RED SHIRT MOVEMENT AND

DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN THAILAND

NUR ARDINI BINTI JAAFAR

AIE180014 / 17175901

THIS ACADEMIC PROJECT IS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATION AND STRATEGIC STUDIES

DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATION AND STRATEGIC STUDIES

FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA

KUALA LUMPUR

2020/2021

I
 DECLARATION
I, the undersigned, declare that this academic project is my original work and has not been
previously submitted to any other university for higher degree. To the best of my knowledge,
this academic project does not contain materials that have been written or published unless
the sources are informed.

CANDIDATE’S SIGNATURE : NUR ARDINI BT JAAFAR

NAME : NUR ARDINI BINTI JAAFAR

MATRIC NUMBER : AIE180014 @ 17175901/1

DATE :

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to express my highest gratitude to my advisor, Dr Khoo Ying Hooi for
her patience and continuous support throughout completing my undergraduate thesis. She has
been very helpful in guiding and providing valuable comments whenever I faced any
challenges in the completing the thesis. Her relentless support has provided such positive
motivation and encouragement for me to complete my thesis.

I would also wanted to express appreciation to all lecturers with special mention of Dr
Khoo Ying Hooi as the Head of the Department that has contribute their time in providing
assistance to all final year undergraduate student. Thank you for all the time and effort spend
sharing knowledge during years of my study at the university.

I also wanted to take this opportunity to convey sincere thank you to both of my
parents Jaafar Idris and Intan Mazlina bt Ahmad, for always been supportive, patience and
understanding of my situation in going through online learning and study. Thank you for the
continuous encouragement. You have given me the strength to pursue my degree of my
choosing and to complete my thesis.

III
ABSTRACT

Thailand political scene can be best described by its political turmoil, fickle national
constitution due to numerous events of military coup, as well as various protest and civil
movements. The Red Shirt movement is one of the many civil protest that has happened in
Thailand in which were viewed by many as the cause of chaos and instability to Thailand’s
politic. However, the study aims to understand how Red Shirt movement became one of the
most significant civil movement in Thailand democratization process, as an agency that
provided a mechanism of contestation and check and balance against the junta government.
In this context, the study will focus on the dynamics of Red Shirt movement since the 2010
bloody protest to Red Shirt participation in 2020 protest through series of political crisis and
conflicts.

The study argue that the emergence of Red Shirt movement as prominent civil movement is
not just because of the difference and friction between the rich and the poor but rather the
expand of political awareness among the Red Shirt members and supporters contributed from
socio-economic changes. Hence, online interviews and questionnaire was conducted with
Thailand Burapha University students as well as Thai citizen.

Analysis showed that the supporters of Red Shirts are not poor and that the fights of the Red
Shirt movement were not just merely materials but on contesting political legitimacy and the
principles of democracy with fair election. On this basis, Red Shirt movement should be
understood and viewed in a more positive light as a real civil movement that has influenced
Thailand’s democratization process and reform.

Keywords: Red Shirt movement, democratization, military-monarch relation, constitutional

reform, democratic reform.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Declaration

Acknowledgment

Abstract

Table of Contents

List of Figures

CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION

1.1 Research Background

1.2 Problem Statement

1.3 Research Questions

1.4 Research Objectives

1.5 Literature Review

1.6 Significant of Study

1.7 Research Methodology

1.8 Theoretical Framework

1.9 Scope of Study

1.10 Limitation of Study

1.11 Outline of Thesis

CHAPTER 2 : POLITICAL CONFLICTS AND THAILAND DEMOCRATIC

REFORM

2.1 Overview

2.2 Red Shirt versus military

2.2.1 Red Shirt clash with military violence

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 2.2.2 Analysis of the conflict: social movement from below
2.3 Red Shirts versus People Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC)
2.3.1 Red Shirts clash with PDRC
2.3.2 Analysis of conflict: struggle for legitimacy
2.4 Red Shirt youth-led, Redem movement

CHAPTER 3 : THE FACTORS OF RED SHIRTS EMERGENCE

3.1 Overview

3.2 Factors of Red Shirt emergence

3.2.1 Urbanization of rural and middle income urban
3.2.2 Issue of political legitimacy
3.2.3 Arbitrary suppression and military harassment

CHAPTER 4 : IMPACTS OF RED SHIRT MOVEMENT ON THAILAND

DEMOCRATIC REFORM

4.1 Overview

4.2 Impacts of Red Shirt movement on democratic reform

4.2.1 Electoral reform

4.2.2 Constitutional reform

CHAPTER 5 : CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary

5.2 Findings

5.3 Significance of findings

5.4 Conclusion

REFERENCES

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 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 : A statistic data (graph) to show rate of urbanization of Thais in the span of 10 years

Figure 2 : A twitter post (from distrup twitter account), a picture of banner that shows a
demand of the youth movement to reform constitution and abolished lese majeste law

Figure 3 : A twitter post (from free youth twitter account) demanded a restriction of power
over the King away from the military

Figure 4 : A twitter post (from free youth twitter account) shows the youth movement
embracing and celebrating Red Shirts, 11 years after 2010 protest.

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 : List of participants background for interview

Table 2 : Data collected from interview

Table 3 : Data collected from interview

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 CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION

1.1 Research Background

The first biggest protest in Thailand was in 2010 instigated by the red shirt movement.
The protest originates arguably to have a direct link to the time when Thaksin became the
prime minister. The first condition and problem to Thailand political institutions is the
political-monarchy network or the network of monarchy as proposed by Mc Cargo
(2005). Thailand military regime rules normalized the symbiotic relation between the
military and the monarch where the monarch used the political proxies to control the
politics while the military and elitist used the idea of nationalist monarchy to legitimise its
own rule. Therefore, Thaksin populist idea was said to be a threat to the long elite’s
establishment where their wealth is highly dependent on their power to rule.

The second background condition was the economic crisis and inequality that had
provided a factor to conflict where Thaksin had taken the opportunity to jump on the
trend of political decentralization adopted under the 1997 People Constitution. He gained
his mass supporters from his populist propositions because during the time leading to his
winning, the outskirts of Thailand, especially north and northeast, constituted 40.3% of
national poverty (Forsyth,2010). However, Thaksin's attempt to change Thailand in a
business-like approach had brought forth opposition from the traditional line of elitists
who believed that Thaksin's economic approach only secured the wealth for his families
and his cronies that had created economic inequality.  The events after his removal that
led to the 2010 protest carried the famous narrative known as the color-coded faction and
conflict of the society. The removal of Thaksin had instigated the emergence of a mass
mobilization of the red shirt movement under United Front for Democracy against
Dictatorship. The movement initially connected on loose relation between the rural
regions, and the middle-class group of people. They represent the poor, the rural and
urban from low to middle class groups of people, wearing red to distinguish themselves
from the yellow shirt movement as well as to express rebellious attitudes toward old long-
established political institutions.

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 The goals of the red shirt movement initially were to oppose the removal of Thaksin
and bring reform to the obsolete political centralization that had brought little benefit to
them (Chachavalpongpun,2013). They also demand to strengthen electoral institutions
bringing in more inclusive and responsive policy by the government. However, the 2010
protest brought about the significant and more defining characteristics of the red shirt
movement as a pro-democracy movement in Thailand democratic reform history. The red
shirt movement started to realign into a more strategic organization early 2010. It had
trained red shirt guards to provide security while protesting and distinct members to
provide aid to the protestors preparing for a big mass protest in 2010. They adopted a
more symbolic approach like spilling litres of blood in front of the Government House to
represent their sacrifice and colour identity during the 2010 protest.  The movement also
famously attributed to the armed ‘black shirt’ group that had amplified the tension and
violence during the 2010 protest. The clashes between armed black shirt groups and
soldiers had killed 80 people including foreign nationals. The protest led by the concept
of “Million Men Marched” represents thousands of people protesting and the incident of
‘massacre’ had made the 2010 protest one of the most significant social protests in
Thailand (Human Right Watch,2010).

The clash between pro-democracy movements against the royalists continued during
the 2014 military coup in Thailand that ousted then prime minister Yingluck Sinawatra.
The protest that led to the 2014 military coup started off after the Pheu Thai government
introduced an amnesty bill that will allow Thaksin to return to Thailand. Enraged by it,
people had taken it to the streets. They mobilized under a new committee called People
Democratic Reform (PDRC) at the end of 2013 (Campbell, 2013). The pattern of
mobilization brought forth by the PDRC was similar to the 2010 red shirt protest that
aimed to paralyzed the government through mass and disruptive rallies (Matichon Online,
2013). It includes road blockade, raids and occupying official buildings that led to clashes
between the protestors and the police.

The PDRC also faced a series of clashes with the red shirt groups and movement after
the constitutional court ruled Yingluck out of office on the basis of abuse of power and
corruption after a controversial transfer of senior officers in 2011. Following the clashes
between the two dichotomous groups, the PDRC movement and protest had met with
unknown source of attacks and assailants resulted in 27 casualties and 800 other injuries

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in event of bombing and shooting. The intense degree of violence had forced the military
to intervene. They launched a coup and established a junta called National Council for
Peace and Order (NCPO). The supposed ‘neutral’ role played by the military in the
protest was followed by another 6 months period of political unrest. After the removal of
Yingluck Shinawatra, the NCPO had ordered for three branches of government to act
under their directives, partially repealed the 1997 People Constitution but save the second
chapter for the King, imposed curfew and martial law, banned all political protest and
gatherings and imposed censorship on medias. NCPO then issued an interim constitution
granting them amnesty and power, elected General Prayut Chan O Cha as new prime
minister. Having exclusive relations with the monarch, the military junta was once again
able to secure its political legitimacy and hinder the success of the colour-coded
movement in democratic reform.

The political scenario has changed a lot since the 2014 coup. Military regime rule has
always been following precedence. Therefore, the current military government under
general Prayuth is not an exception. Normalized relation with the monarch to legitimize
its power (Khaliq,2019). He established a new party in 2018 drawing in politicians
offering them money and government positions. This was in preparation to engage in the
upcoming election. After Vajiralongkorn was crowned king in 2016, the King had taken
radical role and made changes to amend the constitution that allowed the King to have
full control over Crown Property Bureau (CPB) (Reed,2020). CPB is a body and
committee established to manage and control the fund and expenses under the crown.
However, after the government passed the amendment in 2017, the King had appointed
his own private secretary as the chairman of CPB removing the Finance Minister from the
seat.

King Vajiralongkorn's current net-worth is 40 billion, consolidating the wealth

making him the richest monarch of all. In the same year, prime minister Prayuth had
amended the law to allow the King to reign from outside of Thailand (Press
Association,2020). The network between the military backed government and the
monarch once again managed to consolidate the institutional power. The 2020 protest was
initially triggered after the dissolution of opposition party Future Forward Party
(Vejpongsa&Peck,2020) in early 2020 in which was regarded as the only representation
critical of the Prayuth government. Protests were initially mobilized inside campuses by

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the students in early 2020 but were halted due to Covid-19. Subsequent protests are led by
the red shirt Redem in July presenting three key demands which are the dissolution of
parliament, new and reform constitution and an end to people intimidation. Following
this, the protest grew larger in membership and forces when the red shirt marches and
movement joined, making larger demands that spilled into the issue of monarchy. The
August protest has explicitly broken the long taboo of criticizing the monarch by
demanding monarchy reform. This has also been partly instigated by the economic
shrinking of Thailand due to Covid-19 and King Vajiralongkorn lavished spending in
Germany. The 2020 protests led by youth are decentralized and non-violence without any
overall leader while adopting many symbolic rallies and protests. It is supported by mass
rallies by the red shirt movement again criticizing the centralized political power
(Phasuk,2020) 2020 protest once again opposed the status quo of established military-
monarchy backed government in Thailand’s politic.

The purpose of this paper is to study the dynamics of the modern pro-democracy
movement in Thailand which had faced certain stereotypes within Thailand as chaotic and
disruptive to Thailand’s peace and stability. I would also like to understand the political
factors that had given rise to the Red Shirt movement that has also made a prominent pro-
democracy movement in Thailand history despite it being mobilized by the majority of
rural society. In addition to that, I also would like to understand the extent of impact of
this majority rural electorate mobilization to Thailand political scenes. I think it is as
important to see this social movement as a real civil movement that has influenced
Thailand democratic reform and giving it a positive perspective by breaking it away from
local stereotypes.

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1.2 Problem Statement

Thailand political succession since the 1932 coup was vexing since it had no clear
pattern as to the myriad of governmental changes. 60 years later, the political
succession happened through the constitutionally process of election but more often,
Thailand political transfer of power came through non-authoritative military coup
(Neher,1992). The following military influence in Thailand politics has been a
precedent from Phibun's first military government after the 1932 coup. However, this
pattern of non-authoritative military coup in political succession is actually clearer
after the emergence of the red shirt movement. The reason being is that the rise of red
shirts against the yellow shirt highlight the divided, binary polarized group in
Thailand social system between the royalist and the rural majority. Events that led to
the 2010 protest and other subsequent protests after that showed how military
supposed ‘neutral’ roles are actually biased in favour of the royalist or the yellow shirt
movement. The monarchized military government has proof in times through
previous research, degrees the progress of democratic reform in Thailand. However,
this study aims to analyse the problem of the military-monarch political network in
Thailand government through a series of political engagements by the red shirt
movement as an exclusive concept especially after the radical change brought by the
new king.

Thailand has also witnessed a highly divided and polarized society after the
emergence of color-coded movement (Satitniramai,2017). This division was highly
linked to the removal of former prime minister Thaksin from office and his other
‘nominee’ governments which contravene to the royalist government. During the time
of Thaksin’s premiership, the political and socio-economic condition of Thailand has
changed drastically especially for the rural majority that constitute as members of the
Red Shirt movement. The study will also try to analyse the factors of emergence of
the Red Shirt movement into the political scene right after the removal of Thaksin
Shinawatra and the popular elected government through an unconstitutional military
coup . The study would also like to argue that it is not the clashes between the ‘haves’
and ‘have-nots’ but rather the contestation of real representation in Thailand political
institutions by Thais majority through the Red Shirts movement.

5
 Therefore, the study will come up with analysis and explanations to explore the
impacts of the Red Shirt movement on the problem of electoral representation and
democratic reform in Thailand.

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1.3 Research Questions

1. How does democratic reform in Thailand take place between 2010 to 2020?

2. What are the conditions that cause the emergence of Red Shirt movement?
3. What are the impacts of Red Shirt movement in Thailand democratic reform

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1.4 Research Objectives

1. To explore Thailand democratisation reform through political conflicts from 2010 to

2020.

2. To investigate the root cause of emergence of Red Shirt movement.

3. To analyse the impacts of Red Shirt movement in Thailand democratic reform

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1.5 Literature Review

The literature review will be categorized into three themes to provide an

overview of the research. The thematic categories are constitutional reform, military
power relation and social activism.  

First set of categories is constitutional reform. Thailand political and social

movement since before 1997 have always been about constitutional reform. Balkin
(2001) define constitution as the basic law that set framework to the governance,
higher law that communicate national values and ‘our law’ that connect the
government and the common. Balkin analysis of constitutional reform focus on the
landscape of social movement and how it had helped shape constitutional norms.
Most previous study connect the focus of social mobilization to constitutional reform
as to understand the role of social mobilization, the system and condition that allow
these movement to influence or become a force for social and political change
(Pedriana,1960). Past analysis Professor Sanford (1988) proves that judiciary is
actually a mere actor in in multiplayer that have influence in constitutional
construction. He proposed the concept of ‘constitutional protestantism’ that no one
actually has a real monopoly on governmental constitutions to give justification to
role play of social movement as part of an actor in constitutional norm. Balkin further
argued that when social movements succeed in delegitimizing certain governmental
forms or practises, more often it also succeeds in convincing the court to further
confirm their ‘winning’ in constitutional interpretation. However, most research that
focus on legal aspect of constitutional reform through social movement only focus on
the assumption that there are multiplayer in constitutional reform and none have real
power over it. McCargo (2001) on the other hand, propose the growing influence of
monarchy and military proxies in the constitutional change but McCargo analysis of
role of monarchy has been based on ‘neutral’ nature of the palace while the change
after the death of king Bhumibol has actually alter political landscape. Although the
past research proves a valid link between social movement in constitutional reform to
social and political change, many have focused on the issue of limitation of
participation in government while excluding the influence of monarchy and military
figures that in reality undermine further democratic progress. None of the literature
touched on the lese majeste clause that reserves a certain degree of power to the

9
monarchy within the constitution that has violated civil rights. There was also an
absence of relation between the monarch's influence and power consolidation to social
movements in Thailand when it has become one of the significant challenges to
constitutional reform in Thailand.

The second thematic category is Thailand military power relation. Thailand's

political network between the monarchy and the army has been in the political
institution since 1952 (Handley,2006). While the monopolization of political power
within the line of elitists have always been among the monarchy, privy council,
bureaucratic, and the army since 1970 (McCargo,2005). It is in this concept of power
dynamic embedded within Thailand political institutions that derived the inequality
and social division (Unaldi,2014). Initially, Thailand political institution according to
Fred Rigs (1966) is a bureaucratic polity that only involves the consolidation between
bureaucrats and the military officers dominated the government institution. However,
narrowing the framework to only two actors might possibly disregard the long-
standing relation of monarchy that failed to predict the emergence of mass
mobilization (Hewison,1997). Therefore, McCargo (2005) introduced the monarchy
network as a concept to explain the extra actor acting on political decisions
supplemented the traditional power dynamic proposed by Rigs. Few characteristics of
the monarchy network are the king is the ultimate arbitrator and adjudicator in
political decisions, monarchy also considered to be the vital source of national
legitimacy and they are the one who lays down national agenda through its proxies
and military figures. The monarchy is a symbol of national identity, unity and
harmony that is supposed to ensure national stability (Chai-anan, 1990). The
monarchy enjoys a certain degree of influence in political institutions but has never
been able to assert dominance as according to McCargo (2005) that the influence of
monarchy in political decision is illiberal and flexible depending on the concept of
‘good man’ which often is the military figure. The concept of ‘good man’ has allowed
kings to consolidate its power through power sharing with the people in his favour
(Olson,2000).  Hewison (2008) further argues that despite the claim that the king
ought to act ‘neutral’, they can establish government by avoiding any election to
maintain its status quo and the military junta in turn launched a coup to preserve this
long standing royal succession. Therefore, the presence of a monarch-military
network that involves military intervention such as the 2010 and 2014 event give a

10
sound opportunity to question and explain and persist authoritarianism and inequality.
However, Writers like Hewison have only contributed to explain the role of monarchs
exclusive to other political proxies. Meanwhile, the McCargo monarchy network is
based on the pattern of late king Bhumibol influence. The gap of previous research is
that the majority of it only focuses on the traditional power relation between the king
and the military based on the late king Bhumibol premiership. Thai social
composition has increasingly become complex and while many previous literature
framed monarchy's role as neutral, the radical shift made by the new king
Vajiralongkorn seems to prove otherwise. There was limited research on this new
nexus of relation between the new King and the junta government. Therefore, it had
failed to predict the emergence of the first mass movement in Thailand that had
challenged this traditional power relation.

The last theme is Thailand social activism. There has been a long accepted
view that the presence of social movement and activism has opened up space for
democratic values and process. Thailand specifically is most well known to have
numerous forms and mobilisation of social movement against the state. In recent Thai
political history, there are few numbers of social movements emerging in the light of
democracy campaigning like the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship,
the UDD or so famously known as the Red Shirts. Like many Southeast Asia states,
literature on social activism in Thailand is mostly associated with the relationship
between civil society and the state with emphasis on the role of civil society as the
promoter of democracy (Jemadu et al, 2004). There are various definitions to civil
society, one being known as the complex ensemble of legally protected non-
governmental organizations which are often characterized to be non-violent and self-
organizing (Keane,1998). However, there are some writings and literature of authors
who argue that the presence of these civil societies and its mobilization is not
necessarily sufficient in guaranteeing a social democratic shift (Aspinall,2004). In
Thailand specifically, Kitirianglarp and Hewison (2009) argued that the mobilization
of social movement is highly dependent on shifting alliances, hence having the
possibility of the leaders of social movement to support non-democratic means and
compromising their goals. Nevertheless, major literature of social activism and
movement and Thailand agree that most of it can be best described as a society
marked for openness, fairness, transparency, rights and participation (Pasuk &

11
Baker,1997). Authors like Somchai (2006), Kenji and Hewison (2009) and many
others have argued that the development of social activism in Thailand has been
immense due to the challenge of socio-economic malaise contributed by long
conditions of unequal, unbalanced, unsustainable and unfair national economic
development. Kasian (2004) highlighted that the social activism in Thailand has been
inherently opposing the excessive and highly centralized state and uncontrolled urban-
based economic growth. Thus, as Pasuk and Baker (1997) argued, these social
movements emerged to advocate a better and fairer access of society to government
with more restriction on the abuse of power as well as clearer definition to human
rights. Many of the previous literature either highlighted political aspects to social
movement or the condition of unequal socio-economic development. There was
limited research on the condition of urbanization of Thai society especially during the
Thaksin era in which Thailand showed a stable increase of economic growth. None of
the literature touched or considered modernization as a factor to Thai mass
movement, especially the Red Shirts movement where political consciousness
expanded that had given rise to rural majority that understand democracy and their
role in politics.

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1.6 Significance of Study

In understanding red shirt movement as one of the prominent civil movements, Hank
Johnson (1995) suggests it gives another insight to the key roles and the significance of social
movement in shaping modern states along with the expansion of liberal democracy especially
in ASEAN political environment. It also provides an explanation to Thailand largest divided
polarized social structure that give constant political friction. This study will also provide
new perspective and findings to Thailand political conflicts especially after the changes made
by the new King Vajiralongkorn and in turn highlight the real problem of military-monarch
political network that has been affecting the social system. Analysing the impacts of red shirt
movement from 2010 until 2020 as a pro-democracy effort will also provide insight to
emergence of youth-led social movement that has been regarded as unprecedented due to its
new claim and demand. All in all, it will be a furnish to understand the overall dynamic of
modern social movement in Thailand.

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1.7 Research Methodology

The study had used the method of qualitative research. First is through semi-structured
interview with a method of phenomenology where the set of questions were broad and open
ended. Participants consist of two local university students and one Thai citizen who had
experiences and direct engagement with Red Shirt movements. The interview allowed
participants flexibility to answer based on their opinions and experiences. None of the
participants agreed to be recorded, hence transcript was compared to analyse and identified
themes relevant for the research. The research will also analyse sample of case study.

Table 1 : List of participants

Supplementing the primary data resource is the analysis secondary data recourse
which will then be further complimented with primary data. The secondary data resources
primarily will be collected and gathered from various publishing agencies and online
articulation as well as past research to cover and bridge the gaps of information within the
research. By analysing and utilizing secondary data resource better to suit the current
condition and nature where the study is conducted, it is believed to give a useful insight and
better understanding about the topic of research.

In assuring that the data are reliable to the research, it will all be assessed through the
triangulation of data method that will reconfirm the validation of the resources.

14
1.8 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework used for the research is Marxism- a theory that merge
social and economic condition as parameter to understand historical development of class
relation and conflicts within society as well as a materialist perspective to social change
and transformation. This theory suggest that social conflict and class struggle can be
borne out of economic and material condition assumed in the form of organization that
influence other social institutions such as political institution. The main theme of the
theory is the class conflict between one who controlled the resources or the bourgeoise
and the working class known as proletariat. Marxism highlighted the issue of exploitation
and control, a socio-economic characteristic that had been used to distinguished different
social class. Essentially, Marxism concerned on the political and social arrangement of
collective ways on the basis of material as underlying factor to social development.

In the case of Red Shirt movements, the condition of urbanization and modernization
have helped to instigate a collective action of majority rural Thai against the ruling class.
They mobilize the symbolic identity of working class to gains its movement legitimacy.
Marx theory of urbanization predict the mobilization of collective movement in which
economic betterment has positive relation to political behaviour and trajectories among
Thai people. This form of organization eventually influences other institution especially
political institution where the Red Shirts had raised the crisis of ruling legitimacy and
their authority against violence and suppression.

The theory can also be used in understanding the emergence of the youth movement
in the events of political and economic power consolidation by the new king and the junta
government. This was coupled with dire socio-economic condition during the pandemic
that force a new wave of clash within social class. Theory of Marxism perfectly applies to
the Red Shirts movement and its dynamic throughout 10 years period of political
conflicts.

15
1.9 Scope of Study

The research will narrow the scope to the timeframe of 2010 until 2020 in Thailand
political turmoil. Within 10 years period, Thailand has had three protest with two successful
change of government. The first biggest and significant social protest in Thailand since 1932
coup was the 2010 protest led by the red shirt movement against yellow shirt movement and
the network of elitist in the government. The red shirt protest in 2010 has been the key actor
in other subsequent protest that comes afterwards. The time frame of 2010 until 2020 of
Thailand political alternate change of government comes with political unrest. It also shows
clearly the decisive and bias role play by the military following each transition of
government. The 2020 protest also provide a new perspective to Thailand’s military-monarch
relation in government after the new king takes a more radical approached to consolidate its
power.

Furthermore, the study will focus on the lens of inequality and extra-legal use of power
and force in the military-monarch backed government to analyse the dynamics of red shirt
movement. This is to help provide a comprehensive explanation to Thailand’s constant
political conflict as well as the significant role play by the red shirts to a new rise of youth
opposition against the government.

16
1.10 Limitation of Study

The limitation of study will be the difficulty in getting respondents for a thorough
interview session as many would be afraid of doing interview due to martial law and lese
majeste law imposed. They have the risk of getting caught and detained by the authorities for
giving the interview especially prominent Red Shirt leaders and activist. However, the
researcher was able to get participants from a Redem telegram group and semi-structured
interview was able to be done. Another limitation is on the secondary resource collection to
analyse the 2020 protest as the protest is a recent event. Most of information available would
be from the news which can be vague and unreliable.

Other than that, one of the limitations to the study is the Covid-19 situation that limits
mobility to access primary data and information as well as the restriction to a direct consult
with respective supervisor on the matter. The limitation, although insubstantial to the research
conduct would only make the research and study to be more reliable and more dependent on
secondary data supported by limited access to primary data to compliment. Therefore, the
research might need to diversify and improvise data collection by fully utilizing online
platform in doing interviews.

17
1.11 Outline of Thesis

The thesis will be divided into 5 chapters;

The first chapter of thesis is the insight of understanding the context of discussion
through introduction of this research. It will first be started through briefing regarding the
issue that attracts and contribute to the build-up of the topic which is the contextual
background of monarchized military government and dynamic of Red Shirts movement. Then
the first chapter will further introduce the problem statement, research question and research
objectives as the base for the research. After that, there is a section of literature review that is
used to sum up personal review and analyzation regarding past studies that had covered some
or all part of the studies that was organized through their themes. Addition to that, there is
also scope of the case study as well as limitations faced in continuing the research. The
outline of the thesis marked as the end of this chapter.

In the second chapter, the outline will flow from a brief introduction of history and
background to Thailand long continuation of military-monarch backed government. It will be
based on analysis of Thailand political conflicts engage by the Red Shirts against the military
and also the anti-democratic movement. This attempt to understand the pattern of Thailand
democratic movement. The changes after King Vajiralongkorn would also be analyse to see
the extend and degree of change in Thailand’s political power consolidation. The chapter will
also explain the current youth-led movement against the military junta government and its
fight against monarchy influence over government politics.

In the third chapter, the research will further examine the Red Shirt movement within
the framework of Thailand democratization. Along the analysis is elaborative explanation to
factors to emergence of the Red Shirt movement as precedence to other following social
movement. This attempt to create a better framework to understand the dynamic and nature
of Thailand divided society that had created the Red Shirt movement. It will also further try
to analyse how the betterment in the socio-economic condition has shape Red Shirts as one of
prominent civil movement with mass membership of rural and urban middle class majority.
Adding to that is to examine how these changes actually contributed to change in the political
representation and constitution.

18
 The fourth chapter will further elucidate the progress and transformation of Thailand
constitution and government through lens of social movement. In the emerging of new social
movement and new ideological reform in Thailand, a comprehensive analysis of
constitutional reform that touch the sensitive subject of the monarch in Thailand after the
bloody event of 2010 might help to predict future action and reaction of both the government
and the protest. It will also prove the growing influence of the king through its military
representative in the government on Thailand constitutional change.

In the last chapter, which is the conclusion, the research will be put in a nutshell of the
findings and analyzation that has been made in earlier chapters through concluding statement.
Based on the research made, the research is to emphasize on effect of military-monarch
backed government to Red Shirts dynamics in Thailand progress of constitutional reform.

19
 CHAPTER 2 : POLITICAL CRISIS AND THAILAND DEMOCRATIC
REFORM

2.1 Overview

Many parts of the worlds pledge to established a form of good governance and
democracy where the people enjoy fair practice of rule of law to develop sustainably (United
Nation,2017). However, there are developing states that managed to override the very
principle of democracy utilizing the military forces and gaining the significant influence and
power in the political realm (Kohn,1997).Thailand political system describe by Craig
Reynolds (2014) as one complicated case to understand especially after the emergence of
royalist and monarch activist. In spite of all democratic institution established such as the
electoral system and election along with active political parties contesting, Thailand’s
political landscape can be referred as numerous military interventions, constitution at
disposal, harassment of the security forces over democratic movement and relentless street
protest. Thailand semi-democratic system with restriction and limitation on governmental
machineries from the public is highly to preserve the elites that has been long dominating.
The complexity of Thailand politics is on having seven prime ministers in 11 years with 6
draft constitution and hundreds of injured protestors. In general, Thailand politic is highly
dominated among the monarchy, military, high capitalist class, bureaucracy and the judicial
body.

Thailand political conflict for the last years has marked the pattern between two
forces of pro-democracy against the anti-democracy. The conflict is due to happen because of
extensive democratisation in politics as well as awareness of the status quo that accelerated
from the time of premier of Thaksin as prime minister. This coupled with the financial crisis
and a rural remedial policing under Thaksin government has advanced people understanding
of their rights. He changes the course of traditional political relations making majority rural
people conscious of the new political rule. The democratisation wave mainly instigated by the
change of socio-economic condition that shift the status of lower middle class in rural areas
into a middle class rural and at the same time broadened the volume of middle-class urban.
Thus, the rural majority are no longer lower middle class, they are educated and has
awareness of political importance. Apart from the socio-economic shift, people of majority

20
attempt to realise the 1997 constitution that ensure electoral system as the legitimate means to
govern.

However, the old establishment are unhappy with the new wave of democratization.
These lines of establishment consist of the upper-class urban minority that have long enjoyed
the privileged of wealth and power through proxies. Other party to this establishment is the
monarchy that felt their undisputed influence and authority being threatened. This has led to
the implicit movement of de-democratization through military and judiciary intervention with
government politics.

The old power relations through judiciary and military intervention and use of force
has hinder further democratization when the unconventional military coup allowed
construction of new and less democratic constitution to prolonged their political influence.
Coup in 2006 that led to largest 2010 protest and 2014 coup were merely royalist backed
coup (Chairat,2009) endorsed by the monarchy to retain and restore their influence. The
authority and hegemony of the monarchy are challenged by the new nature of the elected
government and popular prime minister as well as people’s subordination and loyalty to the
monarchical system (Thongthong,2005). Ultimately, the driven factors to monarchy
intervention through military proxy in the government due to its stability being threatened by
the popular prime minister (Kasian,2011). Thus, when the condition of deteriorating health
and old age of the king shows that a succession is inevitable to happen, the monarchy started
to feel insecure. Therefore, they engineered coups using judiciary and military as proxies to
topple down the famous prime minister (Dressel,2010) against Thaksin and imminently the
process of democratisation. This chapter will further elaborate on Thailand democratization
through political crisis from 2010 to 2020.

21
2.2 Red Shirt versus military

The recent political crisis in 2010 was heightened in the beginning of 2006. This was
due to happen in the light of increasing accusation and criticism against Thaksin’s and his
Thai Rak Thai Party on corruption and cronyism within the ruling party. The Thai Rak Thai
Party influence for votes in Thai House grew bigger and it raised the question of single party-
dominance by the opposition (Carr,2006). This had instigated an opposition rally against
Thaksin and his government.

Due to the frustration of inability to remove Thaksin through legal and parliamentary
means, many citizens launched a demonstration against the government in February 2006.
Therefore, Thaksin had dissolved the government and in his confidence over his supporters,
Thaksin called for another election in April. However, this election was seen as unfair by
many oppositions political parties and many coalition allies of the opposition withdrew. Since
an election without opposition was considered unconstitutional, the election was never held.
In September, tanks rolled into Bangkok and the military had launched a coup and seized the
government, appointing a new cabinet. Thaksin’s political party was dissolved by the
constitutional court with advice of the king and the military leader. A new constitution was
formulated later in 2007 with junta intervention and was further ratified in December.

Following the 2007 constitution, there were two events where elected governments
were dissolved by the constitutional court giving rise to an unelected government under
prime minister Abhisit. Over the years, the rural majority had formed a movement of their
own under the United Front of Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) to protest against
military coups and the undemocratic activities of the yellow shirt. Gradually they were
known as the Red Shirt comprises a large number of rural majority and urban middle-income
class who have experienced deprivation after the removal of Thaksin. The formation and Red
Shirt mobilization is the product of deprived setting and underlying relationships and
structure of the old establishment.

2.2.1 Red Shirts clash with military violence

In light of the 2010 protest of the Red Shirt around central Bangkok, the government
declared a state of emergency in Bangkok. It is during this time of emergency where the
government established the Centre for Resolution of Emergency Situation (CRES) and
started to impose censorship over media and publication, ban movement and gatherings and

22
enforce detention without charges. The CRES closed down the People's Channel that was
used as a platform to disseminate information about the government (Prajak
Kongkirati,2014). It was also the main channel for the Red Shirts supporters from other
provinces to be connected with the main protest in Bangkok. The channel was the only
medium used by The Red Shirt leaders to mobilize the movement. The CRES also deployed
armies to dissolve the Red Shirt protests permitting the use of high-pressure water cannon,
tear gas, batons and rubber bullets. The CRES allowed and permitted the use of force by the
soldiers in dispersing the Red Shirt supporters caused a serious violation of human right and
clash between the military and Red Shirts

Respondents emphasize on the keyword “violent” when describing the clash between
the Red Shirts and the military deployment to stop the march and protest. Almost all
respondents describe the violent condition in reference to the military with similar keywords
used like ‘shooting’, ‘detain’ and ‘abuse’ as The April to May 2010 bloody protest witnessed
political violence by the military at its height. The clash between the Red Shirt protests and
the military resulted in the killing of 94 people and injuring thousands more. The number of
deaths exceeded the number of deaths ever recorded in Thai modern political history. The
bloody battle between armed military personnel and armed black shirt militant among Red
Shirt protests was inevitable due to military forceful evacuation to stop the movement protest.
It has created a defence opposition of the Red Shirt against the military and the government.
As i quoted from one of the respondent who was a participant in the 2010 protest, when
explaining this clash:

“the Red Shirts resort to violence due to army’s force suppressing the movement” (Somchai
Nitikanjanatan,personal communication, May 28, 2021)

The 2007 to 2010 political crisis in Thailand indeed saw a dire condition of
suppression over democratic movement and civil rights. The suspension of few articles
allows the treatment of abuse and torture of detainees that especially has relation with Red
Shirt movement by the police and military. The detainees were kept in poor condition forced
them to pay for a sleeping space. The detainees were also dependent on outside money to
gained access to reasonable food. They were said to be shackled in leg iron and the detained
were allowed to be beaten by other convicts (Human Right Watch,2006). Emergency
legislation introduced following the protest after the coup allowed detainment of suspect
classified as security cases up to thirty days without charges (International Crisis

23
Group,2006). This emergency legislation was used hastily to address Red Shirt protest in
2009 and in 2010. Abhisit government also deployed 2007 draconian Internal Security Act
(ISA) which saw the arrest of hundreds of Red Shirt protestors right after the 2010 protest.
Some report present evidence that the detained were abused during custody (Human Right
Watch,2011). The heavy-handed repression by the government from 2009 to 2010 protest
saw 92 people killed and many more injured at the hands of military security forces
(Amnesty International,2010).

The victims of such political violence were mainly civilians and Red Shirt protests
and leaders. The military's new mode of violence includes heavy weapons, snipers, and
shootings. The military-backed Abhisit government was never called for trial after
committing a mass murders in the 2010 crackdown. The absence of political leaders, and the
parliament in the 2007 to 2010 conflict saw the inability of the political government in
handling political crises without any military intervention which led to severe violation of
human rights. The suppression and violence of the military permit by the government
institution has undermined the process of democratization in Thailand oppressing the demand
of the majority electorate of electoral democracy.

2.2.2 Analysis of the political crisis: a social movement from below

Conditions of violence and suppression post Thaksin’s removal have created a sense
of democratic reform as local rationalities by the majority rural community that eventually
emerge as a movement from below. This has been the result of embedded unequal power
relations between the upper ruling class that includes the military against the majority of
people’s needs. The removal of Thaksin has made the Red Shirt to gradually articulate this
rationality to defend their previously accommodated needs during the time of Thaksin.
Hence, in the 2010 Red Shirts movement, the articulation of democratic reform as their
rationality has taken a shape of defence opposing the above attempt of ‘restructuring’ order to
yield their power base as the most dominant social group. The movement has moved away
from hidden mobilizations prior to the 2010 protest becoming the biggest resistance against
the unelected Abhisit government. When the rural majority society sees the biased treatment
of the police and military, the movement started to engage in a radical confrontation in an
offensive form to carve a bigger space for political opportunity and voices. The Red Shirt

24
first big show was in the 2010 protest, it was born out of a repressive environment in which
many democratic efforts prior to the 2010 bloody protest were rather concealed.

The interview showed similar keywords used by all three respondents in describing
the 2010 Red Shirt protest. It is then being categorized into the theme which is democracy.
All three respondents' answers showed a clear articulation of democracy relating to words
like elected and non-elected, unconstitutional removal and undemocratic in reference to the
power struggle that had instigated the 2010 protest in the first place. Respondents also
reiterated keywords “freedom of movement” to show the condition of repression throughout
the protest where prohibition to assemble and rally were imposed along with the imposition
of emergency decree. There are clear articulation of democratic characteristics mentioned by
respondent when describing Red Shirt during 2010 for example as I quote :

“The Red Shirt campaign is to fight for democracy against the injustice removal of elected
government”
(Natha Dannonthaddharm, personal communication,May 28, 2021)

The Red Shirt first mass protest was in 2009 during ASEAN summit in Pattaya which
later was violently dissolved by the military (Chairat,2009). The Red Shirt again mobilized in
a more organized 2010 protest amidst constitutional pass of martial law. The government
suspended specific obligation treaties in 2010 (Kasian,2011) such as article 12 of freedom of
movement, article 199 of freedom of expression and also article 21 for peaceful assembly
while leaving the article of 9, for arbitrary arrest and detention untouched. The coming 2010
protest saw the Red Shirt organized mobilization with its own guard to be ready against any
aggression by the military and to protect the safety of the Red Shirts. The structure of Red
Shirt mobilization was the most explicit in 2010 compared to previous mobilization due to
extension of fragmented ideas and knowledge of participants. This has enabled the 2010
movement to be significant as the Red Shirts channeled their targets and demands from a
local oppositional collective action bounded by specific scopes towards a mutually
recognized wider and radical spectrum for change.

The Red Shirt 2010 protest was famously known as the “million-man march” where
the protest organizers put the number of people supporting at 250,000 (Human Right
Watch,2010). The marches came from every rural district and the Red Shirt demanded
dissolution of the parliament and a new fair election. They engaged in many symbolic

25
protests and one of them was the act of pouring litres of blood at the Government Housed
drawn by the Red Shirt supporters. Many series of negotiations between Red Shirt leader and
the prime minister Abhisit were taken in effort to reach a middle point with the Red Shirt but
the discourse of new election was never part of Abhisit’s plan. Following this, The Red Shirt
protesters gathered in front of the parliament, singing and dancing before the protest turned
violence due to police use of tear gas on protestors ordered by the Deputy Prime Minister,
Thaugsuban. The protest ended with the dissolution of prime minister Abhisit government
and a new election in 2011. The Red Shirt movement continued to play a significant role in
promoting a democratic, fair environment that had changed the culture and direction of
political parties in the 2011 general election. It can be seen that the Red Shirt dynamic post
2010 protest was able to bridge more local struggles in the collective identity construction,
widening the aspect of activism. The success of gathering mass support through Red Shirts
activism during the 2011 election witnessed the winning of Pheu Thai Party.

The deployment of specific strategies and knowledge as shown in the 2010 protest
within an open confrontation is what Williams (1989) refers to as the ‘militant particularism’.
It was during this period of reform that the Red Shirts had actively articulated their
rationalities of fight as democratic reform. It was also during this period of crisis that the Red
Shirts made a clear form of separation between ‘us’ as the rural majority against ‘them’ as the
royalist ruling elites. Hence, many protests conducted throughout 2010 by the Red Shirts
were symbolic to their struggle as the working class enabled the Red Shirts to bridge various
social struggles, tensions and conflict within one mutual fight. When democratic rationales
got highly articulated during the 2010 protest, it had forced a direct defiance and
confrontation from the ruling class. Hence, the government under prime minister Abhisit
deployed the use of military and police forces to stop the emerging protest. It was during this
period of democratic reform that the Red Shirts realized that the military were not on their
sides. This had caused a clash and a crackdown between the military and the Red Shirts in the
2010 protest. It marked the beginning of political awakening and realization of the Red
Shirts.

26
2.3 Red Shirts versus PDRC

2.3.1 Red Shirt versus the PDRC

The emergence of People Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) resembling the

yellow shirt started to storm Bangkok in heavy disruptive protest and vandalism
(Campbell,2013) against the elected Pheu Thai political party, renamed Thaksin’s political
party in the 2011 election. The intense and provocative opposition of the PDRC forces Red
Shirts supporters to come out to the streets. This had resulted in the clashes and arm attacks
between the PDRC and the Red Shirts caused sufficient justification for another military
intervention in 2014. PDRC protest in 2013 to 2014 was not a new event and it had been
assumed the same contestation against ‘Thaksin regime’ even after Thaksin’s removal by the
military coup in 2006. The anti-Thaksin protest came into the scene especially after the
government of Yingluck Shinawatra attempted to push for a controversial bill that would
allow amnesty and pardon on previous prime minister Thaksin.

The protest was led by former yellow shirt leaders and along with a few Democrat
party power brokers. PDRC had been carrying its demand to suspend the constitution of
2007, replace elected Representatives House with ‘appointed’ members of people’s council
and remove the government of ‘Thaksin regime’ overall. Those appointed members were
individuals who believed to be in the same ideology with the PDRC. The characteristic of
undemocratic PDRC protest became visible after Yingluck’s response to the protest by
calling for a new election in 2014. Ideally, calling for another election to determine which
political house or party is best to lead and assume the government office would be the most
democratic way in returning the powernand collective mandate to the people. It was only
constitutionally valid to choose another government through election among political parties.
However, PDRC refused to have the election knowing that they have little majority support
especially to their parent institution Democrat PArty. Hence, PDRC along with the Democrat
Party had attempted to block and invalidate elections that paved the way to national political
crisis once more.

PDRC engaged in protest and actions to boycott the election by sabotaging all
election centres, ballots, polling centres, and blocked registration places for candidates.
Throughout the preparation period, the election was actually made impossible by PDRC
protest. After three months of watching PDRC undemocratic movement, a clash happened

27
between the pro-government ‘red shirts’ and PDRC in a daylight gun battle when the PDRC
tried to block district offices for ballots. This had also resulted from the incidents when many
voters were assaulted and harassed by PDRC protests simply for coming to vote. At this
point, the PDRC had made their protest clear as ‘anti election’ and ‘reform before election’
and they engaged in what they called the ‘Shutdown Bangkok’ plan of action by blocking
many government offices, buildings and airports. Yingluck’s initial proposal to disperse the
protest was blocked by the civil court and the political crisis continued until the military
intervened in yet another coup in 2014.

2.3.2 Analysis of the political conflict: struggle for legitimacy

The PDRC was part of the continuous struggle to remove Thaksin’s regime from
government polity. Throughout the 2013 to 2014 clash and crisis between the red shirts as
pro-government and PDRC as anti-government, the society structure has witnessed a duality,
competing notions and narrative of legitimacy. The Red Shirt was in motion of pro-
government, pro-democracy against undemocratic attempts of removing elected government
and paralyzing electoral institutions by the PDRC. The Red Shirts brought the ideology of
equal citizenry, rights to votes, pluralistic and democratic order of government and society.
PDRC on the other hand adjoined with the conservative and traditionalist notion of
legitimacy that comprised the framework of ideology that includes nation, monarchy and
religion. This old ideology sees Thai people as obedient subjects of conformism and are
expected to uphold the old ideology. Hence, there was pressure to keep the status quo and
remove any threat to the old institution. The PDRC also were seen as pro-nationalism and
hyper-royalism in staging their demands and their opinion’s expression. Thailand's political
crisis in 2013 to 2014 can be seen in a dichotomized movement amplifying the narrative of
pro-democracy and anti-democracy between the Red Shirts and People Democratic Reform
Committee (PDRC).

CODES KEYWORDS

1) Stereotypes and prejudice 1) Red Shirts are stupid

Red Shirts are gullible voters
Red Shirts are buffalos
2) Political and societal division 2) Us and them

28
 Pro-democracy and anti-democracy

Table 2: Data collected from interview

The PDRC in manifesting their political ideology belief that citizens are not equal
adding on to their hatred against Thaksin populist ideology, had created a clearer separation
between the old and the new within the society. All respondents agreed on the same similar
keywords when they were told to express their opinions on PDRC clash with Red Shirts that
there were louder stereotypes and prejudice used and utter to clearly separated the Red Shirts
and consider them as ‘stupid’, ‘buffalos’ and ‘gullible voters’. Red Shirts were referred to as
irresponsible and immature to choose the ‘wrong government’ in their electoral option hence,
the PDRC believed that the only way to stop the Thaksin regime was to suppress electoral
liberty of Red Shirts majority electorates. The PDRC also expressed prejudice against the
Red Shirts, considered them not as part of the people and accused Red Shirts of not having
loyalty to the monarchy.

I argue that this political ideology and contestation has created division among two
groups and its struggle for historicity. The 2013 to 2014 witnessed a friction between the two
groups in determining the direction of the states and its development according to their own
different needs and capacities. The PDRC engaged in an attempt to ‘civilian coup’ over the
deteriorating ruling class hegemony over various events of political undertaking due to lack
of support of broad masses. In Marxism, Hall explained such clash and crisis was due to the
‘lower level classes’ not wishing to maintain the old way of system while the ‘upper class’
struggle to maintain and adapt. The 2013 to 2014 crisis saw a clear separation of ‘us and
them’ as similar keywords used by all respondents in describing the crisis. The eruption of a
sense of antagonism to decide which social groups are better at steering and maneuvering the
government polity and direction.

2.4 Red Shirt youth-led, Redeem Movement.

In the beginning of 2020, there were few social media hashtags and contents implying
another wave of protest to re-emerged in Thailand. The protest in 2020 was highly led by
youth and gradually gathered its momentum with the support of many pro-democracy
alliances like MilkTea Alliances. The protests have taken its momentum to the streets

29
demanding a new democratic constitution, a new elected government and also an end to the
intimidation and harassment of the government against critics. Many youth activists started to
call for a reform of monarchy, a topic so taboo to be talked about in Thailand society
especially when the institution is protected under the law. The Red Shirt gained a new form
of movement also led by the youth called REDEM, a leaderless movement, an offset to the
red shirt movement and a coalition of many pro-democracy protests and mobilization.

The protest was initially primarily targeted at the undemocratic government under
prime minister general Prayuth Chan O Cha. The 2019 election was supposed to mark an end
to military rule in Thailand. However, the undemocratic constitution drafted by the military
allowed General Prayuth Chan O Cha, the 2014 coup leader to form a government and
become the prime minister. The people started to express discontent against the government
especially after the government dissolved the youth popular political party, Future Forward
Party. The Red Shirt Redem started to mobilize on the streets, at universities and high schools
against the military-backed government which they believed was not a true representative of
the people. The protest gained approximately 10,000 supporters in early 2020 (Hathai
Techakitteranun,2020).

THEME KEYWORDS

Youth movement Redem movement

University students, students
Grassroot campaign
Constitutional reform
Military influence

Table 3: Data collected from interview

All respondents used almost similar keywords in describing the current 2019 protest
and political crisis in Thailand. Majority of respondents reiterated keywords ‘Redem’ to
explain their experience and involvement with the current protest that has been happening.
This youth-led movement having majority supports who used to be part of Red Shirts
movement and in continuation of the same ideology against military intervention. Hence, all
respondents emphasized on ‘military influence’ in explaining the currents youth led
movement. For two participants who are also part of Redem movement mentioned

30
constitutional reform as new contestation against military-monarchy influence. Keyword of
‘constitutional reform’ also strongly correlates with monarchy reform.

The spread of pandemic Covid-19 had forced the government to establish emergency
decree which included prohibition to assemblies. The prohibition of any assembly under
article 19 was seen by many human rights organizations as an attempt to violate the right to
freedom of speech and expression in which any violation under article 19 of the Emergency
Decree carries the penalty of up to two years imprisonment. However, despite the effort to
curb the red shirt movement, the movement re-energized especially after the incident of an
activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit (Reuters,2020) allegedly by Thai military government. Far
from a surprise, it was the latest case in the series of abduction and murder of political activist
in Thailand (Human Right Watch, 2020). The youth-led Red Shirts and a few student protests
were held following the disappearance of the activist. On the 5 th of June, the first protest was
in Bangkok criticising the disappearance of the activist but ended with three arrests of the
leaders under the Emergency Decree. Another protest was held on 8 th June in front of
Cambodian embassy with a letter requesting investigation on the disappearance. The protest
resulted in another ten arrests and charges under the Emergency Decree. A bigger protest was
held the next day in many locations all around Bangkok demanding a call for justice but it
had also ended with the arrest of many activists under the Act of Maintenance of Orderliness
and Cleanliness of Country (Prachathai,2020).

The suppression of democratic movement continued to be legally enforced under the

Prime minister Prayuth Chan O Cha government. On 18 th of July, another red shirt protest
gathered with 2,500 protests to demand for a new government and an end to military control
and rule. The protest ended up in the crackdown between the police and protestors and ended
up with the arrest of 31 protestors along with 13 political activist charges for sedition under
section 116. They were faced with possible seven years imprisonment under the Criminal
Code. The government used various legal frameworks to illegalize the red shirt movement
primarily led by the youth. Such legal frameworks are the Act of Maintenance of Orderliness
and Cleanliness, Controlling Public Advertisement Act, Road Traffic Act, and Criminal
Code. On 3rd of August, the movement started to include a powerful call for monarchy
reform. This time, the prime minister’s office filed for the arrest of several protestors and
participants as well as a human right lawyer, Arnon Nampha under section 112 of the lese
majeste law that carries a penalty of fifteen years imprisonment.

31
 On 14th October, many Red Shirts Redem gathered and protested at the Government
house, camping overnight to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan O Cha.
Few hours later, the prime minister declared a ‘severe’ emergency (Human Right
Watch,2020) where almost 500 police were deployed well equipped with riot gear to disperse
the protest. On the same night, 30 people associated with the protest were arrested
(TLHR,2020). The youth-led red shirt Redem is a leaderless mobilization and it has
flexibility to disperse whenever and wherever it is needed unlike the previous Red Shirt
protest in 2010 and 2013. Nevertheless, the momentum of the movement grew bigger even
after the emergency declaration. There were other protests up until 21 st October where a Thai
lawyer of Human Right estimated more than 100 protestors and individuals were arrested
between 13th to 21st October. When the movement grew bigger, the government through the
Digital Economic Ministry started to impose censorship to media platforms (Patpicha
Tanakasempipat,2020). The ministry has banned and blocked the use of telegram as a
messaging medium used by the protestors of the movement. The ministry also announced a
list of 300,000 websites that are to be investigated under the allegation of disseminating
‘harmful’ and ‘false’ contents. (Prachatai,2020).

Political activists, supporters and protestors have constantly faced intimidation and
harassment by the government at home, university and schools. The police have come to the
extent of surveillance and spying on the movement organisers. At certain times the police
officers in plainclothes come to schools to ‘monitor’ student’s behaviour. Many students of
university and high schools faced the risk of legal and physical punishment for simply
posting online contents regarding the movement. There were more than a hundred cases of
harassment reported by the students (TLHR,2020). From a record compiled by Thai Human
Right Lawyer, until 21 October protest, there were more than 173 protestors and individuals
have been detained without charges due to their involvement with red shirt Redem movement
(TLHR,2020). Hence, the recent youth protest witnessed an unprecedented attempt towards
institutional and constitutional overhaul against all these arbitrary suppression and
harassment.

32
 CHAPTER 3 : THE FACTORS OF RED SHIRT EMERGENCE

3.1 Overview

In 2010, a group of mass protestors famously known as the Red Shirts swarmed
streets and the city of Bangkok. Red is the symbolic colour worn by the movement of United
Front for Democracy against Dictatorship or the UDD. They represent the masses of rural
and urban, the middle- and low-income class social (Ferrara,2011). Red shirt movement tries
to shift the existing power consolidation through strengthening Thailand’s electoral
democracy and maintaining state’s authority by exercising voting power. This movement
gradually catch the attention of literature discussion in which many authors shine a rather
negative light on this movement. However for few authors like Larry Diamond, red shirt
movement was seen as an organized and active civil society movement when the movement
started to organized themselves within an autonomous system away from the state providing
a check and balance mechanism. The movement started to expressed their interest, and
exchange of ideas and information through collective action demanding the states’ officials
accountability within the government (Al Amin,2008).

Red shirt movement was said to be one of the few most significant civil society
movement that emerge in Thailand’s modern politic due to its mass membership through
grassroot political, social and economic reform (Taylor,2010). It emerged in the context of
the removal of popular mandate through unconstitutional manners by the government
machineries. This chapter will further explore the overall grassroot reforms that give rises to
red shirt movements. Many Thai studies failed to see red shirt coalition as a grassroot
movement providing a ‘bottom-up’ threat towards the old political establishment. This
chapter will provide an extensive analysis on all there paradigm of political, economic and
social grassroot reform in influencing Thailand’s political status quo through mass
mobilization. According to Thongchai (2009), red shirt movement is the product of long and
historical changes in social and economic aspect of Thailand society. This indicate the
projection hallmark of development and modernization in Thailand amidts the growing
communication facilities and information making most of Thailand rural becoming more
‘urban’. A terminology proposed by Deleuze and Guattari (1987) to showed the fluidity
between the urban and the urbanized rural.

33
 In the light of urbanization and modernization, education and democratization
awareness also progressed especially during the time of Thaksin Shinawatra. This
advancement provided a sense of equality realizing that electoral power is the only effective
avenue to enjoy basic public needs and good such as education and healthcare. The removal
of Thaksin’s government had aggravated the discontent and dissatisfied middle urban and
urbanized rural towards the old establishment feeling insecure over their basic rights to basic
standard of living and the issue of political legitimacy (Nidhi,2010). In that circumstances, it
has pushed a collective action of these groups into Thailand political scene. Suppression and
repression of the junta, rationalizing monarch and military network in effort to restricting
social political participation have made red shirt movement resilience in restoring Thailand’s
democracy. Based on a model created by Rancierian (1999), ‘ the sensible partition ‘ suggest
that the Red Shirt movement organized based on sphere of sensibilities and experiences
causing them to politically subjectivated from the society, renouncing their status away from
the society to paved a way for equality by challenging the existing society that they exit.
Thus, the Red Shirt movement is more than a Thaksin-led movement but rather an organized
structured democratic movement against the injustice of the old establishment. Ranciere
further highlighted that the act of subjectivation is actually an imperative condition toward
equality and democracy. The impeccable movement also proved Anek’s thesis wrong, that
the cleavages between the rural and urban created two distinct demands between them. It is
actually driven by the political urbanization as prescribed by Shapiro (2010) and also the
socio-economic shift (Thongchai,2009) as an overall process. This chapter will also attempt
to unravel the recent red shirt movement along with new youth umbrella movement away
from the social commonality against the new King and its relation with the Junta.

34
3.2 Factors to Red Shirt emergence

3.2.1 Urbanization of rural and middle income urban

Thailand's socio-economic structure has had a long period of shift and transformation
that witnessed a rural and urban divide. Unfortunately for Thailand, its historical socio-
economic development has been cemented into an uneven form of development between
urban areas, primarily Bangkok and the rest of rural Thailand (Chairat,1988). Over time, the
uneven development has created a built-in pattern and structure of inequality
(Glassman,2010). However, it cannot be denied that Thailand society and demographics have
had great structural changes due to the process of modernization and also the process of
development. The process of urbanization for rural majority and urban middle-income society
has expanded the sense of political awareness that gives rise to many civil and political
participation of the people.

On the other side, many authors like Hewison (2012), Ungkaporn (2009) and Taylor
(2012) argue that the emergence of the red shirt movement heavily contributed to the sole
factor of inequality in this development but few have touched on the process of
modernization that has urbanized Thai society as an outlook. Thus, this chapter will provide
further explanation on why urbanized Thai society was actually an important factor to the red
shirt movement based on the argument presented by Thongchai (2009) that the emergence of
red shirt protesters demonstrated the product of structural socio-economic changes within
Thai society.

Fundamental changes in Thai socio-economic status can be analysed by three waves.

First was during the period where Thailand started to establish the state's machinery and
modern governance after the status of absolute monarchy was abolished and Thailand
witnessed the establishment of modern military forces becoming bureaucrats. The second
phase of the wave was during the Cold War where Thailand adopted Western modernization
model instigated by the western bloc as counter-communism moved. This has resulted in the
development of Bangkok city with a newly educated middle class that pushed forward
economic prospects and democratized the state. Eventually, it marked the demise of the
military junta in the wake of liberal democracy by the 1970s. Third recent wave is actually
centred around the emergence of lower income middle class originating from the rural area
that gradually formed a civil movement group known as the Red Shirt (Kamol,2010). The

35
rise of this new social group was actually due to an intensified globalization process during
the early 1990s (Aohichart,2010) and the organized form is the result of ages of development
and modernization (Naruemon&McVargo,2011).

Deleuze and Guattari (1987) terminology in reference to this new social group class
that further highlights the diminishing line between urban and rural due to fluidity of
movement in information and communication, thus the urbanization was no longer subjected
to location but rather configuration in social meaning and value. Adopting Marxist urban
theory that explains the process of urbanization and class struggle along with capital
accumulation. Marxist put focus on how this condition can predict the emergence of social
revolution due to social change. While Harvey adding on to Marxist scattered drawing
advances the theory to explain the capital accumulation consequences that includes uneven
development and expansion of geography. The process of urbanization also inevitably
expands the progress of democratization. During the time of Thaksin Shinawatra’s Thai Rak
Thai government, populist policing had reached the rural community with many basic
standards of living, hence the removal of the government through coup stripped away all the
benefits. The rural majority develop awareness that democratic elections give them a sense of
shared power and equality demanding standard basic needs of living.

Figure 1. Rate of urbanization in Thailand. Source : Statistica (2019),

36
 The graph shows Thailand's urbanization degree within the period of 10 years.
Thailand can be seen moving away from predominant rural states into urbanized countries.
Within the period of 10 years between 2009 to 2019, the percentage of urban share or the
amount of population becoming urban increased from 36% to more than 50%. According to
Aaron O’Neil (2021) the major factor for this process of urbanization is the migration of rural
communities into various urban cities such as Bangkok and other major cities like
Nonthaburi. There is also a shift from agricultural economic activities to an industrialised
form of economics that gradually caused geographical expansion and the process of
urbanization.

Red shirt movement gained its momentum have help these rural majority through a
form of new social identity that encourage them to pursue equality (Chairat,2012). The rural
community are no longer in isolation. Therefore, Robinson (2006) agree that the urban and
rural nexus in understanding Thai structure changes need to be modify. The emergence of red
shirt movement and its resilience is not only because of unequal development between urban
and rural because Red Shirt movement comprises of two politically overlapped groups
(Pravit,2009), both urban and rural communities.

Applicants give similar examples of occupation when they were asked about Red
Shirt social composition such as farmers, businessmen, administrative workers. Therefore I
categorize based on the interview and McCargo (2014) research conducted that the first
group is the urban middle class like the office workers, taxi drivers who are in the working
class, university students and a few military personnel who fight for democracy against
unconstitutional removal of government execution of political members. Another group is the
rural majority who are in favour of Thaksin and both organized against the coup and
dictatorship. The Red shirt mobilizes its movement with the notion of ‘phrai’ or the labours
representing all labours class within its membership signifying an ordinary working
community (Chairat,1988). These variations of groups were forced to organize and
coordinate to form a bigger part of the masses against the traditional elites. The recent Red
shirts also saw a new addition of a new youth generation that navigate andmeanuver the
movement through cyber realm such as ‘panthip.com’ creating a new branch of students' red
shirts like FARED or the ‘first aid of Red Shirt’. Thus, it is safe to say that the Red Shirt
movement is a form of alliance as Pravit (2009) stated, ‘the alliance of groups as a mass to
pull down the traditional old political establishment that many times has orchestrated the

37
removal of elected governments. Therefore, the mass movement of urbanized social group of
Red Shirts are not really poor as I quote :

“ Red Shirts are educated, not poor, they understand democracy and they ask the right
question” (Somchai Nitihankanjanatan, personal communication, May 28, 2021)

The factors of socio-logical to Red Shirt various membership and their emergence is
not because they are absolute poor but they are only relatively poor (New Mandala,2010). All
applicants agree that Red Shirts mobilization was not due to absolute poverty of the rural
population but rather the lack of access to health and public goods as well as social problems.
A study by Katie Pickett and Richard Wilkinson found that the fight for social equality in
developing countries is not much about the average income but rather the gap of income
between the top 20% and also the bottom 20% increase the risk of social violence and crime.
Applicants strongly emphasized that the Red Shirts are ‘not poor’ when they were asked if
the stereotypes on Red Shirt as poor peasants were true. Adding to that, Robert Anthony
(2014) predicts that political differences and social movement can be borne out of economic
betterment because it facilitates affiliation and formalizing participatory politics through
political consciousness and awareness. Therefore, urbanized lower income social groups are
more prone to involve and engage in conflict confrontation and in various instances, conflict
resolution too.

3.2.2 The issue of political legitimacy

In an attempt to unravel the emergence of the red shirt movement, it is also important
to see how the Red Shirt came into challenging the political scene as a civil organization
movement. This analysis can be framed within new social movement theory. Thailand has
not seen democracy as a normal commodity even after the transformation of absolute
monarchy to constitutional monarchy due to the late process of modernization. In fact, it has
seen more military or junta endorsed by the monarchy (Handley,2006). Throughout a long
period of time, these two actors have managed to mould elite centred power relations
maintaining their influence and interest. This has become the background to the emergence of
various social movements due to its form of ‘colonization’ against the rural working class.

38
Political legitimacy in general attributes its definition to the quality and virtue of the political
institution that functions as the government and institution that rules. These institutions are
responsible for making decisions, rules and laws where policy and programs are being
produced (Baynes,2001).

Prior to the emergence of the Red Shirts, there were limited room and spaces for civil
movement advancement to act as resistance agents and check and balance against the long
standing elite regimes. The early days of civil movement were often pioneered by the middle
class groups on an ad hoc basis (Surin Maisrikrod,2008). The constricted space for political
participation and influence imposed by the elites coupled with the process of development
and modernization gave birth to one of the largest movements in Thailand history, the Red
Shirts. This chapter will explain the political facet and conditions that put Red Shirt in the
political scene. Many past writings have not focused on the Red Shirt as a political movement
that managed to overthrow the 2006 government.

I find that almost all applicants use the same keywords when they are describing why
people mobilize Red Shirts, especially when I compare answers across all three crises. Red
Shirts emerged in response to popular and elected mandates that were removed through
unconstitutional and ‘illegitimate government’ or manners in order to protect the monarchy
(Nelson,2007). The Red Shirt mobilized its movement after the unconventional removal of
prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in a 2006 military coup. The removal was primarily based
on Thaksin’s corruption issue and his human right violation over Muslim population at the
southern border. Many authors have regarded 2006 as the ‘good coup’ such as Hewison
(2008) and also Chachavalponpun (2014). However such a coup can be said to be illegal as
argued by Thyne and Powell (2011) who characterize coup as actions perpetrated by elites
whose often part of government apparatus and most common is the military. Although the
Thaksin figure was a ‘people’s leader’, the discourse of political legitimacy after the coup
arose due to the establishment of government by the junta, imposition of martial law,
suppressed media freedom and civil movement and the rescind of the constitution. This
condition had caused a series of clashes between the yellow and red shirts, as well as political
instability especially after Thaksin was legally convicted by the judicial body
(Hewison,2007). A mass mobilized movement who came into the political picture produced
the bloody 2010 protest against the unconventional coup and the illegitimate means of
removal of the former prime minister Thaksin.

39
 From there onwards, the Red Shirt agenda has been about re-strengthening Thailand
electoral democracy in an attempt to share power through votes as challenged by the old elite
establishment. Practising voting power was the only way to ensure fair distribution of
national wealth. Larry Diamond was the first to acknowledge the Red Shirt as a legitimate
civil society organization due to its gradual transformation of function and roles into what can
be perceived as a non-state actor radically challenging the old political culture. The Red Shirt
that arrived within the political sphere was highly a product of Thai political system
dominated by the elite and the preservation of their influence and power maintaining the
status quo. Thus, when the new government military forces headed by General Prayuth Chan
O Cha initiated another coup removing another elected government under prime minister
Yingluck Shinawatra in 2014, the Red Shirt took it to the streets again. The cycle continued
and according to Johnson (1984), the military often see themselves as saviour to the problem
of political illegitimacy by removing the incumbent government. Another junta government
was established and marked the beginning of one of the longest junta governments since the
2014 coup. The junta had interfered with executive authority in a manner of threat and force
(Marinov&Goeman,2014). This was also further agree by applicants in which I quote :

“ Cycle of the coup and also the intervention of the military has still not changed “ (Pisitta
Itsaranonchai, personal communication, May 28, 2021).

The elite dominated and crafted political system had an impact on Thailand
democratization (Thak Chaloemtiarana,2007). Thak Chaloemtiarana (2007) put forth a thesis
of how junta plays a role in shaping and rationalizing military-monarchy relations. It is also
in the work of McCargo (2005) that introduced a monarchy network model to explain
Thailand's political system and how political proxies are being used to exert influence over
political decision and process. Members to this political dynamic are the businesses, the
bureaucracy and the military constitute the attempt to preserve elite power interest. This
model was used by many to explain Thai political power structure and why it clashed with
Thaksin when he gained his popularity. The issue of military-monarchy symbiotic relation
once again being brought up by a new youth movement in 2019. The mobilization of the so-
called Free Youth Movement is considered unprecedented as it is very vocal on reforming the
monarchy, an issue that was considered a taboo to talk about under lese-majeste law.

The Red Shirts witness the political amalgamation of pro-Thaksin supporters, pro-
democracy and also the anti-monarchy group that form its bedfellow. The movement

40
contested the traditional dominant structure of power by reinstating democratic values
through the electoral system and giving the power back to Thai people. They urged for the
establishment of rule of law eliminating any form of double standard by the forces (Taylor).
Ultimately, the Red Shirt groups call for people to tear down the old establishment. The
coalition has questioned the legitimacy of an unelected government to re-strengthening
electoral democracy.

3.2.3 Arbitrary suppression and military harassment

The next factor of emergence of the Red Shirt movement will be seen from the
aftermath of 2010 bloody protest through the recent red shirt Redem movement. The old
generation of red shirts leaders have set up network movements paving ways for the youth-
led red shirts Redem to navigate (NHK News,2020). According to Phanupong, the emergence
of youth-led red shirt Redem in the recent political scene has witnessed the re-emergence of
red shirts forces for change (NHK News,2020). The recent red shirt Redem highlighted an
issue ‘new’ to Thailand political scheme and social movement that is the issue of harassment
of political activists and pro-democracy supporters through arbitration and also the issue of
monarchy.

When I gathered similar keywords used by the applicants I also categorized a big
theme of arbitrary suppression along with military harassment. For both university student
applicants, they were more well aware of the big theme issue regarding law and legal
framework that had allowed harassment over political activists ever since the 2010 protest.
Applicants use keywords like ‘kidnapped’ and ‘harassed’ especially to describe the series of
mini protests led by the youth Redem. Those keywords were also used interchangeably with
keywords like ‘ lese majeste’ and ‘sec 112’. Sec 112 of Thailand Criminal Code has
forbidden any act of threat, defamation and insult against the king and the monarchy. Despite
the ambiguity in translation to ‘threat’ and ‘insult’, many protesters were detained on sec 122
charges.The harassment continued especially for red Shirts after the 2014 coup and many
student political activists to prevent any incitement towards movement against the

41
government and the king. Therefore, I argue that the legalization of pro-democratic
movement and reform that has been institutionalized through lese majeste clause allowed for
continuous military harassment of activists. The extent of judicial influence by the monarchy
has instigated Red Shirt emergence.

The change in the government and constitution did not ensure the survival of
democratic values practise by the government. The government backed by military under
prime minister Prayuth Chan O Cha see a period of insecurity where the police and military
has been harassing and surveilling local people suspected as red shirts supporters. Ever since
the 2010 incident, provincial police have been liaising with local medias, private individuals
and government officials to have access to photographs and information related to pro-
democracy supporters. For example, right after the incident of May 19th 2010 protest, pictures
of protestors were compiled together and distributed throughout government offices for legal
searches (Human Right Watch,2020). A case of a village headman name Thongla that was
identified in one of the picture in the poster was ordered by the local district to turn himself in
with an assurance that he will be allowed to bail himself out. However, according to an
interview conducted with one of Thongla’s relative said that Thongla was ordered to turn
himself in and were told that he could be bailed out but the Emergency Decree imposed at the
time has prohibit Thongla to be released hence, he was charged with arson and was jailed.

The harassment of many red shirts supporters continued even after the change of
constitution and government in 2011 and 2014 when the military decided to intervene. One of
the prominent examples that triggered the emergence of the youth-led movement was in the
disappearance of pro-democracy activist Wanchalearm Satsaksit. Wanchalearm Satsaksit was
a satirist that had lived in exile in Cambodia since 2014. According to an interview conducted
by BBC news (2020) with Satsaksit’s sister, her brother was kidnapped in broad daylight
when she heard a loud band while she was on the phone with him. After the phone call went
dead, Satsakit’s sister said that an official had called her back to say that Wachalearm had
been kidnapped. Wachalearm Satsaksit was a popular pro-democracy activist that criticized
the military and the monarchy. He was the ninth exiled activist of Thailand that had fallen
victim to enforced disappearance in recent years. Wanchalearm was a prominent pro-
democracy activist and supporter of red shirt movements. After the 2014 coup, Satsaksit’s
face was all over the national television before he decided to flee to Cambodia (BBC
News,2020).

42
According to another activist living in exile, Jakrapob Penkair told the BBC :

“ the disappearance of my fellow friend Satsaksit could become a turning point “

Following the event, youth-led protests and demonstrations started to flood the streets
of Bangkok accusing the Thai government responsible for the disappearance while
demanding an investigation to be held by Cambodian government. The wave of protest and
movement also witness a trending hashtag on Thai users twitter of #SaveWanchalearm,
#abolish112 and #stopkillingandharrasment (BBC News,2020). The red shirt Redem has
made three main demands which are 1)resignation of the current prime minister 2)reform of
monarchy and 3) stop harassment against pro-democracy supporters and protestors.

In the case of lese majeste and monarchy, in the recent red shirt emergence led by
youth, it can be seen that Thai society gradually gained bigger political consciousness about
the real problem of its political system that is the rationalizing of power relations between
monarchy and military. The red shirt Redem movement started to question the role of the
monarchy in hindering democratization in Thailand. For an example an interview conducted
by Reuters news article with a PHD student that is also red shirt Redem supporters said that :

“ The monarchy has many times throughout history has endorsed military coup and
intervention against elected government “ – Joy (Reuters,2020).

The issue of monarchy institution and its influence over Thailand’s political realm had
become one of the factor to recent mass mobilization as part of the domino effect of
harassment towards political activist (The Indian Express,2020) in which the monarchy has
been accused as the perpetrating the disappearance and murder of many political activist who
had voice out against the monarchy institution. The influence of the monarchy reserve
specific arbitrary section to protect their image under section 112 of Thailand Penal Code.
Many human right organizations and groups as well as the Thai youth said that the law are
often being politicized and used as a tool against free speech and reform movements that
would further taint and threaten the monarchy (BBC News,2020).

The section 112 law has been regarded by many human right organizations as a
draconian lese majeste law has put the King and the monarchy institution above
constitutional scrutiny. The law protected the monarchy from any insult, defamation or
threats under section 112 can be sentenced to 15 years of prison. One example that has

43
become the discourse of the new mass movement is when a 64 year old, Anchan Preelert has
been sentenced to 43.5 years of prison time due to sharing a content which were regarded as
‘offensive’ to the monarchy (Bangkok Post,2020). According to a content created by
Thistrupt.com, independent media in Thailand stated that Anchan Preelert might even die
while serving his 43.5 years in prison.

" section 112 (lese mejester) is not a matter of national security. The kingdom of
Thailand will not crumble to the ground because of offensive words, mocking actions and
critical questions. If there is a plot to overthrow the monarchy then find the evidence, prove it
in the court of law and let the process of democracy be the judge " (Thisrupt.com,2021)

(Figure 2. A banner demanding abolishment of section 112 of lese mejeste law, source :
thisrupt twitter)

44
 CHAPTER 4 IMPACTS OF RED SHIRT MOVEMENT TO THAILAND
DEMCRATIC REFORM

4.1 Overview

Democracy according to Abraham Lincoln is the government of the people, by the

people and for the people. It represent a popular elected government, participated by the
people often through elected people representatives act and function on democratic values.
However democracy seems fluid in its contextual framework as many define democracy of
its own term. For example, Italian facism was described by their leader, Benito Mussolini as a
form of democracy and Adolf Hitler actually refer their German state as a true from of
democracy. However, modern democracy is famously known as liberal democracy yet for
many countries of transition such as the Third world countries, it carried a rather pseudo-
democratic characteristic. Democracy in developing states often associate with the issue of
legitimacy and survival of governmental regimes. In the survival of regime, decision making
often are restricted and limited to minority group of people and this can be seen as a negative
form of democracy.

For many countries in the world, democracy seems to be in existence without a

necessary fight for it. Unfortunately this is not always the case for many afro-asian countries.
The history of democratic reform in Thailand began as early as the 1932 revolution that
abolished absolute monarchy that had become Thailand’s national identity. One of Thailand's
late prime minister Kukrit Pramoj once observed that democracy in Thailand were and are
still often a discursive moment among the Thais yet democracy has not really established.
Thailand's political landscape can be seen as the endless parley between the ruled and the
ruler, continuous question of democracy status in Thailand against the long historic existence
of vote buying, coups by the military over elected government unfavoured by the elites. Prior
to the awakening of the rural majority, democracy in Thailand seems to be characterized as
the recognized government who made the constitution but having a huge gap and distance
with the people that were considered uneducated about the government's ideology they
propagated. Even after the radical change brought by the new King Vajiralongkorn in the
administration, the government and central state seems still unable to reach and control the
conduct of people outside of the central state. Thais are dissatisfied and marginalised amidst

45
the economic booming of the city state causing persistent street protest and movements, and
anti-government rallies against the bias treatment of the security forces had made it difficult
to established real democracy. The emergence of color-coded movement witnesses a highly
polarized Thai society and saw increasing plurality in political ideology. The standoff
between the people and the Thai officials up to this day has actually been the central clash in
Thailand politics. The colour coded narrative especially the Red Shirts shown the extent of
how democracy is still a contested concept.

Many previous literatures have not viewed the Red Shirts in the best of light yet they
gradually evolved into a significant agent of changes in Thailand political scene. The Red
Shirt initially received different connotations due to its nature and approach during the 2010
bloody Bangkok protest in which many perceived them as a threat to Thailand's peace and
stability. Hence, there are very few research and writing that focus on the impact of the Red
Shirt in influencing Thailand's political scene. After the 2014 coup, the Red Shirts
momentum started to fades as the junta government attempted to suppress the movement or
any democratic organization through programs and detention. Thus, the impact of the Red
Shirt can occasionally be seen in the 2011 election and in the new wave of youth movement. 

46
4.2 : Impacts of Red Shirt movement on Thailand democratic reform

4.2.1 Electoral Reform

The aftermath of the bloody 2010 street protest witnessed a terra incognita phase of
social movement forces in Thailand. It was able to dissolve the parliament and allow for a
new election in 2011 where Prime Minister Abhisit resigned, a year after the mass protest in
Bangkok. The 2011 election was significant in showing how imminent social movement led
to electoral changes. According to theory of new social movement, Red Shirt movement has
able to redefined and create a clearer collective identity in the aftermath of 2010. This can be
seen during the 2011 election that the Red Shirt mobilization is a pro-democracy movement
breaking away from its ‘Thaksin’s political movement’ narrative in actively ensuring a fair
election and democratic campaigning in 2011.

First, the election witnessed the detachment of electoral politics from the squabble of
the streets into a manageable and controlled institutional system as well as keeping in check
elites undertaking for a fair election. Another importance was highlighted and showed how
mass mobilization and political participation can actually influence electoral democracy. The
event of active engagement between the social force and political parties had made the
election unique in a way that these mobilizations not only supported their own party
preferences but also ensured that the election was free and fair. It brought about the spirit of
1997 constitution, a more vibrant and engaging political contestation.

According to Aim Sinpeng and Erik Martinez (2012), the 2011 parliamentary election
witnessed social mobilization actually organized and marshalled together in support of their
political parties. Red Shirt specifically in support of the Thaksin-back political party, Phua
Thai led by the younger sister Yingluck Shinawatra. Comprises of majority ordinary Thais,
they actively engaged and brought about ideas on democratic socio-economic programs to be
endorsed by the political parties. The election saw a wide margin win by the Phua Thai with
20% margin with its runner up, Democrat Party (Election Commission Thailand,2011). 

Adopting the theory of political process and political opportunity first introduced by
Eisinger in 1973. It was first used to analyse the effectiveness of social and civil mobilization
within a vulnerable political structure and presence of political opportunity (Tarrow,1994).
The central theme lies within this theoretical framework is the presence of open political

47
conditions and system that resulted from unstable political circumstances and also a system
that is accessible to produce public policy. Generally, Kitschelt (1986) further categorize
condition or the typology in the success of mobilization between open or closed system in the
political government that allow the movement to make and imposed demand and also weak
or strong which referred to state’s capacity to accept policy.

The mobilization of social forces primarily initiated by the Red Shirt movement
impacted the 2011 election in a few significant ways. The most important change that can be
seen in the electoral dynamic was the shift from clientelistic mode of campaigning with
material goods at the disposal of political support to a programmatic campaigning which
focus on better re-distribution of resources (Aim Sinpeng&Erik Martinez,2012). Historically,
Thailand has had a patronage-based campaigning which the distribution manners were often
forcesful. Thus, the change in the way of campaigning marked an attitude shift for many
political parties to adopt different strategies in campaigning (Apichart,2011).

There was an overhaul shift in the way political parties tried to engage with the
people. There were less portrayals of pictures or blunt slogans of ‘vote me’ beside candidates'
pictures but rather a list of possible policies on posters. For some analysts like Erik Martinez,
he saw that these shifts were either a following response to the electoral transition or just to
mimic the strategy of the previous Thaksin political party. Paradoxically, Thaksin’s
supported party and the Red Shirt movement actually helped to create this new electoral
environment putting emphasis and priority on policy rather than personality.

Highly active public engagement by majority electorate in Red Shirt in the 2011
electoral session has shown a decline of what some writers called ‘politics of dynasty’ and
their influence over Thai politics. This is according to TCIJ or the Thailand Civil Right
Information Centre, the number of family elected candidates decline almost half of 89 total
members, which showed a decline in family politics (Prajak Kongkirati,Viengrat
Nethipo,Anusorn Thamjai & Pravit Rojanaphruk,2011). For many years, Thailand political
candidates often come from the same family .

Another drastic change during the 2011 election was the decline in political
competition due to decline of numbers of political parties. It was argued that the large binary
political polarization had reduced numbers of small political parties as many associated into a
bigger nation-wide political parties (Aim Sinpeng,2012). High degree of engagement
between the Red Shirt whose members are of majority voters with the electoral process has

48
impacted the number of voters in the 2011 election. The voting pattern appeared to be higher
due to significant shifts in the electoral environment and active grassroot social participation.
Evidently, Red Shirt as a social mobilization had taken the political fight from the street into
campaigning for election.

The Red Shirt was an unassailable asset to the triumph of Thaksin-backed political
party, Phua Thai. They managed the roles of information disseminator, to rallying and
engaging with rural communities. As discussed in the previous chapter, Red Shirts are of
different groups desired as a fair representative, established democracy (Taylor,2011). Red
Shirt has been attributed to many definitions and frameworks from new middle and urban
class movements gradually established as political movements . After the 2010 bloody mass
protest, Red Shirt realigned its strategy from street organization to political campaigning
supporting Phua Thai MPs. They quest on missions and activities like education and
monitoring the electoral process through disseminating information right from the
headquarters. Education and training were given to volunteers as they set up their own
monitoring unit called the Election Monitoring Centre who’d work in coordination to oversee
the electoral campaigning and process to detect and prevent any fraudulent exercise.

Apart from the volunteers, the Red Shirts also provide programs to educate supporters
on laws of election due to new laws passed by the previous Abhisit government (Aim
Sinpeng,2011). The Red Shirts had initiated a new form of political activism never seen in
Thailand history that had helped rallying for Phua Thai campaigning. It was believed that the
Red Shirts are of their own identity and without their own effort, Phua Thai would not have
existed (Jatuporn Prompan,2011). Thus, it is noteworthy to understand the impact of the Red
Shirts, powerful on influencing the 2011 electoral environment and process. 

4.2.2 Constitutional Reform

In 2020, Thailand is witnessing another social uprising against the current junta
government, General Prayuth Chan O Cha and the whole system of military-monarchy
backed government. It is the first unprecedented movement that talks about the King, a topic
taboo to the society demanding a reform of the monarchy.

49
(Figure 3. A tweet from the Redem twitter)

Right after the 2014 coup, Thailand had gone without election for almost five years.
These five years period were used by the junta government to suppress all Red Shirts link
activities and organization as well as other democratic moves. After a while, there were many
protests by the Red Shirts and other students-led mobilization to call for an election, one that
was promised by the junta after the 2014 coup but often got postponed (Panarat
Thepgumpanat,2019). Three years into the junta led government, 2017 constitution had
finally promulgated. However, many have questioned the constitution rather than be a call for
compromise and reconciliation, it restricts the authority of elected officials and anti-military
and pro-democracy movements while formally consolidating the elites power including the
judiciary (New Straits Times,2016)). It also introduced a new system for election of a single
ballot, which basically means that each vote goes straight for both constituent candidates and
the parliamentarians. This new system eventually turned Thai politic into a semi-democratic
as Senators are again appointed and not elected, unlike previous system. The date for election
was already problematic due to clashes with the new King’s coronation (Nikkei Asian
Review,2019). The 2019 election saw the rise to prominence of a new youth political party
called Future Forward Party, a pro-democracy party against the Palang Pracharat chaired by
General Prayuth Chan O Cha, a pro-military political party. In the heat of the election, the
new King had made an announcement calling for voters to choose the ‘good people’ and the
term has actually been used by elites in reference to the military. This has sparked a spurred
social media platform among youth with the viral hashtag of ‘ we can choose for ourselves as
we are already grown up ‘ as a response against Thai paternalism (Mccargo,2019). The

50
movement was triggered after the parliament session did not vote on the six charter
amendment, instead created a body to oversee all amendment proposal which is said to be
government’s attempt to delay constitutional amendment (CAN,2020)

The Red Shirts birthed a new wave of youth movement borned from failed
constitution and degrading social and economic condition. Thailand experienced one of their
worst economic downturn in which many observers believe to be one of the major factors for
the emergence of a movement against the government (Son Nguyen & O’Connor,2019). This
is due to tension between Thailand and other western countries like the United States and
European countries affecting trade business and investment needed in Thailand (Somruedi
Banchongduang,2019). The junta suppression over democratic forces as well as Thailand's
suspension of democracy within early years after the 2014 coup had brought negative
attention and harsh criticism of the western world. Thailand's diplomatic relation with these
western states has actually stagnated. The United States pulled up a few bilateral initiatives
and the European Union also had an uneasy relationship with Thailand  where they
discontinued many FTA agreements as a form of protest against democracy suspension.
Thailand government on the other hand had a response against Western’s opposition which
brought matters worse. The 2017 constitution that allows judicial intervention over political
bodies has heightened the conflict where many leaders of the Future Forward Party faced
various allegations by the court such as sedition, sabotaging the monarchy and illegal loans
and donations. The youth political party who had won a few majority was later dissolved by
the judicial body, suspending the leader Thanathorn as representative.

 These dire conditions had pushed for one of the major mass rallies led by the youth.
Tattep, secretary general of the Redem Movement said that the movement believed
constitutional reform can help solve all the problem,

“ you can actually reform anything when you have a fair and free
constitution drafted by the public allowing any reform to be made including
the monarchy “ -Tattep (Nikkei Asia,2020).

The movement believed that the only way to solve socio-economic problems is having good
politics through amendment of national charter (Nikkei Asia,2020). The new breed of
movements are also anti-military or the junta as they believed that the junta government tried

51
to postpone and reject the calls for constitution amendment (CNA,2020). The constitution
was drafted and formulated under the watch of General Prayuth Chan O Cha despite his
denial. Therefore, the youth-led movement along with its allies such as the MilkTea Alliance
mobilize themselves through social media activism, collecting over 200,000 names and signs
on petition and draft for constitutional amendment which later was sent to the parliament on
22nd September (CNA,2020). The old generation of Red Shirts supported the youth
movement, actively monitoring the constitutional draft with the same frustration over the
junta government. In the heat of the 2019 election, the UDD mobilized their members and
talked about the fight of the Red Shirt against the double standard that had been well received
by the mass audience. The movement are no longer subjected to old personalism of Thaksin
but rather favouring the youth political party, Future Forward Party (Saowanee &
Alexander,2019). Despite the old generation of Red Shirt has internalized their fight through
parliamentary system and are very discreet in their movement, the Redem Movement is very
much fight the old fight of the original Red Shirts.

(Figure 4. Redem alliance movement celebrate April 10 of bloody 2010 protest of Red Shirts)

52
 CHAPTER 5 : CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary

The research has attempted to understand and analyse the pattern of democratic
reform in Thailand through a series of protests engaged and initiated by the Red Shirts
movement, identified the underlying factors to Red Shirts emergence into Thailand political
scene and determined the impacts of the Red Shirt movement to Thailand democratic reform.
This thesis has employed the theory of marxism to understand further the subject matter.
Theory of marxism has been used to see the relationship of economics as a factor to political
behaviour. Firstly, the pattern of democratic reform that took place throughout the Red Shirt
protests has been owed to the expansion of democratization and modernization during the
time of Thaksin. It had given magnitude to the Red Shirts movement breaking away from the
stereotypes of ‘rural poor peasants’ and this can be analysed through lense of Marxism in the
expansion of the working class movement. Marxism theorist Gramsci also explains the
struggle and friction of the working class movement in determining the direction of
government polity to ensure the interest of the working class. Marxist own theory of
urbanization also helped to explain the landscape of economics and its correlation to
expansion of political consciousness among Red Shirts supporters which consisted of a
majority rural community. This has also resulted in the contestation of political legitimacy
and ideologies of the Red Shirts as a left-wing based movement against the old traditional
institution. The impacts of the Red Shirts on Thailand democratic reform through lens of
marxism, proposed by Eagle that the mobilization of proletariat movement that has work
independently, will create its own political organization or political party, in making sure a
left-wing based political party rise to the position of ruling class to ensure their interest
protected.

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5.2 Findings

The research began by analysing democratic reform that has taken place in Thailand through
the period of 10 years between 2010 until 2020 through a series of political conflicts engaged
by the Red Shirts then later identified factors to the emergence of Red Shirt movement and its
impacts to Thailand democratic reform.

Firstly, the research has been able to identify the pattern of political conflict engaged
by the Red Shirt movement within the span of 10 years ever since their first breakthrough in
2010 protest. The first political conflict in the 2010 protest was a clash between the Red Shirt
demonstrators and the military that eventually led to violent death and injuries. The
researcher found that this first phase of the biggest mass movement was a movement that
determined the political awakening of the Thai society. It was a first step of breaking away
from the stereotyped Thaksin-based movement toward a collective democratic ideology
mutually recognized across a wide spectrum of audiences and supporters. The second
political conflict that witnessed another military coup in 2014 was a friction between the Red
Shirts and the PDRC. The researcher is able to identify that this was not a mere clash between
the Red Shirt against a new movement but a confrontation and skirmish of two major
political ideologies which were the pro-democratic against the anti-democratic ideologies. It
was not just a confrontation of supporting specific personalities but a struggle to determine
the mode of government polity that showed a clear separation between two binary social
working class. Lastly is the conflict of the youth against the governmental institution. The
research find current youth uprising is unprecedented famously known as Redem movement,
that touched the real problem of Thai political conflict which is the link of military and
monarchy and its influence both on judiciary framework and government policy. All in all,
the research finds that democratic reform has evolved throughout the 10 years period and
showed a shift in mentality and consciousness among Thai majority society.

Secondly, the research was able to identify factors and underlying causes to Red Shirt
emergence and the evolution of democratic reform in Thailand. The researcher was able to
connect the outcome of urbanization and modernization to the shift of political behaviour that
had instigated the Red Shirt movement in the first place. This was able to be achieved by
analysing the social composition of the Red Shirts and their backgrounds. Identification of
urbanization as an economic factor had led to the identification of expansion in political
trajectories and awareness among majority rural Red Shirt supporters that explained their

54
contestation of political legitimacy against an unelected government such as one under primis
minister Abhisit in 2006 and also the NCPO or the junta government under prime minister
Prayuth Chan O Cha after the 2014 coup. The research is also able to pin the issue of
arbitrary suppression and military harassment and its correlation to monarchy influence in
Thailand political conflicts. Essentially, the research was able to identify the issue of article
112 and lese majeste clause under Criminal Code as one of the breaking points to the uprising
of the new youth-led movement. All in all, urbanized Thai society saw an expansion of
political cognizance that had allowed Red Shirts to mobilize on mutual collective ideology to
challenge the legitimacy of government and judicial suppression as part of their democratic
reform.

Lastly, Thailand's political scene has been entirely impacted by the political influence
of Red Shirts. The Red Shirts have aimed to have both electoral and constitutional reform
although constitutional reform came later during the recent 2019 protest. The impact of the
Red Shirts movement on electoral reform can be seen right after the 2010 protest, in the 2011
election. The research found that there was a change in the mode and the way electoral
campaigns engage with the voters. There was a huge shift of personality-based campaigns to
policy and program based campaigns which had not been done prior to Red Shirts influence.
The shift of clientelism had reduced the webs of the family party and Red Shirt active
engagement throughout campaigning had increased the number of voters' turnover
significantly. Constitutional reform on the other hand was an issue being raised by the new
red shirt youth-led movement, Redem. It has opened up a contest of lese majeste clauses that
has been seen as violating basic human and civil rights against Thai political activists. The
recent protest had brought up a topic taboo to Thai society and had managed to push for
parliamentary voting over constitutional reform. The research find that constitutional reform
is still a continuous fight of the left-wing activist and Red Shirts movement yet it marked as
the first attempt of democratic reform that highlighted the issue of power consolidation
between the military and monarchy.

5.3 Significance of findings

The study attempts to identify another new factor to the social movement of Red
Shirts which is the factor of urbanization. Various literature and studies have highlighted the
condition of underdevelopment or deprivation but little has highlighted the condition of
modernization and urbanization can give rise to social democratization. The previous

55
research is scarce in connecting the condition of economic betterment to the political
consciousness of Thai people as many were limited within the scope of class separation
between the rich and the poor in analyzing the Red Shirt movement. The research also
mentioned the core issue to current protest in Thailand that is the lese majeste clause and
monarchy influence over Thailand politics which very little literature has touched since its a
new event.

5.4 Conclusion

The research finds that there are still a long way and measures to be taken for the idea
of true democracy to be realised in Thailand. This is highly due to historical ingrained
mindset and way of the Thai to not touch on sensitive issues such as the monarchy and also
the common narrative accepted by the Thai that the military is the ‘good people’. The
problem of public perception is what the new youth movement trying to educate through
series of debate and discussion. Along with this issue is the problem of restrictive law, rules
and regulation imposed on any democratic effort. This is seen as one of big hindrance to
Thailand democratization process such as the implementation of martial law, censorship on
media, detainment of many political activist where majority of them were Red Shirt
supporters as well as the ‘education centre’ to educate young people to not get involve with
any political participation. The junta government has made it clear that any form of
democratic protest is seen to be chaotic and disruptive to Thailand monarchy and government
institutions. Thus, the burden towards democratization in Thailand is not only on the issue of
making the system democratic but also resisting and fighting against the attempt of de-
democratizing by the military and government with monarchy endorsement.

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