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    (African language monograph, no. 8.) [by] Leslie H. Stennes. Project director_ Irvine Richardson. - A reference grammar of Adamawa Fulani-[East Lansing] African Studies Center, Michigan State Universi.pdf

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    PL-S-o9zey PA LR sent ED016955 A Reference Gr of Adamawa Fulani By Leslie H. Stennes ~ US, DeaRTMeNT OF HEAL cA Weta OFFICE OF EDUCATION ‘THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE | PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT, POINTS OF VIEW OP. OPINIOKS ‘STATED DO NOT RECESSARILY REPRESERT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION ‘POSITION OR POLICY. i African Language Monograph No. 8 African Studies Center Michigan State University 1967 aL. 000 sag A REFERENCE GRAMMAR oF ADAMAWA FULANI Author: Leslie H. Stennes, M.A. Project Director : Irvine Richardson, Ph.D. Compiled and produced at the African Studies Center Michigan State University 1967 The research reported herein was performed pursuant to a contract with the United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education, (under provisions of Title VI, Public Law 85-864) as amended. (Contract No. OE - 6 - O14) a FOREWORD When one attempts to place the languages of Africa on @ scale based on the extent of the area over which they constitute a useful means of communication, there are some which immediately spring to mind as contenders for a high position on the list. For a variety of reasons Fulani in its many dialectal forms tends to ‘be underestimated in this respect. Yet it extends fron Senegal to Chad and provides a medium of intercourse for many of the tribes which border on this region. The present work, composed by Mr. Leslie H. Stennes, bears testimony to the author's long experience of Adamawa culture, his sound linguistic training and great patience and perseverance. Because of the unavailability of Fulani informants at, Michigan State University where the grammar was written, he has been obliged to describe the language by means of a painstaking analysis of previously recorded and transcribed material obtained in the field, with only occasional recourse to sources in Cameroun. Z would like to thank the United States Department of Health, Bducation and Welfare, Office of Education for supporting this project. My gratitude also is extended to the various agencies of Michigan State University for their kind and thoughtful co-operation. Finally, I am indebted to Mr. Stennes and indeed to all who have collaborated in this venture for the efficient and responsible manner in which they have performed their respective duties. East Lansing Irvine Richardson, Ph. June, 1967 Project Director people in the savannah areas of West Africa from Senegal to Chad speak Fulani. Since Fulani is one of the major languages of Africa, it certainly merits the attention it has already received, as is evident from the partial list of works dealing with it (see Bibliography pages 269 to 276). In view of the large number of existing grammars, the production of yet another would seen to require some, justification. Although many have written on Fulani, most of these works do not greatly advence our understanding of the language. Many are Just brief sketches often done by laymen. The great velume of such publi- cations is deceiving since only a few authors merit serious considera- tion. Gaden's work on Poular was, and still is, a milestone in Fuleni studies. Arnott has written many sound articles and is about to putlish ¢ grammar of the Gombe dialect. For Adamaws, KLingenheben's grammar and Taylor's lexical work are the best. ‘Although most Fulani dialects are mutually intelligible, they aiffer sufficiently to necessitate descriptive studies for different dialects.. At the same time, because of the close relationship between dialects, new information gained in one area will be important elsewhere as well- In spite of all the previous studies of Adamawa Fulani, a new granmar has now become necessary because the older works were denied the insights of more recent grammatical theories. They were either ‘based on the aralysie of ‘classical’ languages (as was Taylor's) or they.lecked unity and overall organization (as aia Klingenheben's) « In other words, they failed to give us a real notion of the unified system that Adanawa Fulani surely mst have. Furthey although former grammars claim to be based on speech, it was a variety of speech that had been seriously modified by the field workers both as regards editing and the manner of collection. Gremmarians (as well as the Fulani thenselves) tend to look for ‘correct’ or ideal forms and it appears that ‘incorrect' forms have sometimes been edited out of the material. a In an attempt to avoid these pitfalls, most of the corpus was recorded on magnetic tapes. The use of elicited materials has largely been avoided since this produces examples which are out of context and nore apt to be skewed because of the sbnormal method of collection. To obviate this, longer discourses, folklore, description, sermons and conversation have been recorded. While it is true that the presence of a foreigner and a machine can affect the informant's style--we trust that this was minimized by obtaining excellent rapport with most of our informants and by atcustoning them both to us and to the re- cording machine through prolonged contact (ten to fourteen years for the main informants). The discourses thus recorded were translated end filed systematically. References are given in the grammar for all except very short examples. The references include the initials of the informant end the nunbers of the transcribed material. This uitranslated transcribed material may be seen at the African Studies Center, Michigan Svate University. Hesitation phenomena, false starts, etc. were all filed. Thus, actual speech rather than idealized speech has been studied. My own predilections have no doubt skewed the transcription, but these are not considered as deing serious enough to invalidate the corpus in any important way. The aim has been to describe the sample in an econusical way with the velief that it is representative of Adsmawa Fulani as a whole. There has been no attempt to describe Fulani from a historical or comparative viewpoint. Yor the present work an adequate view of the theory of Langusge vas thought necessary. Language is looked on as @ code by means cf which experiences are translated into speech sounds. Grammar is 6 systematic study of these structured codes or layers. Meaning is thought to be structured and hence should also be described, although this grammar has not included it. I have only probed a little into the structure of discourse. The smaller units have received a more systenatic treatment. It seemed best to try to show how the systens are structured and how they fit into the language code as a whole iv rather than to delve into the mary areas which nave already received considerable attention but which can be understood only when the entire structure has been at least portly understood. The purpose of this grammar, then, is to give an overview of the entire structure with enough detail and examples to demonstrate its nature. It is hoped that it will not only help linguists to under- stand the structure o. Fulani and to write pedagogical materials, but that it will also advance the knowledge of those who have already learned the language. High priority has been given to clarity of presentation of the analysis and this has necessitated the use of many special terms, abbreviations and symbols. While the two latter are glossed not all the special terms are explained since this grammar is primarily written for the linguist and those who speak Fulani. The English glosses are intended only as a rough guide to the meaning of the Fulani example and sot as elegant translations. ‘The study is limited to the speakers of ‘Adamawa Fulani', i.e. that of the ola Kingdon of Modibbo Adama, which includes present day Adamawa and Sardauna provinees in Nigeria and much of the Fuleni- speaking areas of Cameroun, but not Naroua or Kalfou. : Our data is, of course, a restricted sample from Adamawa in that the main informants are few: Mallum Sealihu, and Marta Adama of Doubeye, Mallum Abaayi of Garoua and Mallum Markus of Jeneta. ‘The two latter were born about 1900 and are deceased. Marta Adama was born in the late 1930's and Mallun Sealinu a decade eariier. I am indebted to many for their help in the preparation of this grammar, but can list only a few. First I am especially grate- ful for the patience of Mallum Abaayi, Mallum Markus Muhammadu, NeLlum Saalihu and Narta Adama vho have taught me most of the Fulani I know and also to many other informants who were kind enough to give of their time aud talent in the recording of Fulani data. Jgc0 Kirk-Greene, 1958, p. 15, and Mohanadou, 1965. I would like to express my gratitude te those whom I have consulted during the course of this project, br. H. A. Gleason, Jr., Dr. D. W. Arnott, and Dr. Lloyd Swift, My thanks also go to Jarle Olson, David Smith, Dr. Roger W. Shuy, Dr. Ruth Brend, and many others who read parts of the manuscript and offered valuable criticisms. I owe a great deal to previous writers on the Fulani Language, as. well as to those whose works have provided general guidance. These are indicated in the bibliography. Many thanks go to the numerous students at Michigan State University who have helped in various ways, but especially to Miss Dotti Clune who has been the project secretary since December 1965. While I am, of course, solely responsible for ‘the analysis and the final cory, I am particularly indebted to the project director, Dr. Irvine Richardson, for administering the project in such an efficient vay and for his many valuable suggestions concerning granmatical anelysis and style of writing. ‘In conclusion, I gratefully acknowledge the financial support accorded this project by the U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education, and the excellent facilities and co- operation provided by Michigan State University during the execution of the contract. East Lansing, Michigan Leslie H. Stennes June, 1967 REFERENCE GRAMMAR OF ADAMAWA FULANT ‘FOREWORD t } CONTENTS i PART I PHOVOLOGY banal Chapter 1 PHONEMICS L 1a Relation to Standard Orthcgraphy 1 Le Vowel Phonemes 1 1.21 Inventory 1 1.22 Phonetic features 2 1.23 Vowel contrasts 2 1.24 Vowel distribution 4 1.3 Consonant Phonenes 6 1.32 Inventory 6 1.32 Fhoaetic features 6 1.33 Consonant: contrasts 1 1.34 Consonant distribution 10 alt Lerger Units u 1.41 Words cb 1.411 Junctures 2 1.412 syllables 13 1.413. Word-syllable comparison 5 Lb Stress 16 1.15 Nasalization 16 116 Extra Length ar 1.417 Tdeophones Wy vid Chapter 2 2a. Lhe 1s Breath Groups 1421 Stress 1.4211 Noun phrase stress 1.4212 Verb phrase stress 1.422 Final glottality 2.423 Intonation Discourse units ‘MOKPHOPHONEMICS General Rules : 2ar 2.12 2.3 2.18 2.15 2.16 2.17 Sequence Limit 2.111 Nominal: avoidance 2.122 Verbal avoidance Non-permitted sequences Phoneme reduction and vowel harmony Variation in vowel length 2.141 Neutralization of some ee/aa vowels 2.1K2 Predictable vowel lengtn 2.143 Euphonious infixes Alternation of initial consonants Alternation of semivowels Morphological stress 2.171 Stressed elements 2.172 Non-stressed elements Rules applying to limited items of speech vii a1 au aL 25 26 eT 35 35 cs) 35 35 39 4o 4o 4S Ab 46 46 ut ut 49 50 PART II Chapter 3 3.1 o fo MORPHOLOGY NOMINALS 51 Nouns 5. 3.11 Compound nouns 51 3.12 Non-class nouns 52 3.13 Infinitives 353 3.14 Non-derived nouns 53 3.141 Nouns based on noun stems 53 3.142 Nouns based on verb stems 55 3.143 Nouns based on adjectival stems 56 3.15 Nouns derived from other nouns 7 3.16 The noun classes 58 3.161 The variant forms of the suffixes 59 3.162 The alternation of the initial consonant 63 of the sten 3.163 The basic noun classes 6 3.1631 Person classes 65 3.1632 Non-person classes 6 3.1633 Neuter classes 8h 3.164 The modifying noun classes 87 3.17 The singular-plural dichotomy 1 lav: pronouns o 3.21 Possessive pronouns 9 3.22 Dependent pronouns 101 3.221 Second person subject pronouns 102 3.3 3.5 3.6 Chapter 4 ka He 4s 3.202 First person singular object pronouns 3.223 Second person singular object pronouns 3.23 Independent pronouns 3.24 Nominalizing pronouns Referents Numerals 3.41 Chart 3.42 Cardinal nunerals 3.43 Concordant numerals 3.431 Ordinal numerals 3.432 Adjectival numerals Denonstratives and Interrogatives 3.51 Chart 3.52 Demonstratives 3.53 Interrogatives Limiters VERBALS Verb stems 4.21 Verb roots 4.22 Verbalizers 4.23 Stem extension ‘Tense-Aspect-Voice System 4.3L Chart 103 105 106 109 a 14 sy us 6 né uy ug 1g 120 a1 we 125 126 126 128 129 136 136 4.32 General Description 137 4.321 Tense 137 4.322 Aspect 139 4.323 Voice 139 4.33 Description of Tense-Aspect-Voice suffixes wa 4,331 Tense and negation aa 4.332 Aspect 148 4,333. Pre-time suffix 150 wa Infinitives 150 Chapter 5 NON-INFLECTED PARTS OF SPEECH 153 5.2 Introduction 153 5.2 Adverbs 153 5.21 Ideophones 158 5.22 Non-ideophonic adverbs 154 5.3 Expletives 155 5.31 Expletives of attention 155 | 5.32 Expletives of response 157 5.33 Formilaic words 159 | 5 Time words 159 5.41 Specific time words 160 5.42 Time, words referring to non-specific time 163 55 Interrogatives 164 | 5.51 Interrogative pronouns 164 5.52 Interrogative markers 165 xi 5.6 5.7 58 PART IIT Chapter 6 62 Locatives Negatives Relators 5.81 Nominal relators 5.811 Locative prepositions 5.812 Non-Locative prepositions 5.813 Nominal connectors 5.82 Words and clitics relating to different units of discourse 5.821 Relators of various levels 5.822 Discourse relators 5.823 Lower level relators 5.82 Some words that normally relate clauses SyNTAK PHRASES 6.11 Noun phrases with one nominal head 6.111 Noun phrases with noun head 6.112 Noun phrases with independent pronoun head 6.113 Noun phrases with dependent pronoun head 6.124 Noun phrases with certain particles as head 6.115 Noun phrases with nominalized phrase as head 6.12 Noun phrases with more than one nominal head (compound NP) xii 166 167 168 168 168 176 178 179 179 182 183 185 197 197 1s 198 202 204 205 207 208 6.3 Chapter 7 Tel Te 6.121 Series of noun phrases in a list 6.122 Compound noun phrases with a unit intonation 6.123 Noun phrases in apposition 6.124 Linked noun phrases 6.13 Combinations of simple and compound noun phrases 6.14 Noun phrase as subject of a clause Verb phrases 6.21 Verb phrase core 6.22 Verb phrase modifiers 6.221 The adverb 6.222 The infinitive 6.223 The negative particles Prepositional phrases 6.31 Locative phrases 6.32 Other prepositional phrases CLAUSES Introduction ‘Types of clauses 7.21 Subject-Verb-Odject clauses and variations 7.211 Subject-Verb-Object order 7.212 Inverted order 7.218 Emphatic order 7.214 Question formations 7.22 Topic-Description clauses xiii 209 209 210 210 an a. a12 212 213 213 213, 2ub a5 215 215 2lT 217 aly 218 219 223 22k. 22h 225 7.23 Verbal clauses 226 7.231 Introducers to discourse or larger units of discourse 226 7.232 Expletives 226 7.233 Interrogatives 226 Chapter 8 DISCOURSES 227 8.1 Introduction 227 8.2 ‘Types of discourse 728 8.21 Conversation 229 8.22 Addresses 230 8.23 Folklore 230 8.3 Structure of discourse 230 Main divisions of discourse: 8.31 Introduction 231 8.32 Body 2m 8.33 Conclusion 235 Chart of the structure of several discourses 236 8.5 Sowe general conclusions ast GLOSSARY OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS 239 APPENDICES aha ‘BIBLIOGRAPHY 269 INDEX err xiv 1) 2) CHAPTER 1 © PHONEMICS 1.1 Relation to standard orthography There has been no one orthography accepted for all of Adamawa Fulani, much less for all dialects of the whole language. However, under the auspices of UNESCO, a common orthography was agreed upon at Bamako in 1966. Unless otherwise noted, this is the orthography that is followed in this grammar. The values of the letters are approximately those associated with phonetic symbols in common use except that ? is written as ', fi as ny, & asc, and J as j. Digrephs are used for the prenasalized consonants, though these are analyzed as unit phonemes. 1.2 Yowel phonemes 1.21 Inventory Adanawa Puleni has five vowel* phonemes that contrast with one another as regards quality. Vowel length is also contrastive or phonemic and each of the five vowel phonemes may be lengthened. Vowel length is marked by doubling the letter. The vowels are: Front unrounded Central unrounded Back rounded High close i/ii caf Mid open e/ee 0/00 ‘Low open a/aa 1:22 The phonetic features of vowels ‘The back vowels are rounded, the rest are unrounded. Since there are only five contrastive qualities, the area covered by each Jin the description of the phonology it may sometimes be advantageous to speak of ten vowels (as in describing the Cv(c) pattern), but elsewhere (as in the distributional restrictions) it is simpler to refer to the five vowel phonenes, as length is in this case irrelevant. 3) 4] 2 vowel quality is rather large. The essential differentiating feature of 'short vowels’ versus ‘long vowels' is that of quantity. It should be noted, however, that the quality of long and short vowel Phonemes is not identical, as is shown by the following phonetic chart: ii wu ee 20 a aa Short vowels are more central and hence harder to distinguish from one another than are their corresponding long vowels. Furthermore, in any given syllable the quality of the consonant tends to affect the quality of the vowel that follows. Thus, a labial consonant will move a vowel forward while a velar consonant will move it to the back of the mouth. There are two semivowels w and y which have sonetimes been treated as vowels u and i in all positions. However, a thorough study of the canonical structure of the syllable leads one,to the conclusion that these are in fect semivowels (see 24-25). When words like déw and sdy ere treated as ddu and séi two kinds of syllables must by hypothesized: CVV and CVC. In this case the first of the CW pattern may be any vowel, while the second vowel can only be i or u. But if i and u in the second position are treated as consonants they fit into the one general CVC syllable Pattern, and the problem of restricted diphthongs is eliminated. 1.23 Vowel contrasts All vowels contrast in medial position. “cross reference whole numbers refer to paragraph numbers unless specified otherwise. 3 In verb stems: refuse sél- take a side road sil- strip neat s6l- be a tightwad sai- Contrasts besween short and long vowels in verb ‘stems: hér- snore hor spy héar-? be satisfied héor- take away fév- lie atr- to shepherd fhev- be cold agur- to be long hfis- save : ; hfis- count In dependent. pronouns: -peal- ~dem- 4 ~peel- -pgol- . -dun- ; In nouns: héala talk Léamu Kingdon "yea enon hfile magic aéole force agule clouds Liéuno market kére goods kéni winds kine nostrils xém war, xére wite kérd arrows 7 over the vowel indicates morphene strese (see 28 and 4irf.)7 Bound morphemes are marked by a hyphen. 23m 1ong vowels stress is only marked on the first letter. 4 ] Vowels contrast in final position : In verb t6kka, follow Active voice continuative tékk-aa, you follow Qna person singular inverted tokkee follow Inperative plural tok followed Past i dotékko is following Emphatic voice continuative toxku follow Inperative singular In dependent pronouns: ~ae0- -xa- ~aee- -nde- -ndi- wki- ~Mg0- -ko- ‘ -ndu- ~ndu- ‘These examples are clitics and function in various ways . (see 171ff.). 5] 1.24 Vowel distribution A count of 30,556 syllables revealed the following vowel distribution: a 7366 aa 2856 ee 3T3h i 596 It is interesting to note:that i 593h high vowels number 9,256, ia 09 mid vowels 11,066 and the low 5689 vowel 10,232 although there is oo 1h7 only one low vowel. uw .2022 w 3 6] With few exceptions all vowels can precede and follow all consonants. The following exceptions should be noted: 1) 4 4s never followed by @ vowel. 2) wor wu do not precede n word finally and very rarely otherwise; however, the combination um is very common. “4 rat tiredness 4) uw does nct appear as such within a syllable. 5) *uy end *uuy do not occur. Each syllable contains one and only one vowel. 1since the phonology of ideophones and formulaic words does not entirely follow that of other parts of speech, it is best described as a sub-system (see 31-38). Thus, in the ideophone diiywlum one finds q does occur before @ vowel. 2 ror many speakers it is aéomburu. 5 1.3 Consonant _phonemes 7) 1.31 Inventory ‘There are 27 consonant phonemes: ALVECPALATAL LABIAL ALVECLAR ‘VELA, GLOTTAL Voiceless P t c k ' Voiced >» a go ge ~~ Va. Implosive 6 @ Pre-nesalized mb nd nj yg FRICATIVES Voiceless £ s h 7 Voiced v NASAL Resonanrs — Worced nm on ny Lateral 1 NON-NASAL . Resonanrs = 77442 7 Senivowels w y 8] 1.32 The phonetic features of consonants Stops appear at five points of articulation: labial, alveolar, alveopalatal, velar and glottal. The absence or presence of voicing is significant except for the glottal stop. Voiced glottalizea bilabial and alveolar consonants” occur. Pre-nasalization of all the stops but the glottal is also significant. The alveopalatal stops are affricated. Although the alveopalatal voiced implosive y° is said to be phonemic in other dialects, it is rare in Adamawa “gee paragraph one. : ®one symbols f and v are employed for these lebial fricatives although they are usually used for labiodental fricatives. SLadefogea (196 pp. 7-8, 16-17) points out thet there are two types of glottalized consonants in West African languages: the implosives e.g. 6, das in Igbo and Kalabari and the laryngealized consonants e.g. 76, ' as in Hausa and Fulani. 9) 10) Fulani and not distinguished from the glottal stop. Final stops are unreleased. 7 Voiceless fricatives occur at three points of articulation: labial, alveolar, and glottal. The voiced bilabial fricative is a separate phoneme in Adamawa although it is not in other areas. The point of articulation of the s ranges from alveolar in sone speakers to alveopalatal in others. Nasals occur in labial, alveolar, elveopalatal and velar points of articulation. The non-nasal resonants occur as alveolar lateral, elveolar trill, and labial alveopalatal semivowels. 1.33 Consonant contrasts Mozt of the consonants have only one phonologically signi- ficant realization. However, there are two important exceptions (see 17)- Voiced-voiceless contrasts in stops: (there are no voiced- voiceless contrasts in the final consorant of Sypy see 25). BR Db péali pots béali sheep (pl) déppini crouch dabbaaji animals £ thud find aéwi start out early warti come back werd come with kg Kéda stop (pl.) Bhda across tégei roll up ‘tél, stick to Affricated stops: c ij céali pass by (pl) Jali conquer n&ceudo slave méjjudo lost one The affricates do not occur finally. uJ 12) 13) Implosive-explosive bd 6 déabaaji Jévbe a og déani kéai Nasalized-non-nasalized consonanvs: & ad ‘o-déri wade b mb mbéali kéobi- & ng shart tégi ia jéla kéaji Non-nasal resonants: le 6mni. héari mbér arate we tz r6li gal- yéera sélni 61 ew re Se Tsquare brackets in the English glosses indicate that the enclosed item is added to make sense. stops: fathers hills [for sowing]* caused to win (rece) thus, so he stood death slept (pl) roan antelope (@)) porridge stamped laugh was jealous (pl) was salty was satisfied will see scolded to lead, take lead astray (ideophone) Séabaa ji jAbbe déani kod be-ndéri. wéandu béali aéombi. yeseri téngi njéla kanji rémmi héali mbél wéarata fewi ehw Léare séyni toy -hip beads tamarind tree slept hindered (pl) they stood red monkey sheep (pl) rats bull vowed eugh (p2) those was short character beer do in a certain manner Lied (cf. féri) hunter see make happy where ws) 15) x abu up sty only Nasal resonants: m on méni praised néni heard ‘tami moulded téni gave in marriage léar-an see me léaren will see némgo to grind néngo to hear mR ony Afni bothered dényi gave birth to néana grandparent nyama eat @ Q Wumkémre a plant dyke, thirst a yy némi ground nyéami eat gondo one present dénydo one born n&ni hear dényi, sleep V 2 4 4 does not occur initially, and finally only in ideophones. géndo one present dégde thighs BY dénydo one born dbgde thighs Fricatives: £oy féali took care of véali made (rope) y does not occur medially or finally fos féali took care of sali passed by t6fi pricked thsi punctured és below £ occurs finally only in borrowed words. hh does not occur finally. ho gs nbofi knelt down s6ofi got wet k6lakolbahi type of tree das [lon,] hairs hoy wéra come ha téwi = found =—t&hi, snore yéra. drink licked jéyi possessed (cf. téri mound témi mould) 10 16) a) 18) hoy véala make [rope] héala palaver Other contrasts woy wali laid [down] véali made [a rope] 2g shell passed by (sg) efali passed by (p1) £ p hémfurde duiker kémpure duikers Non-contrastive consonants yi is apparently phonemic in other Fulani dialects. In Adamawa Fulani it is best considered an allophone of the glottal stop. However, some Adamawa speakers will consistently use y’in certain words which can be considered as borrowings from other dialects. 2 is used by some speakers in loan words. Other speakers will substitute j for z in loan words. 1.34 Consonant distribution ‘The prenasalized stops occur initially in a syllable, but not finally. nd and ng occur as a second menber of consonant sequences where the resonants or s form the first member, e.g. ngfinga ‘lerge worm.' mm can also occur following these consonants in reduplicated verbs, e.g. mbbrubérni ‘killed systematically." {occurs initially in a syllable.’ However, its distribution within words is restricted to an intervocalic position, e.g. t4ti tout," or ina sequence of two glottals d6"i 'fell,' or following resonants sfrtirde ‘opening in teeth for spitting." The alveopalatal stops ¢ and j occur syllable initial or in a consonant sequence following resonants, e.g. whanci ‘strolled,’ kénjum 'that.' ALL other stops can occur in all positions except word finally. However, all voiced stops do occur finally in imperstives and in the shortened forn of the verb under special conditions (see 25). Voiceless stops occur word finally in ideophones. £ and g can occur in all positions except word final. However, ‘down! and in ideophones. As @ g occurs in this position in lés 19] second member of consonant clusters they occur only after the resonants, but not after g, e.g. fulfiide 'the Fulani language.' v oceurs only word initially. This is not a phoneme in other areas but in Adamawa Fulani several minimal contrasts are found. hoccurs syllable initially and woré initially but as e second member of a consonant cluster it follows only the resonants, e.g. kalhdldi ‘virile bull.' ‘The labial, alveolar, and alveopalatal resonants m, n, RY 1, ZW ¥ show no gross restriction of occurrence. They may occur word initially, word finally, syllable finally as first or second menbers of consonant sequences. There are, however, some clusters that do not occur. w does not occur before b but wh > bb. 1 does not occur before r (see consonant cluster chart 56). can only occur syllable finally before another syllable. Since its occurrence is not frequent, we have not found minimal pairs in contrast but there is convincing evidence that this is a separate phoneme with very restricted distribution (see 1). 1.4 Larger phonological units 1441 Words A word is @ unit of speech having one or more stressed syllables. ‘The word usually consists of a stressed root (see 67-88) plus the suffixes. Words include the verbal, nominal and adjectival roots plus suffixes, as well as all stressed function words. Words contain from one to six syllables. Stressed suffixes are not considered separate words. Clitics are non-stressea one syllable units of speech that depend phonologically on a preceding or following word, or on another clitic. Clitics ere merked by a hyphen, e.g. mal- 'teacher.' Some depend on following words, sone on preceding worus, and others on one or the other. When more than one clitic depends on the same word, one of these clitics may be stressed (see example MS 57.3 in paragraph 21). a 7 —¥ 2 : 203 ‘A combination of a word plus a dependent clitic may be called a complex word. Optional pause breaks do not occur within the complex word. The complex word usually has one stress. However, the complex word may include two stressed mcrphemes (see juncture 22-25 and morphological stress 86-91.) Bcundaries between words and clitics are marked by a hyphen; cther boundaries are marked by ® Space. . yéni téwi f6wru-go dowlali déani. [He] went [and] found hyena, the MS 99.8 one referred to, was’ lying sleeping. to-wartoy bee-kiuje-gu-? MS 92.1 He came back from there with things previously referred to. Lébbo-go téfi-mo héa tetéki. Spear, the one referred to, pierced MS 105.2 him in the guts. a) Two or more clitics may follow a word. kéyke mbfi-noo-maa-mi. MS 57.3 That 1s what I told you. ‘The vowel of the proncun {-maa)® in the above example is realized as a long vowel, althvugh it is more commonly realized as a short vowel (see 78). 22] 1.l31 There are two types of junctur marked by © space and delimit: words. Words The first type of juncture is ysvally have one stress. ‘o-méb6-it-an=i-'en hée ‘en-'dnd: he opened up for us so we could a ‘Alla> ¥ 181.7 know God 7 to-'o-war=t=i séare mfako ‘o-sfv= if he come back [to] home-his he t=o M 179.2 would rest However, some units having two stresses are one word. In the tense suffixes the negative morphemes are stressed when followed by other although it is most economical to describe complex words by referring to morphology, they are primarily phonological units and not particularly useful in the description of morphology or syntax. 2vorphemes enclosed in braces have variant forms. See Glossary of symbols page 240. Sclitic junctures are marked ty hyphens (see 23), and morpheme boundaries within words are marked by equal signs. 13 suffixes. The stressed suffixes are a part of the word as are unstressed suffixes. "end=udo-yam bee-mo~'éndéayi-yam the one who cares for me with MS 120.4 the one who does not care for one could say mo-'énd=i-yam one who cares for me Instead of mo-' énd=eyi-yam 23] ‘The second type of juncture is marked by a hyphen and delimits clitics from words within complex words. Boundaries of phrases often occur at this juncture, i.e. dependent pronoun clities replace stressed noun phrase units. "o-vii-mo mi-féami...MS 16€.3 he said [to] her I understand NP VP NP complement NP VP Biddo débbo vii gérko-'am wéri ‘The girl said man-my came (The girl said, "My man has ~ VP complenent cone.") MS 186.5 NP vP Compare 'o-wiri ‘he came' with Béuba’ w6ri 'Buuba cane.’ 24] 1.412 Syllables: the phonological shape of all.syllables is cv(c) or consonant, vowel (where the vowel can be either short or long), with an optional final consonant. Words are composed of fron one to six syllables. Although the phonology of ideophones and borrowed words is different from that of regular words (see 31-38 ) the shape of syllebles in these words is not different .2 capital letters are used in the Fulani examples only for proper names. 2one peripheral exception must be noted here. Response words are often given in the abstract. That is, syllabic words can replace response words. These bear the same rhythm and intonation as the words they replace: fmhm may replace '6oho 'yes,' ete. 25) There are two types of syllables, one which occurs initially nd medially in a word and the other which occurs word finally. The following formula shows how the syllables of a word are arranged. (Syn) (yz) (v1) (Sy) (Sv) The following chart gives the restrictions of the consonant occurrences in Sy, and Syg: Sy, >C, + Vowel (C2) Sy2 >C3 + Vowel (Ch) ¢, > All consonants but 9 Cp > All consonants but mb, nd, ng, Bde YB C3 > All consonants but y, nd a>adsmnrwy Stops occur finally in Sy(llable},only under restricted conditions, (see below) but they occur more freely in Sy, (see consonant cluster chart in paragraph 56)- Voiceless stops do not occur finally in Sye except in ideophones (31-38), where they occur frequently. Scone examples of stop plus stop in contigucus syllables are:l pt asin hépti found d6 asin yidte ‘beloved ones fd asin hébda struggle Bf asin kéb-den we got dg asin » bédgol dawn bg asin t66g0 to rain gd asin ségdere ax tg asin wéylititgo to change, translate tk asin déutkoy many little ones gi asin tégdo maker, creator —————— Upnese are the only clusters for which i have ¢ ear evidence. Other clusters occur in borrowed words, e-g- dékta 'doctor." 6 and g go not occur as the final consonant of Syp in Adsmava Fulani. @ and d do occur in this position: wood 'there is' and wad 'do' but only when these units are destressed.? 1.413 Word-syilable comparison; A study of over 20,000 of one-syllable words and clitics gives us the following informatio Number Percentages of the of total number of types? one-sylleble tokens® Pronouns 45 +50 4 Relators ie he Verbs 33 205 Ideophones 50 015 Formulaic words 17 005 Nouns 13 008 Although about 45 percent of ull word tokens are mono- syllabic, these are confined to a rather limited number of types. There is a limited number of one-syllable pronouns and function words, yet these words comprise nearly half the word types and over 90 percent. of the word tokens. Although 33 verbs comprise 5 percent of the occurrences, these typos are limited to a very few common verbs. One of them occurs without the medial glottal stop, 2g. viti > yfi and comprises nearly 90 percent of the one-syllable verb occurrences. lvowever, stops do occur in this position in imperatives in the Meroua dialect, which is outside Adamawa. 2rype = a particular item without regard to its number of occurrences. Spokens = individual occurrences. : eT) Ideophones, formulaic and nonsense word classes are productive ‘ut the production of ideophones is largely restricted to a CVC pattern. Also, long vowels sre not phonemically distinguished from short vowels in these types of vords. Further, it appears that certain other features may also not be phonemically significant: in ideophones. Compare the following variants of the same ideophones as used by one speaker: péw, péaw, f4ew and véaw. wéandu dfwi paw!" MS 84.2 The red monkey jumped suddenly or unexpectedly. be-k60'i kéombooje véaw... ‘They took the boats in a surprise move. Ms 65.7 Note also kép and c&p appear to be variants of the same ideophone. to-Jjéodi cép. MS 67.4 We sat right there. -+:66aci hed-déago kép. MS 63.6 [she] put [him] by the bed roll exactly. (She put him next to the bed roll) 28] 1.414 Stress is basically tied to the morpheme and is best described as morphological stress (see 86 ff.)- 29] 1.415 Nasalization indicates special emphasis. It is not ‘common 2 kéyya 'ém-boo gérko-go ndy? My-then you also man-that how? MS 64.6 (Hey you there, what about thet man?) f4jiri 1éando 'émata-no ndy Morning chief asked him what today? hénde? MS 64.6 (In the morning the chief asked him, "What's up today?") Bfiraba b6osaaru-go Blira wadi You know dog-that-one, you know, nf, aid thus. Nasalization also occurs in ideophones. s+etosnésti séudu bod. MS 64.3 he entered house bos (ne cane into the house with a bang) Iphe * above the vowel indicates emphatic stress (see 41). 21t could be treated as a parslinguistic feature. eet 30] 32) iy veelo-biri kéan ty@w fy@w eye he milked milk squirt squirt squirt Ms 76.1 1.416 Extra length also indicates special emphasis of the quality or quantity of a word in a clause or phrase. Extra length can occur on long vowels and on r. fe-néri céede déuudde...MS 60.1 ‘They have money lots-and-lots... seed4nyi Sikkoy duduutkoy ++sbore children very very many ‘MS 103.7 wourni-di héa di-tékki béooddum. Raised then until they fattened MS 97.5 very very good. Bingel méwni méwni méwni, Child grew, grew, grew, a-very- osooygel nfi. MS 91.7 fine-child indeed so. "Liawo b6oongo. MS 76.5 Adolescence very very good kkini-pgu béooddum. He fattened it very very very MS 99.4 good. géaaptarel. MS 103.7 @ very very very wretched child «.sh6rbe njéfti célel béaw! The female slaves let loose the MS 75.7 little bird baaaw! gérko-go séari férrrrr. MS 63.7 Man, one referred to, voided farrrrr, (The man's heart went out of him} (indicates never-ending stream going farr) 1.417 Ideophones usually modify verb stems in Adamawa Fulani. ‘They are called ideophones rather than adverbs because their phonology forms a sub-system in relation to the phonology of other parts of speech and because they are reminiscent of similer kinds of words in other Niger-Congo languages. Ideophones are a class of words which may receive emphatic stress® rather than normal stress on the stressable syllable. Agee Doke 1935, Ansre 1961, Semarin 1962 and 1966, Fivaz 1963, Kunene 1965, and Alexandre 1966. 2emphatic stress (see also 41) refers to form and not meaning. One should perhaps consider emphatic stress as paralinguistic. 18 33] a) 35] Emphatic stress is marked by one or more of the following features: raised pitch, forceful aspiration, and loudness. Ultra high pitch is sometimes found on high vowels i and u. When emphatic stress is realized, forceful aspiration occurs in ideophones containing at least one stop or fricative consonant. Most ideophones have at least one stop or fricative. These consonants may occur initially or finally in a syllable. Léw ‘quickly’ is an exemple of an ideophone not containing a stop or fricative. When such ideophones occur with emphatic stress, forceful aspiration will not be a feature of that stress. Two-syllable ideophones are stressed on the final syllable rather than the first as other stressed words are, unless the final syllable of the ideophone ends in vowel. When ideophones are totally or partially reduplicated, stress will occur on the last syllable regardless of whether they end in a vowel or consonant. E.g. lawléw ‘very quickly’ from léw ‘quickly’, and parererarararard ‘purposefully! from parék, as in: : to-s6rti park he ran away with a purpose stka...s6rti parererarararard the young man ran away like a rocket MS 56.5 Rhythm and intonation on reduplicated ideophones are also significant. A constant rising intonation indicates a rapid smooth aovement on the pert of the actor of the clause (cf. MS 56.5 in paragraph 33), while an alternating low high pitch indicates an undulating movement fe-nd{11i puréppirdppurdéppirépptré! they went galloping along MS 100.3 Most ideophones modify verb or adjective roots: héa héca dis MS 111.7 _ until it smells badly to-'éndi fakét Ibr 53.6 he knew for-a-fact * ndfyam 64lwi kurtm MS 71.1 the water blackened very-black 1] here indicate a pitch rhythm contour. 36] ‘o-danyéay 1éw MS 21.10 she did not bear a child yery-fast déo-kam v6odi masin MA 129.3 this is good very mi-siwtéaki sém MS 64.3 I have not rested at-all Some of these are onomatop: simts t6) MS 59.5 arip tf g6rko-oo séeri férrrrr MS 67-5 The van (previously referred to) w ided ‘f6rrrrr ‘Gai géwri-kem timmini fff... cs-ried corn then finished fff MA 117.6 7 nonnén 'o-661wi sulututlala gt ‘thus she melted culululuiuiulut débbo déneejo tél MS 68.6 voman white very néfyam r4nwi tal MS 71-2 water whitened very ndfyam v6oji cby MS 71.1 water reddened very Lékki-man bédeejum c6y AB 121.5 medicine (referred to) red very nder-studu-ndu béleerv ucla in house-this black pitch(bleck) by 15. Other ideophones modify the nominal unit and could be called adjectives: jéma'aaje 1éddi pét héwtd Peoples of-country all gathered dow-mbako ys (1h) 2.9 on hin over ‘The phonology of ideophones The contrastive features of the phones of ideophones are substantially reduced. Vowel length is not phonemic. There is no phonemic ‘contrast between voiced and voiceless consonants, implosives and the glot‘al stop apparently do not occur, and the occurrence of pre-nasalized consonants is very rere. Of the resonants only alveolars are phonemic. In the following consonant chart the phonemes are written in lower case letters. 20 STOPS Voiceless P T C K Voiced > 4@ 3 «6 FRICATIVES Voiceless F s Hq Voiced v A ASALS a oN y Lateral L Trill . R Semivowels w y 37] Yn ideophones there is sometimes a free variation between phonemes and allophones (see 27): (paw . péaw . féaw . véaw) [pavak ~ parép ~ parék] [cép ~ kép] However, this free variation does not operate throughout ideophones. In other words the variation will range fron a very free variation (as above) to virtually none at all as in some ideophones such as as, £61 and coy. héa héca ds MA 111." until it smells bedly rénwi t41 MS 71.1 whitened very white v6oji cby MS 72-2 reddened very red Ideophones associated with a particular rcot tend to be less susceptible to free variation than thor: used with several roots which are related in meaning. Although the phonology of ideophones operates as a system different from that of other words, it is interconnected and words found in the other system are avoided. Xoy- is a pronoun and also a theoretically possible ideophonic form, but is not used as such. Cf. also t6y, nby. : : 38) 39) 40} 4a) 42] The distribution of allophones in ideophones Hq do no® occur initially, while £ and the voiced stops occur only initially. All other phones occur both initially and finally. The voiceless stops occur nearly as often as all the other ideophonic consonants put togzther (#5 percent of the toi ‘They occur approximately five times (and fricatives about ten times) more frequently in ideophones than in an equal number of other words. Thus while stops in final position are very often found in ideophones, they are rather rare in regular words. 1442 Breath groups 7 Breath groups are units of one or more words that ere uttered during an’ exhalation of breath and have one of the termina] intonation patterns described in 50ff. Breath groups also occur with or without fine1 glottality and may occur with breath group stress. 1.421 Stress occurs on three levels: on the word, on the phrase, end on the breath group. Word stress is described under morphological stress (86 ff). 1.4211 Noun phrase stress: 4s is shown in paragraph 86 ff, words show a contrast between stress and non-stress. However, in order to describe stress on units larger than the word, it is useful to note five kinds of stress: (+1 emphatic stress asin pit oy major stress asin —béoddum ia morpheme stress as in baba mhako eC) minor strecs C1 no stress When examining words we find such items as déaba ‘father! and méako ‘his, her’ with morpheme stress on the first syllable 43) and no stress on the second syllable. But in a larger context the stress of the head noun may be relatively stronger than that of the modifier. She said he would go to her father. Pr V Pr V Loc Noun PPr Head PPr w we HP In the above example we find that the stress of the first syllable of the possessive pronoun mésko is reduced in relation to the stress of the first syllable of the head noun.” Noun phrases ustelly occur with one prominently stressed syllable [’]. ther syllebles in the noun phrase occur with minor stress [*] and no stress (not marked). kéuje héoti 14dde. MS 81.3 ‘Things went hone [to the] bush. H(eaa) v(erb) # wow s ov ° *éne kunfarewel. MS 92-4 + Ask the crown bird. v H vw oO ¥ ° kéla mo-'o-tékki.. ND 85.1 Everyone whom he followed... WZ_Pr_y Lin Head we lpiteh and intonation certainly play a role here. It may well be thet minor stress, major stress and emphatic stress may be acre econ- omically described in terms of pitch and intonation. 2yor an explanation of the symbols see Glossary. 23 ko-ngtd-daa fim min-ngéenet-e.2 What you want all we will pay you NZ V-Pr Lim Pr V (Whatever you want) MS 97.1 NP(Co) NP VP Co hbkkunde hore gbrko bee-dtbbo Between the head of the man and woman Prep Hf tm y SOA Head GN ‘osh6o's jéygo gddco-go MS 64.3 He took the hand of wan-that. Pr v NON Ref S__Gn_Ref, 1 Chief [of] village-that even cannot surpass him [in] riches. Léamdo wuro-man fu whewataa 6érugo-mo jéwdi. MS 56.8 NON Ref Limg Vo Inf Pr W H GN Ref Limp 1 However, there are examplee of different stress patterns: cfura hbunde lédde MS 66.15 The big house [of] the thing bush oo N N (The big house of the bush animal) Ho a Jyesal plus nasal become nasal across clitic junctures. 4h) Adjectives, demonetratives, féere and méere normally occur with prominent stress on the stressed syllable. @éddo '6o MS 109-1 man, that one N Den (that man) aq ATW jecrgi maako goddo féere MS 109.3 friend-his man-another 4 Per RAT (another friend of his) - oP wr The following example shows all-the words with equal stress: (He eleo took a hand of the cut-up corpse) He took hand [of] person cut up’ that also. toshéoti Jtngo gbddo té*aado-go-boo. MS 64.2 Prvoow N Adj Ref relator HAN AMY Ret WP 1 — 45) The following examples will show how an intonation pattern (see 50-55) interacts with stress. In a group of words with serial Antonation pattern, a shift of stress may occur in words of more. than three sylisbles provided this word falls within the final four syllables of the intonation pattern. This shift can occur only forvard from a short syllable to a long one. Th [vii nédasri]} + += serial intonation > vii mddéari-? {'o-vti gériiko]? + serial intonation > ‘oevid goriiko-? Argaia to the python’ 2:ghe said [to] her husband! 46) 25 In noun phrase there is also another shift, where the stres: is normally on the head noun it will shift to the genitival nominal. [a@Aliile mbudumj1 + serial intonation > daliila miudum-? [sére dtkuuje]? + serial intonation > ebbre duktuje-? 1.4212 ¥Verb Phrase Stress: Often the verb phrase is co-extensive with the word and hence has no different stress. However, verb phrases can be united by prominent stress to form a compound verb phrese. The lest verb root will occur with morphene stress, while the first root will occur with minor stress. ‘The compounding of diverse verb phrases: Person another entered found her she was sleeping. gdddo féere nasti téwi-mo 'o-dodéani. MS 186.6 N. AIN Vv oPr SsPr V XN 1 ¥ ~~ 1 OUP. YC ib w Old woman went visited with old woman. pul-dédbo ythi ylidi bee-pul-débbo. MS 186.4 Novo oy ae N \F VA YY ve \ & comp er Note the similarity of the stress patterns of the above with partially or completely reduplicated verb roots: kénko...mbarmbérni kiuje-go. MS 95.6 He..,killed thoroughly, things referred to before. ew A KA (He really aia awey with LN Awe ‘those beings.) uP VE itis purpose? 2:¢resh pawpaw bark’ 26 yjeem-diuniya Ibalésti...¢ 158.5 Because the world has changed... Compare pawpéwni MA and pbopéotiren Ma. 47] 1.422 Final glottality may occur at the end of a breath group, that is pre-pausaliy. It is marked ly an unreleased glottal stop. An examination of 204 breath groups with final glottality shows this feature occurring after the following morphenes; Subjunctive -8 1 Past active -i 70 Infinitive -go 18 Nominals ub Imperative: -u 1 Progressive go-...-p 3 Future passive habitual -etee 2 Future active ~an 1 Adverb sfeda 2 False starts 3 BOF In the same units, final glottality co-occurs with the following intonation patterns (See 50-5k): Sustained we Final 82 Question ° Serial ° ao 48) ‘In an examination of 203 breath groups from parts, of three texts, 61 units occurred with final glottality while 122 occurred without it. In the conversational text the ratio was one to five, while in the others. it was three to four. 1, story by Mal-Saali (XXL), a description by Marta Aadama (XXI), and a conversational text from Garoua (G 2). Certain morphenes are never glottalized fineily:* ‘The negative tense merphemes, ideophones, attributives, function elements (but note séeca), ete. 49] ‘The final syllable of a breath group with quesvion or serial Antonation is very rarely glottelized. When optional and chosen, final glottalization seems to indicate that more clauses in thé same unit are to follow. When it occurs inside a clause, it is probably due to an interruption. The absence of glottal stop at the end of @ final intonation contour indicates the end of a larger grammatical unit (usually a series of clauses). Otherwise its absence does not appear significant. the last stressed syllable of a breath group and continues to the more than one breath group. The expected terminal intonation pattern may be evident at the points of expected pause though modified. ou) Continued sustained intonation to the pause break signifies ‘that the pause was optional, stylistic or explanatory. This is marked by a comma. —>= be-"immi', be-ndf11i', They got up, they went, — débbitoygo jévdi'. MS 79.8 to search riches. ‘In all other forms it is optional. | | | 50) 1.423. Contrastive terminal intonation on breath groups begins with end. ‘In rapid speech one breath group may comprise what is normally 52] 53) In this example this whole utterance could have been said in one breath group, so that the pauses marked by commas are optional or stylistic here. > ‘owyéhi haa-bii-kila', o-vii-mo He went to daughter [of] the smith, ndéa...MS 102.7 he told her: “Here...” This is an explanatory pause since that which follows the pause: is a result or faller explanation of the preceding and only in very rapid speech would this pause be omitted. A sustained intonation with a final pre-pause rise in pitch denotes a serial count or a minor question in which the speaker indicates he knows the response and will proceed to give it in the next breath group. It may simply be e question with a question word. ‘This pre-pausal intosation is marked by -2. aS _—— whddi kur6ori-? gértogal-? Brought flour, chicken, oil, wood, —, —, —> nyébban-? 1édde-? ménda-? salt, pepper..+ — eftta-?...MS 97.2 = to-tiyéende t66i-? géwri-ma If rain falls, corn-your will sprout. soak. Ms 106.4 — to-vii-no way-? MS 109.2 He said to him, friend? —_ wOodi-na-? M 185.1 Is there? (Is there any?) A lowered intonation with a final rise indicates question. It ig marked by a question mark. ‘aswel? MS XIIB Did you come? —_ fii-kfle mlayaay? MS 102.5 Daughter-smith not aie? (Didn't the smith's daughter die?) s6ggen? You say, if you go hone you will Ms 80.4 merry? mbi'an to-'a-héoti 29 A falling intonation indicates a major break and is marked by a period, ‘k6omoy minya-mo hébatéa To. Whoever courts her will not get her MS 166.4 68 there-v00 WastBy. Person-another then just missed [it]. MS 186.6 However, if the final syllable of the breath group is glottalized, a continuation is indicated (see 49). The absence of this glottal would then indicate that the break was a larger one as in the two vabove examples . to-méri 1éddi', gAllure mfapindiire He owned country, city-lerge bee-jémataase'. bee-jéwle m&Bbe Ms 186.1 A fading volume is sometimes superimposed on the intonation pattern to indicate a more important close. : with peoples, and riches-their 1.43 Discourse Units Discourse units are normally closed with a fadeout and @ Lowering of pitch over the last one to three breath groups., This is, of course, superimposed on the breath group intonation and may largely obliterate it. séarde tetdtte miudum pat, mfayi. kényum won tinmi. MS IX A : — Breath —— a group: rT Seo sesjinni dit, wélaa ko-'o-Littiri k6o misidala jérati. Br. grt. ———> —_—~ Discourse» ————$_—-_, nonnén {irebéddel', aébbo-go wirtiri', haa-méako nonnén. éafere?, Br. grst ome To J aba SEES er whdi-mo?, 6érnde mkako té'i- ‘o-mfayi. h&ale jinni. MS XB 56.10 Br. eri Noa ~y Dtecourges In discourse IX B the fadeout more obvizusly follows the discourse intonation than the regular intonation pattern. +eouezmoc0 UAOUy © ST 194} 20N9 SORLOTPUT X “POPTOUT Jou srw sxOyTATS ayEUTUED :ZION lg ant 6St Tee sos got sh L SLT tht 6t Se 9 T ST ret ée ae owt oa x titan at d]a gx laaetan ganx spxxle « 4 on a oT) ‘The following list of v rds is given to illustrate, infrequent are marked on the preceding chart. The source.and type of word are given in the letters following the words. For example, déktar MA-B indicates that the word dékter ig found in a text by Marta Adama and that it is a borrowed word. ther abbreviations. are MS = Mallum Saalihu, M = Mallum Muhenmadu, Ma-= Marova, ND = Ngaoundéré, TT = Timotheé Teeri, G = Garoua, P = poetry, FO = formulaic word, ? = origin unknown, A = Arabic, F = Fulani. Bémyo Béwsi beléwéasa bérfuvol. N-Name M-Name ‘S-P MS-F gable nérfuure Hévsaare bSreébrecébrecébrecébrecébré TT-FO mbarnbérni_ Béqtugo beléwbase céble cbteatcet cipeipel, aéqae aéktaten déxtar Darbey*en Naéntingeley Fird6wsi fulfiide ‘SF MP MS-P MS-FO MS-Fo jétsenani jism. jéutdum | kébaa kélawha kAlfe-mmi kérfunje kdiryat kfrirfpkira kirirfpkin ‘k6lce Léyheaji “Laysalahu ifw'unura mélleharitgi néiunten mésla MF M-Name ‘MS-P GF M8-P MA-F MP MS-P MS-P MF MS-P MS-P ‘8-P MF ndtubeléwbass nétuyeléwtasa Mikilsin patéwsi. phwpdwni pelpéle pikarten sékréangu séyhu séyhugo sirtirde téqaag téwhiidi titsuwit wédno whgno 18-70 ¥S-FO M-Name MP MA-P MF Ma-F MS-P MS-P MS-F t MS-B ND-F NDF w6luihu wéstu why woyhifnn w6"inde wodbe * akbar tOgfi ‘asbaarun "home" fine "Herdant ‘tkréanti ‘igséama "fonayatu "font ‘Sanu CHAPTER 2 MORFHOPAONEMICS 2.1 General rules 59] 2.11 Sequence limit ’ ‘Although many stems end in @ sequence of two consonants, and suffixes may begin with a consonant, sequences of more than two consonant phonemes éo not occur. 60] 2.121 In the nominal system the non-permitted sequences are avoided py the occurrence of a vowel identical with that of the following morphene. at the morpheme boundary: whanc- + -ru > whancura @ wali njévd= + rd > njéwaird rem tépp- + re > téppere heel. n6"= re > né"ere favor, ble-sing word- + sere >>. wirdere hole, window a6omb- + “mo? déonbura ret 61] 2.112 In the. verbal system the kind of vowel:waich occurs at norpheme boundaries. to avoid nonepermitted sequences is determined by the morpheme which follows. 62] 1) In the variable stem extension morphenes (see 217 ff.) the full forms of the’ morphemes occur following roots ending in double consonants. hékk- + {-it-) > hOkkit- to give again t4om- + { thumin- ‘to finish (causative) wirt-- + Ceire) > whrtdr- to come back a - certain way sént- + (4a) > Jéptia- confiscate, take away Unis problem does not usually exist in the emphatic and passive voices since the suffixal morphenes always have 9 vowel. initial. séniido ‘holy one' (emphatic voice)- 35 63) 4) ‘The following examples show what happens when the stem extensions {-it-} and clusters and single consonants. {-4r-} follow 2) nf nén tion d) tg déqe- tiéos- c) hél OL nél- wel 2) Inthe case of infinitive or nominal suffixation to verb stems ending in a consonent cluster, u occurs between the stem and the suffix Pee ee ee RE ve (-it-} (-it-} {-tr} (ar), {-it-} odo do {-it-) ote in the active voice. wirt= ‘There are, however, other conditions under which this u appears even when the preceding consonant is single (cee 85 and cf. 217). 2.12 Non-permitted sequences of consonants Certain sequences of consonants do net occur (see the chart, 56). For many of these the following rules expla:n the processes by which + terete -d5 {-daa) {-daa) oni onde 60 > > + + > > > > > > such sequences are averted. -e “a 8 -de vvvvvy do > -il- + do> ‘tékdeudo mérdu-das nhr-dea néntuemi ‘t6nmunde wartugo néne Msten nénte Listen again timmiti finished again thark ercated d&yairde school h6osita: - x61do unelothed person k6ltiido clothed person he who follows you.own completely (inverted) you own (inverted) I heard again (inverted) hope to come back following rules ot 1) af.(within a sorpheue) > preceding @ consonant in suffix. + sre > hhyre stone -re > téyre cut (of meat, for example) sht- + (eiteJ+ -d> sdyth = Pricd again 2) Following a sten with initial voiceless fricative (h, 8, f), and final glottal, ' + 6/f becemes y + 6/4. hfot- + -fo > kboydo one who took née + do > kéydo worthy one 3) Stem final V'/Vh + C becomes long vowel + consonant. _ héot= + (etre) +4 > bord took away yéne + od > njéa-ni went I te + odo > téedo married person vite + emt > mb{i-mi said I oh tre > Baru quiver Mts + re > jifre ground squirrel. yohe + sre > yéare scorpion te + egal > téegal marriage bee + we > mbéewa goat not. + sre > héore head 66) Voiced stops (b, a, g, 6, d) are devoiced at morpheme boundaries preceding voiceless stops: moob-' + {Ate} + 2 > : mbot- -t-+-1: > méopti to, assemble déud= oy > diiutkey many little ones Stem final "/h/m + an initial prenasalized consonant in the euffix (yg, na, mb, nj) becomes */n/n + @/a/o/3 tét- + {-ggal} > té'- + -gal > téegal marriage yéh- + {-ndu) > yéh- + -du > yéedu pace, walk léab- + (-nde) > léam-+ (-nde) > 1éamde clean NDE dém- + (-pgal) > déngal tongue woam- + (-ngo} > wéamgo @ pagan village See paragraphs 106 and 117 for similar statements. The sequence consonant plus y does not occur” Dependent pronoun plus far demonstrative morpheme (see 208): -dom- + {-ya) > déima -ygel- + (-ya} > geste Although some of the following rules are illustrated by single examples they form part of an overall pattern. 2) n+ 1 > No sén- + -li > c6li birds 2) 1+ r > Jd halhdl- + -ri > kalh4ldi virile bull 3) t +r > 2 wbot- + -re > v6ore one NDE woot- 9 -ru > wooru one NDU woot- + eri > ygéori one NDI A)on tor > nd ‘héne + sm > héndu wind > orp én + -re >, nérre left hand NDE won- + oor > verre to be ina certain way 5) When 0 stem ending in the sequence consonant plus m precedes @ suffix with en initial consonant, @ vowel identical to that of the stem will occur between the consonant cluster of the stem. aékm= + { dakémjam sweet liquid déin- + dum > — delémdum soft: DIM Jogpital letters are used for the class names, as well as in’ references to the classes. 2pxcept in borrowed words or ideophones. cf. Kéwye 'hanlet' fron Hausa. 70) ml 6) 4 plus stop becomes y plus stop. yéaj- + -dum > déaydum- wide DUM ‘The following rules are ordered and are a combination of rules described in 59 £f. Although all the examples cone from the nominal system there is no evidence that these are not general rules. When the full form of the noninal suffix is suffixed to'a verbal stem with a short vowel preceding a stem final w, the initial consonant of the suffix isdenasalized. However, in the case of the verb stem occurring with a short vowel preceding stem final yn, only the nasal of the verb root: is deleted. When the final w of the verbal stem follows a short vowel, and the initial of the following suffix is a velar stop, the w is assimilated to the velar stop. When the initial of the following suffix is a prenasalized stop, the stem final w is deleted. néwn- + (=e) > mbwie big people ném- + {-dam) > méwdam big DAK néwn- + (-nde) > méwnde big NDE méwn- + (-ka} > méw- + -ka > makké big KA mévn- + {-ngu) > néw- +(-geu)> ming big NGU wow + (-ngud > mbéw. + -gu > mbéggu drum wow + {-de) > véwde drums Live + (ongel) > Ldweed “gmail speed bw + [-de) > b6wde ‘baobab trees Bou + (-Ki) > b6kkL baobab tree bow. + (-ggol) > bow + -gol > béggci" rope 2.13 Phoneme reduction und vowel harnony When a stem extension is followed by to or more suffixes of which the one immediately following the stem extension begins with a short vowel, that short vowel is deleted. Inowever, the plural of b6ggol is S6ggi which is formed by analogy from the-singular rather than from the root as though the root were bdgg-. 2) | | | 73) 7m) séal- -atoo > —sfialortoo will pase by in a certain way abu {-tr} -atéa > hénirtaa will not fight in a certain way wad- -an- — -at@a => wdantan will not do for (someone) nylb- -en- > —nyfibant-e will build for you "émm- (-in-] -at~e = > "Ginmint-e will reise you up When a suffix with vowel plus t is followed by another suffix or clitic beginning with a vowel, the vowel of the first suffix becomes ‘the same as that of the following suffix. wad- + [-at-} + -en > mbédet-en we will do vite + {-at-}) + -on > mb{"ot-on you will say mbér- + {-at-) + -em > mbérat-am will Kill me Teat- + {-at-) + -00 > Adatotoo will becone vit= + (-at-) + -e > vilete is called ‘The vowel of the possessive marker {maa-) is harmonized with the vowel of the following -den and -don suffix (see 168). {méa-} + -den > méeden ({méa-) + -don > méodon 2.14 Variation in vowel length Although it is very evident that vowel length is phonemic (see 4), and there are numerous minimal pairs in stressed positions to support this analysis, vowel length in affixes is neutralized word finally ‘and often predictable elsewhere. 2.141 The phonemes of length and stress in syllable final”ee and aah vowels of the tense-aspect system, the second person object pronoun, lyote that the morpheme {-f1) (polite request) is never altered. 75) 76) the second person inverted order pronoun and the pre-tine clitic whoo ‘are neutralized in final position in simple words and also ‘before the second person inverted order pronoun (-daa}, but not before clitics within the complex word. ‘The negative morpheme (-da). {mi-yida] MS 92.2 I don't want. [mi-yida sém] MA 145.7 T don't want et all. (...vitatal Ms 199.8 seis not said ['a-yida néldugo-yan rédiyo) You don't want to send men radio. ‘MS 203.7 [to-yidéa-boo-] MA 105.6 If one does not want [4t]. Note that stress on the preceding syllable is sometimes reduced. [ni-yidaa-ma] MA 129.1 I don*t want you (mi-dimbat&a-boo) ¢ 152.8 I won't budge either [be-téwatéa-kam] MA Ib .5 they couldn't find me Compare with the active morpheme -a- [nin fiddata] MS 103.7 I an the one who will start (minin ‘ebwnata-mo} MS 203.3 We wilt cali him ('on-Gnding-boo] M 161.2 ‘That you also make known ("Alle yida-mo}? mp 86.8 ‘that God love her The second person plural imperative morpheme (-ce). (yg4re] MS 91.6 come (Yéme kuméarewal] MS 92.6 ask the crown bird ("ame Lowléer] MA 182.8 get up on the double [pistee-le] MS 91.6 unloosen [it] then {ta mbéree-mo} MS 2.10 Don't kill him Loe. [..-pht ygldéa-mo) MS 76.5 ‘ell did not 1ike him’ he 7m 18) (ndékkorée-dam biriiji] MS 96.7 Give me peanuts {yeéence-dem]* MB 97.2 pay me Compare with the passive morphene .~2. [to-téwe-ma nénde~? ] M8 106.3 If you are-four* today... [b6rd ko-w6lve] MS 62.4 surpasses speech [aéddo vi'ete Niuma]? M 176.1 man named Noah ‘The second person inverted order pronoun {-daa)> {'aén bee-ko-nfmat-a. Déada-am You with what you think. My bee-ko-néimata.] MS 63.7 nother with what [she] thinks . Ndéentindeley] MS 94.5 You wait for Ndéentindeley. [sénje ngid-da.] MS 200.1 That DE [is the one] you want. [no-néimtu-da?] MS 102.2 What do you think? [mi-yidi kavt-aa-min) MS 186.4 I want you to introduce us. {..sngégor-daa-mi...] mS 188.6 you carry [for} me in-a certain wey [no-képtir-aa-ngel] -MS-70.4 how you will. find it ‘The ‘second person object pronoun {~-maa). {mi-t6rake-na] M 176.6 I beg you [mi-tdwatéa-ma.) M 164.7 I do not find you. (ndéy 'ékkitinan-naa-mi? ] When will I teach yout AB 10.14 * [kéyka mbii-no-maa-mi] MS 57.3 That is what I told you. Iyote also [képtee mo~biri] MS 80.3 2phe sane form vithin.a word: [mb{'etéexa] M 163.5 'callea' Sit must be emphasized that vowel length is neutralized rather than that vowel length.is-not present. One can cite examples where length is present in.word final positions, e. g. {kéB6-aa yimbe) MS 95.2 'You.tie-people up'. However, MS 63.7 in 7 shows that length is not contrastive in.this position. At present we -cannot always predict when the neutralized vowel will be long, but this could simply be due to the fact that the-language of Mr™Saeli and other Adamava speekers is now changing at this point, For-aa/-dae alternation see 175. an . ’ 79) ‘The emphatic (and passive)1 future {-otoo}. Gen-nd6"oto.] M 161.4 We wil fall. [gide dididtdi 'o-néddoto.] Sarongs two-two she will wear. MB 56.3 (She wears two sarongs ata time.) Cegars, "famotoo-mi, bee-yénki] When I will arise with life 80) , ‘The pre-time clitic {-noo) [min-njéhi-no] M 178.2 We had gone [mi-néyget-e-no} M 178.5 I would have caught you Here I had found it (Here is where I'found it) 81) However, when two syllable final long vowel morphemes are juxtaposed within a complex word the vowel of the first morpheme is short. [Kapka mbii-no-maa-mi] MS 57.3 ‘That is what I told you. 82] 2.142 Vowels? (other than those examined in 74-61) preceding class suffixes, infinitives and inverted pronouns are long unless the class suffix or pronoun begins with a semivowel or faucal y, w, 1) he [séobaajo} friend 0 [séoba' en] friends ‘EN [séobaaku] friendship NGU [66leeje] black TE 11 would expect the future passive -etee.to fit into this pattern but I have no examples of it before clitics within a complex word. 2aithough it would be logical to write these vowels iong wherever they occur, in the present work we have chosen to indicate the variant forms in order not to de >art too much from the way in which Fulani is usually written. 83) ( téleere) black . ME (os2eha) black KA (o6eve) black OA ( téteyel) binck EL (téreete] lack people 5 Cotikaaku) youth mU (walsinde) help mE [nasttive] grand old man = OA [nasttiijo) old man 0 _ Unidohoy] small grasses © KOY Untidoosi] various grasses DI Cnédo) grass KO (ee) (ntdoho} big grasses wo (p2) (derived from bigo) Ex6onbowal} post OAL (x6ombgoje} boats . Cnfako] ‘Legume 0 (se) [héakoore] Legume pot ME (lerived from héako) Whei preceding infinitives: (s4ppeego) to be pointed at passive verbal inf. [ptitecket] the act of being duped passive nominal inf. [36odaago) to sit emphatic verbal inf. 2.143 Although the general rvle-in paragraph 62 applies to s.large majority of the cases, there are severel statestle exceptions. Euphonious infixes (cf. 63) are not lengthened. : Preceding: [waadwte) those who brought’ pl. yerson class {wartugo) to come back active verbal int. (wartukt) ‘the coming beck active noainal inf. {xédu-don) you listen 2nd pers. pl. inverted you would think hole, valley perishability ‘The morpheme {-oo-) 'habitual' is not shortened. BE oy small warriors that which sets In some words, when the vowel preceding the class suffixes, inverted pronoun and infinitives is a part of the stem, this vowel is not altered. Some of these words [jahénnamzaye] fron jahSnnamae~ from méapindi- Compare also: KA lst person sg. inverted 2nd person sg. inverted Unlike the derivational suffixes, the short suffixes have no vowel unless required by euphony (see 60). wDU NDE NEL NGE + + + + are known to be borrowed. hell (Arabic) -ye jo de a ve ~e tedngere and tinyere have derived plurals with derivational suffixes in which the regular rule applies: tinyeeje ‘various kinds of onions.' news (Arabic) 46 8h] 85] 2.15 Alternation of initial consonants of roots There are eight base or 'fricative’ consonants that alternate with seven 'stops' and also with these stops prenesalized. The alternation system operates with roots that are inflected and the type of inflection determines the type of alternation or non-alternation of the base consonant. When the root is inflected with a verbal suffix the alternation will not teke place if the subject is singular, but if the subject is plural, the {nitiel consonant will become a ‘stop’. When the root is inflected with a nominal suffix the alternation ds dependent on the class of the suffix. If the suffix is of the NDE, NDU, NGE, NGO, KO (singular), or BE classes, the alternation will not take place. If the suffix is of NGAL, NOEL, NGOL, NGUM, KI, KAL, DE, DI, '0, or DUM classes, the sécond stage or 'stop' alternation will occur in the initial consonant. If tne suffix is of the NDI, NGA, NGU, KA, KO (plural), KOY or DAM classes, the initial consonant will be the full or prenasalized consonant. For further explanation with examples and charts see nouns 109-115 and verbs 215-214. 2.16 Alternation of semivowels ‘The final consonant of a syllable can be a semivowel, y or w (see 3). Preceding consonants and following their vowel counterparts, semivowels will not retain their identity but will fuse with the preceding vowel to form a long vowel, unless the preceding vowel is already long, in which case the semivowel will Gisappear and the vowel will remain long, i.e. fly- +k > fyi beat fly + ode > plide beatings yowe nk > ytwi speared yowe = (nit) + > youti, speared oneself duvet nk > Kkéuwi as in Ge-kiuwi they worked Kéuw- + (-id) + > Wivdi as in be-ktudi they worked ‘together 86) 88) uy 2.17 Morphological stress Word level stress ie morphological in that it is predictably related to morphenes in most cases. That is, all roots are stressed and this accounts for most morpheme level stress. We may have minimel pairs where stress is the only differentiating factor, e.g. "Q-kfsnoowo-'on the is your savior,' '0-kfsnoowo-'én ‘he is that savior.' There ere, however, some exceptions which are best explained by reference to phonological factors. While morpheme stress may be considered basic, phrase stress and breath group stress may be superimposed on morphene stress so that certain morphemes will become destressed. See 4l ff. The : following is an outline of the occurrence and non-occurrence of stress: 2.171 Stressed elements A) 1-2) Aajectival and verbal roots are stressed on the first syllable of the root. sa- + -dum > Blleejum black DUM méapindi- + -nde = > mfapindire huge NDE wor= + 4k > ward cane Léar> tot > deri sav wéyl- + ot > w6yliti turn over, translate hékkil- + -i > ‘hékkili heeded 3) Nominal roots of one and two syllables are usually stressed on the first syllable of the root. In nominal roots of two or more syllables, if the last or next to last syllable is long, and the preceding syllable(s) short, 4A long syllable is one containing a long vowel or a final consonant or both. 48 the long syllable will be stressed unless C1 of the second syllable is ho kumbare=wal? crown birds dewéerd=iiko' en brothers rawéasndu dog dalfile purpose Linjfila gospel yadii=ri, cattail guinea corn Jentita nome of a town séhaa-re cunning Reduplicated roots or reduplicated stressed function words occur with stress on both elements but the stress on the first element is minor stress, and that of the second more prominent (see 41 and 46). mbtrmbarni cause to kill completely pawpwni really spruce up tetéki guts feereféere different LawL6w very quickly Wen-inflected elemente— Tdeophones (see 31-38 ) such as pdt and kurém; but note péyelen. In function words which are not inflected, stress usually occurs on the first syllable. Ayote, however, YahGudas'en ‘Jews." 2yere, the equals sign marks the root and suffix boundary. 3when in a breath group with no following stressed syllable. It appears that thie rule would apply to any word with two stressed morphemes .Cf. dofaccéay. with bé-'écchay vfigo ha-nén. M 178.2-3. ee ce oe 49 *énmas) but “ ndén then bénye near jénta now hékkunde between However, the expletive ‘asée ‘really’ has stress on the final syllable. 91] 2.172 Non-stressed elements A) Clities 1) Dependent pronouns are not stressed. They can act as subject or object of a verb. oni- I, me ~nee- it 2) Some short nouns are not stressed. bil son mal. teacher 3) Certain function elements connecting clauses or larger units are non-stressed. bee- with tee and boo also to- if, B) Nominal or verbal suffixes Nominal or verbal suffixes, except the negative suffix (see 75), are non-stressed. Jya.ium Muhammadu occasionally pronounces this word ‘&numéa, perhaps under Havsa influence. Ina clitic, a final open syllable with @ long unstressed vowel may be.stressed for emphasis, cf. -boo, bee-, haa-. When not stressed, length is neutralized. 50 92) 2.2 Rules applying to Limited items of speech For some speakers, the consonant of the morpheme {-at-) (future tense morpheme) is partially assimilated to a following stop with regard to voicing and glottalization (see 241): + ~boo => —mi-f6ofad-boo MS 57-4 + -do > —ikf.sn&ddo MoAT.2b {-at-) + -be > whdankdbe M6.5 ‘There are several special rules governing the eingular-plural distinction which are described in 158-162. ‘The combination -n- + {-dam} becomes -ndam as in kisndam and ngeendan, for many speakers of Adamawa Fulani. There are certain morphophonemic changes which are either not used by all speakers or which cannot be stated as a general pattern. ‘ow + (eit) + Hd > eth came from again lowe + {-it}) + -- > l6ofti poured again ‘The combination w + & remains unchanged at certain other morpheme ! boundarie: towe + (nite) #0 n> tut was high again There are other changes which are either stylistic or dialectal: tontén > tottén over there For rules governing the emphatic pronouns (kémbe, ete.), the far demonstratives (gg4la, ngéya, etc.), and the nominal class interrogatives (ndjye, ndéyeeru, etc.) see 186 and 208-209. 93) M1 52 CHAPTER 3 NOMINALS 3.1 Nouns Nouns are woras which may occur with a class suffix and which fill head, genitival or attributive positions in noun phrases (see 331-336).1 The composition of the noun may be represented by the following (which is a generalization and does not include many restrictions): Noun = non-derived nouns (Class suffix) (-'en).? Non-derived nouns = non-class nouns (Class suffix) or sten + class suffix jectival stem or Sten =(verb stem? or noun stem Adjectives are nouns composed of verb stems or adjective stems plus class suffixes. They fill attributive positions in noun phrases. Most nouns are composed of stem plus class suffix. g6oto one person adjective stem + 0 kGlngel fearful little one —-verb stem + NGEL kérol arrow noun stem + NGOL 3.11 Compound nouns Compound nouns consist of a verb sten plus -a plus a noun with or without the derivstional form of the suffix. Apime words are excluded from this category because they normally fil) other positions and do not usually occur with class suffixes (see 269-273) . 2an item enclosed in parentheses indicates that it is an optional item. 5the ‘verb stem’ ina noun is not quite the same as that in verbs, (see 98). ‘compare constructions such as baa-Héman (see footnote to paragraph 332). —— - 52 wéla-demgél jo < wél- + déngal + -Jo <_ séelit- | + induko séata-k6'e'en < séat- : + nt + ten 95] 3.12 Non-class nouns Some of the stems are most suffixes and are called non-class in this way: béaba déada kéawn néoma, kéaka dewérdu sharo suffix: bone ‘éybe hfkke jémama - *énnabi. Many abstract or borrowed nouns ere used without class eloquent man be sueet tongue person cut into strips mouth stubborn people hard head frequently used without class nouns. Many kinship terms occur father twother mother's brother grandparent great-grandparent sibling parents woe fault sin era prophet 58 However, class nouns may be derived from non-class nouns by the addition of noun-class suffixes. The addition of a class suffix makes the meaning more specific. béabiraawo < ‘béaba + ~iraa- + 'O good father déadawa < dfada + NGA great mother ‘éybewol < éybe + NGOL a fault jémanuura =< Sémama + DU an era 96} 3.13 Infinitives The infinitive may act as a nominal. When it does, it fills a nominal position and is modified by nominal modifiers (see 341). j6oda j6odugo-ma MS 9.5 Stay your staying» (Sit right where you're sitting) bikkoy héa réenugo-go MS 96.5 The children in that waiting. (The children were still waiting) yidéago w6odea M 2.13 There is no help. tha be-mbéra-mo bee-mb: ‘They should aot kill by killing. MS 76 (they shouldn't commit open murder) 97] 3.24 Non-derivea nouns There are three kinds of nouns that are not derived from other nouns: those based on a noun stem, verb stem, or adjective stem. 3.141 Nouns based on noun stems occur with one of the singular suffixes and its plural (exclusive of the augmentative or diminutive) 2 NGOL - DI short suffixes NDE - DE short suffixes full NDE - DE suffixes full NGAL - TE suffixes kGrol -‘kari arrow Noun stem déftere - défte book Noun stem héunde - ktuje? thing Noun stem Késygal - késde foot Noun stem thee 1, few nouns in the NGA class have that class as base, see the NGA class (155-156). 2tvregular plural -je for expected -de- ana oh Yiouns composed of noun stem plus suffix as above cannot be placed into any other regular class. They can, however, go into the diminutive or augmentative classes. kira-nea this large arrow kehiro-o these large arrows kérel-ygel this little arrow kéroy-koy these little arrows keéugga large thing * kéungel small thing keéugeun nasty little thing (in a pejorative sense) Many nouns based on a noun stem are of a CVC(C)- or cvc(C)¥- shape. Those stens occurring with a final consonart will usually oceur with the short form! of the class suffix (see 107) ‘dred skin NAL gése fields DE However, for those occurring with a double consonant, nd or nin stem final position, a vowel like that of the following suffix will occur betwe:n the stem and the suffix when the folloving suffix begins with an r@ wird- + -re > wirdere opening, window NDE jévd- + 0 ri > njbwdiri ram NDI aéomb- + = -ru > AGomburud rat NDU Stens occurring with a final second syllable vowel will often occur with the modified or derivational form of the class suffix (see 106) . nabttiwa venerated old man NGA ‘eirmiwol cloth NOL lamott calls these 'grades,' Klingenheban suffix stufen. 2phis rule also applies to verb stems plus suffix. Sgometimes, however, the word occurs as d6omru. 8 3.142 Nouns derived fron a verb stem normally occur with the full form (see 104) of the class suffix. nére owned one ‘oO eéniings great holy one NGA tornde prayer “DE However, verb steus ending in a manner suffix will occur with the denasalized form (see 105). Adggirde school WDE ‘The verb stem as used in noun-formations is not the same as the verb stem in the verb phrase (see 211-229). Verb stem here is verb root plus or minus stem extensions plus or minus tense, and voice or: VSn= VR(SE)(TV,)+ Tense-voice markers are also modified. Tense-Voice (IV) = past, future past active g past =

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