History of Bangladesh & Bangla Language

History of Bengal: The Medieval Age up to 1757 A.D.

Part: 2 (Mughal era)

 The History of the Barabhuyians

 The Rule of the Subadars in Bengal

 The Rule of the Nawabs in Bengal

 The Battle of Palashi

The History of the Barabhuyians:

Emperor Akbar could not establish authority over the whole of Bengal. The big Zamindars of
Bengal did not accept the subordination of the Mughals. They were independent in their own lands.
They had powerful army and navy. They used to fight unitedly against the Mughal commanders
to protect their independence. These Zamindars were known as the Barabhuyians in the history
of Bengal. 'Bara' does not mean the number twelve. It is used to define the indefinite number
of Zamindars.

In the beginning Issa Khan was the leader of the Barabhuyians. When the family of Hussain came
to an end, Issa Khan's father Sulaiman Khan became the Zamindar of Sonargaon region. As it
was a low lying area, Sonargaon was called 'Bhati* region. Issa Khan was loyal to the Karrani
Dynasty*. The Gazi family of Bhawal established their Zamindari before the conquest of Bengal
by Sher Shah. Similarly, gradually big Zamindaries were established in the regions of Faridpur,
Sylhet, Mymensingh, Bikrampur, Barisal, Noakhali, Manikganj, etc.

Sonargaon region -Issa Khan and Musa khan

Bhawal region -Fazal Gazi
Mymensingh region -Majlis Paratapa and Majlis Delwar
Faridpur region -Majlis Kutoba
Bikrampur region -Chad Roy and Kedar Roy

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Barisal region -Paremananda Roy

Manikganj region -Chandra tapa

Emperor Akbar gave special attention to subdue the Barabhuyians. He sent in 1583 A.D
Shahbaz Khan*, in 1585 A.D Sadiq Khan, in 1586 A.D Uzir Khan and in 1594 A.D Raja
Mansingh* as Subadars to Bengal. They fought a number of battles with Issa Khan and other
Zamindars. But they could not defeat Issa Khan, the leader of the Barabhuyians.

After the death of Issa Khan in 1599 A.D, his son Musa Khan became the leader of the
Barabhuyians. Mansingh was sent to Bengal for the second time in 1601A.D. This time he
succeeded to some extent. Before the final success could be achieved, news came about Akbar's
illness. Mansingh had to return to Agra at the bidding of the Emperor.

After the death of Akbar, Jahangir became the Mughal Emperor. It was during his reign that
the Barabhuyians were subdued completely*. The claimant of the success was Subadar Islam
Khan (1608 A.D-1613 A.D)*. He shifted the capital of Bengal from Rajmahal to Dhaka* with
the intention of suppressing the Barabhuyians. Musa Khan's base was at Soanrgaon not far from
Dhaka. On his way from Rajmahal to Dhaka, Islam Khan won the allegiance of many Zamindars
on the way. Islam Khan built a strong navy* to face the Barabhuyians.

The first fight with Musa Khan took place in 1609 A.D in Jatrapur on the eastern bank of the
River Karotoa. Musa Khan had a fort there. In the battle that followed, Musa Khan and other
Zamindars were forced to retreat. Islam Khan entered Dhaka in 1610 A.D. From this time Dhaka
became the capital of Bengal and was named Jahangirnagar after the Emperor.

The naval force of the Zamindars assembled on the River Sitalakhya under the leadership of Musa
Khan. The fort 'Kadam Rasul' of Musa Khan, situated on the eastern bank of the river was
captured by the Mughals. Musa Khan retreated to Sonargaon. The Mughal soldiers finally
occupied Sonargaon. Thereafter the Zamindars were forced to surrender. Subadar Islam Khan was
very generous. He behaved very courteously with Musa Khan.*He appointed Musa Khan in his
own Zamindari as a representative of the Mughals. Musa Khan passed the rest of his life as a
loyal representative of the Mughals. Many Zamindars were disappointed at the surrender of Musa

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Khan. After that, other Zamindars pledged allegiance to the Mughals one after another. That’s
ended the rule of the Barabhuyians.

The Mughal Rule in Bengal

The rule of the Mughals in Bengal was divided into two periods. These are the rule of the Subadars
and the rule of the Nawabs. After the defeat of the Barabhuiyans, Subadari was established over
the whole of Bengal. The Mughal provinces were known as the 'Subas'. The ‘golden age’ of the
rule of the Subadars was from the beginning of the seventeeth century upto the beginning of the
eighteenth century. After Aurangzeb, the Mughal rule in Bengal became weak in the hands of
his weak successors. Taking advantage of this, the Subadars of Bengal were ruling Bengal almost
independently. This time of the Mughal period is known as the rule of the Nawabs. The rule of
the Nawabs continued up to 1757 A.D for almost half a century.

The Rule of the Subadars in Bengal:

Islam Khan introduced the rule of Subadars in the whole of Bengal in 1610 A.D after having
suppressed the Barabhuyians. After the death of Islam Khan, quite a number of Subadars assumed
power in Bengal. However, before Mir Jumla assumed power in 1660 A.D, no Subadar could play
any important role. Of them from 1613 A.D to 1617 A.D Islam Khan Chisti and from 1617 A.D
to 1624 A.D Ibrahim Khan Fateh Jang, brother of Empress Nurjahan of Delhi, served as
Subadars in Bengal. Thereafter Darar Khan, Mohabbat Khan, Mukarram Khan and Fidai
Khan were appointed as Subadars for short periods.

When Emperor Shahjahan came to power, he appointed Kasem Khan Juini in 1628 A.D as
Subadar of Bengal. The Portuguese had been doing business in Bengal since the time of Hussain
Shah. The Portugese increased greatly in number and eventually posed a threat to Bengal. Kasem
Khan Juini suppressed the Portugese with a strong hand.

After Kasem Khan, Subadar Islam Khan Mashadi (1635 A.D-1639 A.D) ruled for four years.
Then Shahjahan sent his second son Shah Shuja as Subadar of Bengal. He ruled for twenty

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years. The reign of Shuja was comparatively peaceful. Among the foreign merchants, the English
enjoyed some special favours from the Subadar during his period. Along with business the
English increased their power too.

When Emperor Shahjahan felt sick in 1657 A.D, his four sons revolted and each wanted to be the
emperor. At that time, started a conflict between Aurangazeb and Shuja. In the battle between
the two brothers in 1659 A.D Shah Shuja was defeated.

Aurangzeb's commander, Mir Jumla came to the capital of Bengal, Jahangirnagar to subdue
Shuja. For that reason, Emperor Aurangzeb gave the responsibility of the Subadar to Mir Jumla
(1660 A.D-1663 A.D)*. He was famous as an efficient Subadar. Mir Jumla annexed Assam and
Cooch Bihar to the Mughal Empire.

After the death of Mir Jumla, Dilir Khan and Daud Khan Abbasi administered Bengal as
temporary Subadars. Then the maternal uncle of Aurangzeb, Shayesta Khan (1664 A.D-1688
A.D) was appointed as Subadar. In the midst of his reign, he was called to Delhi in 1678 A.D by
the Emperor. In September 1679 A.D he became the Subadar of Bengal for the second time. He
was a very efficient and farsighted administrator. Shayesta Khan drove away the pirates who were
a threat to the lives of the people of Bengal, He also occupied Chittagong. He also saved the
people of Bangladesh from the clutches of Portuguese pirates. Towards the end of his tenure as
Subadar, there was dispute between him and the English East India Company. The English began
to grow in power to such an extent that they gradually became a threat for the country. After a
prolonged attempt Shayesta Khan drove away the English from the Bengal.

After Shayesta Khan, Khan Jahan Bahadur, Ibrahim Khan and Azimuddin became the
Subadar of Bengal one after another. During their times, the history of Bengal was not eventful.

Then Murshid Kuli Khan (1700 A.D-1727 A.D)* came to power in Bengal as an efficient
Subadar. At first he was appointed the Diwan (1700 A.D)* of Bengal. The duties of a Diwan were
to collect revenue and manage the financial matters. Murshid Kuli Khan became Subadar (1713
A.D)* during the rule of Emperor Farruk Shiar. He became famous for the reformation of
revenue system in this country. After the death of Aurangazeb, the weak Emperors could not give
attention to the distant Subahs.

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As a result, the Subadars of these regions were ruling their respective areas almost independently.
Murshid Kuli Khan too became quite independent. He pledged loyalty to the Emperor only by
name and used to send him an amount of one crore three lakhs rupees annually as taxes. After
Murshid Kuli khan, his son-in-law, Shujauddin Khan ascended the throne of Bengal. Thus the
system of Subadari of Bengal became hereditary. Following this path independent rule was again
established in Bengal.

The Rule of the Nawabs in Bengal:

The Subah of Bengal became almost independent from the time of Nawab Murshid Kuli Khan.
Subah was then called 'Nizamat* and the post of Subadar was called 'Nazim'. The post of Nazim
became hereditary. The Subadars or the Nazims on ascending the throne of Bengal only received
a letter of authority from the Mughal Emperor. The history of the Mughal administration in
Bengal in the eighteenth century is known as the 'Nizamat' or the Rule of the Nawabs. The
independent administrators were known as the Nawabs.

Murshid Kuli Khan had no male issue. So Shujauddin Khan (1727 A.D-1739 A.D), the husband
of his daughter Zinnat-un-Nessa, was appointed as the Subadar of Bengal by Emperor Farrukh
Shiyar. Shujauddin ascended the throne with the status of an independent Nawab. He was an
efficient administrator. He became the Nawab of the three provinces- Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
He appointed his relatives and trustworthy persons in high officers. He developed good relations
with the Zamindars also. He was, however, not happy in the last part of his life. Many courtiers of
the palace began to conspire against him. He faced the crisis boldly.

After the death of Shujauddin, his son Sarfaraz Khan became the Nawab of Bengal, Bihar and
Orisa. He was an inefficient ruler and because of this, the whole country was in disorder. Taking
this opportunity, Alivardi Khan, the Naib-e-Nazim of Bihar, attacked Sarfaraz. Sarfaraz was
defeated and killed. Thereafter, Alivardi Khan took power in Bengal not by the authority of

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Mughal Emperor but by sheer power of arms. During the reign of Alivardi Khan (1740 A. D-
1756 A.D)* peace was established in Bengal.

For a long time the Marathi bandits known as 'Bargi' were making the lives of the people
miserable by attacking them in different regions of Bengal. From 1742 A.D to 1751 A.D for ten
years Alivardi Khan fought and finally made the 'Bargis' leave the country. When the Afghan
soldiers revolted, he suppressed them with a strong hand.

During the rule of Alivardi, many European merchants including the English began to spread
their business activities in the various regions of Bengal. They began to gather military power
at the same time. Alivardi Khan strongly checked their activities.
Alivardi Khan nominated Sirajuddowla, the son of his youngest daughter Amena Begum* as
his heir. The first daughter of Alivardi, Ghasheti Begum, and the eldest daughter of Alivardi Khan
wished that the son of her second sister, Shaukat Jang* would become the Nawab. Consequently
she began to conspire against Sirajuddowla. Ghasheti Begum gained the support of some nobles.
Roy Durlav, Jagat Seth, Mir Jafar, Umi Chand, Raj Bhallav, etc., were among them. The
clever English merchants manipulated the court politics. They joined hands with the
conspirators. Finally, war began between the English and the Nawab. In the Battle of Plassey in
1757 A.D*, Mir Jafar*, the Commander-in-Chief of the Nawab absented himself from taking part
in the battle. Sirajuddowla suffered defeat miserably. Thus the foundation of the English rule was
laid through the Battle of Plassey. At the same time the Medieval Age in Bengal came to an end.
Its traces, however, lingered for some time more.

Battle of Plassey:

Plassey, The battle of was fought between Nawab SIRAJUDDAULA and the EAST INDIA COMPANY
on 23 June 1757. It lasted for about eight hours and the nawab was defeated by the company
because of the treachery of his leading general MIR JAFAR. Plassey's political consequences were
far-reaching and devastating and hence, though a mere skirmish, it has been magnified into a battle.
It laid the foundation of the British rule in Bengal. For the English East India Company, Bengal
was the springboard from which the British expanded their territorial domain and

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subsequently built up the empire which gradually engulfed most parts of India and ultimately many
parts of Asia as well.

The Background:

The battle had a long background that could be traced from the beginning of the East India
Company's settlement in Bengal in early 1650s. The Mughal rulers of Bengal allowed the East
India Company to settle in Bengal and trade free of duty on payment of an annual sum of three
thousand taka. Within a few years of their settlement at HUGHLI and KASIMBAZAR the company's
trade began to expand rapidly both physically and in terms of capital investment. But their intrusion
into the internal trade of Bengal became a cause of conflict between SHAISTA KHAN, the Mughal
subahdar, and the English in the last quarter of the 17th century. After Shaista Khan had left
Bengal the English were allowed to settle in Calcutta, purchase the zamindari rights over the
three villages of Kalikata, Govindapur and Sutanuti. They established a fort at Calcutta and
named it FORT WILLIAM.

The purchase of zamindari and the establishment of the Fort William proved highly profitable
to the East India Company and the vested interest that was created in it led them to purchase more
zamindari lands (38 villages) around Calcutta. Meanwhile the abuse of trade privileges
progressively worsened their relations with the Bengal Nawabs. The company's authority at
Calcutta hardly paid any attention to the directives of the COURT OF DIRECTORS from London to
stop this evil practice and the privileges of DASTAK was illegally extended from the import-export
trade to cover also the internal trade. At the same time the servants of the company began to use
the trade permit to cover their private trade.

The company in its attempt to secure more privileges approached the Mughal Emperor FARRUKH
SIYAR, who by a FARMAN (1717) granted it important privileges which included duty-free trade,
establishment of a mint at Calcutta and right to purchase 38 villages on certain conditions. As
other merchants had to pay duty at certain rates while the English and their partners traded duty-
free, the local merchants were threatened to be eliminated from the internal trade. Nawab
MURSHID QULI KHAN obstructed the implementation of the farman as he realized that in spite of
the growing import-export trade of the company, it would escape with the annual payment of three

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thousand taka and the privileges would also deprive the government of its legitimate revenues
from the internal trade as well as from the mint duties.

With the accession of Sirajuddaula in April 1756*, the conflict between the nawab and the
English company became almost inevitable as the young nawab, for the first time, protested
vehemently against the unlawful activities of the company in Bengal. He had three main
grievances against the British-the unauthorized fortifications of Fort William, illegal private
trade and shameless abuse of dastaks by the company servants, and illegal shelter given to the
nawab's erring subjects. The nawab asked the British to take measures to remove his grievances
and sent several diplomatic missions to Calcutta for amicable settlement of the dispute. The nawab
demanded the extradition of Krishna Das and asked the English to demolish the new fortifications
and ordered to fill up the ditch, which surrounded the Calcutta Settlement. The English insulted
nawab's special envoy, who carried his letter to Calcutta. When Narayan Sing reported how
unceremoniously Roger DRAKE*, the English governor of Calcutta, had dismissed him, nawab's
temper was inflamed. Drake is reported to have said, "The sooner he [the nawab] came to
Calcutta the better and he [Drake] would make another nawab".

The nawab immediately ordered his forces to surround the Kasimbazar factory. The factory
chief surrendered but the company's governor at Calcutta became obstinate. There upon, the
nawab marched upon Calcutta and captured it. The reestablishment of the company in Bengal
after their defeat was possible in one of the two ways either surrendering to the nawab or to apply
force to avenge the defeat. The British in Bengal appealed for urgent reinforcements to Fort St.
George (Madras) which decided to send an expeditionary force under Robert CLIVE and Admiral
CHARLES WATSON to Bengal. They recovered Calcutta in January 1757 and declared a manifesto

of war against the nawab. At this Nawab Sirajuddaula was compelled to sign the ALINAGAR

TREATY with the English.

The Conspiracy:

The tension of war continued as the English, disregarding the treaty, started hatching up a
conspiracy with the disaffected courtiers of the nawab. There is no denial that a section of the
influential members of the nawab's court at MURSHIDABAD, who were dissatisfied with

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Sirajuddaula, was trying to hatch a conspiracy to oust the nawab. But the point to emphasize is
that without the active involvement of the British, there would have been in all probability no
Plassey 'revolution'. It was the British who were more anxious than the other conspirators to put
their own scheme of overthrowing the nawab. The company servants and other merchant
adventurers closely connected with the British trade in India - though not so much the Company
Directors in London - did from time to time advocate, in no uncertain terms, the acquisition of
territories in India. The private trades of the company servants were facing a severe crisis in the
mid-18th century and in order to retrieve their private trade fortunes, they took recourse to 'sub-
imperialism'.

In fact, the seeds of the Plassey conspiracy were sown in the 'Instructions' of the Fort George
Council (13 October 1756) which recommended 'not mere retaking of Calcutta' and 'ample
reparations', but urged 'to effect a junction with any powers in the province of Bengal that might
be dissatisfied with the violence of the Nawab's government or that might have pretensions to the
Nawabship'. The implication of the last portion of the recommendation is too obvious to be
emphasised. Even Clive wrote before sailing from Madras that Sirajuddaula was a weak
prince and that most of his courtiers were dissatisfied. It was on this resentment at the court of
the nawab that the British played 'the nice important game', as Clive reflected later on, and
precipitated the conspiracy leading to the Plassey coup.

Both Clive and Orme (who was the official historian of the English East India Company and was
in Bengal in the early 1750s) were aware of Colonel Scott's plan, prepared in Calcutta in 1752, of
the conquest of Bengal, which was then with the Fort George Council. Clive was greatly
impressed by the wealth of Bengal on an earlier visit to Calcutta in the winter of 1749-50. The
British private trade was facing a severe crisis in the late 1740s and early 1750s because of the
sudden spurt in the French private trade and Asian maritime trade under the Armenian
merchant Khwaja Wajid as is borne out by the shipping lists in the Dutch records. So the
destruction of the French, which would prevent a Franco-Bengali alliance, and the deposition of
the nawab who was threatening to stop the illegal private trade and misuse of dastaks - both
essential for rescuing the battered private trade fortunes of the British - became the main target of
the company servants' sub-imperialism.

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Despite the assertion of several historians that it was the Indian conspirators who got in touch
with the British for cooperation in the proposed 'revolution', there can hardly be any doubt from
a careful reading of the documents that it was the British who contacted the disgruntled elements
in the court for their support in the British plan of the coup. On 9 April 1757, Luke Scrafton
wrote from Kasimbazar to Clive's confidant, John Walsh, 'For God's sake let us proceed on
some fixed plan. How glorious it would be for the Company to have a Nawab devoted to
them!' He wrote to Walsh again on April 18 about the plan of setting up Yar Latif Khan as the
new nawab. Meanwhile the Select Committee adopted on April 23 the coup d'etat as its official
policy. On that very day Clive requested the committee to permit Scrafton to remain in
Murshidabad as he 'had affairs of consequence to employ him in'.

WILLIAM WATTS and Scrafton were actively engaged in securing the support for the project at
Murshidabad. Orme states that Clive, having received the information that Mir Jafar was not well
disposed towards the nawab, advised Watts to cultivate his friendship. Watts and Scrafton
communicated with UMICHAND, the prominent Calcutta merchant, and established contact with
principal darbar officials. Yar Latif confided to Umichand, who was deputed by Watts, his desire
to become nawab and that he would be supported by the diwan Ray Durlabh Ram and the JAGAT
SHETHs, the powerful bankers. Watts jumped for the scheme immediately and communicated it to
Clive, who approved it.

But the conspiracy was still in an embryonic stage and Mir Jafar could not yet be taken for
granted. So Clive wrote to Watts on May 2 to assure Mir Jafar 'to fear nothing', that the British
were 'strong enough to drive' the nawab out of the country and that he (Clive) would stand by him
(Mir Jafar) as long as there was a man left. Mir Jafar was in Murshidabad since May 30 but
Watts failed to conclude the agreement with him. It was only on June 5* that Watts could get the
red and white agreements signed by Mir Jafar.

The battle:

The agreement notwithstanding, the Select Committee became extremely anxious to put its plan
of 'revolution' into execution. On June 11, it deliberated whether it would be 'most proper' to
march directly towards Murshidabad or wait for further advice and a plan of operation from Mir

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Jafar. It was resolved unanimously that the 'present conjuncture is the most favourable that can
offer to carry the project for a revolution in favour of Mir Jaffier into execution' because any further
delay might have led to the discovery of the conspiracy by the nawab with the consequent
elimination of Mir Jafar in which case 'our whole scheme' would be 'overset' and the British
would be 'left to act against the united force of the country'. Accordingly Clive began his march
towards Murshidabad on June 13.

On June 19 Clive reached Katwa, which was taken by Colonel Coote the previous day. Clive
called a meeting of the War Council on June 21 when it was decided not to take 'an immediate
action'. But later Clive changed his mind and decided to march the next day. At dawn on 22 June
the British army under Clive set out for Plassey. However in the early afternoon of June 22 he
received the long awaited communication from Mir Jafar and proceeded on his march towards
Plassey, which he reached after midnight.

In the meantime the nawab had started from Murshidabad* and encamped at Plassey to oppose
the enemy. The war started at about 8 in the morning on 23 June 1757. Nawab's army under
Mir Mardan, Mohanlal, Khwaja Abdul Hadi Khan, Naba Singh Hazari and a few others gave
a brave fight while about two-thirds of the nawab's army under Mir Jafar, Yar Latif and Ray
Durlabh Ram merely stood by and watched. Even after several hours of fighting, nothing
decisive happened. Clive had not expected such a resistance and it is reported that Clive thought
of returning to Calcutta in the darkness of night 'after giving the best fight during the day'. But
around 3 in the afternoon a cannon ball struck Mir Mardan leading to his death.

Bewildered and baffled at Mir Mardan's death, Sirajuddaula called Mir Jafar and implored him
to save his life and honour. Mir Jafar advised the nawab to suspend action for the day and start
afresh the next morning, and soon passed on the message to Clive. With the nawab's commanders
turning back, the British made a fresh onslaught and there followed a general rout. The battle was
over by 5 in the afternoon and victorious Clive immediately proceeded towards Murshidabad.
John Wood, a British soldier, who was present at Plassey, observed: 'such was this great and
decisive battle by which a kingdom was conquered without there having been a general assault'.

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The conspiracy and the subsequent Plassey 'revolution' was not only engineered and encouraged
by the British but they tried their best till the last moment before the battle to persuade the Indian
conspirators to stick to the British 'project'. The general notions that the conspiracy was
'Indian-born', that the British had no 'calculated plotting' behind it, that they had little or no role
at all in the origin and/or development of the conspiracy, that it was the 'internal crisis' in Bengal
which 'inevitably brought in the British' and that the British conquest of Bengal was almost
'accidental' are hardly tenable any more. The English won the victory at Plassey owing to the
strength of their conspiracy leading to treason within Sirajuddaula's camp. The defeat of the
nawab was political and not a military one and finally Bangla lost its independence for more
than two hundred years

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References:

 KM Mohsin and Sushil Chaudhury, Banglapeadia, National Encyclopedia of

Bangladesh, Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, March-2003.

 BK Gupta, Sirajuddaulah and the East India Company, 1756-1757, Leiden, 1962.

 JN Sarkar (ed), The History of Bengal, 2, Dacca, 1968.

 KK Datta, Siraj-ud-daulah, Calcutta, 1971.

 Rajat Kanta Ray, Palashir Sharajantra O Shekaler Samaj (in Bangla), Calcutta, 1994.

 S Chaudhury, The Prelude to Empire; Palashi Revolution of 1757, New Delhi, 2000.

 Mohammad Mohor Ali, History of the Muslims of Bengal, Vol 1A, IFB, 2003.

 Mohammad Abdur Rahim, Social and Cultural History of Bengal: 1576-1757.

Pakistan Historical Society, 1963.
 আব্দু ল করিম, ব াংল দেদেি ইরিহ স (১২০৪-১৮৫৭)। জ িীয় স রহিয প্রক ে। ২০১২।

 সু শীল চ ৌধু রী, পলাশশর অজানা কাশিনী। আনন্দ পাবশলশাসস, ভারত।

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