roletarian Litera ment in Japan Ryiinosuke, one of the most mn ide, leaving Ox juny 94-1027 Akutagaa— jodern Japan, Co! ary Je his radical action to a gifted story-tel ibuti matic note attributing : oni SS ee (bonyari-shita fuan). Countless explanations h Seg offered by scholars and critics to account for the ase th-causing uneasiness, explanations te reasons to public and social sources and nature of this deal n of the two. Of the more con- ranging in emphasis eS metimes a combina’ Se hes, one that links Akutagawa’s behavior to his position in the literary world of late Taisho Japan ‘seems most relevant for our purposes. It would appear that, despite his enor- mous talents and the high praise of his peers, Akutagawa was dasailed by doubts about his worth as a writer and his status in the literary arena. This lack of confidence was aggravated and intensified by fresh movements which trumpeted the need for revolutionary changes in Japanese literature. The advocates of these changes unceremoniously dumped Akutagawa’s works in a pigeonhole labeled “established literature” (Kisei bungaku), whose special province was the uniquely Japanese “I” novel, a species of writing derived from Japanese-style naturalism that by and large restricted its compass to an excursion, lyrical if well done, into the feelings and incidents surrounding the author's life. Although Akutagawa himself in fact never indulged in this genre of fiction, he was pasteles tegnided es old bat by the youthful avant-garde and ignominiously relegated to past history. ‘Perhaps he would not have felt the sting so acutely had the push for the new and modern in literature been only a quickly pass- ing phenomenon, To his dismay and misfortune, however, the newfangled movements grew stronger and more vocal by the day and, even worse, their exponents began to produce works good enough to compete with those of the so-called established writ- ers, who in the main withdrew into a defensive silence. Akuta- wa’s re ition of the literary talents of 156Twamoto ft ati chanization of man is subject was the mec! ir Paris. Prophet centered in mammoth cities that brought a a srgonal mode of life. Artistically, this concern bred a chilly, me rtly, through a rhetoric, often brilliant was ref i hi t eels) the immediate sense impressions of and startling, th kaleidoscopic world about. the complex, Ik " ee rca’ ‘s quarrel rh the established writers hinged on the latter's failure or indifference in catching the human re- jodern urban life, ponse to th vibrant tempo and mood of m ; ceed as much through a scintillating, new style and form in subject matter, the criticism aimed at the old-timers by an- a i proletarian writers, was self-styled avant-garde group, “writers, ¥ other tn the question of the content o fterature. Indeed, though Yokomitsu's faction and proletarian writers together opposed the established literature, they never became handshaking comrades in fighting their common enemy because of their divergent views on literary priorities. In fact, they ended up bitter enemies, as a continuation of Yokomitsu’s recollections indicates: Just at that moment [when I began my revolt against natural- ism] . . . historical materialism as the first positivistic theory to appear-in- our country had come to assault the spiritual realm. The incursions of this thought became fiercer by the day, and it swept over the world like a cloud obscuring the sun. We of the artistic group arrived at the fate of pointing our arms, hitherto aimed at the stronghold of naturalism, to- ward this unexpected, formidable foe.’ The attack of the proletarian writers on the established litera- ture was based on its lack of a political or social conscience. The mainstream of Japanese literature since the advent of naturalism in the early part of the twentieth century showed a studious of themes of a distinctly social or political cast. This liter- ature preferred instead to confine its subject matter to a revela- tion of the authors life, the self-centeredness being no doubt a symptom of the writer's constant search for a personal identity, as search made pore and even necessary by the discovery of i conscience, jineeganerksr-contessions of aberrant sexual Pa ee Ne the inner life, accounts of family go Pte nes trivial incidents, and the like—held aig res He, it was only implicit and heavily‘The Proletarian Literary Movement -rising poet, novelist, and (Nak e newcomers’ challenges to “tl the establi concerns of the more recent literary seri : aie to The te 1 tly Showa era was a period wh " as accurately observed, the sap lac a isted in Japanese borrowings fron Western li time.gap that had al- wal Kage cn, ar Wee te ea wultaneously in movements in ! was rence, however, in that a sinj japanese school was likely to accommodate the interests AG Sea different ‘movements in the West. The following remarks of Yokomitsu Riichi—a retrospective view of the period in a picture of the multiple concerns, as well as the spirit, which pro- pelled the school that he led. Ideas that nurtured such diverse movements as, for instance, futurism and automatic writing are discernible. a fast: In the midst of the great metropolis spread out like an unbe- lievably vast stretch of burnt ruins, a speed demon known as the automobile began to loiter about for the first time. Shortly a sound-emitting monster called the radio made its appearance, and then a bird-shaped object, the aeroplane, started coursing through the skies. These were embodiments of modern science that came into existence for the first time in our country soon after the earthquake. The sensibilities of the youths witnessing the successive manifestations of these latest contraptions of modern science amid the burnt ruins could not help but be altered in some fashion. . . . No longer able to endure the dull "style of naturalism with its entangled emotions, 1 began a revolt, At the same time I necessarily had to commence the cultivation of a morality and a sense of beauty for the new age? Yokomitsu’s “revolt” consisted largely of introducing a litera- of new sensibilities, attuned to the machine age that engulfed Tokyo, no less than it had New York, London, 1 $howa bungaku seisui shi (Tokyo, 1958), 1, 32ff .d in Nakamura Mitsuo, Usui Yoshimi, and Hirano Ken, Quoted in shi, Gendai Nihon bungaku zensho, bekkan 1” ( LE itmuted; the range of the author’s experience and interests encom- passed the family at most, and rarely extended into society at large. This narrowly individualistic stance in the works of the established authors, devoid of social or political commentary, was to be replaced, at least in theory, by a much wider social con- cern in the works of the newl n proletarian authors. While the mainstream writers remained silent on social and political matters, the theme of literature and society, or literature and politics, was not totally ignored, as small coteries of authors of a socialistic hue wrote works espousing their cause, Before them, in the 18 a ‘ tive alliance, making the so-called political novel a omic Genre of fiction of that period. Politics as conceived in these political novels, however, was quite different from politics as in- terpreted by the later proletarian writers. As the noted political scientist Maruyama Masao has astutely observed, polities as re- Jao flected in the work of the Meiji political novelists was preponder- | 0 2 antly weighted on the side of national concern.' Though they indeed clamored for civil rights, for the rights of the individual, their overriding concern was for the énhancement of Japan's place in the intemnational community/On the other hand, polities) » was understood by the proletarian authors largely in domestic | 2 terms; for them, politics meant the contention among social classes within the country. It is perhaps possible to say, then, that while the political novelists of the Meiji period were engaged in the pursuit of a national identity, and the apolitical naturalist writers who followed them sought a personal identity, the pro- letarian writers of the 1920's sought a lass identity\within their o | The ae the proletarian literary movement is to be found 5 in the socialistically inclined literature of the 1900's and_1910’s, Rae but the movement proper is said to have started with the estab- lishment of the magazine Tane-maku hito in February, 1921, giv- ing it the organizational focus that it needed. The fortunes of the movement were inextricably bound with those of Marxism, which was readily accepted among many intellectuals in Japan after the success of the Russian Revolution. Why Marxism was em- braced with such relish is a question that has occupied the atten- tion of many writers. Though the reasons for the turn to Marxism were undoubtedly as varied and complex as were the numbers 4 Nihon no shiso (‘Tokyo, 1961), pp. 71ff. ——— 159lng te oie Marae The eral Meeting of the writers formulated at the Se pag cone Bungel sensen as well, fur. p meeting had been relayed tion of the League, for the creal : ‘aang a eran of the League took on a decidedly politica inated by such youthful mem. Marxist tinge ve it became domi dari, ot as Nakane ty for the Study of Marxist Arts, a stu- Tani Hajime of the Socie' i eid ongani Tokyo University. Gaining control of the gh dt ee General Meeting of the League held in November, 1926)these impetuous young ‘ailept no ¥. 0 etathecron Marxists, and renamed and reorganized the Leag e into the Japa Proletarian Arts League (JPAL ) eag Fi The expulsion ‘of the non-Marxists, sounding the death-knell for the proletarian arts movement as a loose common front of anarchism, syndicali: Ishevism, did not presage a period calm activity for the JPAL, as differences in political view- point continued to plague what was supposedly an organization of for art. The_first schism occurred just six months later, when PS = ___ Fukumoto Kazuo's political theory was injected into the arts ‘movement. In essence, Fukumoto’'s views, which at the time were Ee successfully challenging Yamakawa Hitoshi’s older and more practicable theory, emphasized the study of Marxist theory and — that a thoroughgoing knowledge of Marxist writings membership in the Japanese Com- etoism in the League accused ntoxication through vain ad- be a sine qua non for ino, their comrades of falling intg/self-i +)“ herence to the arts and failih Yue tely ment one wing of the entire pr th pro-Fuk moto group under Ka gnize the independent character ed thaF all he dissolved-into the po itical fight in sense,’* On al fig he na 7 set Nang tebumotot sch as Aono an - x playing geo to be stamped out complet 6 oe? } earingen Paul Langer, Ret » Red Flag in Japan: ‘ in Action 1919-1951 (C lapan: International 19-1951 (Cambridge, Mass, 1952), pp. 15-26, i toto group, all reproduced in é bungaku ronso shi (Tokyo,Ee? uf sees the conversion of such lit figures as Chiijo (Miyamoto) ©, Yuriko deriving from this humanitarian spring’) The Proletarian Literary Movement From its very inception, the proletarian literary movement was strongly influenced by left-wing political thought and activities within Japan and, though it was Gsentially domestié) by both political and artistic_pronouncements Issuing trom Hussia, as has been the case throughout the world, The multitudinous organiza- tional and theoretical_controvessies that rocked the Japanese lit- erary movement from its beginning in 1921 to its total collapse Bni1B4 vere Invariably gengrsteg ftom these two outside sommes This situation—peculiar, in the annals of Japanese literature, to the proletarian literary movement, leads Maruyama Masao to conceive of the relationship between literature and politics in this period in the image of a race, with literature desperately try- ing to catch up with political thought and activities.” Indeed this somewhat comical image is not without foundation. The organizational splits and realignments which marked the literary movement were in almost évery case motivated by events outside its artistic purview. To begin with, the stimulus for the founding of Tane-maku_hito came from the formation of the Japan Socialist League i 20. In one of the early issues of the magazine, the leaders, headed by Komaki Omi and Kaneko Yébun, proclaimed their intention to work for modernity, revolution, and internationalism, clearly revealing their interest as much, if not more, in political and cultural affairs as in litera- ture per se. After the great earthquake of September, 1923, which occasioned an all-out government attack on the socialist movement, Tane-maku hito was followed in June, 1924, by an- other magazine, Bungei_sensen. Then, when Komaki, Kaneko, Aono Suekichi, aaucnes supporters of this magazine, encom- passing all shades of left-wing writers, rebar ites the eee reeisias Livre Da mber of 1925} the inspiration once-again came from without. The major impulse this time originated in the meeti roletarian writers in the ® Discussed in Takami, Showa bungaku, p. 122, 19 Op, cit., pp. TH. ‘ n ee Pay issue. See Kurahara Korehito, et al. (eds,), Ninon puro- iL retaria bungaku taikei (Kyoto, 1955), 1, 324, 161QUT XbieOMN Twamoto of converts, it seems incontesti element in not a few of the co ‘ble that there was a strong faddish nversions. In a fictional work evi- his own experiences and acquaintances in the Prt fre Sra of Mie Arts at Tokyo University, Takami Jun presents an assemblage of obstreperous and haughty young men who, in their zeal for the new and exciting, are swept up by the tide of Marxism, But when the waters begin to recede, they are all too willing to give it up with but few qualms. Only a very few, truly devoted to Marxist ideals, are ready to meet dire ends in defense of their beliefs.*_ Tc | Although recognizing the faddish component in the appeal of Marxism, the critic Honda Shiga also sees for its attraction. He points out that Marxism, with its seemingly mt man society, appeared to have t sr to the questi frou- anic, led the intellectual who had just recently wi unemployment, and the triumy yhant establi ie Soviet Union.” Too, as Kol ert Sestepino notes, in the minds of many Japanese intellectuals, wlio were smarting from a sense of inferiority due to the late modernization of their motherland, Marxist theory seemed to assure for Japan quick progress toward ality with the advanced nations of the West.’ Moreover, ieee was allowed to go unchallenged because a Jack of tra- ache dition and achievements in the social sciences left the intelectual world without any alternative theories. Honda also believes that Se > outlawing of the Communist Party enhanced its appeal by seh, shrouding it in mystery. To a good number of intellectuals, there- fore, communism was free of evil and exemplified the supreme ideal that promised omnipotence and beatitude.* Not to be dis- counted in winning converts among those genuinely sensiti the existing social inequities is FC paeicaera hich Marxist doctrine apparently embraced, with its of the liberation of the proletariat. The critic Hirano Ken, for example, # In Gendai Nihon bungaku zenshd, u.vt (1955), 267-349. The work origi- ipaly sppested in Nichirehy (ebay Ju, 198) Tieibin beako (Marc Te | September, 1936). | Hote the See ee es appearing jalism in bay in The fore Ties: the Ist part entitled “Marxism in losin, prestige,” August 8, 1962, p. 6; and the 2nd part ee eee cots ton to tum away from Marxism,” August 10, 1962, p. 7. * Honda, pp. 133-134, i 1602 ie fe thereafter, however, the VAI, (VAL) in November, 1927. Shortly rjeration of Proletrian Art, dissolved oe into tl Yar eon thi, rs is Espen Ble eney ie g)uniting into one mame fottned im MBE TPT last move too was se i eo ela 7 ‘of March 15, 1928, provided th jus fot ¥ wunist Party fs to band together. It was e stimulus for also with the establishment sles mover mmunist direction. ment assured ed the WRAL in its activities and in fi ea al on hegemony of the lterary pou for the pro- in factap! organizational ian li movement, underwent one SNA” OFg al nines its demise in 1934. The reorganization, purely ed the Federation as the Japan Prole. i inari KO The i Federation, ordinarily referred to a6 3 Be eS anaes thesis concerning “the role and basis for the change was the n ole uaa Sek cultural and educational organization” which was settled upon in the Agit-Prop Council at the Fifth General Meeting of the Profintern in Moscow in August, 1930.25 On his return, the Japanese representative to the meeting, Kura- hara, was eager to put into practice the new instructions and adopt the trends emanating from the capital of the socialist world. Under the KOPF set-up, the various culture groups under its aegis were encouraged to combine as far as possible with in- ational organizations. Thus, the Japan Proletarian Writers’ = he J e ch_of the Inter- e ple_b H a bra national Union of Revoluti Writers in February, 1932. If the organizational aspects of the proletarian literary move- ment were affected by pronouncements from Russia, sqwere the attempts at building a theoretical framework fof creative) activ- ity, The race image is Pp articularly apt here, as Japanese theorists hurried to assimilate the late al thought coming out of SSHAn is evident everywhere etical controversies that punctuated the course of the literary movement, but F highlights should amply ili Oe)The Proletarian Literary Movement In September, \1926, Aono Suckichi, jupreme) as theoretician, produced an essay entitled “Shizen seichd to moku- 2 teki ishiki” (Natural_Development_and mu jose) an ‘ application ins political views, expressed in What is to be Done?, about the literary movement. It was in a sense an exten- sion of for article “Shi geijutsu” 7 Scientific Ants" where he advocated that more tocal phenom, a_more comprehensive literature, In the new essay, Aono ex- jee, 2 )X, plained what he meant by consciousness of an objective: For the proletariat to seek expression by describing the life of the proletariat merely amounts to individual satisfaction, and does not entirely constitute class conduct that is conscious of the objective of the struggle by the proletarian class. . . . That is to say, only when one is led by class consciousness does one’s art become art for the sake of class. Only at this point does the proletarian literary movement arise, and indeed has arisen. i ing theoretician in the days of Tane-maku hitd evea tinct Marxist leanings, it was this work by Aono, insisting on class consciousness of a socialistic objective, that guided the Japanese proletarian literary movement along Marxist lines. It also caused considerable confusion because, although he discussed the con- sciousness of an objective, he scarcely elaborated on how it should | be’ manifested in literary works. His essay, in short, was little more than political theory which could not become literary theory or the theory of a literary movement in any practicable sense. Lf See rote as the foremost Dobie, theorist oF the movement after the Founding af NAPF, was even f « more inclined toward borrowing from Russian writings. Obvious- ly his period of study in the Soviet Union had left indelible impressions on his mind. Indeed, Kurahara’s first statements on artistic method were not much more than transplanted theory, the officially endorsed viewpoint on realism adopted by the Rus- \ sian Association of Proletarian Writes (RACE ). Little challenge to Kurahara’s stand appeared, as, characteristically, the members of NAPF bowed to the specter of authority. 18 Published inf Bungei sensen. 18 In Gendai Nihon bungaku zensha, xxxcur (1957), 78. First published ie in Bungei sensen (September, 1926). yr TREaA SS A cca 4 Twamotazo— (VAL) in November, dissolved itself into the 1927, Shortly thereafter, however, the VAL apan Federation of Proletarian Arts, commonly known ag the_initials of its Esperanto name, when it was fort in Ma 928) uniting into one body the members of the VAL and the JPAL. ‘This last move too was engendered by political, not artistic, motives. The government ‘crackdown on the Communist Party of March 15, 1928, provided the stimulus for those with similar views to band together. It was also with the establishment of NAPF that the proletarian arts movement assumed a strong communist direction. ‘hich far overshadowed the WFAL in its activities and in fact(caj 1 ony of the literary world for the pro- letarian literary movement, underwent one final organizational mutation before its demise in 1934. The reorganization, purely internal in nature, renamed the Federation as the Japan Prole- tarian Culture Federation, ordinarily referred to af KOPP: The basis for the change was the thesis concerning “the role and mission of proletarian cultural and educational organization” which was settled upon in the Agit-Prop Council at the Fifth General Meeting of the Profintern in Moscow in August, 1930." On his return, the Japanese representative to the meeting, Kura- hara, was eager to put into practice the new instructions and adopt the trends emanating from the capital of the socialist world. Un -up, the vari ture groups under its aegis were encouraged to combine as far i! ith in- ‘eatin orguizations Thus, the Japan Proletarian Writers for exa ich of the Inter- national Union of Revolutionary Writers in February, 1932. If the organizational aspects of the proletarian literary move- ment were affected by pronouncements from Russia, sqawere the attempts at building a theoretical framework fof creative)activ- ity. The race image is particularly apt here, as Japanese theorists hurried to assimilate the eoretical thought coming out of i ance gn Russia effusions is evident everywhere in the numerous controversies that punctuated the course of the literary movement, but a look at only a few of the highlights should amply illustrate the point. 1 For an 7 a cae eeeten Eitan arstet in Kurahara, et al.Bogs ccs) ,) al Iwamoto If the race image is carried a step further, it is possible to see that within the proletarian literary camp itself there was a race to bridge the distance works and literary the More accurately, authors found themselves in the dis- quieting position of perpetually trying to keep pace with the newest trends in left-wing literary thought and to realize these in their works, Buffeted by changes in theory and organizational set-up from time to time, writers found that what they had pro- duced to satisfy one set of principles at a certain time would be criticized as obsolete or misdirected shortly after. In a short story {43 by Tateno Nobuyuki called “Yajo,” where the principal charac- ‘| ters are obviously modeled after Kurahara and Kobayashi Takiji, the most famous of the proletarian writers, the latter at one point is shown changing the course of a story being serialized in a magazine in order to accommodate Kurahara’s new policies and criticisms. He rationalizes nonchalantly, “I write incorporating criticisms which I think are correct. . . . So long as the work a) moves in a positive direction, some disjointedness is justified.”* (ono “Suekichi's“Shr: 5 to mokuteki ishiki” of Septem r, 1926) mentioned earlier, should probably be singled out for Murturing the race image between theory and creative efforts. olan hay arena simple proletarian literature, the proletarian literary movement} was one to implant consciousness an objective, Aono called for works that sec spontancous expressions of discontent and resentment among the proletariat and would place the literary movement as_an active Bp obo Ree vas AS script of the novel was completed some three years earlier), J actualized in many ways the theory laid down in Aono’s article. It elevated the creative aspect of the proletarian literary move- ment to a level matching its theory. The story takes for its back- the economically prosperous period of the First World War, and for its setting a coal steamer plying between Muroran and Yokohama; it describes with stark simplicity the figures of the crew members who battle against overwhelming odds. In the 28In Kamien et al. (eds.), viz, 278. “Yujo” first appeared in Chuid koron 2 In Gendai Nihon bungaku i ies see zensht, xxv (1954), 5-98. Published by 170 ler the direct prompting of Aono’s essay (the manu- in4 ’ne Frotetarian Literary Movement menacing stot re act ie oie ae the ship on its departure, an appren- ig ie steering gear is severel the ogreish captain th abe ogre ptain throws him into the forecastle and leaves him unattended for days. With repeated acts of extreme callousness, bestiality, and exploitation by the captain, the anger and indig- nation of the crew members mount in intensity, and in the proc- ess their resentment crystallizes into a realization of the need for organized action. Once united, they formulate a plan to strike en masse until their demands for increased wages, an eight-hour day, and better medical treatment are met. The captain, eager to get the steamer to Yokohama in order to keep a rendezvous with his mistress on New Year's day, accedes to the ultimatum. It is a Pyrrhic victory for the crew members, however, for what awaits aS the dock is arrest by the Water Police for mutiny. aS ly for its inaking role in the ae gelopriea of proletarian literature, it de- serves special commendation. The historical significance of the vidual grievances and the advantages of nizing to present a common front for their demands. It is notable for introducing into Japanese literature consciously revolutionary characters, especially in the person of Fujiwara, one of the sev- eroes. Where the novel achievés its greatest success, how- ever, is in its gripping and earthy descriptions of exploited men at work, fighting both the gross ‘atrocities of their captain and the harsh, wintry elements. Hayama catches the rough-and-tumble language of the sailors with a keen ear for dialogue, and for the most part he effects.a style that well matches his subject matter. The short, choppy sentences exude a primitive sense of beauty entirely rota fe theme of the story. The thoroughly Tegiti- mate concern for a more humane order emerges most forcefully from these powerfully graphic accounts, The novel is also not without some technical sophistication as Hayama employs the crippled apprentice sailor as a kind of symbol to the others of their own fate, unless they join together and resist the inhuman treatment. I Nonetheless, the novel is by and large technically awkward, betraying everywhere the undisciplined hand of an inexperienced 171Iwamoto Jetarian literary theo: lize the latest trends in pro’ ry in Ms peers stories, and obsequiously accepted the criticisms directed at his works from the higher echelons of the a, If Kurahara was a pawn . , particularl Kurahar De Bint eat from ifs Soviet Union, Kobayashi was even ‘of Kurahara’s commands, J Saunt Seasons work is undoubtedly Kanikésen,* Seulei which eamed him not only national but a limited fiiternational tion through a partial English translation. The novelette a4 takes as its theme the capitalist invasion of the fishing industry as seen in the operation of a crab-canning ship which lies outside the scope of both the factory and navigation laws of the country, It is a powerful story in terse, raw language, about how the pro- letariat, represented by the working men on ship, is gruesomely maltreated by the capitalists, symbolized in the figure of the malevolent superintendent Asakawa. The plot, similar in bare outline to Hayama’s Umi ni ikuru hitobito, builds up to a climax at the end when the men finally rise in a strike. The strike, however, is quashed by the Navy, which has been summoned by Asakawa, revealing to the men that the Navy too is a tool of In Kanikésen, Kobayashi intended to expose not only the bru- tality of the capitalists but also their hand and influence in the government and its imperialistic designs. The superintendent's summons for loyalty and diligence from the workers, for instance, is made in the name of the national effort to bolster Japan's inter- national position. The mission of the ship is not si ip is not simply to catch crab, Asakawa roars, but also to broaden and strengthen the international prestige of the nation. He later contrives to fish secretly in Russian waters under the protection of ise Navy. But Kobayashi’ ie ap no tte Japanese Ee yashi’s attempt to unmask the tie between th capitalists and the government and i impli oe always successful or clear, for its larger implications is not mentary comments, ar for the exposition comes only in frag- The i i Beat bes ted ideas in believable inci- Kobayashi but by all ‘culty experienced not only by by all the proletarian writers—is perhaps no more obvious than in an improbable scene, ostensibly included to 5 In Nihon bungaku zensha, May to June, 1929, XXxxv1, 21-96, First serialized in Senki from 176Cute. Twamoto after. What is likely to remain with the reader are just the rowing scenes rather than the jejune political ideolo, work, The novelette employs a methodolog tention. ‘As one means of connoting the whole social : contemporary Japan under the capitalist regime, Kob deliberately refrained from telescoping his view on | individuals and opted for grou raiture. The app volves an avoidance of personal names, leading to th technique of referring to characters as “the ex-s scolder,” and so forth. The workers remain nameless, t capitalist superintendent is given a real name, A result is that Asakawa stands out in bold re “by Kobayashi. cable the manuscript of the novel, Kol a letter to Kurahara in which he outlined as one of hi description of a group of workers without the de character and psychology of any one individual.’ had reservations about the success of such tioned whether the proletarian writer must individual in order to describe the mass. | that the materialistic view of history never d individual in history or society; it denies the conce] geois superman, the individual opposing society. was not one of the individual ent group, but of the individual within the group. If Kanikésen h character and psychology of individuals as represe ious classes, Kurahara concluded, it would have better work.* on the author's own experience as a cell worker since in Tokyo from Hokkaid6 in March of 1930, after whi became an active member of the Writers’ League ; * Kurahara Korehito, 1 i ee Kobayashi Takiji to Miyamoto Yuriko + Ibid., pp. 48-49, #9 In Nihon bungaku zenshis, xxxvi, 133-208, The work was first publi posthumously in Chad kéron, April-May, 1933, ‘hh mala 178“7” novel, the form which proletarian writers had castigated only a few years earlier as “hourgeois.” The recourse to this form might be regarded as a symbol of the defeat of the proletarian literary movement which, by the time of the publication of 76 seikatsusha, was decidedly reaching its nadir, The Manchurian Incident of September, 1931, indicating a swing toward national. istic sentiment in the country, was followed by ever-increasing efforts by the government and police to wipe out left-wing activi- ties, The fear of arrest caused a panic among KOPF members, resulting in a drift away from the movement which spread widely by the fall of 1933. This external problem was compounded by internal dissension within the organization as certain elements began objecting to the extreme politicization of the literary movement. The Writers’ League, which had lost most of its lead- ing figures, finally decided to dissolve itself in March, 1934, bring- ing to a spiritless end the one single organization of Japan's revolutionary literature. On February 20, 1933, Kobayashi Takiji was bludgeoned to death at the Tsukiji Police Station. The death of this writer, whose hectic career, combining a dynamic political activism with a profession in creative writing, epitomized the ideal life for a proletarian author, presaged the collapse of the proletarian lit- rary movement. Thus, the heyday of the movement was marked by two deaths: the suicide of Akutagawa in 1927, signaling its rapid ascent, followed by Kobayashi’s murder in 1933 signifying its swift decline. Its best days lasted but some six years at most, and if in fact the rise of proletarian literature was a factor in Akutagawa's gnawing sense of doom he need not have worried with such disastrous consequence. Nonetheless, during this brief period the proletarian literary movement managed to gain predominance in the literary world, a feat possibly unmatched in the histories of proletarian literary movements in other capitalist countries, Despite its meager artis- tic accomplishments, it did succeed in leaving a number of lega- cies for the future of Japanese literature. Through their preoccu- pation with the idea of a class struggle and a class identity, proletarian authors brought to Japanese belles-lettres a social and political consciousness hitherto avoided by writers of the natural- ist lineage. The social dimension that naturalist writers in the 180