2/ Living and Laboring under Slavery Saveholding difred fom the busines of slavery because enslaved people resisted the attempts oftheir enslavers to turn them into ‘commodities. Unlike the dave traders, who had o deliver relatively Ibalthy, enslaved people, and the merchants who traded foodstus In the West Indies, Rhode Island saveholders had to ind ways to coerce and convince enslaved people to work. Sach compulsion ould not rely solely on threats, verbal abuse, and physical pun- Ishment; comsequently,slaveholders were compelled f0 also use {ndacements in their attempts to coatel thir human property (On ly 28 735 in Warwick, Rhode sland, Hage, “negro” lave, ‘vas willed ten stilling: her children were bequeathed ie shilings ‘ach, Their master Captain Peter Green lft Hager and her children ‘money to "induce her [ager] tobe kinde to my Wife In 1749, Joseph Wanton boqueathed all his “Negroes to his son Baar. “Tere wis, howeves a catch. He woud allow those slaves who were “aot willing to lve with him” olive with his daughters insta. ‘But iis daughters “decline taking sich Negro of Negeoos that ‘wants o beso forse the sd Negro or Negroes shall have the iD- ley of Chorin a Mater or Mistes that wil buy them provided they wil give a good price fr em as another”™ In 1772, Chl ‘Gardner testified that his brothe’s save Moll had scalded his nephew to death, but she was never prosecuted.” These cir- ‘sumstances raise intriguing questions. Why woulda master leave bis slaves what appears tobe a bribe? Did Hager and her childrenreceive their money when Green died, and were they kind to is ‘wife? Why would Wanton allow his slaves to choose their own masters Did Wantor' aves) emain with his sons or dct olive ‘ith his daughters ordi his droghters ell them? Why did James Gardner not prosecute Mall or murder, expecially since ie brother hhad witnessed the alleged crime? Did Gardner punish Moll him- self Did Moll continue to serve the family or was she old? These ‘questions are imposible to answer but they serve a @ reminder ‘that slavery was a negotiated relationship and that enslaved people ‘were not powerless. The Green, Wanton, and Gardner families bad Ind slaves for over a generation; these experienced enslavers most likely understod tht slave management incided concessions to ‘enslaved people. ‘An interesting result of Rhode lands particular economy i ‘that dictated geographic patterns of slaveholding inthe colony as ‘well a the work done by enslaved people. We know that enslaved people throughout the North dd not produce a tape crop instead, ‘their labor helped to sustain the multitude of laves tht calkivated sugar, tobacco, and rice elsewhere inthe America, Nowhere was ‘thisconnection more salient than in Rhode leland,Enalaved Rhode Islanders labored in distilleries where rum was made to purchase slaves, built the slave ships that transported endaved Alficans, served a the crew on those ships asthe eiscrosed the Atlantic, and grew the food that sustained the enslaved. Justa the growth ofthe plantation transformed back life in the South, laboring in the business of slavery transformed black ie in North, and Rhode Island in particular. Prior to white Rhode Islanders” commitment to Atlantic commerce, in the rst decades of the eighteenth cen- tury, the enslaved population was relatively smal, scattered, and predominantly Native American, However, atthe West Indian and ‘Atlantic lave trades became the cornerstones ofthe local economy, more and more enslaved people of African descent were brought into the ealon. Moreover, thse larger webs of trading determined the places where enslaved people lived and dictated the work they performed. Most rural slaves lived on large farms with three or four othe enslaved people of Arian or Native American descent or indentured whites and Native Americans. In the countryside, especially in Nareagansett Country, these bound people labored LIVING AND LARORISG UNDER SLAVERY / 43 as cow herder, shepherds, and dairy farmers and produced small amounts of grains, vogctables, cheese, and fch. Most urban slaves ‘worked lone or with just one other ensaved or indentured person Inthe coastal cites of Newport, Providence, Warwick, and Brstl, these Bound people worked as domestis, tradesmen, manufactur cs, and shopkeepers. The comlative labor of all these enslaved people all across the colony undergirded the buying and sling of people and goods on both ies ofthe Atlantic. People of oor wih were enslaved by the progenitor ofthebusl- ness of shvery refed tobe treated ar objects or prodets* While few sources reveal the day-to-day experiences of the enlaved, ‘combing public records and private documents allows reason: able conjecture about ther lives. Census data, court records, car- respondence, private papers, and estate and business records of slaveholders shed ligt on the activities ofthe enslave, while aso highlighting the challenges they faced as inheritable and contested propery. The agency of many enslaved people countered attempts by enelavers to view and treat them as commodities, even wen the enslavers were commodity traders. The white merchants and slave traders who carved out the business of slavery, in colonial Rhode Island, were not just businessmen bu active participant in the development and maintenance of American savery—a system. that attempted, unsuccessfully, to dehumanize people of African escent, Many enslaved Rhode Islanders took advantage ofthe fact. that thee labors often mlerored those of whites; they assisted the censiavers in ther various businesses and were routinely rented out as tradesmen and sailors, postions that afforded increased oppor- tunity to challenge the institution of slavery. Yet most enslaved ‘people in Rhode Inland who resisted slavery were not attacking the busines of slavery but seeking feedors for themseves, thei fami lies and thee communities, Their resistance and lived experiences are critical to understanding how American slavery was contested fom every angle. Whether enslaved people foind themselves Ieboring on vest plantations, on small and large farms, in the city, on ships, orn shops, theyan away, lobbied fr ther feedom, and. ‘rove to build full vee within the confines of slavery. Enslaved Rhode Islanders, lke counterparts throughout the Americas, refuse tobe simply property.‘Small Slavcholdings and Fractured Families “The absence of plantations inthe North made the experience of, slavery for enslaved northerners markedly diferent from that of| ‘their counterparts in the middle and southern colonies. Nothern saves often worked alongside and resded inthe same homes as ‘their masters. Most enslaved people in the northern colonies lived and labored inthe countryside rural slaveholders held proportion: ately more enslaved people than thei urban counterparts However, because the colonial populations were offen heavily concentrated in urban areas, there were significant numbers of enslaved people living in towns and ete Ta Rhode land enslaved people were just as kel to live ina city a they wer olive ona farm. Because of the patterns of slavcolding, enslaved families, specially urban fries, were routinely separated in the colonial North: husbands often lived apart from ther wives, parents from cllldrea, and sisters from brothers For sale ads regulary appeared Inthe Providence Gazete stating thatachild was being sold “only for ‘Want of Employ” Intimate living conditions among the enslaved and ensaver led most ves to adapt to and adopt English eulkore ‘and customs. However, they did not abandon African traditions in fact, in the North, the heavy population concentration of backs in New York, New Jersey and New England allowed fr the cretion and persistence of a distinct northern black culture. This culture ‘yas sustained by a steady increase in the proportion of enslaved people born in the clonies. Between 700 an 3750, the propor- ton of black New Englanders who had been born abroad decreased from 7o percent to so percent: after 175, the majority of northern blacks were American bor ‘Neatly half of enslaved Rhode Islanders labored on large farms ‘alsing livestock and cultivating crops for the West Indian trade ‘Merchants and tradesmen in the port cities, who regularly rented ‘out their slaves to ther merchants and tradesmen for shipbullding land sent them to sa, held the other half of the enslaved pops tion. By the end ofthe colonial era, in 1774 20 percent ofthe lave owning households in Rhode Island included sx or more people of cel and of these households 25 percent had tn or more enslaved people! LIVING AND LAMORING UNDER SLAVERY J 45 Daring the colonial era, the vast majrity of people of African {escent in British North America lived under some form of bond: age, a8 did most Native Americans who resided in English sete ments? In Rhode Island, the transition from a predominantly Native American slave popalation to a predominantly Affican slave population was largely a result of increased access to AE cap slaves va the slave trade and a growing desire to purge Native “Americans from white society." Many of the rt Africans trick led into the colony from Barbados in the lst three decades of the Seventeenth century.” During that span, white Rhode Islanders purchased just twenty to thirty enslaved Africans a year. Most of there slaves had been in the Caribbean for over a year and could speak and understand some English. The status of these people ‘was ambiguous for mort of the seventeenth century Some were slaves for life, while others were indentured fr seven en, or even thirty years. Alongside these variant statuses of people of color, the status of white indentured servants remained the same, and their numbers begun to dwindles mortality rates increased andit became more advantageous to own someone for alifetime rather than for several years In the eighteenth century, Rhode sanders ‘began importing slaves directly from Africa as focal slave traders began making regular voyages tothe continent” Merchants and tradesmen from Newport and the Narragansett Country were the primary buyers. By the end ofthe first decade of the eighteenth century, most ofthe enslaved were of Aftican descent and were ‘Slaves fr life; moreover, heir children and their chldzens chil ren, so deemed the Rhode Island egelature, would inbert their ‘status ifelong slaves. For at least the next half century, that geographic patter, which was dictated by the business of slavery, would persist. More than half ofall the enslaved people in the growing colony lived Jn Newport or the Narragansett Country laboring for tradesmen, merchants, and farmers According othe 1755 census, 1.34 slaves (48 men and boys and 386 women and gis) lived in Newport, and 1,306 (664 men and boys and 642 women and girs) slaves lived inthe Narragansett. The result of these concentrations meant that ‘early one-ith ofthe total population in Newport and the Nar- raganset was enslaved46 | ravine ano Lanomne UNDER sLavRy Laboring in the City, at Sea, and in the Countryside (0a June 10,2745, Captain Robert Morris sold four "Mstes” (Gomeone of Afiican and Native American descent) fout "Negroes and one "Malats”(¢omeone of African and European descent for ‘total of £936" Such slave auctions were routine in the busting port city of Newport, There enslaved men and women joined the Tanks of thousinds of enslaved Rhode Islanders.” Sazmuel Bours, small shopkeeper who sold everything fom Bristol beer to prayer books, owned a slave, John Stevens, «stonecuter, and Richard Johnson, a baker, owned a slave, “and seven ofthe 11 recipients of tavern licenses granted in Newport owned one to three elves” Inthe city enslaved women abored primarily ax domestic servants ‘while men labored in local industry (candlemaking and rum ds tillese), husbandry, building and metal trades, sailing, whaling and manual labor (wharf warehousing)” One of the many things that made ensaved people so valuable ina commerce based econ- fomay was ther ersaility—they could beput to work as tradesmen, secretaries, and sailors “As ofen the only enslaved person ins househol, enslaved peo- ple in Newport and Providence lve fly solitary lives lodged in alti a gartt, ora kitchen, working by themselves or beneath 2 ‘white supervisor And, like poor people ofall races and statuses In the colonies, enslaved northerner often sufeed fom malate ton, exiting on adit of "corn mel, stale bread and watery stew” “This typeof det was particularly bad for women because it lacked the addtional iron, poten, and caleium required for regular men struation and successful pregnancy. And wale enslaved people in furl ares, these city dell were not alloted vegetable gardens ‘or given leave to hunt to supplement thet det. ‘Despite the isolation within individval hoaseholds, the nature of urban slavery allowed enslaved urbanites considerable freedom ‘of movernent and sarocaton. Because mos enslaved men in New- port and Providence worked for merchants and tradesmen, they twee often required to traverse the city and had regular encounters vith other slaves, servants, and free people. On the other band, mort enslaved women lacked the mobility oftheir male counter- parts, ee ther abors were primarily coafined to the household, Lavine Ano LAKORING UNDER SAVER / 47 where they worked “sweeping, emptying chamber pos, cerrying water washing the dishes, brewing, ooking after young culdzen cooking, baking, spinning, knitting, carding and sewing’ te primary exception to this domestic work was fetching water and running errands, which allowed sporadic and brief contact with a slightly larger wold. few endaved women acted as lady maids” tothe wivesand daughters ofthe wealthiest daveholdes, and those slaves presumably saa bit more ofthe wotl. This abo, lifelong, ‘menial and hard, offered few oF no opportunites for advance ‘ment, autonomy, or adventure. Nevertheless, enslaved northern city dwellers atleast the mea) had dally interactions with indi viduals completely outside the contol and domain of their mas- tera This ws especialy true in the port ces of Providence and (Newport, where enslaved people were rented out for days, weeks, ‘and sometimes yeas. They traveled between their enlaver’s home to their workplaces: hops, ships, or other private homes Endlaved northemer urbanites also had grester access to educt- ‘on and religious instraction than their southern counterparts Sarah shorn, awhite critic of avery established an interacial school inthe sy5osin Newport, and in the 376s eld Sunday services in her hae cecil fr enslaved peopl visting white Baptist ministers con cted the services. By 2765, fe and endaved backs were attending services; the nxt year Osborn recoded that thirty-ive black women and ortybackmen regula attended Sunday evening services Local ‘esgyman organized schools and cases for blacks, including Rever- ‘end Thomas Pate in the 150, Marmaduke Brown (nthe 27609), and Reverend George Bisset inthe 177s)- Mrs. Mary Bret looper stad schoo for blacks nthe 1760sand 17708" Such interracial and intercass social interactions were noted and resented by the eaclaver class. In 3703, a8 we have seen, the Rhode Island General Assembly restricted the movements of all blacks and Netive Americans, egardles oftheir status. They were not tobe out after nine inthe evening In 1708, the Assembly for- Dae whites from socializing with "black slaves” and “Indian ser ‘ants and finally in 1750 the wmakers forbade the entertaining of Indian, negro of mulatto servants or slaves" Authorities were especially concerned about enslaved blacks cavorting with fee tacks48 J LIVING AND anomie UNDER sLaveRr ‘Any fee Negro or mulato who shall keep a disorderly house ‘orentertain any slave or slaves a unreasonable hours orn any flagrant manner, sch town council be hereby empowered to examine int said matte—end shall ind auch fee Negro ‘or mulatto guilty ofthe same. They may, if they think proper, ‘break up fom the howse-keeping such fre Negro or mulatto And if such fee Negroes o mulattes have ben slaves and ‘manunitted by ther masters—town councll are hereby empowered —to put out and bind them as servants fora term of time, not exceeding four years” ‘The repeated attempts by Iwmakers, across multiple generations, to contol the movement and socializing of enslaved people evel that enslaved people made lives for themselves outside the bonde of slavery Because urban slaves often had relative freedom of movement and association, and because they often possessed sought-after skis, they had increased opportunities to ie In 770, Quam, an enslaved skilled tradesman, did just that. His ensaver placed the following ad inthe Providence Gazette Quam negro man supposed tobe about thirty years fae by ‘wade cooper, wen rom his masts hous n Providence ast probably ina delirious condition, being often subject tbe), on Sunday the 8th day of flys, and hs not been heard of ince eis of middling stature, slim make, of serious thought- fal turn ofmind, inclines o talk but itl, but speaks pretty good Faglis, ia good Workman at his Trade, and former}y lived with Mr. Alexander Frazer, of whom he learnt it Had on an old striped flannel jacket, striped shirt, tow trousers and an old Hat but tok nothing else with him thats known, although he was uncommonly neat nd precise in is dress, ‘Whoever can give any Account (fliving) where ei, so that is Master may have him again or wll fei found liv {ng tendery snd kindly treat him, an return him as soon possible wo his master, shal have two dollars reward, snd all necessary expenses end charges paid by Job Smith > (Quam’s enslaver noted his intelligence and skill and wanted his runaway treated “tenderly and kindly” Moreover, Quasa had sme LIVING AND LABORING UNDER SLAVERY / 49 considerable social freedoms he was usally deiking on Sun days, most likely with others, He also had a good command of the language and s marketable skill and had both the meens and te ‘opportunity to successfully fee bondage. Skilled enslaved trades- man Cassa, who was “by Trade a Blacksmith, but principally fal lows Anchor Making.” alo absconded from is Newport enslavr Eber Sweet placed thirteen inquiries in the local paper about Cae sar’ whereabouts, Despite his efforts Caesar was nat recovered = Josiah Lyndon alo taught his enslaved bondsman Ceesar Lyndon sought-after sil. Lyndon ws the Assembly lrk from 1728 uni 1767 and served a single term as governor from 2768 to 1769, and (Caesar worked as ie business agent. In fact, Caesar bad hls own. small lending bsiness; enslaved as well a ce Backs and whites borrowed money fom him.™ “hs Newport and Providence were port cities, many enslaved Rhode Islanders Inbored aboard ships Infact, che demand for sil ‘ors was 80 high that, by 3774, the cty of Newport a a female jority because 0 many men white and black, fee and enslaved, went of were sent out t sa.” Saint Jag, who was enslaved to Stephen Hopkias—a former Rhode island governor and signer ofthe Declaration of Independence—was pat of the crew ofthe Blackbird, privateer commissioned by Hopkins in 1762 Jag also ‘worked a a rigges, iting the ropes and chains used to support the masts and control the sails ofthe ship, on a twenty-ton schooner Enslaved Rhode Islanders, like thelr northern port city counter. prs, were also routinely invoked in shipbuilding and voyage preparation. On June 23, 3747, to enslaved men, "Negro Mingo” fd "Negro Toney” were rented out to help prepare the Swan for 8 West Indian voyage. "Negro Anthony” was rented six times in 4 two-year period to help outit trading ships Job Banister, prominent Newport merchant, regularly rented out all three of| there men. Slaveholding women also “rented out" their bonds sen: widows James, Thurston, and Wanton sent ther “negroes"to ‘work on the Apollo, as did Lida Rodam, who rented out multiple Dondsmen:® These men were a part of long history of enslaved people, engaged in neatly every aspect of maritime labor: they and other enslaved men worked as plots, sailors, canoe men, divers, LUnguists, porters, stewards, cooks, cabin boys, and rggers*50 J LIVING ap Lavonive UNDER SLAVERY ‘Like many enslaved men before im, Benjamin Preebody sailed ‘ot of Newport, which had become, by the a730e the center of North American slave trading. He salle from Rhode Island to West Africa, to Grenada, to Pensacola, to the West Indies, and finaly to New York. It was from New York City on Apri , 1784, nearly a decade after his journey began, that he posed leter 9 his eslaver, reminding him of his promise to emancipate him and reporting his beleaguered condition Dear Master Thelong to you and without your goodness would grant me any bert tbe free man as you ofen Promised me should when Iwas with you Iwas not content but wanted may liberty but have Sincerely wish Td never ad let you the sill that was given tothe hogs Ihave often wish for young Mal- ‘boar an inform how Iwas used Tm at present ina very low state ofhealth and without a frend or Copper to bless hope your goodnes wll comply with my request let me know if Tmo be free or remain a slave ifyour goodness will consent to sive my discharge I would wish line fom your awn hand and ‘then T would know what Id had to depend upon Tm at present at work to discharge a debt my Spirits is very low and [relly Delcw in a declining tate of health my Sincare Prayers and ‘wel wishes for you and all your family which sal at present from poor Benjamin Freebody.” ‘Two months late, Jane 16,2784, Benjamin wrote to Samuel again, this time imploring him not to sell him: “Being well assured of| your goodness which [have experienced for many years... hope and trust you will nt sell me to any man without my consent” “is latory was one ofthe many strategies emplayed by enslaved people to combat arbitrary power. He aso reported that he and Dick, who was most lkely owned by Samuel Freebody, received nly “one doller” and "zs vests osnabrg fr 2 frocks and se much bis as made a shirt and trousers” in all hee ime at sea Free= body was hinting that they and therefore Semel Frecbody, ad not been properly compensated for their labor, it was not usual for slaves who were rented out to receive clothing or cash in adlition to the fee paid wo thei master In some respects, Erecbody repre sented atypical enslaved Rhode Ilander—his labors were shaped ovENG AND LABORING UNDER SLAVERY J 51 bby the busines of slavery inthathe was rented out 8 slo how- fever, unlike most enslaved people, he left a firsthand account of his experiences and his desire wo bea fre man. There is no record of Samuel reebody’s response, so we do not know if Samuel ever ‘manumitted Benjamin; however, Samuel did report having slaves in is household in 1800 Enslaved sailors ike Freebody, often had to contend with multiple master and to navigate mule lay ers of oppression. Precbody had to appeal to hie fst master to sare him from his master ebroed, while making 2 case fr his ulimate soal—freedom. ndaved Rhode Islanders were jut as likely to labor on farms as they were o labor In its, and im the Narragansett Country they raised livestock and gre food forthe West Indian trade. The Narragansett County, as we have see, was home t the highert concentration of enslaved people in New England throughout most ofthe eighteenth century The siz of slavehaldings in the Nar sagansett Country has been long contested among historians. One bas claimed that a fee planters had a many as forty to say slaves, ‘ile another hss asserted that some planters had twenty but no ‘more than fifty another stillhas contended that slaveholders rarely bad fifty and that most had no more than fie. Such disparities aze most likly a result of poor record keeping and confusion over terminology—-Narragansett County farmershavebbeea referred 0 ss planters(aveholders who own large tracts ofland and twenty or more enslaved people), which is misleading, since they were farm rs who held four or ive enslaved people on large tracts of lan. Despite these contentions, historians have more recently asserted, and L agree, that whatever the veal patterns of saveholding, there ‘were enough enslaved peopein the Narragansett Country to make it the wealthiest region of the colony and "to constitute a viable community" with distinctive Black northern culture." Thi large concentration allowed enslaved people to form multigeneratonal families who often lived together, however, these relationships ‘were not legally recognized. And like thee southern counterparts, northern saveholders rarely included the names of fathers when they recorded the births of enslaved infants” Tn the Narragansett Country, the save population increased naturally. Records show that generations of enslaved familie lived52 / LIVING AND LAKORING UNDER SLAVERY and labored there. For example, “Negro woman named Mary— had several children oe call Moll” and "Negro Moll had srw cr children’, Moll and her children and grandehllren all lived ln North Kingstown.” This mulligenerational concentration of blacks allowed enslaved people to pass on family and communal traditions” "Most nalaved people inthe Narragansett Country wereavolved sn tending livestock and culating small amounts of Indian cor, ys hemp, fax, and tobacco. Though most of the enslaved were ‘volved in caring for animals and agricultural labor they also ‘worked at skilled tradesmen and domestic servants. They made routine carpentry repair, cut firewood, and accompanied thelr ‘asters to market, while enslaved women labored inthe domestic ‘conomy-—cooking, cleaning, nursing the sick, aring for children, snd storing food. Enslaved women also milked cows and manufac tured cheese and butter* On Reverend James MacSparran's farm enslaved men and women were kept busy boeing, walling ditching, fencing, moving, haying, and milking MacSparran also recorded «addtional odd jobs and errands run by hs enslaved people "Harry illin Cora, My Neg’ digging potatoes, Harry split 220 Stakes, Harry slted meat, Harry cared the hogs and then he and Emblo boot ye corn and Stalks ftom Boston Nece™ “Ennlaved people in the Narragansett Country ike their coun- terparts throughout history, experienced the common brtalities of slavery. The most commen physieal punishment was wipping for fogging, wile the threat of sale was nied ata paychological control. Enslavers also commissioned and purchased devices such aspothooks, muzzes and balls and chainsto restrain their man property. Chroaie tanaways were branded and maimed—fngers, toc and even feet and hands removed. The enslaved in the Narra ‘gansett Country were also under nea constant surveillance. Like ‘ost enslaved northernesthey lived inthe homes oftheir masters: few farms were large enough to warrant separate slave quarters. SO while slaves on large southera plantations could retreat and tempo- ‘arly ecape white surveillance, enslaved people in Nerragansett ‘Country lived just om the periphery oftheir enslavers lives, More= ‘over physical proximity further emphasized the drastic diferences between the enslaved and ther enalver, For example, slaves ofen 1LAViNG AND LABORING UNDER SLAVERY J 53 had access to their masters personal space, suchas bedroom and bathing chambers, and maay enslaved people helped thelr masters dress and bathe; however, rituals such as meals, church, and Birla were segregated inorder to teach slaves thei lac, and slaves were relegated t sleep in kitchen, storage areas, barns, garets, and ate (Challenging and Resisting the Institution of Slavery In 1673, “negro servants" Maria and George were indicted for fornicting: they both were found guilty and sentenced to “fiteen stripes In 1707, an unnamed “negro” man reportedly murdered Ibiemastes ran away, and drowned himseif athe than be captured by officials. The General Assembly ordered “tat his head legs, and armsbe cut from his body, and hung up in some pubic place, near the town (Newport to public view: and his body be burnt to ashes, that t may, if please God, be something of terror to oth es from perpetrating of the ike barbart forthe fature™Tn 1714, 2 “mulatto™ man ran way from the city of Newport In 1728, Jethro, an enslaved “negro” stole a canoe from his master Robert ‘Wilcox, a yeoman of Kingstown, and paddled to Martha’ Vine yard, and “hid among the Indians" tn 1734, Hezekiah Gorton's “negro man’ was found gully of poisoning two white women— [Ann Markham and Rebecca French—with contaminated “apples tnd mill” and was ordered “ted orbound tothe public whipping, postins'd Town and stripped naked from his waist upwardsreceiv= lng twenty ive lashes on his naked body” Maria and George acted butrde the contro of their masters when they had sexs they were willing to isk severe punishment for companionship. Both the “mulatto man? and Jethro robbed their enlavers of ther human property. The polsoner embarrassed his enlaver by poisoning his {uests; moreover, he could have billed them. These individual acts ‘of resstance were a varied in motivation as they were in execution. ‘Some were in search of autonomous ationships. Others may have ‘sought revenge or found themselves canght in a moment of anger ‘tha ed them fo illo plan to kill or cause ines. Some were seek ing temporary or permanent escape from slavery. And although these acts of resistance were not aimed at destroying the business54] LtvINo AND LABORING UNDEX SLAVERY cofsevery her actions did interrupt the busines of their cnlaers “Moreover, the actions ofthe eave deed the racial esogy of ‘their masters—these pople were anything bt simple propery "nsaved Rhode Islanders transformed loal rivers and water ‘waysfrom avenues of economic opportuni, forthe eslver das, to avenues of escape, Fight via water was such a concern hatin 174 the General Assembly forbade enslaved peopl from boarding fees alone, even under the directives oftheir enslave: they had ‘be accompanied by th ojne o some white person In aubor: ity They also doteruped the busines of slavery by stowing asrayon ship, which were lenin the port cies of Newport, Providence and Best It wasn respons to this that the Gen eral Asem passed «1757 la allowing svehlders to search Private vessels where they suspected their hima propery was ‘owed, ened them to dovble damages if priate or apis vas found guy of aling an inhabitants dave, and made xp {ais responsi for ensuring that no saves were hidden on thelr ‘ess, These ls revel the determination and resoureeflnst ‘of enslaved people who refed to acep ther gal stats as cat te However, the General Asembly was espondingta needs othe individual slaveholders who were contending with deSanc. James MacSparrn, the prominent Narragansett Country farmer and minister, corded such insubordiatebbavior in is diary" got wp this morning ee and ining Hana had been out. Istrptand gave hin aferaaes the begged As Hace ws Srying him, my poor pasionat dear MacSparrans wil] saying Thad at gen him enough, gave him lash oo, upon which eran Hannibal was evovered and MacSparan put pothooks about his neck” A fe das ltr Hannibal was whipped ga, ster which he aga ran ava. He was returned by one of MacSpar- ‘an peshioners, who pled with his minister to be moe lenient ‘wth hs save Hannibal ot wa alone nis deiant beavor. the colonial period Rhode Ian slaveldes placed one hundred (anery-w0 men and eight womes) runaway ive averrements in local and regional papers" Over ao percent ofthe runaways ere esl by scars Twenty of them ad ears on thi faces, hile twenties were marked somewbere on their bodies The evidence suggests that there cars were mort ikely «res of work Lavine Aven LABORING UNDER SLAVERY / 55 accidents, punishments, neglect, or illness, rater than wiingly intleted utara scars ich were yplely ented as county, thats or glnea maskin thor advertisements Quako, who was* “port and hice had iets branded on hin shoulders, Rober, ‘eho was born in ama, had burn scar between his check and ismouth Landon who en swf Newport bad Tos alls tocs on bah fet rime, fourteen year-old who stood only four ict iou ince d-whiping sees om is arms end bac, ih 2 ‘edad impudent” ety resold had "vveral mark et ‘ye Ringel on hiv atk «reenter of taberc lous selling othe mph plan. Prince ad “ball cooked eg.” Seven runaway slaves had vied smalipox and wee lt wil Ilong sae, These physcal desertion sugges that enaved "hod lander like thet counterpars throughout the Amerie, srr phyla punished, wee employed in dangerous abo were Inadequtely claed, and seeced mini medical atention “Te sat_majrty of the runaways rere Young men eho absconded from Newport, Providence, and the Naragaset ‘Country. More than yo percent fhe ranaways wee described as ‘Negroes prent ar Multioes” percents “Indians” and 6 percent a "Mastees™ In al 7 percent ofthe runaways were Younger than thirty, and percent were between the ages of ghec and twenty ves 26 percent were under ehten, Over a qtr obs pce of Roe nd runmay ccaped rom the ereganet Country, whe 49 percen ands percent ran aay fom Newport and Providence, especie. This tend more the pattern of slavebelding in Rhode Inland generally Narar facet Country resent el the highest proportion of saves in ode Ind, lowed by the ces of Newport spd Providence anway advertisement fra glimpse ino the verse mot tins for ave fight While wadoutedly mast ded to gain thet feadom orto emporaniy exeape work, ceunstances ade each Peso incetives diferent. Srah Thompson, a tccager with Free eye? fed to finder mother, who shebeleedivedn Prov ‘dence, Richard, a“poced masked” tweay-ve year-old, report, {Kyran aay to reunite wth hi wie Others ete bond through sabotage56 | LIVING AND LABORING UNDER SLAVERT Tour incidents of slave arson appeared in colonial Rhode Istnd newspapers. In 762, Fortune, an “abandoned Negro” stfireto the Tong Wharf the ety of Newpor’s major port, causing £8,000 of damage. Fortune was summarily executed, “banged by the neck."* Fortune’ actions suggest intent to disruptor even destroy the eco ‘nomic heart of the city, since the Loag Wharf was where Rhode Islanders launched thelr slave ship filled with locally grown food and distilled rum. The other arsons eppear to be, not threats text the business of slavery, but personal acts of revenge. In 175 Thomas Randall's “black servant boy tred of tending ani- mals, confessed to seting the bara on fie In 1772 and 1774, two disgruntled enslaved men reportedly se thei respective masters) homes afre” Thete enslaved arsonists used fire to punish thei cnlavers and express thir dsstisfactions with their captivity. Enslaved people also pushed back agnnst the Isaltion and solitude of slavery. In 2673 "Negro Jobbs” was indicted for bav- ing "carnal copulation with James Gray; Jobba ped not gly and the jury agreed" That same yea, Hope, a Negro woman,” vas found guilty of fornication with James Pass and was sentenced to citherfiteen stripes or fine of forty shillings tothe treasury” James Gray and James Pass were most likely white men: the court, ‘record gives their surname, and nonwhites were usualy identified in court recards as "Negros, Mulattoes or Indians.” Maroca,aslave tn James MacSparraa’s Nazragansett Country farm, was involved {na consensual relationship with another lve named Mingo, who lived on 3 neighboring farm, and they had two children together, despite MacSparran’ order to end the relationship. When the two continued to see one another, he sold their youngest child Indeed, such efforts to curtail the behavior of enslaved people were not restricted to individual masters. As we have seen the colon ‘government tried to do the same several times, passing laws in 17051708, and 3750 that attempted to contol the socal ives of the cslaved Enslaved people resisted the olation af northern ave holding, and some paid s high price for love and companionship. "Ensaved Rhode Islanders, ike thei counterparts throughout ‘the Americas, lao resisted the institution of slavery through recre- ation they took time for themselves, Despite their many burdens, tenaaved people found pleasure in and uses for ther bodies that Ino AND LABORHG UNDER sLAvERY I 57 were independent of and not beneficial o their owners Caesar lyndon, the enslaved business agent of Rhode Island Governor Josiah Lyndon, corded the contents of rather claborate cookout ‘held by several enslaved people. On August 12,1765, "Boston Vose, Lingo Stephens, Phylis Lyndon, Nepton Sispson and Wife, Prince Thurston, Caesar Lyndon, and Sarah Searing” left Newport and ‘went out to Portsmouth fra day in the country. They toa" Pigg to rosst, wie, bread, ram, green cor, limes for punch, supa, but tes tea and coffee” Two months after ther outing Caesar Lyndon and Sarah Searing married: year later, Lingo Stephens and Phyllis Iyndon became man and wife® These fiends were asserting thei humanity amid inhumane conditions Yes, they legally belonged to someone, but they also tok time for themselves. ‘infact the enslaved attempted toinstitaionalizlelsureandrec- eatin. Starting a8 early asthe late seventeenth century, enslaved ‘commonitisin the North beyan to gather annualy to fast, dance, play games, drink, gamble, and sometimes “eect” an honorary {governor or king to rule for the duration ofthese festivities. Fora ‘day or two, enslaved people gathered to reconnect and rejuvenate ‘These annual festivals, which typically took place in the spring. ‘were known as "Negro" Eletion Days throughout New England and Pinkster Days elsewhere inthe Northeast, especially in New York and New Jersey. Similar festivals had along history in medi- eval Europe, where holidays were regarded as important “safety valves” ina world of oppression and exploitation. Although these Ceebrations were initlly organized by slave masters, enslaved people gradually appropriated them for themeelves* Dancing was a key part of what made these celebrations dis tinclly black-—both «reflection of African and African Ameri- can cultare—because dancing and music were sacred for people fof Affican descent. Moreover, dance "ean be an extremely subtle means of perpetuating values,” particalasly since “the oppressor had no handle on ts meaning” In the northern and southern colonies dance and music were “the most important forms of sl expression avalabe to ordinary Back men and women; however, ‘there festivals wee a northern phenomenon A Salem clergyman noted “most fatiguing dances and the never ceasing sound of the violin’ that were typleal at such celebrations.” These festivities58 / 12VING AND LanORING UNDER SLAVERY allowed enslaved people to temporarily escape the drudgery of slavery. As cultural histori Shane White contends the festivals ‘were “one ofthe most important and revealing cultural phenom- tena inthe history of the black experience in Amerca™ ‘Such celebrations by enslaved people in South Kingstown, the largest and wealthiest town in the Narragansett County, met resistance. Attempts to suppress such activites were most likely at eaction to the relatively large numbers of enslaved people in the region. Historian String Stuckey has argued that Pike Days were “allowed” because of the “supreme confidence” ofthe northern ensaver class, wo tok comfort inthe fact that enslaved people never constituted more than a tiny minority inthe region.” However the enslaved population in the Narragansett Country constituted large minority; ax we have sen, by midcentury the 4,306 enslaved people accounted fr one-fith of the regions popu- lation." Narragansett farmers were mot likely uncomfortable with ny sort of public display of autonomy by enslaved people" Tn 2733, town councilmen in South Kingstown attempted to criminalize the gatherings that enslaved people had been having fora number of years ‘Whereasit hath bin a Curtom fr several yeare pat for Ind ans nd Negroes Servants and others to meet Gather on the “Third week in Jane Annually inthis Town under a pretense of Keeping a sort of Fare, Which hath proved very surpcios the Owners of such servants aswell a other people ti here: fore voted and Enacted that this Town Meeting that it shall, bbe lawful for any Constable to leash such offenders and cary them before authority for order that such oflenses shall be pub- lickly whipt and an one Justice ofthe Peace May Order Such fenders tobe Whipt at his discretion not exceeding twenty stripes, and the offender to Pay Lawfully charge free persons and if aves then thelr master to pay charge” 1 is ificul to discern from the record whether this annual cel eration was indeed a “Negro” Eletion Da, butte brief descrip on ofthe eventandits occurrence in June suggest that it was” The rebuke ofthe town council is puzzling considering that in other Rhode Island towas, and later inthe century inthe Narragansct LIVING ABD LABORING UNDER SLAVERY J 59 Country, there is evidence that the enslaver class condoned such, festivities, ‘slaved people dressed fr the occasion. Cyrus Bruce, enslaved by Goveenar Langdon of New Hampshire, wore “a massive gold chain, chery colored smalleloths, sik stockings, rules, and sl- ver shoe buckles” In 3847, Wilkin Updike, a white Narragansett ‘Country resident, recalled, "Te was degrading to the reputation of| the owner if his save appeared inferior apparel” Infact, some tzalaved people even wore their masters swords and arrived oa their owners best Narragansett Paces (prized horses) * Whether ‘ornot enslaved people had the permission" oftheir masters or the spproval ofthe local town council far afew days out of the year ‘they sbandoned workin exchange for communal vl. ‘These anal etval were not jst about recreation; they were a “rareand valued opportunity for African Americans to socialize" “These marginalized peoples were exercising freedom for them- selves albeit momentary andthe feedom to nurture relationships. ‘This was especially important inthe rural Narragansett Country, here enslaved people, especially women, bad litle opportunity toleave the farms where they labored. These celebrations allowed them to stay connected t friends and family on neighboring farms and to retain and pass on thelr culture, primarily through music land dance, In New England, “Negro” Hleetion Day remained a ‘rtcal pert of Afican American socal and cultura ie during and after the breakdown of slavery and was celebrated vel into the 2igo5" ‘Whether they gathered for festivals had sex without the approval oftheir owners, ran away, stole, or setteirenslavers barns, homes, for ports aie, enslaved Rhode Islander, lke their counterparts throughout the Americas, resisted the institution of avery and in turn the business of slavery. Thelr actions as individuals and as a ‘community dlsupted the business oftheir enlavers. And while the vast majority of those who resisted their bondage were most likin seazch of personal sutonomy and freedom, thelr defiance challenged the false chime and asertions of their owners—that ‘enalaved people were chattel.0 J tavine asm LABORING UNDER SLAVERY Slavery lourished in colonial Rhode Island, especialy as the bosines of slavery became increasingly important to the survival and success of the colony. However, enslaved Rhode Islanders eshte the efforts of thei enslavers to turn them into commodi- ties, And although many of th enslaved labored in the business of slavery as sllors, carpenters, and distillers, thelr lives held ‘meaning beyond enriching the owner. Enslaved Rhode Islanders formed families, friendships, and created communities; hey ran ‘way, they stole, they damaged property. So while the business ‘of slavery may have defined the strictures of their lives it dd not ‘define their Ives,