Corazon Aquino

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In this Philippine name for married women, the birth middle name or

maternal family name is Sumulong, the birth surname or paternal family name
is Cojuangco, and the marital name is Aquino.
Maria Corazon "Cory" Sumulong Cojuangco Aquino [2] (Tagalog: [koɾaˈson koˈhwaŋko
aˈkino], 25 January 1933 – 1 August 2009) was a Filipina politician who served as the 11th
president of the Philippines from 1986 to 1992. She was the most prominent figure of the
1986 People Power Revolution, which ended the two-decade rule of President Ferdinand
Marcos and led to the establishment of the current democratic Fifth Philippine Republic.
Corazon Aquino was married to Senator Benigno Aquino Jr., who was one of the
most prominent critics of President Marcos. After the assassination of her husband on 21
August 1983, she emerged as leader of the opposition against the president. In late 1985,
Marcos called for a snap election, and Aquino ran for president with former
Senator Salvador Laurel as her running mate for vice president. After the election held on 7
February 1986, the Batasang Pambansa proclaimed Marcos and his running mate Arturo
Tolentino as the winners, which prompted allegations of electoral fraud and Aquino's call for
massive civil disobedience actions. Subsequently, the People Power Revolution, a non-
violent mass demonstration movement, took place from 22 February to 25 February. The
People Power Revolution, along with defections from the Armed Forces of the
Philippines and support from the Philippine Catholic Church, successfully ousted Marcos and
secured Aquino's accession to the presidency on 25 February 1986. Prior to her election as
president, Aquino had not held any elected office. She was the first female president of the
Philippines.
As president, Aquino oversaw the drafting of the 1987 Constitution, which limited
the powers of the Presidency and re-established the bicameral Congress, successfully
removing the previous dictatorial government structure. Her economic policies focused on
forging good economic standing amongst the international community as well as
disestablishing Marcos-era crony capitalist monopolies, emphasizing the free market and
responsible economy. Her administration conducted peace talks to resolve the Moro
conflict, and the result of these talks was creation of the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao. Aquino was also criticized for the Mendiola Massacre, which resulted in the
shooting deaths of at least 12 peaceful protesters by Philippine state security forces. The
Philippines faced various natural calamities in the latter part of Aquino's administration,
such as the 1990 Luzon earthquake and Tropical Storm Thelma. Several coup attempts were
made against her government. She was succeeded as president by Fidel V. Ramos and
returned to civilian life.
Aquino was diagnosed with colorectal cancer in 2008 and died on 1 August 2009. Her
son Benigno Aquino III served as president of the Philippines from 2010 to 2016. After her
passing, monuments were established and public landmarks were named in honor of
Corazon Aquino all around the Philippines. She is continually highly regarded by her native
country, where she is called the Mother of Democracy.[3][4][5][6]

Early life and education

Aquino was born Maria Corazon Sumulong Cojuangco on 25 January 1933
in Paniqui, Tarlac.[7] Her father was José Cojuangco, a prominent Tarlac businessman and
former congressman, and her mother was Demetria Sumulong, a pharmacist. Both of
Aquino's parents were from prominent political families. Aquino's grandfather from her
father's side, Melecio Cojuangco, was a member of the historic Malolos Congress, and
Aquino's mother belonged to the politically influential Sumulong family of Rizal province,
which included Juan Sumulong, who ran against Commonwealth President Manuel L.
Quezon in 1941. Aquino was the sixth of eight children, two of whom died in infancy. Her
siblings were Pedro, Josephine, Teresita, Jose Jr., and Maria Paz. [8]
Aquino spent her elementary school days at St. Scholastica's College in Manila,
where she graduated at the top of her class as valedictorian. She transferred to Assumption
Convent to pursue high school studies. After her family moved to the United States, she
attended the Assumption-run Ravenhill Academy in Philadelphia. She then transferred
to Notre Dame Convent School in New York City, where she graduated from in 1949. During
her high school years in the United States, Aquino volunteered for the campaign of
U.S. Republican presidential candidate Thomas Dewey against Democratic incumbent U.S.
President Harry S. Truman during the 1948 United States presidential election.[8] After
graduating from high school, she pursued her college education at the College of Mount
Saint Vincent in New York, graduating in 1953 with a major in French and minor in
mathematics.
 After graduating from college, she returned to the Philippines and studied law at Far
Eastern University in 1953.[9] While attending, she met Benigno "Ninoy" S. Aquino Jr., who
was the son of the late Speaker Benigno S. Aquino Sr. and a grandson of General Servillano
Aquino. She discontinued her law education and married Benigno in Our Lady of Sorrows
Parish in Pasay on 11 October 1954.[10] The couple raised five children: Maria Elena ("Ballsy";
born 1955), Aurora Corazon ("Pinky"; born 1957), Benigno Simeon III ("Noynoy"; 1960–
2021), Victoria Elisa ("Viel"; born 1961) and Kristina Bernadette ("Kris"; born 1971).[11][12]
Aquino had initially had difficulty adjusting to provincial life when she and her
husband moved to Concepcion, Tarlac, in 1955. Aquino found herself bored in Concepcion,
and welcomed the opportunity to have dinner with her husband inside the American
military facility at nearby Clark Field.[13] Afterwards, the Aquino family moved to a bungalow
in suburban Quezon City.
Throughout her life, Aquino was known to be a devout Roman Catholic.[9]Corazon
Aquino was fluent in French, Japanese, Spanish, and English aside from her
native Tagalog and Kapampangan.[9]

Wife of Benigno Aquino Jr.

Corazon Aquino's husband Benigno Aquino Jr., a member of the Liberal Party, rose to
become the youngest governor in the country in 1961 and then the youngest senator ever
elected to the Senate of the Philippines in 1967. For most of her husband's political career,
Aquino remained a housewife who raised their children and hosted her spouse's political
allies who would visit their Quezon City home. [14] She would decline to join her husband on
stage during campaign rallies, instead preferring to be in the back of the audience and listen
to him.[13] Unbeknownst to many at the time, Corazon Aquino sold some of her prized
inheritance to fund the candidacy of her husband.
As Benigno Aquino Jr. emerged as a leading critic of the government
of President Ferdinand Marcos, he became seen as a strong candidate for president to
succeed Marcos in the 1973 elections. However, Marcos, who was barred by the 1935
Constitution to seek a third term, declared martial law on 21 September 1972 and later
abolished the constitution, thereby allowing him to remain in office. Benigno Aquino Jr. was
among the first to be arrested at the onset of martial law, and was later sentenced to death.
During her husband's incarceration, Corazon Aquino stopped going to beauty salons or
buying new clothes and prohibited her children from attending parties, until a priest advised
her and her children to try to live as normal lives as possible.[13]
Despite Corazon's initial opposition, Benigno Aquino Jr. decided to run in the 1978
Batasang Pambansa elections from his prison cell as party leader of the newly
created LABAN. Corazon Aquino campaigned on behalf of her husband and delivered a
political speech for the first time in her life during this political campaign. In 1980 Benigno
Aquino Jr. suffered a heart attack, and Marcos allowed Senator Aquino and his family to
leave for exile in the United States upon intervention from U.S. President Jimmy Carter so
that Aquino could seek medical treatment. [15][16] The family settled in Boston, and Corazon
Aquino would later recall the next three years as the happiest days of her marriage and
family life. On 21 August 1983, Benigno Aquino Jr. ended his stay in the United States and
returned without his family to the Philippines, where he was immediately assassinated on a
staircase leading to the tarmac of Manila International Airport. The airport is now named
Ninoy Aquino International Airport, renamed by the Congress in his honor in 1987. Corazon
Aquino returned to the Philippines a few days later and led her husband's funeral
procession, in which more than two million people participated. [15]

1986 presidential campaign

Main article: 1986 Philippine presidential election
Following her husband's assassination in 1983, Corazon Aquino became active in
various demonstrations held against the Marcos regime. She began to assume the mantle of
leadership left by her husband and became a figurehead of the anti-Marcos political
opposition. On 3 November 1985, during an interview with American journalist David
Brinkley on This Week with David Brinkley, Marcos suddenly announced snap elections that
would be held within three months to dispel doubt against his regime's legitimate authority,
an action that surprised the nation. [17] The election was later scheduled to be held on 7
February 1986. A petition was organized to urge Aquino to run for president, headed by
former newspaper publisher Joaquin Roces.[18] On 1 December, the petition of 1.2 million
signatures was publicly presented to Aquino in an event attended by 15,000 people, and on
3 December, Aquino officially declared her candidacy. [19] United Opposition (UNIDO) party
leader Salvador Laurel was chosen as Aquino's running mate as candidate for vice president.
During the campaign, Marcos attacked Corazon Aquino on her husband's previous
ties to communists,[20] characterizing the election as a fight "between democracy and
communism".[21] Aquino refuted Marcos' charge and stated that she would not appoint a
single communist to her cabinet. [22] Marcos also accused Aquino of playing "political
football" with the United States in regards to the continued United States military presence
in the Philippines at Clark Air Base and Subic Naval Base.[23] Another point of attack for
Marcos was Aquino's inexperience in public office. Marcos' campaign was characterized
by sexist attacks, such as remarks by Marcos that Aquino was "just a woman" and that a
woman's remarks should be limited to the bedroom.[24][15]
The snap election was held on 7 February 1986, and was marred by massive electoral
fraud, violence, intimidation, coercion, and disenfranchisement of voters. On 11 February,
while votes were still being tabulated, former Antique province Governor and director of
Aquino's campaign in Antique Evelio Javier was assassinated. During the tallying of votes
conducted by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), 30 poll computer technicians walked
out to contest the alleged election-rigging being done in favor of Marcos. Years later it was
claimed that the walkout of computer technicians was led by Linda Kapunan, [25] wife of Lt
Col Eduardo Kapunan, a leader of Reform the Armed Forces Movement that plotted to
attack the Malacañang Palace and kill Marcos and his family, leading to a partial
reevaluation of the walkout event.[26][27]
On 15 February 1986, the Batasang Pambansa, which was dominated by Marcos'
ruling party and its allies, declared President Marcos as the winner of the election.
However, NAMFREL's electoral count showed that Corazon Aquino had won. Aquino
claimed victory according to NAMFREL's electoral count and called for a rally dubbed
"Tagumpay ng Bayan" (People's Victory Rally) the following day to protest the declaration by
the Batasang Pambansa. Aquino also called for boycotts against products and services from
companies controlled or owned by individuals closely allied with Marcos. The rally was held
at the historic Rizal Park in Luneta, Manila and drew a pro-Aquino crowd of around two
million people. The dubious election results drew condemnation from both domestic and
foreign powers. The Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines issued a statement
strongly criticizing the conduct of the election, describing the election as violent and
fraudulent. The United States Senate likewise condemned the election. [14][28] Aquino rejected
a power-sharing agreement proposed by the American diplomat Philip Habib, who had been
sent as an emissary by U.S. President Ronald Reagan to help defuse the tension.[28]
Accession as president
Main article: People Power Revolution
On 22 February 1986, disgruntled and reformist military officers led by Defense
Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and General Fidel V. Ramos surprised the nation and the
international community by the announcement of their defection from the Marcos
government, citing a strong belief that Aquino was the real winner in the contested
presidential election. Enrile, Ramos, and the rebel soldiers then set up operations in Camp
Aguinaldo, the headquarters of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and Camp Crame, the
headquarters of the Philippine Constabulary, across Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA).
Cardinal Sin appealed to the public in a broadcast over Church-run Radyo Veritas, and
millions of Filipinos gathered to the part of Epifanio De Los Santos Avenue between the two
camps to give their support and prayers to the rebels. [29] At that time, Aquino was
meditating in a Carmelite convent in Cebu. Upon learning of the defection, Aquino and
Cardinal Sin appeared on Radyo Vertias to rally behind Minister Enrile and General Ramos.
Aquino then flew back to Manila to prepare for the takeover of the government.
After three days of peaceful mass protests primarily centered at EDSA called
the People Power Revolution, Aquino was sworn in as the eleventh president of the
Philippines on 25 February 1986.[30] An hour after Aquino's inauguration, Marcos held his
own inauguration ceremony at the Malacañang Palace. Later that same day, Ferdinand E.
Marcos fled the Philippines to Hawaii.[31]

Presidency
Main article: Presidency of Corazon Aquino
Corazon Aquino's accession to the presidency marked the end of authoritarian rule
in the Philippines. Aquino is the first female president of the Philippines and is still the only
president of the Philippines to have never held any prior political position. Aquino is
regarded as the first female president in Asia.
Transitional government and creation of new constitution
On 25 February 1986, the first day of her administration, Aquino issued Proclamation
No. 1, which announced an intention to reorganize the government and called on all officials
appointed by Marcos to resign, starting with members of the Supreme Court.[32] On 25
March 1986, President Aquino issued Proclamation No. 3, which announced a transitional
government into a democratic system. She abolished the 1973 Constitution that was in
force during the martial law era, and by decree issued the provisional 1986 Freedom
Constitution, pending the ratification of a more formal and comprehensive charter. This
constitutional allowed her to exercise both executive and legislative powers during the
period of transitional government.
 After the issuance of Proclamation No. 1, all 15 members of the Supreme
Court submitted their resignations.[33] Aquino then reorganized the membership of the
Supreme Court with the stated purpose of restoring its judicial independence. On 22 May
1986, in the case Lawyers League v. President Aquino, the reorganized Supreme Court
declared the Aquino government as "not merely a de facto government but in fact and law
a de jure government", and affirmed its legitimacy.[34]
Aquino appointed all 48 members of the 1986 Constitutional Commission ("Con-
Com"), led by retired activist and former Supreme Court Associate Justice Cecilia Muñoz-
Palma, which was tasked with writing a new constitution. The Commission completed its
final draft of the Constitution in October 1986.[35]
On 2 February 1987, the Constitution of the Philippines was ratified by nationwide
plebiscite. It remains the constitution of the Philippines to the present day. The Constitution
established a bill of rights and a three-branch government consisting of the executive
department, the legislative department, and the judicial department. The Constitution
restored the bicameral Congress, which in 1973 had been abolished by Marcos and replaced
with first the Batasang Bayan and later the Batasang Pambansa.[36] The ratification of the
new Constitution was soon followed by the election of senators and the election of House of
Representatives members on 11 May 1987, as well as local elections on 18 January 1988.
Legal reforms
After the ratification of the constitution, Aquino promulgated two landmark legal
codes, namely, the Family Code of 1987, which reformed the civil law on family relations,
and the Administrative Code of 1987, which reorganized the structure of the executive
department of government. Another landmark law that was enacted during her tenure was
the 1991 Local Government Code, which devolved national government powers to local
government units (LGUs). The new Code enhanced the power of LGUs to enact local
taxation measures and assured them of a share in the national revenue.
During Aquino's tenure, vital economic laws such as the Built-Operate-Transfer Law,
Foreign Investments Act, and the Consumer Protection and Welfare Act were also enacted.
Socio-economic policies
The economy posted a positive growth of 3.4% during Aquino's first year in office,
and continued to grow at an overall positive rate throughout her tenure for an average rate
of 3.4% from 1986 to 1992. Real GDP growth suffered a 0.4% decrease in 1991 in the
aftermath of the 1989 coup attempt by the Reform the Armed Forces Movement, which
shook international confidence in the Philippine economy and hindered foreign investment.
Aquino made fighting inflation one of her priorities after the nation suffered from
skyrocketing prices during the last years of the Marcos administration. The last 6 years of
the Marcos administration recorded an average annual inflation rate of 20.9%, which
peaked in 1984 at 50.3%. From 1986 to 1992, the Philippines recorded an average annual
inflation rate of 9.2%. During the Aquino administration, the annual inflation rate peaked at
18.1% in 1991; a stated reason for this increase was panic buying during the Gulf War.[40]
[41]
 Overall, the economy under Aquino had an average growth of 3.8% from 1986 to 1992. [42]
De-monopolization
One of Aquino's first actions as president was to seize Marcos' multi-billion
dollar fortune of ill-gotten wealth. On 28 February 1986, four days into her presidency,
Aquino formed the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), which was
tasked with retrieving Marcos' domestic and international fortune.
After his declaration of martial law in 1972 and his consolidation of authoritarian
power, President Ferdinand Marcos issued various government decrees that
awarded monopoly or oligopoly power over entire industries to various close associates, in a
scheme later regarded as crony capitalism.[43] President Aquino pursued a market
liberalization agenda to combat this problem. President Aquino particularly targeted
the sugar industry and the coconut industry for de-monopolization.

Debt
Throughout the tenure of President Ferdinand Marcos, government foreign debt had
ballooned from less than $3 billion in 1970 to $28 billion by the end of his administration,
through privatization of bad government assets and deregulation of many vital industries.
The debt had badly tarnished the international credit standing and economic reputation of
the country.
President Aquino inherited the debt of the Marcos administration and weighed all
options on what to do with the debt, including not paying the debt. Aquino eventually chose
to honor all the debts that were previously incurred in order to clear the country's economic
reputation. Her decision proved to be unpopular but Aquino defended it, saying that was
the most practical move. Beginning in 1986, the Aquino administration paid off $4 billion of
the country's outstanding debts to improve its international credit ratings and attract the
attention of foreign investors. This move also ensured lower interest rates and longer
payment terms for future loans. During the Aquino administration, the Philippines acquired
an additional $9 billion debt, increasing the net national debt by $5 billion within six years
due to the need to infuse capital and money into the economy. [44] The Aquino
administration was able to reduce the Philippines' external debt-to-GDP ratio by 30.1
percent, from 87.9 percent at the start of the administration to 67.8 percent in 1991. [45]

Agrarian reform
President Aquino envisioned agrarian and land reform as the centerpiece of her
administration's social legislative agenda. However, her family background and social class
as a privileged daughter of a wealthy and landed clan became a lightning rod of criticisms
against her land reform agenda.
After the Mendiola Massacre and in response to calls for agrarian reform, President
Aquino issued Presidential Proclamation 131 and Executive Order 229 on 22 July 1987,
which outlined her land reform program, including sugar lands. In 1988, with the backing of
Aquino, the new Congress of the Philippines passed Republic Act No. 6657, more popularly
known as the "Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law" (CARP), which paved the way for the
redistribution of agricultural lands from landowners to tenant-farmers. Landowners were
paid in exchange by the government through just compensation, and were also not allowed
to retain more than five hectares of land. [46] The law also allowed corporate landowners to
"voluntarily divest a proportion of their capital stock, equity or participation in favor of their
workers or other qualified beneficiaries", in lieu of turning over their land to the
government for redistribution.[47] Despite the flaws in the law, the Supreme Court upheld its
constitutionality in 1989, declaring that the implementation of CARP was "a revolutionary
kind of expropriation."[48]
Corazon Aquino herself was subject to a controversy that centered on Hacienda
Luisita, a 6,453-hectare estate located in the Province of Tarlac which she and her siblings
inherited from her father José Cojuangco. Instead of land distribution, Hacienda Luisita
reorganized itself into a corporation and distributed stock. As such, ownership of
agricultural portions of the hacienda was transferred to the corporation, which in turn, gave
its shares of stocks to farmers. Critics argued that Aquino bowed to pressure from relatives
by allowing stock redistribution in lieu of land redistribution under CARP. [49]
The stock redistribution scheme was revoked in 2006, when the Department of
Agrarian Reform ordered the mandatory redistribution of land to tenant-farmers of
Hacienda Luisita. The Department of Agrarian Reform had looked into its revocation since
2004, when violence erupted in the Hacienda over the retrenchment of workers, leaving
seven people dead.[49]

Coup attempts on Aquino government

Main article: 1986–1990 Philippine coup attempts
From 1986 to 1990 numerous coup attempts were enacted on the Aquino
administration and the new Philippine government. Many of these attempts were
conducted by the Reform the Armed Forces Movement, who attempted to establish
a military government, while other attempts were conducted by loyalists to former
President Marcos.

Mendiola massacre and cabinet infighting

Main article: Mendiola Massacre
On 22 January 1987, during the era of transition government and shortly before the
nationwide plebiscite to ratify the Constitution, 12 citizens were killed and 51 were injured
in the Mendiola Massacre. The incident was initially a peaceful protest by agrarian workers
and farmers who had marched to the historic Mendiola Street near the Malacañan Palace to
demand genuine land reform. The massacre occurred when Marines fired at farmers who
tried to go beyond the designated demarcation line set by the police. [50] The massacre
resulted in several resignations from Aquino's cabinet, including Jose Diokno, head of the
Presidential Committee on Human Rights, chairman of the Commission on Human
Rights (CHR), and chairman of the government panel in charge of negotiations with rebel
forces resigned from his government posts. His daughter Maris said, "It was the only time
we saw him near tears."[51]
In September 1987, Vice President Doy Laurel resigned as Secretary of Foreign
Affairs. In his resignation letter to Aquino, Laurel stated, "...the past years of Marcos are
now beginning to look no worse than your first two years in office. And the reported
controversies and scandals involving your closest relatives have become the object of our
people's outrage. From 16,500 NPA regular when Marcos fell, the communists now claim an
armed strength of 25,200. From city to countryside, anarchy has spread. There is anarchy
within the government, anarchy within the ruling coalesced parties and anarchy in the
streets."[52]
Finance Minister Jaime Ongpin, who had successfully advocated for paying external
debt incurred during Marcos' administration, was dismissed by Aquino in September 1987
and later died in an apparent suicide in December 1987. [53] His widow stated that he had
been depressed due to infighting in Aquino's cabinet and lack of significant change since the
People Power Revolution.[54]
Soon after the Mendiola Massacre, the Aquino administration and Congress worked
to pass significant agrarian reform, which culminated in the passage of the Comprehensive
Agrarian Reform Law (CARP).

Peace talks with Moro and communist insurgencies

See also: Moro conflict and Communist rebellion in the Philippines
President Aquino conducted peace talks with the Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF), an armed Moro Muslim insurgency group that sought to establish an
independent Moro state within Mindanao. Aquino met with MNLF leader Nur Misuari and
various MNLF groups in Sulu. In 1989, the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao (ARMM) was created under Republic Act No. 6734 or the ARMM Organic Act,
which established the Moro majority areas in the Mindanao island group as an autonomous
region with its own government.[55] The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao lasted
from 1989 to 2019, after which it was succeeded by the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in
Muslim Mindanao (BARMM).
The establishment of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao was opposed by
the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), a militant splinter group from the MNLF that
sought to secede from the Philippines to establish an Islamic state in Mindanao.[56] Peace
talks with MILF began in 1997 under President Fidel Ramos and violent insurgency officially
continued until 2014, when peace accords were formally signed between MILF and the
administration of President Benigno Aquino III that would lead to the creation of the
BARMM.[57]
The establishment of the ARMM also led to the establishment of Abu Sayyaf,
a terrorist group founded in 1989 by Abdurajak Abubakar Janjalani and composed of radical
former members of the MNLF. Terrorist attacks by Abu Sayyaf would start in 1995 and
continue to the present day, including the 2004 bombing of the MV Superferry 14 that
resulted in the deaths of 116 people.[58]
Shortly after becoming president, Aquino ordered the release of hundreds
of political prisoners imprisoned during the Marcos era, including communist
insurgents belonging to the Communist Party of the Philippines. These releases included
leaders such as Communist Party of the Philippines founder Jose Maria Sison and New
People's Army founder Bernabe Buscayno.[59] Preliminary peace talks with the CPP ended
after the Mendiola Massacre on 22 January 1987, during which at least 12 farmers were
killed at a protest rally.[60][61]
Closing of United States military bases
Soon after Aquino took office, several Philippine senators declared that the presence
of U.S. military forces in the Philippines was an affront to national sovereignty. The senators
called for the United States military to vacate U.S. Naval Base Subic Bay and Clark Air Base,
and Aquino opposed their demand. [62] The United States objected by stating that they had
leased the property and that the leases were still in effect. [63] The United States stated that
the facilities at Subic Bay were unequaled anywhere in Southeast Asia and a U.S. pullout
could make all of that region of the world vulnerable to an incursion by the Soviet Union or
by a resurgent Japan. Another issue with the demand was that thousands of Filipinos
worked at these military facilities and they would lose their jobs if the U.S. military moved
out. Aquino opposed the Senate's demand and believed that the bases should have
remained. Aquino organized a protest against the pullout, which only gathered between
100,000 and 150,000 supporters, far short of the 500,000 to 1 million that had been
originally expected.[64]
The matter was still being debated when Mount Pinatubo erupted in June 1991,
covering the entire area with volcanic ash. Despite attempts to continue the Subic Base,
Aquino finally conceded. In December 1991, the government served notice that the U.S. had
to close the base by the end of 1992.[65]

Natural disasters and calamities

On 20 December 1987, the MV Doña Paz sank after a collision with the oil tanker
MV Vector. The final death toll exceeded 4,300 people, and the sinking has been called the
deadliest peacetime maritime disaster of the 20th century. [66] In the aftermath, Aquino
addressed the incident as "a national tragedy of harrowing proportions." [67]
The 1990 Luzon earthquake was a 7.8 magnitude earthquake that struck the island
of Luzon. It left an estimate of 1,621 people dead and massive property damage.
In 1991, a volcanic eruption of Mount Pinatubo, then thought to be dormant, killed around
800 people and caused widespread long-term devastation of agricultural lands in Central
Luzon.[68] Around 20,000 residents had to be evacuated and around 10,000 people were left
homeless by the event. It was the second largest terrestrial eruption of the 20th century.
On 1 November 1991 Tropical Storm Thelma (also known as Typhoon Uring) caused
massive flooding in Ormoc City, leaving around 5,000 dead in what was then considered to
be the deadliest typhoon in Philippine history. On 8 November, Aquino declared all
of Leyte a disaster area.[69]

Electrical power grid inadequacy

During Aquino's presidency, electric blackouts became common in Manila. The city
experienced 7–12 hours-long blackouts, which severely affected its businesses. By the
departure of Aquino in June 1992, businesses in Manila and nearby provinces had lost
nearly $800 million since the preceding March.
 Corazon Aquino's decision to deactivate the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP),
which was built during the Marcos administration, contributed to further electricity crises in
the 1990s, as the 620 megawatts capacity of the plant would have been enough to cover the
shortfall at that time.[70] Critics of the BNPP had stated that the power plant was unsafe, and
cited the millions of dollars in bribes paid to President Marcos to allow its construction.
[70]
 The administration had failed to provide for an adequate replacement for the plant
before her term had completed, and President Corazon Aquino ended her term in 1992 with
the country reeling under a severe power shortage crisis.[71][72]

Influence in 1992 presidential election

The 1987 Constitution limited the president to a single six-year term with no
possibility of re-election. As the end of her presidency drew near, close advisers and friends
told Aquino that since she was not inaugurated under the 1987 Constitution, she was still
eligible to seek the presidency again in the upcoming 1992 elections, the first presidential
elections held under normal and peaceful circumstances since 1965. However, Aquino firmly
declined the requests for her to seek reelection, citing her strong belief that the presidency
was not a lifetime position.
Initially, she named Ramon V. Mitra, Speaker of the Philippine House of
Representatives who had been a friend of her husband, as her preferred candidate for the
1992 presidential elections. However, she later backtracked and instead supported the
candidacy of General Fidel V. Ramos, who was her defense secretary and a key figure in the
EDSA Revolution. Ramos had consistently stood by her government during the various coup
attempts that were launched against her administration. Her sudden change of mind and
withdrawal of support from Mitra drew criticism from her supporters in the liberal
and social democratic sectors. Her decision also drew criticism from the Catholic Church,
which questioned her support of Ramos due to his being a Protestant. General Ramos won
the 1992 elections with 23.58% of the total votes in a wide-open campaign.
On 30 June 1992, Corazon Aquino formally and peacefully handed over power to Fidel
Ramos. On that day, Fidel V. Ramos was inaugurated as the twelfth president of the
Philippines. After the inauguration, Aquino left the ceremony in a simple white Toyota
Crown she had purchased, rather than the lavish government-issued Mercedes Benz in
which she and Ramos had ridden on the way to the ceremonies, to make the point that she
was once again an ordinary citizen.[73]

Post-presidency
Domestic
During Aquino's retirement and stay as a private citizen, she remained active in the
Philippine political scene. Aquino would voice her dissent to government actions and
policies that she deemed threats to the democratic foundations of the country.
In 1997, Aquino, together with Cardinal Jaime Sin, led a rally opposing President
Fidel Ramos' attempt to extend his term through his proposal to amend the 1987
Constitution's restriction on presidential term limits. Ramos' proposed charter change would
fail, leaving term limits and the presidential system in place.
 During the 1998 Philippine presidential election, Aquino endorsed the candidacy of
former police general and Manila Mayor Alfredo Lim from the Liberal Party for president.
Lim would lose to Vice President Joseph Estrada, who won by a landslide.[74] In 1999, Aquino
and Cardinal Jaime Sin again worked together to oppose a second plan to amend the
Constitution to remove term limits, this time under President Estrada. President Estrada
stated that his plan to amend the Constitution was intended to lift provisions that 'restrict'
economic activities and investments, and Estrada denied that it was an attempt to extend
his stay in office. Estrada's proposed charter change would also fail.
In 2000, Aquino joined the mounting calls for Estrada to resign from office, amid a
series of corruption scandals, including strong allegations of bribery charges and gambling
kickbacks. Estrada was impeached by the House of Representatives in November 2000 but
acquitted by the Senate in December, which in January 2001 led to the Second EDSA
Revolution, which ousted Estrada. During the Second EDSA Revolution, Aquino
enthusiastically supported the ascendancy of Vice President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to the
position of president.[75] In the subsequent trial of Joseph Estrada, Estrada was acquitted
of perjury but found guilty of plunder and sentenced to reclusion perpetua with the
accessory penalties of perpetual disqualification from public office and forfeiture of ill-
gotten wealth on 12 September 2007. Estrada was pardoned by President Macapagal-
Arroyo on 26 October 2007.
In 2005, after a series of revelations and exposes that implicated President Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo in rigging the 2004 presidential elections, Aquino called on Arroyo to
resign in order to prevent bloodshed, violence and further political deterioration. [76] Aquino
once again led massive street-level demonstrations, this time demanding the resignation of
President Arroyo.[77]
During the 2007 senatorial elections, Aquino actively campaigned for her only
son, Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III, who went on to win his race. Less than a year after
Corazon Aquino's death in 2009, Benigno Aquino III won the 2010 Philippine presidential
election and served as the 15th president of the Philippines from 2010 to 2016.
In December 2008, Corazon Aquino publicly expressed regret for her participation in
the 2001 Second EDSA Revolution, which installed Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as president.
She apologized to former President Joseph Estrada for the role she played in his ouster in
2001.[78] Aquino's apology drew criticisms from numerous politicians. [79] In June 2009, two
months before her death, Aquino issued a public statement in which she strongly
denounced and condemned the Arroyo administration's plans of amending the 1987
Constitution, calling it a "shameless abuse of power."

International
Shortly after leaving the presidency, Aquino traveled abroad, giving speeches and
lectures on issues of democracy, development, human rights, and women empowerment.
At the 1994 meeting of the UNESCO World Commission on Culture and Development in
Manila, Aquino delivered a speech urging the unconditional release of Burmese democratic
leader Aung San Suu Kyi from detention. Until her death in 2009, Aquino would continue to
petition for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi.
 Aquino was a member of the Council of Women World Leaders, an international
organization of former and current female heads of state, from the group's inception in
1996 to her death.
In 1997, Aquino attended the wake and funeral of Saint Mother Teresa of Calcutta,
whom she met during the latter's visit in Manila in 1989. In 2005, Aquino joined the
international community in mourning the death of Pope John Paul II.[citation needed]
In 2002, Aquino became the first woman named to the Board of Governors at
the Asian Institute of Management, a leading graduate business school and think tank in the
Asia Pacific region.[80] She served on the Board until 2006.[81]

Charitable and social initiatives

After her term as president, Aquino was involved in several charitable activities and
socio-economic initiatives. From 1992 until her death, Aquino was chairperson of the
Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. Foundation, which she set up in her husband's honor after his
assassination in 1983. Aquino supported the Gawad Kalinga social housing project for the
poor and homeless. In 2007, Aquino helped establish the PinoyME Foundation, a non-profit
organization that aims to provide microfinancing programs and projects for the poor.
Aquino also painted, and would occasionally give away her paintings to friends and family or
auction her paintings and donate the proceeds to charity. She never sold her art for her own
profit.[82]

Illness and death

Main article: Death and funeral of Corazon Aquino
On 24 March 2008, Aquino's family announced that the former president had been
diagnosed with colorectal cancer. Upon her being earlier informed by her doctors that she
had only three months to live, [83] she pursued medical treatment and chemotherapy. A
series of healing Masses for Aquino, who was a devout Catholic, were held throughout the
country for her recovery. In a public statement during one healing Mass on 13 May 2008,
Aquino said that her blood tests indicated that she was responding well to treatment,
although her hair and appetite loss were apparent. [84]
By July 2009, Aquino was reported to be suffering from loss of appetite and in very
serious condition. At that time she was confined to Makati Medical Center.[85] It was later
announced that Aquino and her family had decided to stop chemotherapy and other
medical interventions for her.[86][87]
Aquino died in the Makati Medical Center at 3:18 a.m. on 1 August 2009 due
to cardiorespiratory arrest at the age of 76.[88]

Wake and funeral

On the day of Aquino's passing, then-incumbent President Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo announced a 10-day mourning period for the former president and issued
Administrative Order No. 269 detailing the necessary arrangements for a state funeral.
[90]
 Arroyo was on a state visit to the United States at the time of Aquino's passing and
returned to the Philippines on 5 August, cutting her visit short to pay her last respects to
Aquino.[91][92] Aquino's children declined Arroyo's offer of a state funeral for their mother. [93]
All churches in the Philippines celebrated requiem masses simultaneously
throughout the country and all government offices flew the Philippine flag at half-mast.
Hours after her death, Aquino's body lay in repose for public viewing at the La Salle Green
Hills campus in Mandaluyong. On 3 August 2009, Aquino's body was transferred from La
Salle Greenhills to Manila Cathedral in Intramuros, during which hundreds of thousands of
Filipinos lined the streets to view and escort the former leader's body. On the way to the
cathedral, Aquino's funeral cortege passed along Ayala Avenue in Makati, stopping in front
of the monument to her husband Ninoy, where throngs of mourners gathered and sang the
patriotic protest anthem "Bayan Ko".[94] Aquino's casket was brought inside the Cathedral by
mid-afternoon that day. Following her death, all Roman Catholic dioceses in the country
held Requiem Masses.[95]

On 4 August 2009, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos, Jr. and Imee Marcos, two

prominent children of late former President Ferdinand Marcos, paid their last respects to
Aquino in spite of the two families' longstanding feud. The Marcos siblings were received by
Aquino's daughters María Elena, Aurora Corazon, and Victoria Elisa. [96]
A final Requiem Mass was held on the morning of 5 August 2009, with Archbishop of
Manila Cardinal Gaudencio Rosales, Bishop of Balanga Socrates B. Villegas, and other high-
ranking clergymen concelebrating. Aquino's daughter Kris spoke on behalf of her family
towards the end of the Mass. Aquino's flag-draped casket was escorted from the cathedral
to Manila Memorial Park in Parañaque, where she was interred beside her husband in her
family mausoleum. Aquino's funeral procession took more than eight hours to reach the
burial site, as tens of thousands of civilians lined the route to pay their respects. Philippine
Air Force UH-1 helicopters showered the procession with yellow confetti and ships docked
at Manila's harbor blared their sirens to salute the late president.
 5 Paragraph Argumentative Essay

As online learning becomes more common and more and more resources are converted to
digital form, some people have suggested that public libraries should be shut down and, in
their place, everyone should be given an iPad with an e-reader subscription.
Proponents of this idea state that it will save local cities and towns money because libraries
are expensive to maintain. They also believe it will encourage more people to read because
they won’t have to travel to a library to get a book; they can simply click on what they want
to read and read it from wherever they are. They could also access more materials because
libraries won’t have to buy physical copies of books; they can simply rent out as many digital
copies as they need.
However, it would be a serious mistake to replace libraries with tablets. First, digital books
and resources are associated with less learning and more problems than print resources. A
study done on tablet vs book reading found that people read 20-30% slower on tablets,
retain 20% less information, and understand 10% less of what they read compared to
people who read the same information in print. Additionally, staring too long at a screen has
been shown to cause numerous health problems, including blurred vision, dizziness, dry
eyes, headaches, and eye strain, at much higher instances than reading print does. People
who use tablets and mobile devices excessively also have a higher incidence of more serious
health issues such as fibromyalgia, shoulder and back pain, carpal tunnel syndrome, and
muscle strain. I know that whenever I read from my e-reader for too long, my eyes begin to
feel tired and my neck hurts. We should not add to these problems by giving people,
especially young people, more reasons to look at screens.
Second, it is incredibly narrow-minded to assume that the only service libraries offer is book
lending.
Libraries have a multitude of benefits, and many are only available if the library has a
physical location. Some of these benefits include acting as a quiet study space, giving people
a way to converse with their neighbors, holding classes on a variety of topics, providing jobs,
answering patron questions, and keeping the community connected. One neighborhood
found that, after a local library instituted community events such as play times for toddlers
and parents, job fairs for teenagers, and meeting spaces for senior citizens, over a third of
residents reported feeling more connected to their community. Similarly, a Pew survey
conducted in 2015 found that nearly two-thirds of American adults feel that closing their
local library would have a major impact on their community. People see libraries as a way to
connect with others and get their questions answered, benefits tablets can’t offer nearly as
well or as easily.
While replacing libraries with tablets may seem like a simple solution, it would encourage
people to spend even more time looking at digital screens, despite the myriad issues
surrounding them. It would also end access to many of the benefits of libraries that people
have come to rely on. In many areas, libraries are such an important part of the community
network that they could never be replaced by a simple object.
 6th Grade Persuasive Essay
Cell Phones In School

Who doesn’t have a cell phone these days? The amazing thing about cell phones is that they are no
longer just used for calling or texting. They have become an indispensable multi-tool wonder.
Today’s cell phone is cutting-edge technology at your fingertips. With this in mind, should students
be permitted to use cell phones in school? I believe they should not just be permitted to use cell
phones; they should be required to use them. Cell phones don’t just allow students to stay
connected with family and friends, they are also an excellent learning resource, and they encourage
the responsible use of technology.

To begin with, cell phones make it possible for students to stay in touch with family and friends. A
student can call home and ask a family member to bring them a forgotten assignment or lunch
money or to come pick them up if they are sick. Also, cell phones allow parents to keep track of their
children’s whereabouts before, during, and after school. In a recent study, 71% of parents whose
children had cell phones felt safer about their child’s whereabouts when they were away from them.
Students can also connect with friends, but not just because it’s a fun thing to do; my teacher asks us
to text or email our friends when they are absent to let them know what’s going on in class and to
inform them of any homework. When used responsibly, a cell phone can be an excellent
communication tool.

Also, cell phones – especially smart phones - are a fabulous learning resource. Students can use tools
such as the calculator, the map finder, and the calendar. I’ve used my cell phone in Math and Social
Studies and to keep track of my homework. My science teacher lets us use our smart phones to do
research when we are doing group work or working on a project. For example, when we did a project
in Social Studies, I used my cell phone to research information about resources that were traded in
Ancient Mesopotamia. Plus there are lots of great learning websites – including essay-writing
websites – we can use to supplement the learning in class. Cell phones are a quick and easy way to
incorporate technology in the classroom.

Finally, cell phones encourage the responsible use of technology. Students can learn when and how
to use their cell phones to enhance their learning. Bill Gates, founder of Microsoft, says “Students
can learn when and how to use their cell phones to enhance their learning.” They will become more
independent in their work and more motivated to learn. Almost 100% of students say they like being
allowed to make choices, and they understand consequences. If a student is texting when he/she
should be paying attention to the teacher, the teacher should take the cell phone temporarily away.
By allowing the use of cell phones, students will feel like they are being treated like responsible
young adults, and they will appreciate that. If teachers are patient, understanding, and consistent,
students will surely become responsible users of technology.

In conclusion, people who oppose the use of cell phones in school do it because of the disruptions
and distractions cell phones can cause. But we must accept that we live in a world of technology and
that cell phones are an important and very useful part of that world. We miss out if we fail to take
advantage of the educational power of the cell phone. All in all, cell phones improve communication,
provide learning resources, and encourage appropriate use of technology. Teachers and
administrators must find ways to incorporate this excellent multi-tool in our schools. As you’ve
learned from this essay, it’s really not that difficult. Let’s make the most of the hi-tech world we are
living in!

Malaria Eradication Plans - Prevention Rather Than Treatment

Malaria is an infectious disease caused by parasites that are transmitted to people

through female Anopheles mosquitoes. Each year, over half a billion people will become
infected with malaria, with roughly 80% of them living in Sub-Saharan Africa. Nearly half a
million people die of malaria every year, most of them young children under the age of five.
Unlike many other infectious diseases, the death toll for malaria is rising. While there have
been many programs designed to improve access to malaria treatment, the best way to
reduce the impact of malaria in Sub-Saharan Africa is to focus on reducing the number of
people who contract the disease in the first place, rather than waiting to treat the disease
after the person is already infected.

There are multiple drugs available to treat malaria, and many of them work well and save
lives, but malaria eradication programs that focus too much on them and not enough on
prevention haven’t seen long-term success in Sub-Saharan Africa. A major program to
combat malaria was WHOs Global Malaria Eradication Program. Started in 1955, it had a
goal of eliminating malaria in Africa within the next ten years. Based upon previously
successful programs in Brazil and the United States, the program focused mainly on vector
control. This included widely distributing chloroquine and spraying large amounts of DDT.
More than one billion dollars was spent trying to abolish malaria. However, the program
suffered from many problems and in 1969, WHO was forced to admit that the program had
not succeeded in eradicating malaria. The number of people in Sub-Saharan Africa who
contracted malaria as well as the number of malaria deaths had actually increased over 10%
during the time the program was active.

One of the major reasons for the failure of the project was that it set uniform
strategies and policies. By failing to consider variations between governments, geography,
and infrastructure, the program was not nearly as successful as it could have been.
SubSaharan Africa has neither the money nor the infrastructure to support such an
elaborate program, and it couldn’t be run the way it was meant to. Most African countries
don't have the resources to send all their people to doctors and get shots, nor can they
afford to clear wetlands or other malaria prone areas. The continent’s spending per person
for eradicating malaria was just a quarter of what Brazil spent. Sub-Saharan Africa simply
can’t rely on a plan that requires more money, infrastructure, and expertise than they have
to spare.
Additionally, the widespread use of chloroquine has created drug resistant parasites which
are now plaguing Sub-Saharan Africa. Because chloroquine was used widely but
inconsistently, mosquitoes developed resistance, and chloroquine is now nearly completely
ineffective in Sub-Saharan Africa, with over 95% of mosquitoes resistant to it. As a result,
newer, more expensive drugs need to be used to prevent and treat malaria, which further
drives up the cost of malaria treatment for a region that can ill afford it.

Instead of developing plans to treat malaria after the infection has incurred,
programs should focus on preventing infection from occurring in the first place. Not only is
this plan cheaper and more effective, reducing the number of people who contract malaria
also reduces loss of work/school days which can further bring down the productivity of the
region.
One of the cheapest and most effective ways of preventing malaria is to implement
insecticide-treated bed nets (ITNs). These nets provide a protective barrier around the
person or people using them. While untreated bed nets are still helpful, those treated with
insecticides are much more useful because they stop mosquitoes from biting people
through the nets, and they help reduce mosquito populations in a community, thus helping
people who don’t even own bed nets. Bed nets are also very effective because most
mosquito bites occur while the person is sleeping, so bed nets would be able to drastically
reduce the number of transmissions during the night. In fact, transmission of malaria can be
reduced by as much as 90% in areas where the use of ITNs is widespread. Because money is
so scarce in Sub-Saharan Africa, the low cost is a great benefit and a major reason why the
program is so successful. Bed nets cost roughly 2 USD to make, last several years, and can
protect two adults. Studies have shown that, for every 100-1000 more nets are being used,
one less child dies of malaria. With an estimated 300 million people in Africa not being
protected by mosquito nets, there’s the potential to save three million lives by spending just
a few dollars per person.
Reducing the number of people who contract malaria would also reduce poverty levels in
Africa significantly, thus improving other aspects of society like education levels and the
economy. Vector control is more effective than treatment strategies because it means fewer
people are getting sick. When fewer people get sick, the working population is stronger as a
whole because people are not put out of work from malaria, nor are they caring for sick
relatives. Malaria-afflicted families can typically only harvest 40% of the crops that healthy
families can harvest. Additionally, a family with members who have malaria spends roughly
a quarter of its income treatment, not including the loss of work they also must deal with
due to the illness. It’s estimated that malaria costs Africa 12 billion USD in lost income every
year. A strong working population creates a stronger economy, which Sub-Saharan Africa is
in desperate need of.
 Persuasive Essay on Social Media
Social media is the reason for many of the world’s problems and solutions. It can be used to raise
awareness for an important cause, but it can also be used to spread hate, especially between
teenagers. Being a teenager, I can be the first to say that social media is how most teens run their
life, but is it the right way? Austen McCann makes a brilliant point in his article, “Social media has
allowed them to take their life online and instead of saying goodbye to friends at school and waiting
to see them the next day...”Although social media can connect teens to the world and friends and
family around them, it is actually one of the highest ranking causes of suicide amongst teenagers in
the 21st century. As important as connection via the internet can be, social media does not have to
be the primary source for teenagers.

The average teenager spends a minimum of 2 hours and 20 minutes on social media every day. In
Austin McCann’s Impact of Social Media on Teens articles he brings up that “social media is
becoming more than a part of their world, it’s becoming their world.” Teens complain about
constantly being stressed with homework, but maybe homework isn’t the main source of the stress.
EveryDay Health magazine states that, on statistics, a teenager who spends more time outdoor is
generally a happier and healthier kid. However, since 2000, the time teenagers spend outside has
decreased significantly causing more depression and obesity. Not only does it affect health, social
media deprives parents from having a thorough conversation with their children without them
checking their phone. Even though the positive effect of having a social media profile is to
communicate with friends/family, they don’t even have the decency to lift their head and engage in
a conversation. Enjoying the little things around them becomes a difficult task to the average
teenager when they’re too busy tweeting about it. The contradicting effects of it goes to show that
social media is not all it is talked up to be.

Should. That is the word that teenagers have no choice but to constantly follow. Social media
encourages the false images of how everything should be in a perfect world. This impact is what
causes the insecurities and questionings to girls and boys. These misleading pictures of how bodies,
relationships, houses, cars, etc. should be are what lowers self esteem and leads to depression and
suicides. Aside from connecting, social media revolves around who “retweeted” who’s "selfie" and
“how many favorites did that pic get”. It’s almost sickening knowing that teenagers base their
insecurities around how many likes they get. The false perception of life portrayed all over social
media is misleading towards teens and not worth the effort to filter.

Not only is social media misleading, it is also very unimportant. Aside from the news part of the sites,
a majority of the posts are extremely insignificant and unimportant to our world. The kind of
information that “Becky just got new car interior” is completely useless in the long run. Nicholas
Wapshott states in his Buying Into Big Brother article about social media says, “We may take pity on
the idiot schoolboy who uses expletives on Twitter or posts a picture of himself holding a joint at a
party only to discover when he looks for a job that a trawl by an HR department has made him
unemployable.” Taking a step back can open your eyes to the realization that nothing your friends
are going to post will affect your life in the long run. Instead of going through the drama and
irrelevant parts of social media, connect with your friends and family by calling them up and avoid
the complications and uselessness of the web sites.

Avoiding social media can be very difficult. Especially in a situation where one used it daily and
transitioned over within a week. It’s a very challenging task, but in the long run, you will not have to
worry about wasting your time, false perceptions and unnecessary information! Encouraging teens
and friends to spend less time on social media and more time actually socializing can really change
your life for the better.

PERSUASIVE ESSAY SAMPLES

Why Students Should Eat Breakfast Every Day

A lot of people, especially young people, go through the day without having breakfast. Many people
believe that it is not necessary, or they say that they don’t have time for that, and begin their day
with no meal. I believe that everyone should eat breakfast before going to their activities. The
purpose of this paper is to show the importance of breakfast, especially for students. (THESIS
STATEMENT)

The first reason why you should eat breakfast before going to school is for your health. When you
skip breakfast and go to school, you are looking for a disease because it’s not healthy to have an
empty stomach all day long. It’s very important to have a meal and not let your stomach work
empty. All you are going to get is gastritis and a lot of problems with your health if you don’t eat
breakfast.

Another reason for eating breakfast is because you need food for to do well in your classes. Your
body and your brain are not going to function as good as they could because you have no energy and
no strength. When you try to learn something and have nothing in your stomach, you are going to
have a lot of trouble succeeding. A lot of people think that they should not eat because they are
going to feel tired, but that’s not true. Breakfast is not a very big meal, and on the contrary, you’re
going to feel tired if you don’t have breakfast because you have spent the entire previous night
without food.

The last reason to have breakfast every day is because you can avoid diseases if you eat some
breakfast in the morning. If you don’t eat, you are going to get sick, and these diseases will have a
stronger effect on you because you’re going to get sick easier than people who have breakfast every
day.

You have to realize that breakfast is the most important meal of the day, and you cannot skip it
without consequences for your health, your school and your defense mechanism. It is better to wake
up earlier and have a good breakfast that run to school without eating anything. It is time for you to
do something for your health, and eating breakfast is the better way to start your day.
 We Should Not All Be Uniform!

Every day, millions of teenagers spend between six and eight hours in America’s high schools. They
sit at their desks, listen to their teachers, and do their school work. In some of these schools,
however, they are also forced to dress in school uniforms. This restriction is really too much. In
America’s high schools, students should not be forced to wear uniforms because they take away a
student’s sense of individuality, they do not allow for self-expression, and they absolutely do not
save families any money.

First of all, students should not wear uniforms because they take away a student’s sense of
individuality. Imagine this: 30 students sit in desks in a small classroom. Each student wears tan
pants and a white shirt. They sit with their school books and papers in front of them. They all look
exactly alike. Does this seem right? Of course not! We are all individuals! We are unique in many
different ways. Why try to make all students look alike? This idea is supported by testimony from a
17-year-old student forced to wear uniforms. Her story was reported in National Catholic Reporter
of March, 2002, and she said, "Everyone hated it. It completely killed any sense of individuality any
one of us had. Everyone looked the same. It was sad to watch". Clearly, students with experience in
wearing uniforms feel that they take away a sense of individuality.

Next, school uniforms do not allow students to express themselves. Teenagers are at an age where
they are trying to establish their identity. Is it fair to prevent them from exploring? self-expression
by making them wear uniforms? By taking away a student’s right to choose what to wear, we also
take away the opportunity to express oneself. For example, if a young woman is very interested in
becoming a fashion designer, she may begin to take home economics classes and train herself to
make clothes and create patterns. If that were true, she would definitely want to wear her own
creations to school; this would allow her to show off her achievements and gauge her peers’
responses to her newly created clothes. However, if she were a student who was forced to wear
uniforms, she would not be able to express herself in this manner. To take that right away from
America’s youth is an injustice.
Finally, some schools tell parents that uniforms are a good idea because they save family’s money.
This is not necessarily true. It is logical to say that when teenagers come home from school, they
want to change out of the clothes that they were forced to wear to school. Well, what are they
going to change into? They will want clothes of their own choice, of course. This means that parents
would still have to provide their children with clothes that fit current trends, plus they would have to
buy a separate set of clothes for their children to wear to school each day. While it is possible that
some teenagers may not want designer clothes in addition to their school uniforms, it is very
unlikely.

In conclusion, in our public schools, students should not be forced to wear uniforms. This is because
they take away a student’s sense of individuality, they do not allow for self-expression, and they do
not save families any money. There are already plenty of restrictions upon high school students, and
these rules and regulations are acceptable because they help maintain order on a daily basis.
However, mandating school uniforms would not be a helpful regulation. Uniforms may seem like a
good idea at first, but in the end they would do more harm than good.