1

Ancient Buddhist Pilgrim Records: A study in historical geography of

Akhnoor
By Dr Lalit Gupta

Key words: Sacred landscape, Traditional routes, Pilgrimage, SankhaLipi

inscriptions
The paucity of textual, numismatic and epigraphic records barring few
archaeological evidences has resulted into a hazy picture of cultural history of
Akhnoor, a major archaeological site in Darva—Abhisara (the region of Jammu).
The finds of Shankhalipi inscriptions from Akhnoor, in Jammu region, along with
extant Buddhist archaeological remains, have emerged as important evidence to
suggest that Buddhism which had taken roots in Dārva—Abhisara i right from the
times of the Lord Buddha, not only continued to be popular in Jammu region but
the area also boasted of pilgrimage centers, especially between 4 th to 7th-8th
centuries.
The presence of Shankhalipi inscriptions at Akhnoor and other areas therefore
warrant a relook at the traditional routes, and the likelihood of the Buddhist
monastic complex at Akhnoor-Ambaran, developing into a sacred landscape that
subsequently emerged as pilgrimage center attracting pilgrims who, as per the
practice in those days, left record of their visit in terms of votive inscriptions.
This paper is an attempt to start afresh the discussion on the historic geography of
Akhnoor in terms of space, society and time. Unlike contiguous Kashmir Valley,
there is paucity of scholarly work on Jammu region with the result this study is
likely to raise more questions than to answer raised ones.
Area of Study: The area of taken for study is Akhnoor ii, which is an ancient
settlement located, in Shiwalik Hill tract lying in Jammu Division of the state of
Jammu and Kashmir State—at the spot where river Chenab (ancient Asikini,
Chandrabhaga) after remaining confined by narrow mountainous gorges, opens
up and debouches into the north Indian plains.
Akhnoor seems to have remained important all throughout history due to its
strategic location as an entrepot, transit\junction point where Chenab river as a
 2

geographical marker of natural boundary separates the areas of Dhārva (between

Ravi & Chenab) i. e., from the sub-region of Abhisara (Poonch, Rajouri). The
excavations carried out at Manda at Akhnoor by Archaeological Survey of
India(ASI)iii has established layers of settlements at this settlement beginning as
early as Harrapan period.
Jammu region is the name given to the part of the outermost hills of the
Himalayas that stretch from Himachal Pradesh to the Pothawar in Pakistan. The
region can be found on the Atlas roughly between 32° 17́ to 36° 58́ North Latitude
to 73° 26́ and 83° 30́ East Longitude. The foot hills of the Pir Panjal are about 240
kilometers in length and starts from Kishtawar in the East and goes up to
Muzzafrabad in the West. The range is in the Eastern side is known as the
Chenab Valley area. “Among the chief highland side valleys of Chenab in Jammu,
major ones are valleys of Padar, Dacchan and Marwa in Kishtwar, Bhales,
Bhadarwah, Siraj and Banihal in Doda, Poonch and Rajouri and Anji in Reasi. All
these mountain valleys of Chenab and its tributaries have a rich antiquity”. iv
With regard to the question about peopling of these area, ancient sources
(Mahabharata, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi , NilmataPurana, Rajatarangini ) tell us that
the region was inhabited by diversity of races and ethnic communities which
included the races from the hoary past such as Pishaca, Naga, Kinnara,
Gandharva, along with races from the early historic period like Audumbara,
Madra, Vahlika, Darva, Abhisara, Yavana et al. “What one thing is clear that that
there has been movement of people into the hills from the south than the north”. v
Sacred Landscape of Akhnoor: A historical view
The region of Dharva-Abhisar is full of many such mountains vi, cavesvii, rivers,
lakesviii, forests, groves and which are considered as sacred. Apart from folk lore
“some form of cosmic descent, association, with other place-worlds or lokas is
used to account for the sacredness of the landscape-----”. ix
Forms of mythic-ritual sacrilization of geographical features also came to be
associated in course of time with man-made structures like temples, stupas and
caityas. Many of these continued to be popular religious sites\ sacred places also
 3

have rich narrative tradition, either oral or written detailed descriptions about their
origin, which serve as both markers of events and metaphors for everyday life.
Akhnoor emerged as a major center of Buddhism thanks to the Indo-Greek king
Milinda who after a marathon discussion with MahtheraNagsena at his capital at
Sagala, (modern Sialkot in Pakistan) converted to Buddhism x and said to have
undertaken a major program of construction of caityas and vihāras, all over his
domain.
Claimed to be associated with proselytizing zeal of Milinda, one such monastic
complex of Ambaran near Akhnoor, set up on the right bank of river Chenab in 2 nd
century BCE had remained active up to 6th-7th CE till it was completely devastated
by floods in Chenab river. The insightful excavations by the Archaeological survey
of India in the first decades of 21 st centuryxi, has provided valuable resource
material for the historiography of this region xii.
Evolution of major sacred places in the Jammu Shiwaliks, like elsewhere seems
to have a close association with traditional routes that passing through the area
linked Indo-Gangetic—plain with the established kingdoms in Western
Himalayasxiii including and the Kashmir Valley.
The Buddhist saṅgha at Akhnoor being part of dynamic Buddhist mobility was
also closely linked to trans-regional trade networks extending to the northwestern
borderlands and joined to Central Asian silk routes by many capillary routes.
Buddhism like other Indian religions—through its mythologies sculpted a
comprehensive and symmetrical cosmology. The stupa apart from being a
funerary\ commemorative structure also came to symbolize a kind of supernatural
geography, a cosmic habitat inhabited by mythical gods and different lokas. The
Ambaran monastic complexxiv—evolved through times into a sacred landscape
which served to the spiritual needs for the Buddhists communities of Akhnoor,
surrounding areas and the pilgrims.
The walls and facade of monastic complex lavishly embellished with terracotta
relief sculptures were veritable galleries, a spectacle to behold; it represented the
Buddhist theology including the Jatakas in different images and symbols. Along
with the presence of number of Sharirika stupas, especially the one with relic
 4

casket possibly containing the relics of Lord Buddha xv or a Chakravartin king and
venerable Theras, bestowed upon the place an aura of sacredness. Which seems
to have been further entrenched due to traditional belief system of reverence for
landscape features like the location of the complex in the pristine setting of mango
gardens on bank of the perennial river etc.
Even today, some five kilometers downstream from ancient complex of Ambaran,
where the towns seems to shifted in later times, the entire stretch of the river bank
of Chenab continues to remain a place of religious importance. Along with ancient
Kameshwar Templexvi, other religious structures and the spot where under JiaPota
tree, Maharaja Gulab Singh was coroneted as Raja of Jammu in 1822—the bank
of Chenab not only continues to be regarded as sacred but equally holy like the
Har-Ki- Pauri of Haridwār for the natives since ages have been immersing the last
remains of dead relatives and near ones and also conduct their last rites here.
Traditional Routes:
“Traditional routes have been the key elements in settlement systems in a region.
It is through these routes that one regional settlement system was connected with
other settlement systems. Their connectivity acted as medium for not only the flow
of goods across the region but also facilitated flow of cultural traits and
ideologies”xvii.
Jammu region is characterized by with many ribbon like valleys called as ‘Dun-s’.
One such is the Dansal Dun that runs for more than 100 kilometers starts from
Basohli, i.e., the right bank of river Ravi and leads up to Pancheri (near
Udhampur) and beyond and touches the Chenab river and from there on one can
easily travel to Kashmir. Used as a trade route since ancient times the caravans
of traders entering from Punjab side exercised the choice to take up any of the
routes that forked to different destinations like Kashmir, Ladakh, or simply to avoid
the turbulent north-Indian plains. The armies of LalitadityaMuktapida, in the 8 th
century are said to have also used the Dansal Dun for military forays into the
Indian mainlandxviii.
Buddhist literature is full of references about monks travelling with the
Sarthavahas on such traditional routes as this must have been in the mutual
 5

interest of the traders and the monks. On one hand, the caravan felt safe with the
fellow monk travelers who other than spiritual discourses and discussion which
were befitting and entertaining, through their spiritual presence and powers could
defend the traders from evil spirits etc. On the other hand, the monks got
necessary provisions from the caravan.
The Ambaran monastic complex was located on a traditional route that passed
through the primary settlement of Sāgala, which was used as a capital by the
Greco-Bactrian king Menander during his reign between c.160 and 135 BCE. The
best descriptions of the city of Sagala have come from the Milindapanho, a
dialogue between King Menander and the Buddhist monk Nagasena xix.
The proximity to such a traditional route which served as a system for commerce,
trade, and philosophies to travel far and wide must have made Ambaran an
important religious destination and a halting station for traders, iterant monks as
well as laity, who must have participated in rituals and ceremonies observed by
the resident monastic community.
These routes remained active in seventh century is hinted from the accounts of
famous Chinese traveler Huien Tsang. The celebrated Buddhist pilgrim, after his
stay in Kashmir valley for three years had in year 633 had taken a southwardly
route to Srinagara to Magadha. This route passed through Tosmaidan pass,
Poonch, SakhiMaidan, Mendhar (Buddhal) and reached to Rajouri. After leaving
Rajouri, the pilgrim is said to have went further South-east and reached the
country of Takkasxx (Punjab) and after crossing river Beas reached Sagal (Sialkot,
now in Pakistan).
Alberuni in the 11th century mentions Balaur being connected with Kanauj on one
hand and Chamba (Himachal Pradesh, another state of India) on the other. He
writes “Marching from Kanoj towards North – North West, you come to
Shirashara, 50 farsakh from Kanoj, Pinjaur, 18 farsakh, situated on the mountain,
whilst opposite it in the plain there is the city of Thanesvara. Dhamala , the capital
of Jalandhar, at the foot of the mountains, 18 farsakh; Ballavar, 10 farsakh, thence
marching west ward, you come to Ladda, 13 farsakh, fortress of Rajagiri 8
farsakh, thence marching westward, you come to Kashmir , 25 farsakh”. Balaur,
 6

had developed as an important trade center in the 9th –10th centuries CE and a
temple was constructed either by the trade guilds of the place or the ruling family
was in a position to provide proper monetary support to its construction . As per
researches done so far on the region, it has been concluded that since most of
the temples of the region fall on the routes, there is a possibility of them having
been built by the trading community of the region.
The Jammu Shiwaliks being a transit territory continued to have many sub-routes
that linked Indian mainland with the Silk route xxi. Out of these routes, some
connecting the Valley of Kashmir and others skirting it via Kishtawar to Zanskar
and going further on to Leh and beyond, remained more or less unchanged till
medieval times.
These routes in later centuries shifted according to the changing political
situations and status of the security ensured to the traders. But it seems that
commercial activities on the traditional routes remained more or less unchanged
till 19th century i.e. the reign of Gulab Singh. xxii These routes with presence of
many local thirthas, not only served as trade routes but also as cultural routes.
Pilgrimage
Pilgrimages formed an important part of Buddhist devotional practice from ancient
times. In the Mahaparinibbanasutta, another early text, it is stated that the Buddha
encouraged all devotees to make pilgrimages to four holy sites to ensure that they
would be reborn in a heavenly world.
“And they, Ananda, who shall die while they, with believing heart, are journeying
on such pilgrimage, shall be reborn after death, when the body shall dissolve, in
the happy realms of heaven”. (Mahaparinirvana Sutra, Ch.IV, 140.)
Buddhist pilgrimage serves as a means to accrue merit and as an act of purifying
the physical body through the sacred journey. The goal of Buddhist pilgrimage
then is to profoundly change the practitioner through the transformative
experience, both mental and physical. Art supports the ritual of pilgrimage as the
engagement of a journey, the acts of merit-making, charity and alms-giving during
the process and beyond, sacred viewing at the site, and construction of memory
through ephemera.
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Pilgrimage in the Buddhist tradition highlights the centrality of relics and their
power. Because being in the presence of a relic and taking darshan (sacred
viewing) of relics accrues merit, visiting the sites where relics are found is a
principal impetus for pilgrimage in Buddhism.
Sites associated with the physical relics (e.g., a tooth, a hair, or ashes from
cremation) of the historical Buddha and relics by association (e.g., places made
sacred by his presence, or a bowl or robe used by the Buddha) therefore map the
sacred Buddhist landscape of India.
A third category of relics is consecrated paintings or sculptures, which serve as
reminders of the sacred sites. The objects associated with this relic category
include not only art works of high artistic skill and materials such as gold, silver,
silk or bronze, but also ephemeral objects of paper and clay that embody the
experience and power of pilgrimage for the practitioner.
Buddhist practice has supported the re-creation of surrogate pilgrimage sites. In
regions far from the Buddhist sacred center of India where there was little
possibility of visiting the core sacred sites of Buddhism, Indian sacred sites were
frequently re-created. This symbolic reconstruction created surrogate pilgrimage
sites and produced a localized sacred geography and landscape. Many among
these are associated with the natural world as the tangible expressions of the
sacred in the natural world. These surrogate sites were often found in beautiful
natural settings in distant places, where the rigors of travel became central to the
pilgrimage experience. These journeys reinforce the conception of the physical
landscape as sacred. As far as Ambaran monastic complex near Akhnoor, located
on the river bank, is concerned, the name itself reflects the character of the place
being a mango garden.
The archeological excavations here have revealed, for the first time in Jammu and
Kashmir, significant Buddhist remains of a monastic complex along with stupa
with a relic casket dateable to 2nd century CE. Though the identification of the
great personality whose relics were enshrined in the stupa still remains a matter of
discussion in the absence of a definite proof. But in this context, the following
passage from the Mahāparinibbānasutta is relevant in which Lord Buddha himself
 8

informed Ananda that four personalities are eligible over whose corporeal remains
stūpas are constructed. They being Tathāgata Buddha himself, Pratyeka Buddha,
SamyakSambuddha, Buddha's Shravaka or disciple and the Raja Chakravarti or
an emperor 'CattaromeĀnandaThuparaha,
KatameCattaroTathagatoarahatoSammasambuddho,
Paccekasambuddhothuparaho, Tathagatassasāvakothuparaho, Raja
cakkavattithuparaho’xxiii.
Association of the relics found at Ambaran with a PratyekaSambuddha or with a
Shravaka of Buddha may not be possible in this region on the borderlands of the
Madhyadesha. Marshall has cited W.W. Tarn in stating that according to Plutarch
xxiv
after the death of Menander, the cities raised stūpas over his ashes . The ritual
was in origin reserved for such category of great men as Menander, as he was
thought to be a Buddhist emperor-Chakravartin. He was the ruler of Madra
country with Sāgala or Sialkot as his capital, which is quite near Akhnoor on the
other side of the border. However he seems to have died around c. 150 BCE and
thus his date seems to be at least two centuries earlier than the construction of
the stūpa at the present site. According to B.R.Mani, the principle excavator of the
site, “it seems quite reasonable that the relics of Lord Buddha himself might have
been enshrined in the stūpa at Ambaran with full dignity and honour as per the
practice of the Kushana times as noticed elsewhere, particularly in Gandhara
region”.xxv But the other possibility cannot also be ruled out that the stupa was built
on the relics of a great Chakravartin like Menander and in later times it had
acquired the status of a pilgrimage, authority or prestige and enjoyed popularity till
the times the place continued its exist up to 6th - 8th century CE.
Shell Inscriptions: The advent and adherence of Buddhism in any area
meant a process of acculturation that entailed series of changes in the
“socio-cultural life of the indigenous communities; especially those areas
and communities that were considered as being outside the pale of Indian
mainland”.xxvi
The material evidences of such a social –cultural transformations in target
communities was directly related to factors like the patronage of Buddhism by
 9

local ruling class, social elite and traders’ caravans passing through that particular
area. Such evidences have come in terms of growth of monastic complexes cities,
growth of literacy.xxvii
With the advent of the Buddha the art of writing was given renewed impetus, and
the expansion of literary activities is testified either primarily on the testimony of
and inscriptions including the Sankha Lipi. Buddhism had an aura of power, partly
because it had the support of powerful political forces, and partly because
Buddhist monks were recognized for their scholarship. Monks were also thought
to have special powers such as the ability to heal sickness, predict the future, and
control rain. Each region to which Buddhism traveled developed its own
monasteries, universities, temples, and lay following. With time, Buddhism would
develop a unique and different character in different in the country as well as
many Asian countries. 
Short inscriptions in a peculiar highly ornate un-deciphered script, popularly
known as "shell characters" or Shankhalipi because of a fancied resemblance of
the letters to a conch shell (Shankha), are found at a wide range of archaeological
sites in and around India.
Richard Salomonxxviii who since 1976 has been engaged in collecting and
analyzing such inscriptions, has to date (2004) located 640 specimens from 67
different sites, ranging from Akhnoor (Jammu) in the north to Sandur (Bellary
District, Karnataka) in the south, as well as from four sites in Indonesia (Java and
Borneo). In several of his publications on this subject he has tried to address the
problems of the interpretation and decipherment of the script.
Shankhalipi inscriptions which along with Brahmi seems to have been used
mainly for names and signatures by the pilgrims in ancient times, have also been
discovered from Akhnoor on small round stones and on rocks, boulder have also
been recently reported from Bhadarwah in Kishtawar districts of Jammu and
Kashmir.
The Shankhalipi inscriptions from Akhnoor and Bhadarwah are to be seen in the
light of the earliest available inscriptions in the Jammu region. The first one is
Brahmi script from Balastal (Bathastalxxix) Cave in Dachhan, Kishtwar. A post-
 10

Mauryan Brahmi inscription, it was first noticed in 1921 by R.C.Kak, while he was
touring the area.xxx He discovered it in a cave in the locality of Bathastal in
Dachhan area of Kishtawar. “Bathastal is a long, shallow, natural grotto, formed
by the erosion of large masses from the face of the rocky ledge by the action of
frost. But it is probable that for many centuries its appearance has been much the
same as it is now. This is proved by the existence of a large number of
characters, in various styles and probably to different times, which are painted in
colours on its ceiling. But it is certain from their form that some of them were
written in, or even before, the third century A.D., and the rest could be hardly
assigned to any date later than the fifth century A.D.” xxxi Dated between 3rd to 5th
centuries CE by R.C. Kak, the Bathastal inscription which is one of the oldest
Brahami inscriptions in Jammu region has been a subject of scholarly debate.
Epigraphist like B.K.KaulDembi have placed and compared Bathastal cave
inscription with coins of Indo-Bactrian kings Agathocles and Pantaleon, Khanihara
Rock inscription and Inscription of Kṣatrapa King Sodasa, all belonging to Post-
Mauryan Group of 184 BCE to the beginning of Christian era”. xxxii In another
interpretation “of this group of inscriptions i.e., triangular wedges, serifs and nail
heads and cursive forms occur in Balastal inscription also, and hence the time of
the inscription belonging to first or second century BCE seems to be quite correct.
However, other repetitive writings in cursive style may belong to later
centuries”.xxxiii
Second important inscription is the Bhadarwah Cave Inscription. Carved inside a
cave shrine (called as Gupt Ganga) on the bank of river Neru near Bhadarwah
town, this inscription has been identified as that in Brahami characters and is
important in many ways. Firstly it is perhaps the longest Brahmi inscription (11
letters) in the region. Secondly it is perhaps the second oldest Brahmi inscription
from the Himalayan Valleys of Chenab region. Thirdly, its paleographic studies
indicate the Kushana influence in the Valley of Bhadarwah. xxxiv
Another important Brahmi inscription has been found inscribed on an iron trident
that broken in two pieces stands embedded in the courtyard of Shudda Mahadev
Shiva temple. On the basis of paleographic evaluation has been dated by J.N.
 11

Agarwal to 3rd-4th century CE.xxxv J .N. Agarwal derives following conclusions from
the inscription. “Firstly the inscription belongs to the alphabets of 3 rd-4th century
CE., of North-western variety of Indian alphabets and closely resemble to those of
Mathura stone pillar inscription of Candra Gupta II (dated in the Gupta era 61,
A.D. 361) as is clear from the ‘S’ and ‘M’. That in the 4 th century A.D. or even
possible 3rd century A.D. Suddha Mahadev was regarded as a sacred place
worthy of a visit by the king”.xxxvi

The translation of the Sudha Mahadev inscription reads as under: “success has
been attained. In the year 5 of his own rule---------by the son of (Maharaja) Vibhu
Naga, the lord of ------ (of benefactor of the ---) world-----but those who
perish----” .xxxvii

The mention of Ganapati Naga in Allahabad Pillar Inscription xxxviii again has an
important link with Jammu Shiwaliks as this name also figures in the Brahmi
inscription found here at the well known local tirtha at Sudha Mahadeva. The
inscription consists of three lines and is only partially preserved. The language of
the inscription is Sanskrit, and the characters belong to the North-Western variety
of Indian Brāhmi of the 3 rd-4th century CE. It mentions rulers such as Vibhu Naga
and Ganapati Naga. The Ganapati Naga was one of the nine Nāga rulers
conquered by the Gupta emperor. During the 3 rd and 4th centuries two Naga
families ruled the one from Mathura and the other at Padmavati in Galion. The
coins disclose names of ten Naga rulers, including Vibhu Naga and Ganapati
Naga.xxxix
The inscription very interestingly points towards the fact that Sudha Mahadev in
3rd-4th CE was an important pilgrimage which attracted visits of the kings and also
the area was somewhat under the influence of the Naga king whose father
Ganapati Naga had acknowledged the sovereignty of Samudragupta who gave
himself the titles King of Kings and World Monarch. He performed
Ashvamedhayajna (horse sacrifice) to underline the importance of his conquest.
When there was already a practice of writing inscriptions in Brahmi, the
ShankhaLipi inscriptions as records left by pilgrims, achieves a unique
 12

significance in establishing that monastic complexes Ambaran and at Bhadarwah

were active centers of pilgrimage during 4th to 7th centuries.
Though Buddhism waned under the onslaught of Huna invasion, it seemed to
have continued to be practiced in remote valleys of Jammu region till 12 th century
and lingering idea of Dhamma survived till recent past in shape of symbols (like
the image of a Stupa on a memorial stone embedded on the enclosing walls of a
spring at Kishtawar) that having lost their context just survived as a distant racial
memory.
 i
ENDNOTES
BaidyanathLabh, “Buddhism in Jammu and Kashmir—An Overview”, In: ‘Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh—Historical, Cultural and Linguistic
Perspective’, Jammu, 2007. --------“The message of the Buddha seems to have reached to the Jammu Shiwaliks during his life time only. This
is supported by the fact “that some of the prominent disciples of the Buddha like—Mahakappina, Khema and BhaddaKapilana hailed from
Madradesha”.
ii
Akhnoor is located a32.87˚N 74.73˚E.  It has an average elevation of 301 meters (988 ft).Akhnoor is situated at the right bank of the mighty
Chenab. Chenab enters plains at Akhnoor. On the North and East, the Shiwaliks, Kali Dhar and Trikuta range surround it. Akhnoor lies on
(Moughal Road) Jammu-Poonch National Highway about 28 km away from Jammu. It connects with Rajouri District on North, Reasi District
on East &Cchamb Tehsil (Pakistan Occupied Jammu Kashmir Area) on west.

iii
Archaeological Review—1961-62

iv
P.K. Kaul, Antiquities of Chenab Valley--p. 2.

v
Dr Devinder Singh, “Rhythms of Religious Life and Sacred Landscape along Traditional Route in Jammu Shiwaliks----“.In Heritage and
Cultural Routes, (Ed PoonamChoudhary), 2012, pp 474Dr Devinder.

vi
Trikuta Hills, Kaplash (KailashParvat) in Bhadarwah,

vii
Vaishnodevi, Shiv Khori,

viii
Mansar, Suniasar, KaplashKund

ix
MeeraBaindur, Nature as Non-terrestrial: Sacred Natural Landscapes and Place
in Indian Vedic and Purāṇic Thought, Sacred Landscape---.----------- in the primary narratives sthalPurana while secondary narratives called
as sthalmahatamya, recount the human experience of the sacred

x
Milinadapanho

xi
ManiB.R., Excavations at Ambaran, Jammu & Kashmir. India.1999-2001 and Dating of the Akhnur Buddhist Terracotta Heads. CIAA Newsletter, Issue,
12. December, 2000, Dept. of Art & Archaeology, University of London, London., U.K.

xii
Dr Devinder Singh, Op Cit, pp 474

xiii
While Aduambras were settled on left bank of Ravi ( modern Pathankot), Sagala, (Sialkot) the capital of Madra Desh is located at roughly 40
kilometers in South West direction of Akhnoor. Other major settlements were Trigarta \Nagarkot (Kangra), and Gabdika (Chamba) in the South-East
while Kashmir Valley lies beyond Pir Panjal ranges in the north-east.

xiv
The excavations have unearthed foundations of baked brick buildings constructed right from Pre-Kushana Period (c. 2nd-1st century BCE), Kushana
Period (c. 1st--3rd century CE), Post-Kushana (Gupta) Period (c. 4th-5th century CE) and Post-Gupta Period (c. 6th-7th century CE), which belong to
number of stupas, including a eight-spoked and the one with relics, small votive stupas.

xv
According to B.R.Mani, the principle excavator of the site, “it seems quite reasonable that the relics of Lord Buddha himself might have been
enshrined in the stūpa at Ambaran with full dignity and honour as per the practice of the Kūṣāna times as noticed elsewhere, particularly in Gandhāra
region”.

xvi
An Ekmukha-linga dateable to 2nd--1st- century BCE was documented by Srinagar Circle of Archaeological Survey of India.

xvii
Dr Devinder Singh, Op Cit, pp 472.

xviii
Dr Lalit Gupta, Buddhist Art in Western Himalayas with Special reference to Jammu Shiwaliks, Unpublished Ph. D thesis, Department of Buddhist
Studies, University of Jammu.

xix
In the Milindapanha, the city is described in the following terms: "There is in the country of the Yonakas a great centre of trade, a city that is called
Sāgala, situate in a delightful country well watered and hilly, abounding in parks and gardens and groves and lakes and tanks, a paradise of rivers and
mountains and woods. Wise architects have laid it out, and its people know of no oppression, since all their enemies and adversaries has been put down.
Brave is its defense, with many and various strong towers and ramparts, with superb gates and entrance archways; and with the royal citadel in its
midst, white walled and deeply moated. Well laid out are its streets, squares, cross roads, and market places. Well displayed are the innumerable sorts
of costly merchandise with which its shops are filled. It is richly adorned with hundreds of alms-halls of various kinds; and splendid with hundreds of
thousands of magnificent mansions, which rise aloft like the mountain peaks of the Himalayas. Its streets are filled with elephants, horses, carriages, and
foot-passengers, frequented by groups of handsome men and beautiful women, and crowded by men of all sorts and conditions, Brahmans, nobles,
artificers, and servants. They resound with cries of welcome to the teachers of every creed, and the city is the resort of the leading men of each of the
differing sects. Shops are there for the sale of Benares muslin, of Kotumbara stuffs, and of other cloths of various kinds; and sweet odours are exhaled
 from the bazaars, where all sorts of flowers and perfumes are tastefully set out. Jewels are there in plenty, such as men's hearts desire, and guilds of
traders in all sorts of finery display their goods in the bazaars that face all quarters of the sky. So full is the city of money, and of gold and silver ware, of
copper and stone ware, that it is a very mine of dazzling treasures. And there is laid up there much store of property and corn and things of value in
warehouses-foods and drinks of every sort, syrups and sweetmeats of every kind. In wealth it rivals Uttara-kuru, and in glory it is as Âlakamandâ, the city
of the gods" (The Questions of King Milinda, Translation by T. W. Rhys Davids, 1890).

xx
Here after passing through a Palashlvana (modern Planwala near Akhnoor) Hieun Tsang reached in the vicinity of Takkadesha where he was waylaid
by bandits. But unfortunately Hieun Tsang fails to any mention of Ambaran.

xxi
Drew Frederick, The Jammu and Kashmir Territories. (list of routes)

xxii
Hugel Baron Charles, Kashmir and Punjab, p.67 --- referring to the trade during Gulab Singh’s time he writes ------“where they were unloading a dozen
camels, the property of Gulab Singh, the Raja of Jammu, laden with bark of deobasa tree, an article used by Indian women to redden their gums. This
bark is collected not far from Samba, on the mountains; and is carried into Persia and Multan, as well as the roots of a species of Scutellaria, and the
seeds of a plant of which I could learn neither the name nor use. The camel driver only told me, that it belonged to the Persian merchants, who bought it
up eagerly in Kabul”.

xxiii
Ibid. pp. 27-43

xxiv
Ibid. pp. 27-43

xxv
Ibid. pp. 27-43

xxvi
Honda O.C. “Religio-Cultural Links of Afghanistan and Western Himalayas”, In “Bamiyan: Challenges to World Heritage”, Ed. K. Warikoo, New
Delhi, Bhavan Books & Prints, 2000. P59.

xxvii
The mention of 64 scripts by the Buddha in Lalitavistara is an ample proof about variety of scripts being practiced in ancient India.

xxviii
Richard Salomon, A Recent Claim to Decipherment of the "Shell Script": Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 107, No. 2 (Apr. -
Jun., 1987), pp. 313-315Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/602840.

xxix
R.C. calls it as Bathastal.

xxx
Kak, R.C., Antiquities of Marev-Wadwan, Sagar Publication, New Delhi, Reprinted—1971.

xxxi
Ibid, p. 26.

xxxii
Op.Cit.,Kaul, P.K., Antiquities------ p.9.

xxxiii
Ibid, p.9.

xxxiv
Ibid, p. 57.

xxxv
VVI Paper Series 194.Hosiarpur 1967.

xxxvi
Op.Cit.,Kaul,P.K., Antiquities---p 12.

xxxvii
Op. Cit., Charak. Vol 4.p. 102.

xxxviii
On the basis of Allahabad Pillar inscription which records the political achievements of Samudragupta as following: line 21 “--- (who) is great
through extraordinary valour namely, the forcible extermination of many kings of Āryāvarta such as Rudradeva, Nāgadatta, Candravarman,
GaṇapatiNāga, Nāgsena, Acyuta, Nandin, Balavarman; who has made all kings of the forest region to become the servants. Line 22-23---(whose)
formidable rule was propitiated with payments of all tributes, execution of orders and visits to his court) for obeisance by such frontier rulers as those
of Samatata, Davaka, Komarysh---------Madrakas, Ābhiras, Sarakankas, Krakas, Kharparkas and other tribes”, it is surmised that the area of Madra
and the Jammu Shiwaliks acknowledged the sovereignty of the Gupta court during 4th century CE.

xxxix
AgarwalJaganath. “Sudhmahadev Inscription of the Son of (Maharaja) Vibhunaga”,V.I. Paper series, Hoshiarpur, 1967.