Clark University, conducted research of Nazi police that revealed that the problem of police impersonation is not unique to the United States and not an entirely new phenomenon. His research resulted from an examination of almost 150 official reports during world war II Germany describing impersonation incidents. The cases studied occurred during the 1930's and 1940's (Gellately. p.6). Gellately’s paper described various incidents that showed the motives of police impersonators to have economic objectives or sexual intentions, or simply to possess an enthusiastic attraction to policing. Female police impersonators constituted three of the cases reviewed by Gellately, demonstrating that, while a small minority of cases, female impersonators did exist (Gellately, p.13). The Gestapo considered police impersonation to be a problem that warranted arrest if detected, with instructions to “place anyone suspected of impersonating police officials in ‘protective custody’ if there were insufficient grounds for an arrest” (Gellately, p.9). In 1942, German law was modified to allow for the death penalty in “serious” cases. The death penalty was utilized in lieu of long and costly18 jail sentences, whereby imposters could be “eradicated if their healing was considered impossible” (Gellately, p.6). Gellately cited several cases substantiating the assertion that impersonators possess a variety of motivations when committing their acts. One case he cited described the actions of an impostor claiming to be a detective who threatened several women with arrest unless they provided sexual favors (Gellately, p.13). Another noteworthy case involving the deviant profile of impersonators was that of Heinrich Mocker, who claimed to be a police officer when he convinced a woman to allow him into her home. Once inside, Mocker attempted to coerce her into sexual relations (Gellately, p.14). Materialistic motives were clearly the driving motivation in other incidents mentioned by Gellately; for instance, Jacob Mauser who attempted to extort money from shopkeepers while claiming to be a detective, and Friedrich Schulze, who claimed to be a member of the Gestapo and robbed elderly Jews (Gellately, p.10). Heinrich Offe resembled the police buff profile when he claimed to be affiliated with the Prussian Criminal Police recruiting others for a secret police unit, impersonating an officer for no sexual or materialistic intention (Gellately, p.8).19 Gellately purported that the Nazi terror system created an enhanced image of the Gestapo and Kripo police agencies as powerful and ruthless, attracting impersonators who sought to capitalize on their unchallenged authority (Gellately, p.17). Gellately considered the ease of impersonating a member of the Gestapo and Kripo police agencies, given their lack of unique uniforms and regular use of civilian attire (p.17). There was a distinguishable reduction in impersonation cases after 1945, leaving Gellately to question the threat of the death penalty impacted would-be imposters. Gellately considered the shift of the Gestapo’s focus upon policing resident aliens may have distracted them from imposter investigations (Gellately, p.18). Published psychological studies of police impersonators did not emerge in the course of this research; however, studies of sexually sadistic criminals identified several compelling observations relating to police impersonation. Dietz, Hazelwood, and Warren studied the cases of thirty male subjects referred to the National center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC), an agency tasked with “identifying and tracking repeat killers” (Roessner, p. Al, Al4). For their study, Dietz, Hazelwood, and Warren identified subject cases sent to the NCAVC with20 pronounced patterns of sexual arousal resulting from suffering or humiliation present (Dietz, et al, p.166) All of the subjects were males; twenty-nine were white (Dietz, et al, p.167). The results of their study identified numerous personality and offense characteristics, including observations that include traits of police impersonation. “Thirty percent of the men were police ‘buffs’ who habitually showed excessive interest in police activities and paraphernalia. This interest ranged from collecting literature dealing with police technology to having complete police uniforms, counterfeit identification and badges, and vehicles modified to resemble police cars (black wall tires, two-way radio Bearcat scanner, whip antenna, flashing red lights, and siren” (Dietz, et al, p.169). Analysis of offense characteristics revealed, “ninety-three percent of the offenders were judged to have carefully planned their offenses, as evidenced by such behaviors as studying law enforcement procedures..altering a vehicle for use in abduction and torture (..installing police vehicle accessories)” (Dietz, et al, p.169). Twenty-three percent of subjects impersonated a police officer when they committed their sex crimes (Dietz, et al, p.169). Ninety percent of the offenders in this study “used a ‘con’2 approach, openly approaching the victim under a pretext such as.making an arrest” (Dietz, et al, p.170). Dietz Hazelwood, and Warren purported that a desire for power produced subjects’ interest in law enforcement practices and paraphernalia (Dietz, et al, p.174). While the researchers were careful to not make conclusions about sexual sadists in general, they did make several conclusions regarding the features of these crimes. among other observations, Dietz, Hazelwood, and Warren concluded that offenders careful planned their criminal acts, “including impersonating a police officer” (Dietz, et al p.177). Gratzer and Bradford conducted a comparison study using subjects from the Royal Ottawa Hospital. Their research compared the results of the Dietz, et al. study by applying the same analysis to thirty sadistic of a similar criterion and twenty-nine non-sadistic sexual offenders (Gratzer and Bradford, p.450). The Gratzer and Bradford study found no police “buffs” and no incidents of police impersonation during the commission of the offense (Gratzer and Bradford, p.451-453). Gratzer and Bradford theorized that the absence of these characteristics from their subjects showed them to present less sophistication than the NCAVC sample of offenders. Gratzer and Bradford noted22 that the NCABA sample consisted of male inmates with narcissistic personalities, whereas the Gratzer and Bradford identified predominately antisocial personality disorders among their sample, suspecting that their desires, such as impersonating an officer, may derive from a sense of grandiose (Gratzer and Bradford, p.454). Together, the Dietz, et al., and the Gratzer-Bradford studies surface several compelling questions: is police impersonation an American phenomenon, or are police viewed differently in Canada so as to reduce or nullify impersonation rates among sexually sadistic criminals? Perhaps a more likely answer lies in the design flaws of the studies, and the resulting discrepancies upon replication of the original research. Dietz, et al acknowledged their study to be *..an exploratory, uncontrolled study of a highly selected group of offenders it would be inappropriate to draw conclusions about sexual sadists in general from the data reported.” (Dietz, et al, p.176).23 Chapter 3: Methodology This thesis will examine the police impersonation phenomenon and establish it as a problem faced by those involved with criminal justice. Selected cases were used to articulate this end, and clearly establish this area to be one of significance and concern. The research should substantiate several lucid conclusions regarding the methods used by police impersonators, and categorize those methods by the predominate motivations the imposters present. ‘The problem of police impersonation has been researched very little, despite increased media attention of incidents and recent substantial legislative changes. Because of the minute quantity of written information discussing this problem, this thesis largely consists of primary research. A content analysis of fifty police incident reports and news accounts was conducted and constitutes the basis of most conclusions asserted in this thesis. ‘The process for gathering the media and police reports did not follow preferred methods, such as random selection, due to the absence of research and publicized reports. Media reports were gathered from the Internet, using search engines including Lexis-Nexis, Yahoo, the New York Times database, and the Boston Globe database.24 Periodic checks were made of the Officer.com website headline news section, which is a compilation of police- related articles from media sources nationally. Official police incident reports were collected utilizing the researcher's personal and professional networks. Numerous police officers were tapped for information regarding occurrences of police impersonation within their communities. Interactions with these officers occurred at annual in-service training held at the Boylston, Massachusetts regional police academy, the researcher's place of employment where most officers previously served in other communities, training meetings of a regional police SWAT team with officers from over twenty cities and towns in central Massachusetts, and accounts offered by curry College graduate students who worked in the law enforcement field. A content analysis of primary sources consisting of twenty-three original police incident reports detailing individual police impersonation occurrences was performed. All reports were obtained from police and law enforcement agencies from the northeastern United States. Many fascinating police impersonation incidents occurring throughout the United States and abroad came to the light during this research; however, they were discarded because25 the focus of this research examined only those occurrences in the northeastern portion of the United States. The Worcester (MA) Police Department provided the majority of these reports. That agency was solicited for information for several reasons. The Worcester Police Department services the third largest city in New England (www.ci.Worcester.ma.us). Logistically, the researcher was able to tap the police department's resources rather easily, as he resides in the city and found a cooperative staff eager to assist in this research. other original police reports were obtained after learning of incidents exposed by media outlets, police teletype messages, and inquires made to numerous police officials. The police incident reports were official government reports that were usually drafted following an investigation or incident where an arrest was made and was intended for use primarily in criminal prosecutions. Officials authoring those reports would likely attest to the accuracy of their contents under oath in court, thereby enhancing the credibility of the documents. These documents consistently provided vital data, such as the offender's gender, race, and age. In addition, these reports offered narratives that provided various levels of detailed information. In most, specific details of the26 incident were available to the extent that the impersonator's motives could be clearly identified Information, such as whether violence or weapons were used became available in these narrative sections of the incident reports. Statistical analysis of that information was performed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) computer software program, to identify correlations between profile type and various other categories to test the stated hypotheses Accompanying the analysis of police incident reports was a content analysis of twenty-seven news media accounts. each detailing a specific occurrence. This researcher considers these sources to be inherently less reliable than the police incident reports given they attempt to report on events based upon third party information, witness accounts without independent corroboration or other evidence, and are essentially held to a lesser standard of accountability. These articles were included in the analysis because of the convenience of the sample, and the limited amount of information available for analysis. Generally, the articles were not as comprehensive as the police reports, but often provided most of the variables used in the analysis, such as offender information including gender, age, and number of offenders. The27 articles often described the incident in such detail so as robbery motives, sexual motives, and police buffs could be distinguished. The content analysis examined a variety of variables available from most reports and articles. For purposes of illustration, these variables are grouped into categories describing the offender (s), motive, method of approach, items that were used or possessed, and victim characterizations. The variables within the offender category included: the number of offenders, offender's age, offender's gender, and offender's occupation. The variables within the motive category included: whether or not sexual contact was attempted or completed and whether or not an economically driven crime, such as robbery, larceny or fraud was attempted or completed. The method of approach category variables included: whether or not the method of approach by the impersonator to the victim was by automobile, whether or not the automobile, if applicable, was equipped with emergency lights, and whether or not the method of approach by the offender was made on foot. The variables within the items used or possessed category included: whether or not the offender possessed a weapon, the type of weapon possessed, if applicable, whether or not the offender used a weapon or committed other violent28 action against the victim, whether or not the offender possessed handcuffs, whether or not the offender restrained his victim, the type of restraint used, if applicable, whether or not the offender possessed a badge or police identification, and whether or not the offender wore “police” clothes. The victim characterization category variables noted the victim’s gender and the victim's age. The content analysis included a source variable that recorded whether the information derived from a police report or a news media account. Several interviews were conducted with people from various roles. Employees from three police supply stores were interviewed and questioned about the availability of police equipment and the frequency in which non-law enforcement officials attempt to acquire police equipment in their store. Vital qualitative data was acquired from these interviews and provided information that was corroborated by official police documents. Ideally, a survey with a target population of randomly selected inmates from a correctional facility would have been conducted to identify the prevalence of police impersonation among the criminal population in society. ‘The Department of Corrections must conform to the many standards governing human research outlined in the U.S.29 Health and Human Services Department Code of Federal Regulations. As such, the application process for research at a Massachusetts correctional facility is arduous and lengthy. The topic of police impersonation deserves more research, and with more time and access, a survey could be distributed to a randomly selected prison population sample. An instrument was designed to determine common characterizations of police impersonation victims as well as those impersonating officers, intended for distribution to prisoners (see Appendix 2). The survey instrument would collect information from the respondent about their age and race, and whether or not they were ever targeted by a police impostor or impersonated police officers themselves. ‘The survey would dichotomize the incident to determine the impersonator’s method of approach, whether or not armed, possession of a badge or other police paraphernalia, robbery, theft or sex acts perpetrated by the impersonator, if the victim was engaged in a criminal act at the time, and if so, what type of crime (see Appendix 2). While the intention of this thesis is to provide results rooted in reliable information and sound research practices, several limitations are evident and must be noted. Like most studies, the commodity of time limits the30 accuracy and thoroughness of conclusions. With additional time, more cases would become available to consider, and the hypotheses could be tested against time’s effect upon the technological evolution of crime, where criminals demonstrate more sophisticated methods. With more time this research could have expanded its focus to a national, and perhaps, even international platform, testing the theoretical aspects of this thesis beyond one small geographic region. Severely limited research and other published works regarding police impersonation resulted in the collected data to result from a convenience sample. A more representative sample of police impersonation accounts may have occurred utilizing a more random approach to selecting which agencies would be asked about incidents and then requested to forward documentation of such events. Additional time and financial resources would have been required to permit such solicitations. Access to conduct a survey and to gather other information presented several unique challenges in this study. This research could have been exponentially enhanced if access to the inmate survey population could have been more readily accessible. Procedural requirements of the Massachusetts Department of Correction and county31 jails made the process cumbersome and simply not practical _ given the allotted time for this research.32 Chapter 4: Analysis This analysis of fifty police incident reports and media accounts regarding police impersonation have demonstrated significance in several areas with regards to the stated hypothesis. In analyzing the frequency of motive, crimes committed, methods, and equipment used a pattern began to develop from which categories of offenders could be delineated. The three categories were grouped by deviant motivations, materialistic motivations, or police enthusiasm. The data was examined considering a total of thirty-six variables. Using SPSS, the variables were cross-tabulated against profile type. This allowed for a more precise interpretation of the patterns of police impersonators, rather than a mere cursory assessment ‘The proportional reduction in error measure lambda was used in this analysis because it assesses the association between nominal-level variables (Healey, p347). Incidents of police impersonation evaluated in this research clearly demonstrated that males constitute the majority of subjects. Only one case of a female impersonating a police officer was reviewed in this research. Winety-eight percent of the impersonation cases included in this thesis involved male subjects.33 Table 1 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of offender's gender. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of offender's gender. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .038. STEP 5: A lambda of .038 indicates that we would make 3.8% fewer errors in predicting the offender’s gender (¥) from profile type (X), as opposed to offender’s gender while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is weak yet is positively related to the offender’s gender. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of police impersonators profile types and the number of offenders in each case revealed compelling information regarding those who operate in groups as opposed to independently. Over fifty-six percent (56.25%) of cases involving materialistic profile types operated in groups of more than one person; 43.75% operated in groups involving more than two subjects. Only one case (4%) of wannabe offenders acted in a team of two. All deviant profile types operated independently.34 Table 2 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of number of offenders. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of number of offenders. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .229. STEP 5: R lambda of .229 indicates that we would make 22.9% fewer errors in predicting the offender’s gender (¥) from profile type (X), as opposed to offender's gender while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is moderate and is positively related to the number of offenders. There is a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. ‘The research demonstrated correlations between profile type and the possession of a badge or other police identification. ‘The wannabe profile and materialistic profiles shared almost identical rates for this practice, sixty-eight percent and 68.75% respectfully. Deviant profile types were substantially less frequent, with only 16.66% possessing a badge or police identification. Table 335 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of suspects that possessed a badge or police identification. H1: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of suspects that possessed a badge or police identification. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .114. STEP 5: A lambda of .114 indicates that we would make 11.4% fewer errors in predicting suspects that possessed badges or police identification (¥) from profile type (x), as opposed to suspects that possessed badges or police identification while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is weak but is positively related to suspects that possessed badges or police identification. There is a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of police impersonators wearing “police” clothes revealed that thirty-six percent of wannabes engaged in this practice. Almost forty-four percent (43.75%) of materialistic profile types had police style clothes; 16.66% of deviants had worn police clothes during their act. Table 4 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal.36 Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of suspects with “police” clothes. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate suspects with “police” clothes. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .022. STEP 5: A lambda of .022 indicates that we would make 2.2% fewer errors in predicting suspects with “police” clothes (¥) from profile type (x), as opposed to suspects with “police” clothes while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is very weak but is positively related to the number of offenders. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. Deviant profile types were primarily identified when recognizing the presence of an attempted or committed sex crime accompanying the police impersonation act. For this reason, wannabe and materialistic profile types showed zero percent, while the deviant profile type showed that 66.66% of the sample attempted or completed sexual contact while impersonating an officer. Table 5 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact37 on the rate of attempted or completed sexual contact. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of attempted or completed sexual contact. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .233. STEP 5: AK lambda of .233 indicates that we would make 23.3% fewer errors in predicting attempted or completed sexual contact (¥) from profile type (X), as opposed to attempted or completed sexual contact while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is moderately strong and is positively related to the number of offenders. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables when considering significance at the .05 level and under, however, there is a statistically significant relationship at the .10 level. Materialistic profile types were primarily identified by the presence of an attempted or completed robbery or theft. Almost ninety-four (93.75%) of the impersonation cases designated materialistic appeared to have attempted or completed a robbery or theft. Only one case (4%) of wannabe profile types attempted or completed a robbery or theft; no deviant profile types (0.0%) were revealed in this category. Table 6 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2:38 Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of attempted or completed robberies or thefts. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of attempted or completed robberies or thefts. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .674. STEP 5: A lambda of .674 indicates that we would make 67.4% fewer errors in predicting attempted or completed robberies or thefts (¥) from profile type (X), as opposed to attempted or completed robberies or thefts while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator to attempted or completed robberies or thefts is strong and is positively related to attempted or completed robberies or thefts. There is a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. The research has shown disparities between profile types with regards to the use of an automobile during their act. Fifty-two percent of wannabe profile types made their initial approach by automobile. Thirty-three (33.33%) percent of deviant profile types used an automobile during their act; nineteen (18.75%) percent of materialistic profile types used an automobile on their initial approach. Table 7 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of initial approaches made by automobile.39 Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of initial approaches made by automobile. STEP 3: STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .083. STEP 5: A lambda of .083 indicates that we would make 8.3% fewer errors in predicting initial approaches made by automobile (Y) from profile type (X), as opposed to initial approaches made by automobile while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is weak but is positively related to initial approaches made by automobile. ‘There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of profile types that used vehicles equipped with emergency lights revealed that forty-four percent of wannabe offenders used or possessed emergency lights, nineteen (18.75%), or all of the materialistic offenders that used a vehicle for their initial approach used emergency lights. The research revealed that no deviant profile types used vehicles equipped with emergency lights. Table 8 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of motor vehicles equipped with emergency lights.40 Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of motor vehicles equipped with emergency lights. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .298. STEP 5: A lambda of .298 indicates that we would make 29.8% fewer errors in predicting motor vehicles equipped with emergency lights (¥) from profile type (x), as opposed to motor vehicles equipped with emergency lights while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is moderate and is positively related to motor vehicles equipped with emergency lights. There is a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of profile types that make their initial approach on foot revealed that almost sixty-nine percent (68.75%) of materialistic offenders, forty percent of wannabe types, and almost sixty-seven percent (66.66%) of deviant profile types used this approach Table 9 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of initial approach made on foot. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of initial approach made on foot. STEP 3: Lambda41 STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .143. STEP 5: R lambda of .143 indicates that we would make 14.3% fewer errors in predicting approach made on foot (¥) from profile type (X), as opposed to approach made on foot while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is weak yet is positively related to motor vehicles equipped with emergency lights. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of police impersonator profile types that were found to carry weapons revealed that approximately one-third of wannabe (36%) and materialistic (31.25%) profile types possessed weapons. None of the incidents involving deviant profile types were reported to have a weapon. Table 10 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of subjects that possessed a weapon. H1: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of subjects that possessed a weapon. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .023. STEP 5: A lambda of .023 indicates that we would make 2.3% fewer errors in predicting subjects that possessed a weapon (¥)42 from profile type (x), a5 opposed to subjects that possessed a weapon while ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is very weak yet positively related to subjects that possessed a weapon. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of police impersonators that used a weapon or committed some other act of violence revealed that half of the materialistic (50%) and deviant (50%) profile types used violence. Twelve percent of wannabes were found to have used violence while impersonating a police officer. It is important to note that deviant police impersonators are usually committing some type of sex crime, which is inherently more violent than other types of crimes, for instance, property crimes. This statistic more importantly shows the propensity for violence by materialistic criminals versus wannabe police impersonators. Table 11 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2 Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of weapons or violence used H1: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of weapons or violence used STEP 3: Lambda43 STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .159. STEP 5: RB lambda of .159 indicates that we would make 15.9% fewer errors in predicting subjects that used a weapon or violence (¥) from profile type (X), as opposed to subjects that used a weapon or violence ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is weak yet positively related to subjects that used a weapon or violence. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of police impersonators that possessed handcuffs revealed that almost a third (31.25%) of materialistic police impersonators possessed handcuffs. Sixteen percent of wannabe profile types possessed handcuffs; none of the deviant profile types in this analysis possessed handcuffs. Table 12 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal. Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate of handcuffs possessed by the subject. Hl: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of handcuffs possessed by the subject. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .025. STEP 5:A lambda of .025 indicates that we would make 2.5% fewer errors in predicting subjects that possessed handcuffs (¥Y) from profile type (xX), as opposed to subjects that possessed handcuffs ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is very weak yet positively related to subjects that possessed handcuffs. There is not a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. An analysis of police impersonator profiles and the use of restraints (including, but not limited to handcuffs) showed that over a third (37.5%) of cases involving materialistic profile types used restraints. Almost seventeen percent (16.66%) of deviant profile types used restraints; none of the wannabe profile types in this analysis used restraints. Table 13 STEP 1: Level of Measure is Nominal Random sampling STEP 2: Ho: The profile type of a police impersonator has no impact on the rate restraints used by the subject. H1: The profile type of a police impersonator has an impact on the rate of restraints used by the subject. STEP 3: Lambda STEP 4: Obtained Lambda is .222. STEP 5: A lambda of .222 indicates that we would make 22.2% fewer errors in predicting subjects that used restraints (Y) from profile type (X), as opposed to subjects used restraints45 ignoring profile type. The relationship between the profile types of a police impersonator is weak to moderate and is positively related to subjects used restraints. There is a statistically significant relationship between the variables at the .05 level. In summary, the different profiles identified by economic motives, sexual motives, or police enthusiasm each show unique traits. Wannabe police impersonators are more likely than not to possess a badge or other identification. They are the most likely profile type to use a motor vehicle while impersonating an officer and are most likely to have a vehicle equipped with emergency lights. Over a third of wannabe profile types were found to carry weapons, yet few use violence. Materialistic police impersonators frequently operate in groups, compared to the other profile types which appear to operate almost exclusively independently. Materialistic profile types frequently possess badges or other identification and are most likely of the profile types to wear “police” clothes. In most cases, materialistic profile types approach their victims on foot. They possess handcuffs and use restraints in about one-third of the incidents. Materialistic police impersonators used weapons or violence in half of the cases examined.46 The number of deviant police impersonators analyzed in this research was small (six cases) and these results should not be considered representative of all deviant profile types. In all of the cases examined in this analysis, all deviant impersonators operated alone. Two- thirds approached their victim on foot, the remaining third by automobile. Few possessed badges or “police” clothes, and none were found to possess a weapon. While none of the cases involving deviant profile types possessed handcuffs, one deviant did restrain his victim. Half of the incidents involving deviant profile types used violence while impersonating a police officer.47 Chapter 5: Conclusions Police impersonation is a serious problem that has continued to expand as a criminal asset to the underworld without much intervention. States that impose more severe penalties for impersonation implemented those sanctions after serious police imposter incidents. Hawaii and Colorado stiffened their sanctions following murders by police impersonators in their states. Legislators have failed to recognize police impersonation as a true threat to the public’s safety, until an explosive, high profile incident occurs. The government has a responsibility to research the origins of criminal conduct and implement effective interventions, whether punitive or preventative. Many crimes have received the attention of legislators, law enforcement, courts, and society as a whole. Consider the dramatic changes in domestic violence and the response to that problem. Once thought a private family matter, domestic violence has risen legislatively to jail penalties, revoked firearms permits, and mandatory arrests. Courts swiftly issue restraining orders with minimal evidence and quickly rule on these cases. Police impersonation research and policy needs to evolve in the same fashion. The government needs to consider the seriousness of police impersonation and appropriately48 respond to it. Criminal sanctions need to be appropriate to the offense. States, such as Massachusetts, that do not allow for an arrest in the event a police impersonator is detected by authorities is illogical and speaks to the level of ignorance regarding this topic. Police impersonation is a means to a criminal end for many offenders. Sexual deviants and enterprising materialistic offenders have used using the honorable reputation of the police to gain a tactical advantage over victims alike. More research is warranted in this area, particularly in light of the work by Dietz, Hazelwood, and Warren that revealed that sexually sadistic criminals not only use police impersonation as a ruse, but are also police “buffs,” fascinating with the practices and technology associated with law enforcement. Police buffs compromise an interesting profile type whose motivations are less clear. What motivates these offenders to act as police officers and falsely portray themselves deserves psychological exploration well beyond the scope of this research. Clearly, more research of police impersonation is needed While many questions regarding the origins of police impersonation behavior are left unanswered, there are steps that could be implements to reduce incidents. Perhaps the47 Chapter 5: Conclusions Police impersonation is a serious problem that has continued to expand as a criminal asset to the underworld without much intervention. States that impose more severe penalties for impersonation implemented those sanctions after serious police imposter incidents. Hawaii and Colorado stiffened their sanctions following murders by police impersonators in their states. Legislators have failed to recognize police impersonation as a true threat to the public’s safety, until an explosive, high profile incident occurs. The government has a responsibility to research the origins of criminal conduct and implement effective interventions, whether punitive or preventative. Many crimes have received the attention of legislators, law enforcement, courts, and society as a whole. Consider the dramatic changes in domestic violence and the response to that problem. Once thought a private family matter domestic violence has risen legislatively to jail penalties, revoked firearms permits, and mandatory arrests. courts swiftly issue restraining orders with minimal evidence and quickly rule on these cases. Police impersonation research and policy needs to evolve in the same fashion. The government needs to consider the seriousness of police impersonation and appropriately48 respond to it. Criminal sanctions need to be appropriate to the offense. States, such as Massachusetts, that do not allow for an arrest in the event a police impersonator is detected by authorities is illogical and speaks to the level of ignorance regarding this topic. Police impersonation is a means to a criminal end for many offenders. Sexual deviants and enterprising materialistic offenders have used using the honorable reputation of the police to gain a tactical advantage over victims alike. More research is warranted in this area particularly in light of the work by Dietz, Hazelwood, and Warren that revealed that sexually sadistic criminals not only use police impersonation as a ruse, but are also police “buffs,” fascinating with the practices and technology associated with law enforcement. Police buffs compromise an interesting profile type whose motivations are less clear. What motivates these offenders to act as police officers and falsely portray themselves deserves psychological exploration well beyond the scope of this research. Clearly, more research of police impersonation is needed. While many questions regarding the origins of police impersonation behavior are left unanswered, there are steps that could be implements to reduce incidents. Perhaps the49 most logical step would be to standardize police cruiser markings, uniforms, and other identification methods. Police agencies each seek their own identity through their appearance; however, this simply enables the police impersonator. Police agencies using similar uniforms, vehicles, and badges would reduce confusion and make imposters more readily identifiable. The government should issue a standard police identification card with security features to each police officer, accompanied with a public awareness initiative that explains the police impersonation problem and what a legitimate police identification card looks like. Using existing criminal justice computer programs, such as NCIC or CJIS, police officer credentials could be verified and legitimate police identification records could be maintained. Legislation should take strong opposition towards the sale of police uniforms and equipment to non-police entities. Few states have passed laws restricting the sale of these items to the public, empowering the resourcefulness of impersonators. 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Report Report Report Report Report Report, Report, Report, Report, 5556 Figure 1 Crosstab Count Offender #1 Gender Female_| Male Profle Type Wannabe’ 0 25 25 Materialistic ° 16 16 Deviant 1 5 6 Not Determined : : : Total 1 49 50 Directional Measures. | Value Nominal by Tambda Symmetic 038 Nominal Profile Type Dependent ed Offender #1 Gender .000 Dependent Goodman and Profile Type Kruskal tau Dependent Offender #1 Gender 150 Dependent ‘2 Not assuming the null hypothesis. 'b Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. ‘© Cannot be computed because the asymptotic standard error equals zero. Based on chi-square approximation25 20-4 4 104 Wannabe Bar Chart Matacic Deviant Profile Type Not Determined 37 tend #1 Gender Female Bi Note58 Figure 2 Profile Type * Number of Offenders Crosstabulation ‘Count 7 Number of Offenders 1 2 3 4__| Sormore | Total Profie Type Wannabe 2 7 ° ° 0 25 Moateraistic 7 2 2 2 3 16 Deviant ° ° ° ° 6 Not a ° ° ° ° 3 Total 40 3 2 2 3 50 Directional Measures Reyme. Sta vate | Error(a) Nominal by Tambia Synmetic 229 ost Nominal Profile Type Dependent a 104 Number of Offenders 000 1000 Dependent Goodman and Profle Type Kruskal tau Dependent ae a Number of Offenders 225 or Dependent ‘Not assuming the null hypothesis. Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesi ¢ Cannot be computed because the asymptotic standard error equals zero. d Based on chi-square approximationees" 59 Bar Chart Numborof Offenders 1 Sormore Waneabo —Materiaisic. ©“ Dean Nol Deermined Profile Type60 Figure 3 Crosstab ‘Count ‘Suspect possessed badge/ID_ Wannabe Materialistic Deviant Not Determined Directional Measures 097(e) .067(c) Dependent ' Not assuming the nul hypothesis. Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. € Based on chi-square approximation61 Bar Chart |suspact possessed badge No Yes I Unknown cesse Wamabe Maletaisic. Deviant Not Ddermined Profile Type62 Figure 4 Crosstab ‘Count ‘Suspect had “police” clothes. Profle Type Wannabe Materialistic Deviant Not Determined Directional Measures Nominal by Nominal Profile Type Dependent Suspect had “police” clothes Dependent Goodman and Profle Type Kruskal tau Dependent Suspect had “police” clothes Dependent ‘2. Not assuming the null hypothesis. 'b Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. ¢ Cannot be computed because the asymptotic standard error equals zero. d Based on chi-square approximationcorse Bar Chart ‘Wannabe Motenalistic Deviant Profile Type Not Determined 63 Suspect had "pote" dothes: No Yes 1 UninoanFigure 5 Profile Type * Sexual contact (completediattempted) Crosstabulation Count ‘Sexual contact (completed/attempted) Wannabe Materalisic Deviant Not Determined Symmetric Deed Profile Type: Dependent ‘Sexual contact, (Completediattemp ted) Dependent Goodman and Profle Type: Kruskal tau Dependent ‘Sexual contact, (completediattemp ted) Dependent Not assuming the null hypothesis, Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. Based on chi-square approximation 64Bar Chart ‘Sena contact (completeatattemot °) No B Yes 89.00 Wannabe Moleralisic Deviant Not Deermined Profile Type66 Figure 6 Profile Type * Robbery/Theft (Attempted/Completed) Crosstabulation Count Robbery/Thett (Attempted/Completed) No Yes 999.00 | Total Profia Type Wannabe Py 0 25 Materialistic 1 6 0 16 Deviant 6 o 0 Not Determined q a : : 32 7 1 50 Directional Measures Approx. TW) _| Approx. si 4.267 ‘000 4.243 ‘000 4.028 ‘000 .0004e) 0004) '2. Not assuming the null hypothesis. Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. ¢ Based on chi-square approximation67 Bar Chart RobbecyThat a 1 989.00 corse Wanrabe Materialist Deviant Not Detrmined Profile Type68 Crosstab Tnitial approach by automobile No yes__| unknown | Total Profle Type Wannabe 7 13 1 Ea Materialistic " 3 2 16 Deviant 4 2 ° 6 Not Determined : 2 ° 3 Total ar 20 3 50 Directional Measures “symp. Std. | Approx. Vaue | _erorjay | Tie) | Approx. Si Nominal by Tambda ‘Symmetiec 083 108 7A 463 Nominal Profle Type pete 040 068 579 562 Initial approach by ‘automobile 130 an 579 562 Dependent Goodman and Profle Type : Kruskal tau Dependent 086 ost a) Initial approach by ‘2utomabile 083 088 23016) Dependent ‘Not assuming the null hypothesis, Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. ¢ Based on chi-square approximation69 Bar Chart Inia approach by aulomabile No Wes 1D Unknow Warne Malaise Deviant Nol Determined Profile Type10 Figure 8 Crosstab Count Profile Type Wannabe Materialistic Deviant Not Determined Total Nominal by Tambda Nominal Profile Type Receeee 320 114] 2.443, 015 MY equipped wi ‘emergency fights 281 115] 2.159 031 Dependent Goodman and Profile Type Kruskal tau Dependent — oul oe MY equipped wi ‘emergency lights a72 064 0104) Dependent ‘Not assuming the null hypothesis bb Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. ‘¢ Based on chi-square approximationa Bar Chart {Mv equipped w! ‘emergency lishts No Wes I Uninoun Wannabe Maleialisic. Deviant Nol Determined Profile TypeCrosstab Count Initial approach by foot ] yes_| unknown | Tota Wannabe 70 1 s Moteralisic 1" 2 16 Deviant 2 4 ° 6 Not Determined 2 ' ° 8 2 6 3 50 Directional Measures 2 ‘2. Not assuming the null hypothesis. foot Dependent Using the asymptotic standard error assuming the null hypothesis. ¢ Based on chi-square approximation Approx. Tb) ___| Approx. Si Symmetic 837 403 Profile Type Dependent Led 409 688 teil by foot Dependent 208 193 om 331 Goodman and Profile Type - Kruskal tau Dependent at oo au Initial approach by 100 ore 495(c)Bar Chart 12 i Wanncbe Mateiaitc Deviant Profile Type Not Determined B Iniial approach by foot Bo os i Uninown