Professional Documents
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Constituents do
not monitor
Congress,
lobbyists do.
Throughout history, the engagement of
citizens in the political process has been a
chimera. In developed countries, national
legislators vote over 1,000 times each year.
Their decisions are based on millions of
pages of bills, proposals, amendments,
hearing transcripts, debates, legislation,
executive memos, staff reports, constituent
mail, lobbyist activity etc. Further the
language is inordinately complex and often
so opaque that few can understand the
significance. Because of this scholars have
suggested that it could be impossible for
even the most active citizens (or even a full-
time professor of government) to actively
monitor the legislative process. This
argument appears to hold even if citizens
were to limit their focus to just single topics
or single legislators. Even beyond
legislatures the general argument applies,
as constituents rarely follow any aspect of
government in detail. More importantly, all
studies - across all time periods - appear to
confirm these claims.
2020
Major Studies
Research to support the idea that citizens do not
monitor legislation or government.
6
By anything approaching elite standards,
most citizens think and know jaw-droppingly
little about politics.
7
The political ignorance of the American
voter is one of the best-documented features of
contemporary politics.
9
Congress is not well understood by the
average citizen.
1
Voters in most countries can identify the
incumbent chief executive, but know little else
beyond that.
1
The fewer the number of taxpayers
affected, and the more dull and arcane the
subject, the longer the line of lobbyists.
1
If six decades of modern public opinion
research establish anything, it is that the general
public’s political ignorance is appalling by any
standard.
1
Arthur Lupia 2014 - Uninformed 1
1
The typical citizen drops down to a lower
level of mental performance as soon as he
enters the political field. He argues and analyzes
in a way which he would readily recognize as
infantile within the sphere of his real interests.
He becomes a primitive again.
2
The unhappy truth is that the prevailing
public opinion has been destructively wrong at
the critical junctures. The people have imposed
a veto upon the judgments of informed and
responsible officials. They have compelled the
governments, which usually knew what would
have been wiser… Mass opinion has acquired
mounting power in this century. It has shown
itself to be a dangerous master.
2
Citizens on average do not have the time,
expertise, resources, and interest to make the
many decisions required in contemporary
governance.
2
The great body of the people are without
virtue and are not governed by any internal
restraints of conscience.
2
Political science tells us that the most
American citizens neither know, nor care about
their political representatives and the policies of
their government, and the most importantly,
these findings are common knowledge among
students of politics.
Aristotle 350 BC
Politics
2
Public opinion research shows us that the
public will very often provide majority support
for a policy proposal and, simultaneously,
provide majority opposition to that same
proposal.
2
When voters endure natural disasters they
generally vote against the party in power, even if
the government could not possibly have
prevented the problem.
Montesquieu 1748
Spirit of the Laws
3
Democratic publics are not in fact able by
background or temperament to make large
numbers of complex public policy choices; what
has filled the void are well-organized groups of
activists who are unrepresentative of the public
as a whole. The obvious solution to this problem
would be to roll back some of the would-be
democratizing reforms, but no one dares
suggest that what the country needs is a bit less
participation and transparency.
3
Decades of political science research
should have undermined any naive faith in
citizen capacity and made us aware that
pluralist realities often overtake populist ideals
3
Political scientists are repeatedly
astonished by the shallowness and incoherence
of people’s political beliefs, and by the tenuous
connection of their preferences to their votes
and to the behavior of their representatives.
Most voters are ignorant not just of current
policy options but of basic facts, such as what
the major branches of government are, who the
United States fought in World War II, and which
countries have used nuclear weapons.
4
Politicians and pundits like to think that
the voters are as conscious of political issues
and tactics as the experts are, but the real
America is an apolitical country whose citizens
mostly participate – or don’t – in politics every
two or four years on election day.
4
The silent majority is not going to be
present at the open markups of the bills; they
are going to be too busy and too occupied
otherwise. But if you have open markup on
bills...do you not think that the special interests
will be there? The silent majority will not be
there, but the special interests will be well
represented.
4
In the United States, most Americans
oppose “welfare” but support “aid to the poor.”
They want to decrease spending on foreign aid
and increase spending on foreign aid. They want
to amend the Constitution but oppose changing
it. They oppose regulations that harm
businesses but they also support regulations
that protect the public. Contradictory findings
like these have puzzled students of public
opinion for decades. On too many issues there
doesn’t seem to be any there “there.” The public
just doesn’t make any logical sense. This leads
many to conclude that the public simply has no
idea what it is talking about.
4
As noted, most voters are not informed,
especially about projects that don’t affect them
very much.
4
This is the dirty little secret of our
profession. Among political scientists, that most
voters are woefully ignorant about politics is
completely uncontroversial, and has been for
decades. The survey evidence on this subject is
overwhelming. Yet it is not something widely
disseminated, and a good deal of effort in the
discipline is devoted to scrounging for reasons
why the severe knowledge deficits of voters
don’t matter all that much, and why Washington
will be attentive to voters’ demands even if most
voters are not very well informed and not paying
all that much attention.
5
Trial judges hand out more prison and jail
time to defendants just before they come up for
reelection...In spite of the tremendous power
wielded by trial court judges the study showed
that “voters are almost entirely uninformed
about judge behavior.” [But] because voters
tend only to evaluate a judge’s performance just
prior to election most judges ignore constituent
preferences while in office then try to portray a
“tough on crime” stance just prior to the
election.
5
Between the lobbyists, who arrived early
and stayed all day seeking scarce committee
room seats, and platoons of staff and press,
Senate committee sessions were well attended –
but not by the general public. Except for those
whose livelihoods depended on it, there wasn’t
much interest in the tax code arcania.
5
There's a good reason why nobody studies
history, it just teaches you too much.
6
In general, voters are ignorant,
misinformed and biased. But there is
tremendous variance. When it comes to political
information, some people know a lot, most
people know nothing and many people know
less than nothing.
6
Citizens aren’t just ignorant or
misinformed, but irrational. Few citizens process
information with an open mind; most citizens
disregard any information that contradicts their
current ideology. Voters suffer from a wide range
of biases, including confirmation bias,
disconfirmation bias, motivated reasoning,
intergroup bias, availability bias and prior
attitude effects.
6
The broad public simply is not able to
monitor congressional activity with nearly the
consistency or intensity of organized interests.
6
A 1973 citizenship examination
administered by the National Assessment of
Educational Progress showed that teenagers
and young adults “know frighteningly little
about the personalities or policies of
governmental leaders, and have not even begun
to understand the workings of the American
political process.”
6
As a rule, we can suppose. that most
citizens know very little about politics and
policies. Indeed, an informal survey suggests
that most of my professional political science
colleagues do not recall the congressional attack
on the IRS, which was front-page news a few
years ago.
7
Even with the impressive growth of C-
SPAN, which provides, via cable TV, admission to
the House and Senate galleries for more than 54
million homes, the public’s awareness of
Congress remains shallow.
7
When it comes to political information
there are two groups of people. One group is
almost completely ignorant of almost every
detail of almost every law and policy under
which they live. The other group is delusional
about how much they know. There is no third
group... every one of us is almost completely
ignorant of almost every detail of almost every
law and policy under which we live.
7
Even world-renowned experts on specific
legal or political topics are almost completely
ignorant of almost all of the details of the many
laws, rules, and regulations under which any of
us live.
7
Somewhat surprisingly, perhaps, the poll
also showed that many Americans are still not
paying close attention to tax reform. Only one
out of ten reported that they were very familiar
with the tax-reform packages before Congress,
and 36% said they were not familiar at all.
8
In theory, democracy is a bulwark against
socially harmful policies. In practice, however,
democracies frequently adopt and maintain
policies that are damaging. How can this
paradox be explained? The influence of special
interests and voter ignorance are two leading
explanations...The central idea is that voters are
worse than ignorant; they are, in a word,
irrational – and they vote accordingly. Despite
their lack of knowledge, voters are not humble
agnostics; instead, they confidently embrace a
long list of misconceptions.
8
The last thing people want is to be more
involved in political decision making: They do
not want to make political decisions
themselves; they do not want to provide much
input to those who are assigned to make these
decisions; and they would rather not know all
the details of the decision-making process. Most
people have strong feelings on few if any of the
issues the government needs to address and
would much prefer to spend their time in
nonpolitical pursuits.
8
Evidence of the people’s desire to avoid
politics is widespread, but most observers still
find it difficult to take this evidence at face
value. People must really want to participate but
are just turned off by some aspect of the
political system, right? If we could only tinker
with the problematic aspects of the system,
then the people’s true participatory colors
would shine for all to see, right? As a result of
this mindset, when the people say they do not
like politics and do not want to participate in
politics, they are simply ignored. Elite observers
claim to know what the people really want – and
that is to be involved, richly and consistently, in
the political arena. If people are not involved,
these observers automatically deem the system
in dire need of repair.
8
The creation of a multiplicity of
committees makes it difficult for the public or
the press to follow policy deliberations even if
they are open.
8
Nothing in the empirical record suggests
that citizens are at all well informed regarding
the people, politics, and procedures of
Congress.
9
Consitituents generally do not and cannot
follow the development of information and
arguments on an issue.
9
So I have been reading some of the new
standard textbooks used to teach citizenship in
schools and colleges. After reading them I do not
see how anyone can escape the conclusion that
man must have the appetite of an encyclopedist
and infinite time ahead of him. To be sure he no
longer is expected to remember the exact salary
of the county clerk and the length of the
coroner’s term. In the new civics he studies the
problems of government, and not the structural
detail. He is told, in one textbook of five hundred
concise, contentious pages, which I have been
reading, about city problems, state problems,
national problems, international problems, trust
problems, labor problems, transportation
problems, banking problems, rural problems,
agricultural problems, and so on ad infinitum. In
the eleven pages devoted to problems of the city
there are described twelve sub-problems.
9
The usual appeal to education can bring
only disappointment. For the problems of the
modem world appear and change faster than
any set of teachers can grasp them, much faster
than they can convey their substance to a
population of children. If the schools attempt to
teach children how to solve the problems of the
day, they are bound always to be in arrears.
9
Public opinion research shows that voters
are poorly informed about their representative’s
votes on even the most highly visible legislation
(Ansolabehere and Jones 2010; Jones 2011;
Sulkin 2009),
1
Most Americans have neither the time, the
interest, nor the inclination to monitor Congress
on a day-to-day basis. But lobbyists and activists
do, and they can use the information and access
to ensure that the groups they represent are
well taken care of in the federal budget and the
legal code. This is true not only for lobbies that
want money. On any number of issues, from tort
law to American policy toward Cuba to quotas,
well organized interest groups – no matter how
small their constituencies can ensure that
government bends to their will. Reforms
designed to produce majority rule have
produced minority rule.
1
The mass public contains...a great many
more people who know next to nothing about
politics...The average American’s ability to place
the Democratic and Republican parties and
‘liberals’ and ‘conservatives’ correctly on issue
dimensions and the two parties on a liberal-
conservative dimension scarcely exceeds and
indeed sometimes falls short of what could be
achieved by blind guessing. The verdict is
stunningly, depressingly clear: most people
know very little about politics.
1
How can citizens control legislators when
most citizens pay scant attention to public
affairs? Why should legislators worry about
citizens’ preferences when they know most
citizens are not really watching them?
1
The 1990 Clean Air Act was about 800
pages long, and nonexperts would need a
translator to make sense of it.
1
It is necessary to say that people are
deluded and that the task of leadership is to un-
delude them.
1
Further evidence of the emergence of a
somewhat different institutional climate in
which concerns with restoring decisionmaking
capabilities had begun to compete with
demands for openness, participation, and
decentralization came in 1983, when the return
by the Ways and Means Committee to the
traditional practice of closing bill-writing
sessions to the public excited little interest or
criticism.
1
During election years, most citizens cannot
identify any congressional candidates in their
district. Citizens generally don’t know which
party controls Congress. During the 2000 U.S.
presidential election, while slightly more than
half of all Americans knew Gore was more liberal
than Bush, significantly less than half knew that
Gore was more supportive of abortion rights,
more supportive of welfare-state programs,
favored a higher degree of aid to blacks or was
more supportive of environmental regulation.
When asked to guess what the unemployment
rate was, the majority of voters tend to guess it
is twice as high as the actual rate.
1
Less than 30% of Americans can name two
or more of the rights listed in the First
Amendment of the Bill of Rights.
1
Voters consistently misperceived where
candidates stood on important issues.
1
The complexity and incoherence of our
government often make it difficult for us to
understand just what that government is
doing... one need look no further than the mind-
numbing complexity of the health-care system,
or our byzantine system of funding higher
education, or our bewildering federal-state
system of governing everything from welfare to
education to environmental regulation. America
has chosen to govern itself through more
indirect and incoherent policy mechanisms than
can be found in any comparable country.
1
Transparency, unlike other forms of
regulation, has a major disadvantage: it
assumes that those who receive the information
released by producers or public officials can
properly process it and that their conclusions
will lead them to reasonable action. However,
the well-known and often-cited findings of
behavioral economics demonstrate that very
often the public is unable to properly process
even rather simple information because of
“wired in,” congenital, systematic cognitive
biases.
1
Even if we assume that political
circumstances do actually allow for a politically
unconstrained and informed discussion of
complex issues, as Arias-Maldonado (2007, p.
248) points out, ‘the belief that citizens in a
deliberative context will spontaneously acquire
ecological enlightenment, and will push for
greener decisions, relies too much on an
optimistic, naive view of human nature, so
frequently found in utopian political
movements’.
1
[Voter’s] opinions flip depending on how a
question is worded: they say that the
government spends too much on “welfare” but
too little on “assistance to the poor,” and that it
should “use military force” but not “go to war.”
When they do formulate a preference, they
commonly vote for a candidate with the
opposite one. But it hardly matters, because
once in office politicians vote the positions of
their party regardless of the opinions of their
constituents.
1
The second major theoretical claim of
Downs is that individual citizens have no
incentive even to learn enough to be able to
vote their own interests intelligently...this citizen
also builds opinions on cavalier ‘facts.’
1
By the mid-1820s, according to historian
Ronald P. Formisano, “the vast majority of
citizens had lost interest in politics. They had
never voted much in presidential elections
anyway, and now they involved themselves only
sporadically in state and local affairs.”
1
Things weren’t perfect in the old days.
Hell, in 1952, there were 4 percent of the
American people in a Gallup Poll that still
thought FDR was president. But I think there
was a moderately increased awareness of the
basics of governance in those days. People had
a little better idea of the Congress and the
Supreme Court and the executive branch, and
they understood the differences. They don’t
anymore, because they’ve been pounded every
day by people whose business it is to distort and
confuse and to drive home a narrow,
substantive viewpoint, rather than educating.
So you don’t get Ed Murrow anymore; you get
Rush Limbaugh, for Christ’s sake.
Mann 1978
Unsafe at Any Margin
1
Mass public knowledge of congressional
candidates declines precipitously once we move
beyond simple recognition, generalized feelings
and incumbent job ratings
Mann 1978
Unsafe at Any Margin
1
If nobody else cares about it very much,
the special interest will get its way. If the public
understands the issue at any level, then special
interest groups are not able to buy an outcome
that the public may not want. But the fact is that
the public doesn’t focus on most of the work of
the Congress. Most of the work of the Congress
is very small things... And all of us, me included,
are guilty of this: If the company or interest
group is (a) supportive of you, (b) vitally
concerned about an issue that, (c) nobody else
in your district knows about or ever will know
about, then the political calculus is quite simple.
1
Throughout the first 150 years of the
federal government, access to government
information does not appear to have been a
major issue for the federal branches or the
public.
1
Citizens are not strongly attached to
representative democracy’s processes and
norms. Preferences for more participatory
opportunities and democratic deliberation are
shallow at best.
1
In other words, lawmakers mandating
disclosure are grazing a public commons –
people’s attention. Each mandate draws a bit of
this resource, degrading the others. Lawmakers
never consider this when mandating a
disclosure, since they are focused on the
immediate problem before them. Yet so many
law-makers are trying to solve so many
problems with disclosure that the already
overgrazed commons becomes daily more
depleted.We are often asked what should
replace mandated disclosure. If mandated
disclosure does not work, little is lost in
abandoning it. And if mandated disclosure
cannot work, the rational response is not to
search for another (doomed) panacea, but to
bite the bullet and ask which social problems
actually need a regulatory response and what
response might actually ameliorate the
problem.
157
Then there are countless programs that
are not secret but that are too complicated and
numerous for the public to pay attention to –
from E.P.A. regulation to quantitative easing…
This puts even more pressure on the first prong
of the paradox. If much (most?) of government
activity remains invisible to the public, how can
democratic accountability work? The answer, I
think, is that political accountability in modern,
large-scale democracies rarely takes place
through informed public monitoring of specific
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