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University of Texas Press

Music in Mrida, Yucatan Author(s): Philip K. Bock Source: Latin American Music Review / Revista de Msica Latinoamericana, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Spring - Summer, 1992), pp. 33-55 Published by: University of Texas Press Stable URL: Accessed: 14/07/2010 14:53
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Philip K. Bock

Music in Merida, Yucatan

The late George Devereux once suggested that, in the study of ethnopsychiatry, "depth equals breadth." By this he meant that the intensive study of a few individuals (or even of one person) from a given society could yield information on psychological and social phenomena that is as valuable as a more superficial study of many individuals (Devereux 1980: 315). This aphorism may be applied to the study of music in a number of different ways. Some scholars have immersed themselves in the works of specific composers or performers while others have devoted themselves to a musical form (ballad, sonata, concerto), tracing its development, diffusion, and world-wide significance. Recently, two trends have appeared in ethnomusicology that illustrate the wisdom of Devereux's remark. Careful investigation of the repertoires and performance practice of a few individuals, as in Judith Vander's Songprints (1988), reveals the complex cultural and historical matrix in which musical knowledge is embedded. On the other hand, studies of urban music have shown the extent to which surveys of large communities manifesting multiple musical traditions can reveal the dynamic processes that constrain individual choice (Nettl 1978; Finnegan 1989). I travelled to Yucatan on sabbatical leave from the University of New Mexico to survey urban music in the capital city, Merida.1 The immediate model for this study was an article by David K. Stigberg (1978) that described the musical scene in Veracruz-a somewhat larger and more cosmopolitan city than Merida, but one that seemed comparable in many ways. I had wanted to visit Yucatan since I first read Robert Redfield's The Folk Culture Yucatan of (1941), which sealed my commitment to social anthropology; however, fieldwork in central Mexico took precedence (Bock 1980). and Tropical, 'Pop': Aspects of Musical Life in Stigberg's essay, "Jarocho, 1992 Volume 13, Number1, Spring/Summer Music Latin American Review, of 01992by the University Texas Press

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Veracruz, 1971-72," introduces the reader in an excellent manner to the main genres and musical groupings that were current during his nine months of fieldwork. He outlines the demographic and socio-economic context in which musicians worked, the audiences to which they appealed, and the processes of technological and social change that were then affecting musical life in Veracruz. Many of Stigberg's observations apply equally to Merida and, I suspect, to other cities of comparable size (about a half million) in Latin America. The displacement of older forms of music by radio, television, and pop recordings is evident, though some traditional forms persist in domestic or neighborhood settings. Also, city, state, and national agencies promote particular styles for tourist purposes and as part of their concept of nationalism, regional identity, or indigenismo.2 In this article, I will limit myself to what appeared to be distinctive about music in Merida during the period of my residence (January through March 1989). I brought to this study my training as a social anthropologist and a pianist (mainly classical, but with many years performing popular music with dance bands) and my interest in the distribution of cultural forms in social space and time (Bock 1986). Coming to Merida with few presuppositions, I resolved to approach the city through all the kinds of music and settings available to me, focusing on those genres and performers that seemed to represent the community best, to express its distinctive values, and to predict, perhaps, the direction of social change.

Merida in 1989
Merida is a relatively easy city in which to become oriented; with a few imnumbered streets run portant exceptions, the streets are numbered-even north and south while odd numbered streets run east and west. Locations within the colonias(neighborhoods) are often indicated by Cartesian coordinates (for example, Calle 69 x 70 indicates the intersection nearest the main bus terminal). The downtown area centers on the cathedral (Calle 60 x 61) and the main plaza with its surrounding government buildings, banks, shops, and eating places. The nearby mercadois a locus of retail activity from early morning to mid-afternoon although some shops sell pirated cassettes, little music is usually heard there or at the tourist craft market a few blocks away. Each of the colonias has its own central area with a church, market, retail shops, and often a movie theater, while some of the prosperous outlying neighborhoods have shopping centers or even malls. One's first impression of Merida is of a busy, but exceptionally clean and pleasant, downtown area served by old and plentiful public transport. Extending north from downtown is the elegant Paseo Montejo with its luxury hotels, consulates, museums, and restaurants. A friendly taxi driver helped

Music in Mrida : 35 me find a suitable apartment at Calle 14 x Avenida Col6n (in the colonia Garcia Gineres). The second bedroom of the apartment overlooked the dance hall of the Merida Lions Club. This was fortunate for research but less so for sleep, since public or private dances usually continue until three or four in the morning. My notes from the earliest days in Merida recall a soundscape in which birdsong and diesel engines were complemented by car horns and radios, recorded music, and domestic disputes issuing from private homes. (On the lack of auditory privacy in Mexico, see Bock 1988:10). Public buildings and hotels often featured background music of an international "pop" style, while several types of businesses used music to attract customers or to create an ambientefor clients. The opening of a new business was generally advertised with the promise of a granfiesta with many musical groups and entertainers. Live music was heard little in residential areas, voices and instruments occasionally sounded from the streets or the chanting of a novena might be heard from a home, but spontaneous singing seemed rare. The pipes of the knife sharpener (four or five ascending whole tones), the whistle of the mail carrier (sounding a minor third), and the bell-like clang of the ice cream vendor were the only instrumental signals noted. Some ambulatory vendors of fruits or vegetables also gave street cries, but these seemed more idiosyncratic than standardized. In retrospect I realize that my notes contain no references to church music. I attended one mass at the neighborhood church and observed a wedding at a downtown church, but have no record or memory of either organ or choral sounds. This is an unfortunate omission, especially since Protestant missionaries are making many converts in Yucatan and it would be useful to contrast their musical practices with those of the Roman Catholic congregations. It seems clear that music plays a large part in the commercial and cultural life of the city. The English-speaking tourist or visitor will soon encounter a copy of YucatanToday, a vacation guide of maps, advertising, and useful information about schedules of events. A listing of "Daily Happenings" is also posted at the Tourist Office, including many free cultural and musical events such as nightly concerts (except Saturdays) and an ongoing program of varied lectures or discussions. The city government also sponsors "Sunday in Merida," which features dances and musical programs at different parks around town. Both the Merida city government and the government of the State of Yucatan underwrite a large number of what Milton Singer called "cultural performances." On these occasions, the local and regional identities of Meridanos and Yucatecos are represented, often with explicit reference to different historical periods and to class or ethnic relationships. I attended one of these events on a Thursday night at Santa Lucia Park. The serenata

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started promptly at 9 p.m. with sixteen instrumentalists dressed up in white (the men wearing soft hats, "Pilipino" shirts, and white trousers; the women wearing colorful embroidered blouses or dresses) playing several orchestral numbers. This was followed by two men who recited long anecdotes, an excellent trio (see below), and a soloist who sang and played guitar. Each of these performers was given an elaborate introduction. As a finale the orchestra played again while a small troupe of dancers, who had been waiting over an hour, performed ajarana. Although most of the audience appeared to be local, this performance was clearly oriented to Spanish-speaking tourists. The introductions and anecdotes provided an historical context for the songs and dances, categorizing and labeling parts of the performance and assigning meanings to them in the same way that the plaque in the corner of the park labeled this space as the site of performances of the "Orchestra Tipica Yucalpeten" begun in 1942. (See MacCannell 1976:110 for information on touristic markers and their functions, including the tendency of the marker to replace the "sight" that it labels or represents.) As I later learned, thejarana is the regional dance of Yucatan, holding roughly the same position there as does thejarocho in Veracruz (Stigberg 1978:264f.), although the Yucatecan form is more highly subsidized.3 A few nights later, the Teatro Jose Pe6n Contreras provided an even more elaborate cultural performance. This handsome theater, built in 1907 (the height of the Porfirato), has been beautifully restored. There the Ballet Folklorico de la Universidad Aut6noma de Yucatan (U.A.Y.) presented a two-hour spectacle, "Yucatan y sus Raices" (literally, "Yucatan and Its Roots," but by false etymology, also "Its Races"). Presented several times during the year under the sponsorship of the state Instituto de Cultura, this show lays out an historical framework within which viewers are invited to organize their experiences. An extended description of this event will be useful, I hope, in understanding other performances as well. The ballet was divided into seven parts, each representing a discrete period or epocaof Yucatecan history. The curtain rose at nine o'clock revealing an elaborate tableau with two sumptuously costumed dancers in a "ritual pose" before a smoking censer; they were surrounded by about thirty other dancers in less elaborate dress. According to the program this was the "epoca Maya."' The setting was clearly "jungle" with tropical plants and trees framing the scene and a three-dimensional model of the main temple at Chichen Itza at the back of the stage. Some of the costumes and poses may indeed be taken, as claimed, from the Codex Tro-Cortesiano, but most of the choreography struck me as unnatural, show-business like, with angular movements and a great deal of stomping about with legs spread to indicate an "exotic ritual." The men wore stretch tights or body suits with attached rattles while the women's costumes were very colorful, covered with sequins or glitter.

Music in Mirida : 37 The program listed four dances in this epoch, all part of a "new fire ceremony." These were the dance of the princes, dance of vestales,dance of the warriors (involving much posing with decorated spears), and a concluding victory dance. I was not able to identify the music that revealed a romantic stylistic quality, with drums and flutes prominent. At one point the warriors blew on conch shells and just before the new fire was ignited, a male voice delivered an emotional recitation about the glories of the Maya civilization. This first part lasted about fifteen minutes. Part two, "The Conquest," consisted of one brief scene entitled "flagellation and doctrine." It portrayed a single Spanish soldier in armor whipping a line of agonized male and female dancers who writhed across the stage in chains, while a Catholic priest looked on. The program mentioned 300 years of slavery, but the dance represented this period in about five minutes with little imagination or expense. Part three, "Spanish Influence" (distinct from the conquest) was a series of five beautifully costumed dances with authentic music of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It was intended to show the creation of a "tercera cultura" (mestizo), neither Spanish nor Maya. First appeared ajota aragonesa with a solo singer and sixteen dancers wielding castanets. The setting was suggested by a large backdrop showing a hacienda gate, though the jungle was still represented at the sides of the stage. Following a long and lively dance, the transition "De laJota a laJarana" was shown by a group of sixteen mestizo dancers who performed ajarana to their own singer. Then both groups danced together. (The termjarana may originally have been used in disapproval of the rough style of the peasants; among its meanings are "binge," "spree," "rumpus," and "riot.") Part four, "French Influence and the Porfiriato," was set in an elegant terrace with stone railings and potted plants, though the jungle still invaded the sides and background. Men in tails and women in turn-of-the-century gowns and hats danced a series of European ballroom steps with formal grace and intentional stiffness. Soon a mestizo group entered and repeated the steps of waltz, shottish, and polka in a freer, more spontaneous mode. Couple dances alternated with group forms. The suggestion of mutual influence was subtle and well portrayed. Some of the European dance steps (for example, "Lancers") were quite complex. The final dance was performed by the mestizo group alone, first in a circle, then in a chain. The recorded accompaniment was varied, one selection sounded like the mandolins of a tuna while others featured violins or brass. After the intermission, part five showed the influence of Cuban music and dance on Yucatan, especially in the carnaval.Six dances were presented, again intermingling couples with group. The genre called danzoncalled for complex coordination of dance with music, one section showed the mestizos trying to learn the dance, at first with difficulty, then with enthusiastic success.


Philip K. Bock

of The sixth part showed the conjugacion Maya, Spanish, French, and Cuban dance styles in the Yucatan. The six dances included a dance with a ("Chinito Koy Koy"). In pig's head, a basket dance, and a familiarjarana the finale, groups of between eight and twelve dancers represented each of the major styles and periods while a narratorspoke in sonorous tones about "our ancestors." The multicultural message was contradicted, however, by a passage in the program that referred to the Yucatecan hypocrisy of welcoming foreigners with humility while acting in a superior way toward the Maya (mestizo?) sector of the population. Thus when the narrator intones "When will my people be free?," we must ask whose voice is speaking these words and how sincerely.4 The performancejust described seems to be a regional version of the national Ballet Folkloricowhich many people have seen in Mexico City or on its internationaltours. The Yucatan ballet also tours widely. Its dancers are students at the U.A.Y. who receive scholarships in return for their participation. Many of these students, together with graduatesof the program, to participatedin a special serenata celebrate the anniversary of the university and the sixth anniversaryof its Ballet Folkloricoon February 24. Held in the university courtyard, it was an enjoyable evening of song and dance. After two short speeches and the usual recitation about the past glories of Yucatan, an excellent trio, Los Maganas, sang several ballads. The Orquesta Jaranera (with many of the same musicians seen at Santa Lucia park) played while more than ninety dancers performed. Later, the orchestra accompanied Ignacio "Nacho" Torres, a prominent local figure, who sang several ballads including "Mi Merida." The evening concluded with a big finale as all the dancers performed a bottle dance, the men balancing trays with bottles on their heads. Tourists and local members of the audience seemed to enjoy this lively representationof regional tradition and could most likely fit its parts into the historical frameworkpresented in the longer performance. An allied performance is apparently staged every Sunday afternoon as part of the "Sunday in Merida" series. On February 12, I witnessed the BodaMestiza(Mestizo Wedding), beginning at about 1 p.m. in front of the Municipal Palace (on the west side of the main plaza). A couple dressed in plain white were feigning marriage; they were accompanied by several couples in colorful dress (embroidered huipilesand plain rebozos).The ceremony was quite simple, a narrator explained the various steps of this "traditional" rural ritual while recorded orchestral music was played. Although the intention may have been respectful, the effect was of quaint, happy peasants, engaging in ancient customs with no historical context. After the ceremony, a small band (drums and cornets) struckup a couple of jaranas, including the popular "Porque te quiero." A man recited a brief poem, "Merida en Domingo," in which he spoke of "our jaranas and

Music in Merida: 39 bambucos," reinforcing the association of these dance rhythms with regional identity, and more dancing followed. Sundays in Merida are indeed colorful with the open market and serenade at Santa Lucia as well as music at the zoo, in other parks, and on the main plaza, but it is all sponsored by the city government and has a packaged quality about it.5 Many of these events involving city, state, and university sponsorship are coordinated by Ing. Miguel Perez Concha from the office of Cultural Diffusion, which handles scheduling and publicity for local and visiting performers. Sr. Perez, a violinist, is also founder and conductor of the Chamber Orchestra that, for the past six years, has performed at the university. I was invited to an orchestrarehearsalthe same night and gladly participated, playing the keyboard part of a Handel Concerto Grosso and "Summer" from Vivaldi's "Four Seasons" on the piano, with Sr. Perez as soloist. This rehearsal and a concert of the same group was the only live "classical" music heard during my three months in Merida. Scene ThePopular Perhaps because my stay did not correspond to the main tourist season, I and encountered few street musicians (ambulatores) only one occasion when a young man boarded a public bus with his guitar to sing a popular ballad and pass the hat. By far, the predominant style of live music heard in the city in 1989 is what Stigberg called tropical.Caribbean and South American influences (especially from Cuba and Colombia) are very strong, and a variety of can and boleros) be heard isLatin popular music genres (especially cumbias suing from large restaurantsand dance halls, startingearly in the afternoon and continuing through the following morning. Perhaps two hundred bandas or conjuntos, with names such as "Marca Registrada," "Censurado," and "Sangre Latina," operate in the vicinity of Merida. A typical group is composed of five to nine performers, some of whom sing. The music is highly amplified and, besides tropical standardsand recent hits, always includes some Mexican and U.S. popular standards (such as, "New York, New York") and a few "rock" numbers.6 Smaller grupos(duos, trios, and quartets) are also common, playing a similar mixture of tropical and pop. These groups are generally less highly amplified and appear in intimate settings. Included here are the traditional trios bohemios that perform a limited, regional repertoire, usually with acoustic guitars and percussion. Such groups may also alternate with the larger bands in certain settings. These musicians were found in a number of downtown and dispersed These establishments(which seem establishmentsknown as centros tur'sticos.

40 : Philip K. Bock actually to cater to a local crowd) open at noon and provide six or more hours of live music and entertainment with free appetizers for drinking patrons and with food service from a regional menu. They range from small, neighborhood places such as "La Choza" (The Hut) with its thatched roof and family atmosphere to the gigantic "Tulipanes" with its double stage and variety show (dancers and comedians), entertaining a business crowd during the long afternoon dinner break. Contrasting with these daytime settings are the centrosnocturnos(nightclubs) such as "La X'tabay" (which is located above and shares some facilities with a centro turfstico, "El Tucho").7 These clubs open after nine o'clock and present alternating bands, at least one of which also plays background music for a show. An entry fee is charged and some snacks are served with drinks, but meals are not available. Groups of men often purchase bottles of liquor while couples tend to consume beer or cocktails. The club I sampled proved to be well worth the expense (15,000 peso cover charge = U.S. $7) and merits a detailed description. I arrived at La X'tabay about eleven o'clock. The name refers to a female spirit that lures men to their death in the jungle. She was portrayed on the walls of the club in fluorescent paintings, displaying vaguely Mayan features and long black hair and standing beneath a sacred ceibatree. From various sources I gather that she is a mixture of the siren figure and the weeping woman (llorona). The GrupoJosewas playing dance music when we entered. It is a very good five-piece band featuring a lead guitarist who sings, a drummer, an electric bass, and two women who sing (one played the keyboard, the other tambourine). The sound was well integrated and the repertoire mainly tropical plus some American rock tunes sung in Spanish (for example, "Gloria"). Each dance tune was continuous with the next. The main attraction was the "Grupo Cubaney Show" from Cuba. This was an excellent band, led by a man who played flute and saxophone; there were also two trumpets, a trombone, electric bass, keyboard, drums, percussion, and three conga drums (but no guitars). Four showgirls who paraded in skimpy costumes (each had a brief solo spot), a pair of ballroom dancers, a marvelous woman singer (Emilia Morales), and several male singers completed the group. The men sang solos and in various combinations (duets and backup). Especially notable was Luis Noa, a powerful tenor who sang in English and Spanish. The first show lasted about forty-five minutes and was very professional and entertaining. La X'tabay seats perhaps two hundred persons on tiny chairs at low tables and the atmosphere was friendly and controlled. GrupoJoseplayed between shows; I left after the second one though the dance floor was packed and the Cubaney band was playing "Juana la Cubana." There are a dozen or more nightclubs in Merida, some in hotels catering

Music in Merida : 41 to a family crowd, others featuring strip shows for single men. They seem to complement the other kinds of establishments where music can be heard earlier in the day or where people come primarily to dance (see below). As far as I could tell, the hours from 4 A.M. until noon are the only times when live music is not available in great quantity.

Unions, Dance Halls, and Canaval Two musicians' unions existed in Merida during early 1989. I interviewed officials of both, introducing myself as a musico from the United States who was interested in comparing the working conditions in Merida with those I knew. Observations at the main union, Sindicato Unico de Filarm6nicos de Yucatan (S.U.F.Y.), revealed dozens of active bands with arranged jobs at hotels, centros,and dance halls under union auspices. The general secretary told me that the union has standing contracts with all the major venues in Merida and that the Union receives six percent of the payroll, half of which goes to the national musicians' union (affiliated with the C.T.M., a trade union congress). One of the musicians said that the union is not much help in finding work, but it is useful in contract disputes (much like the American locals). The union secretary, Sr. Miguel Martinez Ancona, has his own band, Censurado,and it seems likely that a network of related and friendly musicians receive a large share of the market, but this is only speculation. The most active groups are the tropical bands already mentioned. The union does not attempt to control the traditional duos or trios since, as Sr. Martinez said, "it would not be worth the trouble." The S.U.F.Y. office is located downtown in an old building with a large, partly-covered courtyard that also serves as a dance hall. Events in the many dance halls (salas defiestas) around the city are held on holidays and Saturday nights (10 P.M. to 3 A.M.) or on Sunday evenings (from 6 P.M. to 11 P.M.). The dances are announced on posters and many dance halls sponsor particular brands of beer. I attended one such event at the union hall on a Sunday evening. Three young bands alternated, each performing two 45-minute sets. They were typical tropical bands with electronic guitars, multiple stacked keyboards, percussion players, and a few horns. All were highly amplified and, on this occasion, there was a geometric increase in the number of pairs of speakers (two, four, and eight, respectively) used by the groups; "Los Tremendos Adventureros," "Sangre Latina," and the best of the three, "America Tropical." One bandleader bragged of investing thirty million pesos (U.S. $13,000 ) in the amplification system for his group. The invidious display of loudspeakers may offer visual assurance of a band's prosperity and popularity, but the sound is invariably distorted and painfully loud. The working class

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crowd included groups of boys and girls (some of the latter clearly chaperoned) who seemed to enjoy the music. The invitation to dance is usually non-verbal and the couple dances in silence except for older married couples. Beer was available, but few people were drinking and the three or four policeman present had little to do that night. The second union is headed by Sr. Alvaro L6pez Gasca, who had been a business agent at S.U.F.Y. for many years. He claimed to representdozens of musical groups, the best of which were listed in a newspaper advertisement. His officewas in a smallwalkupjust off the main plaza and he indicated a dance hall acrossthe streetwherehis groupsperformed,the "Sala de Fiestas Montejo." Sr. L6pez also spoke of his affiliationwith Sr. Rivas, owner of a number of radio stations(Grupo Rivas),which also providedopportunitiesfor his musicians.I judged that some of his claimswere exaggerated-one knowledgeablemusician said he had never heard of this second union-but the organizationdoes exist and is anothersign of the active musical life of the city. Many of the musical groups that I heard or learned about through the in unions and newspapersparticipated the February1989 paradescelebrating Carnaval. Althoughdisparagedas "muy pobre" by people from elsewhere,the Merida parades provided an opportunityto witness many groups as they rolledby on some of the floats(thoughmost used recordedmusic)or performed on the fixed platformsspread along Paseo Montejo. The floats (carros alegocelebrated carnivalqueen and her "ugly king" (reyfeo), the ricos) neighborhood queens, civic organizations,businesses,centrosturisticos,and brandsof cigarettes or beer. People in holiday dress and in costume crowdedthe sidewalks vendorsdid a good alongthe paraderoutewhile shops, stands,and ambulatory business in food, balloons, and curios. The parades took place on three successivedays, plus one night for regionalcostumesonly; othercelebrations took place in dance halls, private clubs, and neighborhood parks. The ubiquitous song "Baile como Juana la cubana" inspired young and old, male and female, to dress like a stereotypicalCuban woman or at least to wear a red bandanna with white polka dots. One informant called it "the song of the year," and said that the previous year another song, "Toda la vida," had been equally popular. Every musical group had to be prepared for requests and I heard the song two or three times each night when a band was playing at the dance hall behind my apartment. I do not know whether it attained national popularity, but it could hardly be avoided in Merida or other parts of Yucatan that I visited. Mass Mediaand Cassettes and Daily newspapers(Novedades El Diariode Yucatan) carry advertisements for the commercial events described above and for special concerts and

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visiting shows. Local cultural events, whether university or government sponsored or privately produced, are most likely to be covered as news stories and listed in publications directed at tourists. These periodicals, together with radio announcements and suggestions from acquaintances, were my main sources of information about the Merida musical scene. It is quite possible that, during the three months I was there, I missed a number of events that also failed to come up in interviews or to be mentioned in the newspaper files that I consulted. Systematic sampling of radio stations and television programs revealed that the range of music available through these media was not very great. At least ninety percent of the musical offerings were tropical, Mexican and U.S. popular ballads, or "rock," with the ten AM stations programming varied proportions of these styles. One powerful FM station calling itself "Estereo Maya" specialized in easy listening instrumentals and international popular songs. Two others, "El Romantico" and "Radio Amistad," specializedin Latin American popular song, while the fourth intermittently broadcasted the audio portion of a television transmission, including the soundtracksof motion pictures often in English. Classical music was encountered only on the fourth FM station during a weekly "cultural" program, "La hora de Bellas Artes." Popular magazines such as Ritmo offered some insight into national preferences in styles and performers as well as providing current slang for communicating about these matters (for example, the use of padreor to padrisimo indicate approvalof a particularperformeror song). It was also clear from listening to the radio that careful imitation was flattering to the "original" and profitable for the imitators. Local bands often tried to replicate the instrumentation, phrasing, and vocal quality of exitos(hits). The larger bands do this with considerable success, though attempts to imitate U.S. songs are often foiled by singers with an inadequate knowledge of English or by overenthusiastic percussionists. I had only occasional access to a television set but recognized most of the current genres such as daytime soap operas, game shows, news, prime-time movies, and national variety shows (for example, "Siempre en Domingo"), which feature international singers, dancers, and entertainers. The most useful program was a "showcase" for local bands (presented by the musicians' union) on which a number of different groups were able to display their appearanceand sound while the phone number of the leader or agent was flashed on the screen. The groups scheduled on February 18 ranged from seven to ten musicians each and included the followingbands (all playing tropical numbers): "Los Pika Pika," "Los Mendez," "Los Angeles de Ritmo," "Los Prismos," "Los Kizahuas" (singing "Pueblito querido"), "Grupo Gitano," "Los Excentricos," "Los Magos de Ritmo," and "Los Duran" (the two latter groups were from small towns near Merida). A


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similar program, "Tropical Caliente," aired on another channel, perhaps promoted by the second union, though I was not able to verify this. On both programs, the groups were distinguished more by their costumes and stacks of keyboards or speakers than by their musical styles, though some incorporated more obvious "rock" elements than others and differed in instrumentation such as the use of saxophones or several trumpets. I had not lived in Mexico for an extended period since 1969 and was struck by the great impact the "cassette revolution" has had upon the musical life of the people. Inexpensive players and recorders are everywhere, from personal players with earphones to huge "boom boxes" and car stereos. Most record stores no longer stock original copies but display covers of the latest LP albums in their windows and, for a fee, produce cassette copies to order. (The compact disc was just penetrating Merida in 1989.) Songs, both old and new, pass from hand to hand on cassettes dubbed from other recordings, from the radio, or from live performances. Government-sponsored attempts to preserve traditional styles or to record older performers have increased tremendously due to the availability of this inexpensive technology. Low quality "pirated" tapes of popular albums or live performances sold for 3,000 pesos (= U.S. $1.10) in mercadoshops or on streetcorner stands. Better quality dubbings cost up to 10,000 pesos at the record stores. As far as I could learn, the cassette revolution has few political implications in Yucatan. Other than promoting civic pride and a sense of regional distinctiveness by incorporating a few Maya words and references to peasant customs or to the past glories of "Chichen and Uxmal," the locally circulated songs seem devoid of messages, with perhaps the exception of the New Trova, as discussed below. One cassette, "Merida es Yucatan," a rather slick, tourist-oriented package produced in Mexico City, mixes narration about the charm and history of Merida with regional songs praising Yucatan as the romantic "land of love." The picture on the cassette box shows a calesa (horse-drawn carriage) with a male driver and two female passengers, all in mestizo dress, posed in front of the arches of the city hall. Like the visual message of the Ballet Folklorico, this recorded "cultural performance" is a self-conscious attempt to construct a regional identity and should be considered a continuation of the work of earlier painters, muralists, and writers.

La Trova Yucateca Most of the songs on the "Merida es Yucatan" recording are drawn from the traditional repertoire of the romantic troubadour (trovador)and referred to locally as la trova(such as "Rayito del sol," "Ella," and "Pajaro azul").

Music in Mrida : 45 It is this style even more than thejarana that symbolizes a Yucatecan identity for most Meridanos. Expatriate musicians working in Guadalajara, Acapulco, and Mexico City often perform these songs for a nostalgic (or at least sentimental) audience. The usual arrangement is for three males to sing in close harmony and play as many guitars, or two guitars and percussion. La trova songs may also be sung solo, in duos, or in larger groupings with drums or percussion added (especially claves, maracas, or the cabasa, a large gourd rattle with shells attached to its outer surface). Women also perform songs of la trovaand there have been some famous female groups, but most of the songs are written from a male point of view. This tradition came to my attention in a newspaper article, which mentioned a meeting of "Los amigos de la Trova Yucateca" at a downtown hotel. The ostensible purpose of the meeting was to honor an elderly musician and teacher, Sr. Vicente Uvalle, who was born in Yucatan but who has taught for many years at the Teachers College in Mexico City. Maestro Uvalle had recently been presented with the Guty Cardenas Medal (the famous popular musician who was also an expatriate) by the city government, and this homenajewas one of many such ceremonies that take place regularly in Merida. The master of ceremonies, Sr. Roberto MacSwiney Santiago, read a biographical sketch and invited others in the audience to amplify it. Some cassettes of the honoree's songs were played, and then with the guitarist (and "curandero de guitarras") Manuel Sanchez, Maestro Uvalde performed two others. He has written over 3,000 songs and composed numerous semi-classical works, including a recorded suite called "Bambuco." After about an hour of such tribute, a very youthful trio, "Los Angeles," performed several songs. The trio was acclaimed as demonstrating the continuity of the tradition, and mention was made of a concursoof Yucatecan song held for the second year in the secondary schools and a concert planned for February 5th. The Amigos de la Trova meet monthly for business and pleasure, but I also learned that there are daily gatherings (peias) at noon in another hotel where lovers of la trovacan listen, perform, or learn songs that may exist only in the memory of older troubadours (Bock 1990). I began to attend these gatherings regularly, to meet a number of musicians and aficionados, and to gain a sense of the style and its context of performance. Although their numbers have diminished greatly, active trios still work in Yucatecan hotels and a few groups still wait around the main plaza in hope of gaining employment at a fiesta, much like the mariachisin Guadalajara. Indeed, just north of the Merida city hall stands a special telephone booth marked "Trovadores." People can call on this phone to order a serenade (usually four songs) or an evening of entertainment. The older trios specialize in la trova, but all have some Mexican standards as


Philip K. Bock

part of their repertoire (such as "Solamente una vez" or "Amor, amor, amor," the latter written by a Yucatecan composer). I soon realized that I would need a teacher if I were to learn more about this tradition, and I was fortunate that Sr. Carlos Pereyra, who had started the pena two years earlier agreed to instruct me. He was at first hesitant because I do not play the guitar, but after some discussion we came to an understanding. Don Carlos was born in Yucatan in the late 1920s and had made his living as a musician in Merida and Mexico City until his recent retirement. As a young man he was one of the original members of Daniel and organized the Trio Merida. During Ayala's OrquestaTipica Yucalpeten the mid 1940s he moved to Mexico City where he performed with the trio Los Caminantesfor over 40 years, many of them at the Hotel Maria Cristina. Don Carlos had an extensive knowledge of la trova and he was often sought out at the peia when a lyric or melody needed clarification (though years of singing the baritone line in close harmony made him occasionally uncertain of the melody line). I was told by one regular of the pena that I "couldn't have chosen a better teacher," and in the six weeks that we worked together I learned a dozen songs (including one of his own compositions, a bambucowritten for a competition).8 One of the songs that every musical organization in Yucatan must play, whether traditional trio, tropical band, or large orchestra, is "La " peregrina. As with other trovasongs, its author and composer are as well known as its "origin legend." This song retells the tragic story of Felipe Carillo Puerto, the first socialist governor of Yucatan, elected in 1922. This charismatic and progressive leader (though married with a family in his native town of Motul) fell in love with the American journalist Mrs. Alma Reed, who seems to have returned his affections. When she left Mexico, he commissioned Luis Rosada Vega (lyrics) and Ricardo Palmerin (music) to compose a song expressing his love and loss. In many ways the song is typical of the Yucatecan romantic ballad, both in the textual imagery and its general form (AA'BC), with an harmonic base alternating between minor and major. The title literally means "The Pilgrim" but the imagery emphasizes the connotation of a "migratory bird" passing through the Yucatan. The rhythm is a bolero-like danza. My free translation follows: Peregrina, with your clear, divine eyes, And cheeks tinted with fire; Little lady, whose lips are crimson And whose hair is radiant as the sun: You left your native places, The spruces and the virginal snows, To come and shelter beneath my palm trees Under the sky of my tropical land.

Music in Merida : 47 The little songbirds of my meadows Trill their songs when they see you, And the perfumed flowers Caress your brow and kiss your lips. When you depart from my palm trees and my country, Peregrina, you of the enchanting visage, Don't forget, don't forget my land; Don't forget, don't forget my love. Soon after the song was written, Carillo Puerto was captured by the forces of General Adolfo de la Huerta and together with his brother and several aides summarily executed. This ended the "socialist threat" to the Yucatecan elite, but added great sentiment to the song. The FM station, Radio Amistad, features various trios that play selections from la trova(and more recent compositions) on its program, "Guitarras en la tarde." The advertisers seem to believe that the program reaches an audience. At the same time the performers have a chance to promote their recordings and appearances (if any), although much of the warmth of live performances is lost in the chatter. I had several opportunities to observe performances of trova in different settings. One was at the downtown Teatro Daniel Ayala where the Amigos staged a free public concert (again honoring Maestro Uvalde) on February 5. Roberto MacSwinney hosted this impressive and varied evening that was interesting both for the music and the metamusic,which commented on itself and on the occasion. The stage was set with a rural hut and hammock. Recording equipment from a national radio station was also present. Most of the performers were limited to two numbers, as follows: *Los Tres Corazones sang "La peregrina" and Sr. Pereyra's bambuco, "Todo me habla de amor." *Arturo Vega sang his own compositions "Adi6s amor" and "Cosas Preciosas." *M6nica Morena sang an original song she had written for the second anniversary of the Amigos and another song about Merida. *Los Angeles, the young trio previously mentioned, sang "Flor" and "Merida, Hermosa Ciudad," after which the master of ceremonies commented (rather hopefully): "La trova Yucateca no esta muriendo; ila trova Yucateca esta viviendo!" *The Conjunto Magisterial, a quartet from Chetumal (including a doctor and a professor) sang five brief numbers, always announcing the name of lyricist and composer; one of the songs, "Sefior Turista," was an invitation to visit Chetumal. *A male duo performed "A mi Novia" and "Oreja." *Prof. Jorge Segura recited parts of "La Profecia" and sang "Solo yo."

48 : Philip K. Bock Certificates of appreciation were presented to Maestro Uvalde and others; after announcements, an intermission was taken. Records of trova were on sale in the theater lobby. Following the break, Don Pastor Cervera performed one of his own songs with great style; he was then joined for two duets by a woman who is also a composer. One of the most interesting aspects about the Amigos is their selfconscious attempt to maintain and promote a regional style in the face of many challenges. MacSwinney is an able publicist, though I suspect that the "Museo de la Canci6n Yucateca" of which he writes exists mainly in his own mind. The regular meetings, the concerts (including one planned for the "Day of the Troubadour"), and the newspaper articles serve to keep the public aware of trova, while the daily peia provides an opportunity for the younger singers to learn the style and build their repertoire. One commercial space specializes in trovaand on any given night two or three competent trios can be heard there. El Trovador Bohemio, a small club located opposite Santa Lucia Park. The night I attended (a Tuesday), about half of the twenty tables were filled, mostly with local couples. The trio Los Clarinerosperformed a set including the trova standards "Pajaro Azul," "Granito de Sal," "Pasion" (G. Cardenas), "Mi Ultima Canci6n" (P. Cervera), and, of course, "Peregrina." Los Meridanos performed "Ella," "Pagina Blanca," "Para Olvidarte," and a favorite of mine, " Beso Asesino," a claveby Pepe Dominguez. In the latter and other classics of la trovathe poet and composer work together to produce songs that use familiar elements in unusual and striking ways. As I wrote earlier, the intended setting for these songs is a nocturnal serenade to the beloved or a solitary complaint in memory of a past love: Certain images are common: the eyes, lips, and hair of the beloved; the moon; the scent of flowersin the gentle breeze; the window where the singer offershis song and leaves his heart. The beloved is compared in delicacy and purity to flowersor to snow, and the birds sing wherevershe goes. But it is the imaginative use of these conventions that is most highly valued." (Bock 1990:14) One last example will illustrate the concept of metamusic while showing the typical urban ambivalence (patronizing admiration) toward the peasantry. "La Fiesta del Pueblo" is ajarana by Manuel Burgos that tells of a village fiesta in which the rockets have announced the beginning of the vaqueria(a type of cowboy dance): Now the dance hall is full, The orchestra starts to play; All the mestizos happy are Coming to dance with their mestizas. How joyously beat the drums! How lovely are the dances of my Yucatan!

Music in Merida : 49 The New Trova Because of my fondness for the singers and songs of the traditional trovait is not easy for me to describe the next musical movement objectively. I do not want to adopt the "moldy-fig mentality" (Keil 1966:34) of some of the Amigos, for if it is to survive as a vital musical force, the trovamust surely adapt to changing tastes and opportunities. The question is, how much change or "fusion" with other styles is possible before a tradition loses its integrity? Let us begin with an article that appeared in El Diario de Yucatdnon March 1, 1989. Above the heading, "La musica yucateca no agoniza, cambia de estilo" (Yucatecan music isn't dying but changing its style), appeared a photo of fifteen young people (nine men, six women) with their mentor, the Mexican pop star, Sergio Esquivel. A boldface blurb beneath the headline translates as: It must advance with the times, affirms the singer and composer, Sergio Esquivel. 'If Guty Cardenas were alive he would surely write differently from his former song.' To succeed in the media today one must go to the D.F. and do what impresses the producers. The interview (with two more photos) takes up over half of a vertical page and continues along the same lines: the old trova has had its day; it is time for Yucatecan youth, what he calls "the fifth generation," to create its own music. Since his return to Merida in 1984, Esquivel has taught a workshop on songwriting and performance, helping the students to form groups and make recordings. His goal is to create a high quality, contemporary music that will keep its roots in Yucatecan tradition but that will be relevant to the present and yet have a chance of national success. At the same time he warns against commercialization and mere imitation of popular styles. Recently, Esquivel opened a downtown nightclub, "La Pefia de la Trova," to showcase his proteges and their music. He denies that they are "opposed" to the traditional music but insists that the new generation has its own style. Even allowing for the somewhat garbled newspaper report, there is clearly some ambivalence here. The use of the terms "trova" and "quinta generaci6n" indicates a desire for continuity, but Esquivel stresses the differences between the styles. Of course, the "old" trova also moved from highly personal serenades and "bombas" (spontaneous compliments, also known as "coplas") to highly commercial forms in hotels, broadcasts, and recordings; but the "fifth generation" seems to want both artistic integrity and commercial success-a familiar paradox. Esquivel's Sunday evening television program, "Tiempo de Trova,"


Philip K. Bock

probably reaches many more people than the afternoon radio show, "Guitarras en la Tarde," but the new style is still taking form. According to the Diario interview, "We do not have a definite line. The workshop is and searching [en buzsqueda] we do not want to limit ourselves. What we do want is that all who listen to the music identify Yucatan in it." I spent a long evening at the new club, located between the site of the daily pena and El Trovador Bohemio. The music was very good: varied and well-presented, mixing male and female voices and guitars with electric bass, keyboard, and percussion. I heard several groups and soloists, notably "Quatro de la Quinta" and Felipe de la Cruz. A Mexican friend indicated that the themes were more current than those of the old romantic ballads and that she preferred their "realistic" approach to relationships. To my ear, however, they are similar to Mexican pop styles and I could not specifically "identify Yucatan" in any of it. Of the twelve songs on my recording of "New Trova," six are love songs (though some use rather unusual imagery); three deal with personal issues (solitude, death, identity); one is a piece of metamusic ("Sangre criolla que se abraza al ritmo"); one is an homage to the late poet, Guadalupe Trigo; and one (by Felipe de la Cruz) is sung by a man to his lover's young son, assuring the boy that: "I want to be your friend, not a substitute father." At the end of the evening, Esquivel (who had been sitting in the audience) was prevailed upon to sing a few songs, including his national hit, "Un Tipo Como Yo" (A Guy Like Me). He is a strong performer and has clearly helped the members of his workshop to achieve a high level of professionalism, though it remains to be seen whether their work will attract even a regional following. The recording mentioned above, "Quinta Generaci6n: Nueva Trova Yucateca" (1987), contains twelve songs by members of the workshop. It was issued by the Instituto de Cultura de Yucatan as part of a series together with several volumes of the Orquesta Tipica Yucalpeten and solo performances by Pastor Cervera. Esquivel has arranged some appearances on national variety shows for his students and at least one recording by a name singer, but I doubt that they will be able to achieve significant careers while staying in Merida and deliberately avoiding commercial "pressures." It is hardly surprising that the old troubadours are not pleased with these developments. At a meeting of the daily pena on March 3, talk centered at first on the broadcast that three of the men (Carlos Pereyra, Gregorio Brito, and S6lomon Rabanales) had made on Guitarrasen la Tardeearlier in the week. Later, attention turned to the Esquivel interview. Those present were very negative. Especially outspoken was Arturo Vega who said it was all nonsense: Esquivel "knows nothing of real trova," and, anyway, "he had only one hit song." Vega then sang two of his own ballads quite beautifully, after which a young woman came over and requested a tradi-

Music in Merida : 51 tional ballad. The group sang it and she returnedto give thanks, saying this (informal) group was far superior in her opinion to the successful pop group, "Timberiche." Thus, there is some evidence for the continuing popularity of "old" trova and its message that affirms the possibility of romantic love.

I shall conclude by comparing my observations with those made by Stigberg on Veracruz nearly twenty years previously. The variation in history, size, and location of these cities, as well as the passage of time, have doubtless produced some differences between their musical cultures; yet I felt that Merida in 1989 was experiencing many of the same changes that took place in Veracruz a generation earlier. His descriptionof the radio stations could be repeated almost exactly for Merida. At the same time, compared to Veracruz, Merida seems to be off the main route for travelling companies of large musical organizations or theatrical production. Thus, except for national television programs, Meridanos rarely have the chance to see big name Latin American or U.S. performers. music and musicians in Stigberg discusses at length the position ofjarocho the larger musical life of Veracruz. This music was performed in 1971-72 by a dwindling group of ambulantes in a few settings. It was regarded by much of the population as a "music of the past" (1978:271), that is, rural, monotonous, and irrelevant to urban life. Although symbolic of regional identity-natives of Veracruz often refer to themselves as jarochos-the music seemed unable to recruit a new generation and creativity in the style was diminishing. I chose to focus on the trovaYucateca, a closer analogy but to jarocho would be thejarana tradition. Without government subsidy, this style might also be nearly defunct; however, due to support for ensembles that play serenatas and incorporation of the music and dance into the U.A.Y. Ballet Folklorico, the jarana remains vital. In Veracruz, as in Merida, the dominant style was tropical. Musicians were recruited from diverse class backgrounds and, according to Stigberg, most were literate and had had some formal training. The troubadoursare also from various classes, rural and urban, but most are liricos,unable to read music. In Veracruz, tropical orchestras of about ten musicians performed in dance halls (especially two large halls near the beach) and in centros nocturnos. The conjuntos he observed were somewhat larger than those I saw in Merida and, except for an occasional organ, the former were entirely acoustic (1978:294, no. 17). His study neither mentions any style similar to the Yucatecan trova, old or new, nor does it describe any groups similar to the Amigos.

52 : Philip K. Bock

Stigberg's category of "pop" music includes Spanish language ballads and English language rock, both entering the Veracruz soundscape through AM radio and television. In Merida I heard mainly Spanish language original rock and "covers" of Euroamerican groups, as well as "Mecano," a very popular rock group from Spain. As noted above, the tropical bands all had some "pop" numbers in their repertoiresand a few showed rock influence in guitar and drum playing, but there was nothing approaching a true fusion of styles and there were few traces of a rock subculture (compare Stigberg 1978:287). When the Michael Jackson film, "Moonwalker" was shown in Merida it attractedonly a small teenage audience. Stigberg analyzes his material using notions of rural/urban contact and of change mediated by radio, television, and recordings. These concepts are also valid for Merida, but should be supplemented by a recognition of regional, national, and cosmopolitan identities that accompany each style. The major forms discussed may be ranged as follows from parochial to universal: PAROCHIAL jarana I trova/new trova | tropical | pop/rockUNIVERSAL I use the terms "parochial" and "universal" with reference to McKim of Marriot's processes interactionbetween "little" and "great" traditions in India as adapted by Redfield (1956:54-55) for more general purposes. That which is parochial in one generation may be "taken up" by the great tradition and given more universal meanings, while elements of the great tradition may undergo parochializationby being integrated into local cultures, their origins forgotten and meanings changed. Towards the middle of this continuum we have an area where syncretism may be consciously practiced and various fusions of styles regularly occur. I further suggest a continuum of emotional tones (from left to right) that might be labeled nostalgic/ romantic/ironic. The absence of explicit political music in either Veracruz or Merida may be significant, as compared with the nueva or cancion nueva trovafound elsewhere; however, it could also be due to the researchers' oversight in both cases. To the extent that audiences for these musical styles differ along age or class lines we have evidence for changes in values, though not necessarily for value conflicts. The only clear exception is the opposition of old to new trova in Merida, with the former apparently maintaining its position while the latter seeks both to claim continuity and to attract a new audience. Nothing like this was reported for Veracruz, and it was most likely absent in the Merida of twenty years past. The picture of Merida that emerges from a consideration of its contemporary musical styles and performancesis of a community that expects (and receives) a virtually continuous flow of musical events for listening, danc-

Music in Meida : 53 ing, and watching (in the form of government-sponsored spectacles, including Carnaval). There is a large pool of musical talent in Yucatan, but it would be difficult to predict what styles will most attract young musicians. Although many job opportunities are open to those who perform tropical styles, technological change has greatly increased the capital investment necessary to organize such a band and competition is very strong. Some young people are still attracted to trova, perhaps because a good voice, a guayabera (shirt), a guitar, and a pair of claves are all that is required. To others, the "new trova" promises a fusion of styles with some chance of commercial success but, as yet, with little political content (cf. Benmayor 1981:13 on "nueva trova" in Cuba). It can, of course, be argued whether the mass media are makers or mirrors of popular taste-probably both-and Meridanos have a fairly large range of music broadcast every day. They may identify most strongly with the persistent cumbia beat of the many tropical recordings and live performances on the air; but they still have the option of listening to ballads in nostalgic trova or romantic "pop" styles, or of hearing Euroamerican rock with its messages of love, sex, and aggression. To understand how individuals and groups use these forms to discover, construct, or express their own feelings and identities is the next challenge that faces students of urban music.


1. Many people helped with this study, none more than my wife, Barbara. Thanks are also due Don Carlos Pereyra Contreras, Ing. Miguel Perez Concha of the U.A.Y., Ing. Elsy Yolanda Lara Barrera, Director of the Central Library, Lic. Carlos E. Boj6rquez Urzaiz, Director of the Faculty of Anthropological Sciences, U.A.Y., Sr. Miguel Martinez Ancona, Secretary General of S.U.F.Y., and Srta. Mercedes Noriega. Srta. Adriana Ramirez de Arellano assisted with the transcription and analysis of the new trova songs. 2. The notion that the state should encourage (and discourage) certain forms of music goes back as far as Plato's Republic. The European nationalist folklore movements further illustrate the state's tendency to coopt regional styles for its own purposes, while ethnic pride movements frequently react against such attempted hegemony. In Guatemala, the state has recently undertaken a major project to document the music of the Kekchi Maya and other indigenous peoples-the same peoples who are threatened by its genocidal policies! (Albuquerque Journal, 14 July

54 : Philip K. Bock







1991, GI). In Yucatan, the situation seems more benign; however, remembering the persistence of "talking cross" rituals among rural Mayans for a century after the War of the Castes, one wonders whether some of these activities might not backfire someday. The jarana of Yucatan and the jarochoof Veracruz are apparently in equivalent (socially, if not musically) to thejarabe the state of Tabasco. All three may be derived from thejota, at least rhythmically:they are in triple meter with an alternation between 3/4 and 6/8 sections. And all three names, like the assumed origin of rumba from rumbo, carry connotations of a binge or spree, or of dancing with abandon. It is difficult for an outsider to judge the balance of hypocrisy and sincerity in particularcases, but a patronizing tone is present in even the The nativist romanticism of authors works of professional indigenistas. such as Antonio Mediz Bolio (1987) often ends by making its subjects appear childlike and pathetic. The Banda Continental, a S.U.F.Y.-affiliated tropical orchestra was playing this day at Santa Lucia; it was composed of four trumpets, five saxophones, a drum set, congas, a rasp, electric bass, and keyboard. Selections included the mambo, "Patricia" and several members of the group sang. but I was told that some younger groups are mainly rockeros, never enand countered them in public settings. Also, some older marimberos at least one mariachi group perform in and around Merida; I heard them only at city-sponsored fiestas in the parks. There are also a number of "discos" where the patrons come to drink, meet, and dance. The luxurious Holiday Inn features a discotheque for teenagers, as well as a lounge with a duo or trio. The most comprehensive information about Yucatecan song is in a rare two-volume work by the late Miguel Civiera Taboada (1916-1987), Senen sibilidadYucateca la Cancion Romantica, published by the State of Mexico in 1978. Civiera was a historian and archivist who wrote more than a dozen books. The 1978 book is a useful compilation of songs, programs, and reminiscences about the great Yucatecan composers and singers. He was also responsible for adapting Mediz Bolio's Landof thePheasant and Deerfor the "Light and Sound" show at Uxmal.

Benmayor, Rina 1981 "La 'Nueva Trova': New Cuban Song." LatinAmerican Music Review2(1): 11-44.

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Bock, Philip Lore 1980 "Tepoztlan Reconsidered." Journalof LatinAmerican 129-150. 6(1): TheFormalContent Ethnography. Publication No. 20. 1986 of Dallas: International Museum of Cultures. "The Importance of Erving Goffman to Psychological 1988 Anthropology." Ethos 16(1): 3-20. "Troubadours of the Yucatan." Quantum 6:13-15. 1990 Civiera Taboada, Miguel en Yucateca la Cancion 1978 Sensibilidad Rormantica. Tomo I and II. Toluca, Estado de Mexico: FONAPAS. Devereux, George 1980 Basic Problems Ethnopsychiatry. of Chicago: University of Press. Chicago Finnegan, Ruth 1989 TheHiddenMusicians.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Keil, Charles 1966 UrbanBlues. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Mediz Bolio, Antonio del 1987 La Tierra Faisany del Venado. [1922] Merida: Editorial Dante. Nettl, Bruno, ed. MusicalCultures. 1978 Eight Urban Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Redfield, Robert 1941 TheFolk Culture Yucatan. of Chicago: University of Chicago Press. and 1956 Peasant Society Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Stigberg, James K. 1978 "Jarocho,Tropical,and 'Pop': Aspects of Musical Life in Musical Veracruz, 1971-72." In B. Nettl, ed., Eight Urban Cultures. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, pp. 260-295. Vander, Judith 1988 Songprints. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press.