Issues in the Implementation of the

Duterte Presidential Platform

Leandro Villanueva
Yuchengco Center

Issues in the Implementation of

the Duterte Presidential Platform

1. Introduction
The State of the Nation Address (SONA) is a yearly tradition wherein the
President of the Philippines reports on the status of the country including the
government’s agenda for the coming year, and proposes legislative measures to
Congress and plans for the country. The SONA is a constitutional obligation,
required by Article VII, Section 23 of the 1987 Constitution mandating that
“The President shall address the Congress at the opening of its regular session.”
Moreover, Article VI, Section 15 prescribes that the Congress “shall convene
once every year on the fourth Monday of July for its regular session.” (The State
of the Nation Addresses: Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines)

1.1 Historical Evolution of SONA

1.1.1 First Republic (1898 – 1899)
The First Philippine Republic adopted the European
parliamentary tradition, wherein the head of state ceremonially opened
sessions of the National Assembly. According to the 1899 Constitution,
the President of the Philippines has the duty to open, suspend, and close
Congress. The Constitution also gave the President the power to
communicate to Congress through messages to be read to the National
Assembly (La Asamblea Nacional) by Secretaries of Government. (The
State of the Nation Address: Traditions and History – Official Gazette
of the Republic of the Philippines)

On September 15, 1898, President Emilio Aguinaldo delivered an

address during the Inaugural Session of the Assembly of Representatives,
more popularly known as the Malolos Congress. This speech was not a
SONA because it was merely a congratulatory message to the Assembly
instead of a constitutionally mandated report to the Legislature. The
Malolos Congress only had one formal opening. By May 1899, it had
been dissolved because of the war. (ibid)

1.1.2 From the Philippine Commission to Philippine Legislature

(1899 – 1935)
In 1899, during the Philippine-American War, U.S. President
William McKinley’s appointed the First Philippine Commission (known

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as the Schurman Commission) to survey the Philippines and examines its

condition. As a result, a report on the status of the Philippines was
transmitted to the U.S. President by the Commission on January 31,
1900. It recommended the swift transition from military to civil
government; the establishment of local government headed by Filipinos;
and free education. Thereafter, the Commission, later replaced by the
Second Philippine Commission (the Taft Commission), sent its annual
reports for the fiscal year to the U.S. President through the U.S.
Secretary of War. (ibid)

1.1.3 Commonwealth of the Philippines (1935 – 1941)

The SONA, as an annual practice known today, began during the
Commonwealth administration of the Philippines. The 1935 constitution
as amended stated in Article VII, Section 5 that “The President shall
from time to time give to the Congress information on the State of the
Nation, and recommend for its consideration such measures as he shall
judge necessary and expedient.” (ibid)

The first SONA was delivered during a special session of the

National Assembly on National Defense on November 25, 1935 by then
President Manuel L. Quezon at Legislative Building in Manila (now as
National Museum of the Philippines) where he delivered his message in
fulfillment of the Constitutional mandate to submit a report of the “State
of the Nation” to Congress on its opening session under the
Commonwealth era. (ibid)

1.1.4 Second Republic (1943 – 1945)

President Jose P. Laurel of the Second Philippine Republic
delivered his first and only message before the special session of the
National Assembly, led by Speaker Benigno Aquino, on October 18,
1943, four days after the Republic was established. This took place in the
Legislative Building, Manila. (ibid)

However, Laurel, who was one of the delegates who drafted

the 1935 Constitution, pointed out in his address that the 1943
Constitution did not provide for a report to the Legislature on the state
of the nation and that his speech was not a SONA. His message before
the assembly, therefore, is not included in the roster of SONAs (ibid)

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1.1.5 Restoration of the Commonwealth (1945)

With the defeat of the Imperial Japanese forces and the
reestablishment of the Commonwealth Government in the Philippines,
the Congress of the Philippines, elected in 1941 as a bicameral body,
convened on June 9, 1945. This was the second time the SONA was
delivered before a special session. During this special session, President
Sergio Osmeña addressed the lawmakers at their provisional quarters in a
converted school house at Lepanto Street in Manila and gave a
comprehensive report on the work carried out by the Commonwealth
Government during its three-year stay in Washington, DC. Furthermore,
he described the conditions prevailing in the Philippines during the
period of occupation and an acknowledgment of the invaluable
assistance rendered by the guerrillas to the American forces in the
liberation of the Philippines. This was President Osmeña’s first and only
SONA. (ibid)

1.1.6 Third Republic (1946 - 1972)

Starting in 1949, the address was held at the reconstructed
Legislative Building. Only once did a president not appear personally
before Congress: on January 23, 1950, President Elpidio Quirino, who
was recuperating at the Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, Maryland,
delivered his SONA to the Joint Session of Congress via radio broadcast
through RCS in the United States that was picked up by the local radio
network at 10:00 a.m., just in time for the opening of the regular
Congressional session.

1.1.7 Martial Law and the Fourth Republic (1972 – 1986)

On September 23, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos
declared Martial Law. Congress was padlocked before it was due to
commence on January 22, 1973 when there was supposed to be a
SONA. (ibid)

From 1973 to 1977, the SONA was delivered on the official

anniversary of the imposition of martial law on September 21 of each
year (official because martial law was actually imposed on September 23,
1972), and since Congress was abolished with the promulgation of
the 1973 Constitution, these addresses were delivered before an
assembly either in Malacañang Palace or at Rizal Park, except in 1976,
when the address was given during the opening of the Batasang Bayan

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(appointed legislative body) at the Philippine International Convention

Center. Whenever the 21st of September fell on Sunday, the SONA
would be delivered the Friday before. This was the case in the tenth
SONA of President Marcos which was delivered on September 19,
1975. Moreover, the term “State of the Nation” was altogether dropped
in the 1973 Constitution. (ibid)

1.1.8 Fifth Republic (1987 – Present)

With the restoration of Congress in 1987, President Corazon C.
Aquino delivered her first SONA in the Session Hall of the House of
Representatives at the Batasang Pambansa Complex, Quezon City. This
marked the return of the Constitutional imperative. However, the 1987
Constitution dropped the term “state of the Nation” but the name had
become traditional. In her 1987 State of the Nation Address, President
Corazon Aquino specifically said: “The complete leadership of this
country has been chosen; the configuration of their powers and duties
permanently set by the new Constitution. An election is as much an
expression as it is an exercise of the national will. We have been made
instruments of this will. Our performance will bear witness to its wis-
dom. It is my duty under the Constitution to apprise you now of the
state of the nation—but henceforth its continuing progress shall be our
common accountability.”

2 National Issues confronting the Duterte Administration

2.1 Traffic congestion on main roads and highways
This problem has gone from bad to worse in the previous few years. The
past administration did not have a plan to solve the worsening traffic and
simply allowed to persist. The economy suffers huge productivity losses due
to the inefficiency in resolving the traffic congestion.

According to the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Metro

Manila’s traffic jams are costing the Philippine economy an estimated of 2.4
billion pesos or $57 million a day in potential income. JICA report also
pointed out that traffic congestion leads to increased fuel consumption and
automobile emissions as vehicles are forced to operate less efficiently.
(Rodis, 2014)

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Image 1: Severe heavy traffic in Metro Manila

Source: iMoney Philippines, 2016

2.1.1 Poor Infrastructure Services

Since the volume of vehicles is increasing that causes heavy
traffic along the roads and highways, other motorists consider riding the
train systems such as the Philippine National Railways (PNR), Metro Rail
Transit (MRT) and the Light Rail Transit (LRT). However, the quality of
service of these train systems has diminished as commuters endure long
lines to get inside the station and to get on-board.

Image 2: Long queues of Passengers at LRT-1 and MRT-3 stations

Source: ABS-CBN
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Image 3: MRT-3 Passengers walks on the track after a Train malfunctioned

Source: ABS-CBN

In January 2015, the fare increase proposal at LRT-1, LRT2, and

MRT-3 was implemented to cut the government subsidy of the railway
systems for the purpose of allocating the other portion of the
transportation budget to other social services. Moreover, it was meant to
further improve the quality of current train operations and services.
Despite this, there are no improvements in service of the three railway
systems. Much worse, technical problems, long queues, longer train
intervals, fewer and slower number of trains persist.

2.1.2 Lack of Basic Infrastructure

The lack of basic infrastructure – physical and organizational is a
common problem. The country needs services and facilities necessary for
its economy to function. These include additional hospitals, schools, and
telecommunications facilities that will cater to the increasing population.

The current government’s spending did not prioritize the

upgrade of services and facilities. No amount of public relations to
attract foreign investors will be enough if these facilities are not in place.

2.1.3 Slow and expensive internet

The public outcry is backed by complaints of poor internet
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connections, slow speed, and expensive plans if one wanted faster

internet. Studies comparing internet speeds based on 2014 data showed
that the Philippines operates on an average of 3.6 Mbps (megabits per
second), or slower than other countries like Indonesia and Laos. The
average internet speed for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
was 12.4 Mbps where Singapore has the fastest among Asian countries
with an average of 61 Mbps. (Faster Internet, 2016)

The Philippines lagged behind as having the slowest average

internet speed in South East Asian Countries in 2014.

Figure 1: Internet speed ranking in Asia, 2014

Source: The Star Online Malaysia, (2014)

In May 2015, the overall ranking of constituent Asian countries

showed that the Philippines was ranked 21st of 22 countries with the
second slowest average download speed among the Asian countries.

Table 1: Internet speed ranking in Asia, 2015

Country Average Mbps
1. Singapore 122.43
2. Hong Kong 102.96
3. Japan 82.12
4. South Korea 59.77
5. Macau 50.66
6. Taiwan 50.59
7. Thailand 19.82

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Country Average Mbps

8. Mongolia 17.92
9. Vietnam 17.70
10. Bangladesh 9.86
11. Cambodia 9.04
12. Nepal 8.63
13. Brunei 7.99
14. Bhutan 7.82
15. India 7.04
16. Malaysia 7.03
17. Laos 6.92
18. Indonesia 6.68
19. Myanmar 6.54
20. Pakistan 4.00
21. Philippines 3.64
22. Afghanistan 2.52
Source: Ookla’s household speed index, (May 2015)

The Philippines also ranked 176th of 202 countries in terms of

average download speed: posting an average of 3.64 Mbps. The
Philippines has the slowest Internet Connection in Asia, slightly above
the strife-torn Afghanistan. (Hegina, 2016)

Despite having one of the slowest speed, the Internet in the

Philippines also is the most expensive, ranking 61st, with an average cost
of $18.19 per Mbps, exceeding the average of $5.21. The country also
ranked 59th in the relative cost of broadband subscription, which was set
at $31.55 (Gonzales, 2015)

2.2 National Security

2.2.1 Illegal Drugs
Illegal drugs remain a serious problem in our country. Two of the
most used illegal drugs in the Philippines are shabu and marijuana.
According to the survey conducted by the Dangerous Drugs Board
(DDB), there were of 4.8 million Filipinos taking illegal drugs while in
2016, there are 1.8 million drug users in the Philippines or 1.8% of the
total population of 101 million.

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Figure 2: Drug Raids, Arrests, and Rehabilitation Admissions

Source: PDEA

2.3. Economy
2.3.1. Poverty
Poverty and inequality are challenges in our country in the wake
of crime, corruption, unemployment, soaring commodity.

The causes of poverty in the country are:

 high level of population growth;
 high inflation rate during crisis periods;
 lack of employment generation and poor quality of jobs
generated;
 low to moderate economic growth in the past 40 years;
 low growth of elasticity of poverty reduction;
 failure to fully develop the agriculture sector;
 high and persistent levels of inequality, which dampen
the positive impact of economic expansion; and
 recurrent shocks and exposure to risks such as economic
crisis, conflicts, and natural disasters.

2.3.2. Key Findings

a) Economic growth did not translate into poverty reduction in
recent years:
While the country experienced moderate economic growth in the
past few years, poverty reduction has been slow. Inequality remained
high, which mitigates the positive impact of growth on poverty
reduction.

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b) Poverty levels vary by region:

Poverty incidence has been persistently high in some regions like
Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), Caraga, Region 4-
B, Region 5, and Region 9. Regions with the most number of poor
people are regions 4-A, 5, 6, and 7.

c) Poverty levels are strongly linked to educational attainment:

Two-thirds of poor households are headed by people with only a
high school, elementary school education or below.

d) The poor have large families with six or more members:

Population management is critical for an effective poverty reduction
strategy.

e) Local government capacity for implementing poverty programs

is weak:
Effective delivery of basic social services and poverty-related
programs at the local level will improve poverty reduction programs.

f) Deficient targeting in poverty programs:

This is related to unreliable, inaccurate, and untimely poverty
information, especially at the local level, and to governance challenges in
program design and implementation.

g) Poverty remains in rural areas while urban poverty is on the

rise:
Majority of the poor are still found in rural areas and in the
agriculture sector, primarily farmers and fishers. However, there is an
increasing number of poor households in urban areas in the informal
sector.

h) Governance and institutional constraints remain:

Measures to address constraints must focus on formulating a revised
government strategy for poverty reduction.

i) Multidimensional responses to poverty reduction are needed:

The issue of poverty is multidimensional. Therefore, the response
should involve multiple agencies, sectors, and stakeholders.

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j) There are gaps in budget and resources for poverty reduction:

Resource mobilization for social sector improvement and poverty
reduction programs is needed.

According to the National Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC),

poverty incidence in 2014 increased to 25.8 percent. One out of four
Filipinos lives in poverty which is 1.2 percent higher compared to 2013
statistics. The rise in poverty incidence in 2014 was caused by higher food
prices in the aftermath of super typhoon Yolanda.

In the first half of 2015, poverty incidence among Filipino

households declined to 21.1 percent from 22.3 percent in 2012.
Unfortunately, the monthly poverty threshold increased to P9,140 in 2015
from P5,586 in 2006 when a family of five needs at least P9,140 per month
to buy basic food and non-food necessities. The monthly food threshold
also increased to P6,365 in 2015 from P3,894 in 2006 where a family of five
needs at least P6,365 per month to buy basic food necessities.

Table 2: Poverty and Food threshold of Family households in the

Philippines from 2006 - 2015
Year Poverty threshold Food threshold
2006 P5,586 P3,894
2009 P7,040 P4,903
2012 P7,821 P5,458
2015 P9,140 P6,365
Source: National Anti-Poverty Commission, 2015

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Figure 3: Poverty Incidence among households in the Philippines from 2006 –

2015

Poverty Incidence
30

20

10

0
2006 2009 2012 2013 2014 2015

Source: National Anti-Poverty Commission, 2015

In 2016, there are approximately 10.5 million Filipino families that

considered themselves as poor. SWS showed a slight improvement in income
where a four point percentage decline from 50 percent or an estimated of 11.2
million families in 2015 to 46 percent or 10.5 million families in the first quarter
of 2016.

2.2.1 High Tax Rates

Since 1997, the Philippines has been one of the countries with
highest tax rates standards in Asia. The personal and corporate income
tax systems of the country are the most “unwelcomed and out of date”
among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
economies. In the same year, the Tax Reform Act was introduced
although the tax brackets did not change in which resulted to inflation
and high bracket wages compelling workers to pay higher taxes from
their wages.

The Philippines currently imposes the highest corporate tax at

30 percent among the ASEAN nations while on the individual tax rates
category, our country ranks second to the highest in enforcing the
highest individual tax rate at 32 percent.

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Figure 4: Corporate and Individual Income Tax Rates of ASEAN Nations

Singapore

Vietnam

Thailand
Individual
Malaysia
Corporate Tax
Indonesia

Philippines

0 10 20 30 40

Source: Joint Foreign Chambers of the Philippines, 2015

2.3 Environment
2.3.1 Flood Crisis and Disaster Management
Rain can wreak havoc on the roadways because the current
transportation system is not either not prepared to go through roads that
are clogged by storm water or household trash. The flooding problem
has become a crisis that paralyzes ordinary citizens. Like the traffic
problem, flooding affects the economy resulting in huge productivity
losses due to inefficiency.

For a tropical country visited by typhoons at least 20 times a year,

the government response to typhoons has been one of reluctant action.
Filipinos treat every typhoon as if it is the first time they are
encountering it since no emergency evacuation procedure and acceptable
response system are in place. There is a need to step up operations and
be more organized and equipped to deal with typhoons.

2.3.2 Mining
It is a major controversial issue in the country where certain
mining firms were suspended by DENR for violating the “Writ of
Kalikasan” that includes inadequate social development, mining
malpractices, and siltation that endanger the biodiversity and the natural
habitat of animals and indigenous people.

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 Issues in the Implementation of the Duterte Presidential Platform

According to the Mines and Geosciences Bureau (MGB), 70

percent of the 42 mining firms in the country do not have an
International Organization for Standardization (ISO) 14001 certification
which is mandated under DENR Administrative Order (DAO) 2015-07.
This institutionalizes an environmental management system that ensures
the adherence to local mining operations according to international
standards, particularly the ISO 14001 certification, as it measures the
responsible practice of mining firms.

On the other hand, an environmental protection advocate

organization “Greenpeace” revealed that coal plant emissions could kill
2,400 Filipinos per year. Coal is a major public health hazard that leads to
lung, heart, and brain diseases. The Department of Energy (DOE)
revealed that more than one-third of the energy used to generate
electricity in the Philippines comes from burning coal and the country
has currently 17 operational coal plants. Moreover, there are 29 coal
plants that were established to operate by 2020.

3 Reiteration of Duterte Platforms, 2016

President Rodrigo Duterte delivered his SONA on July 25, 2016 and
outlined his governance plans reiterating the challenges that the presidency
confronts. In his speech, he enumerated his priority action plans and called for
support from all segments of the political bodies in their implementation. These
are:

3.1 Intensified battle against criminality, illegal drugs, and corruption

a. Arrest and incarceration of drug lords, financiers, pushers, and
users.
b. Creation of inter-agency on Illegal Drugs that will integrate efforts
and strengthen the partnership of all stakeholders.
c. Mobilization of reservists for information campaign against drug
use and dissemination of information regarding drug rehabilitation
programs being offered by the government.
d. Prioritization of rehabilitation of drug users by increasing the
number of residential treatment and rehabilitation facilities in all
regions of the country.
e. Establish hotline “8888” for citizen’s complaint against corruption
f. Intensify war against human traffickers and illegal recruiters

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3.2 Combat Terrorism

a. Enhance Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) capability to
address internal security threats by terrorist groups
b. Strengthen counter-terrorism programs by amending various laws
on human terrorism, terrorism financing and cybercrime
c. Coordination with Indonesia and Malaysia to suppress the
kidnapping in the waters of the neighboring countries.

3.3 Environment
a. Address global warming
b. Intensify support against illegal mining and illegal logging
c. Transform Laguna lake into a vibrant economic zone showcasing
ecotourism
d. Closure and rehabilitation of the Carmona Sanitary Landfill for
adequate disposal facilities of Metro Manila garbage.
e. Exploration of appropriate waste-to-energy facilities

3.4 Foreign Policy

a. Expand cooperation on human assistance, disaster response,
maritime security and counter terrorism by building greater
understanding and cooperation to other nations.
b. Pursue peace resolution on the South China Sea issue.

3.5 Respect for Identity

a. Address the grievances of the Bangsamoro, indigenous people, and
other groups for security, development, and fair access to decision-
making.
b. Implement Magna Carta for Women
c. Unilateral ceasefire with the CPP/NPA/NDF
d. Protection and promotion of human rights of citizens especially the
poor, marginalized, and vulnerable; pursuance of social justice.
e. Improvement of people’s welfare in health, education, adequate food
and housing, environmental preservation, and respect for culture.

3.6 Economics and Taxation

a. Job creation and poverty reduction programs
b. Tax reform
c. Lower personal and corporate income tax rates
d. Relax the bank secrecy laws.

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 Issues in the Implementation of the Duterte Presidential Platform

e. Develop labor-intensive industries

3.7 Education
a. Financial education for Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW) will be
pursued with incentives to encourage entrepreneurship.
b. Intensify and expand Alternative Learning System (ALS) programs.

3.8 Health
a. Full implementation of Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive
Health Law.
b. Provide universal health insurance for all Filipinos
c. Strengthening of professional competence and operational
capabilities of government hospitals and health facilities.
d. Incorporate mandatory education about illegal drugs on basic
education curriculum.

3.9 Elimination of Red Tape

a. Enhance local business environment by addressing bottlenecks in
registration and processing of business permits of various
government offices.
b. Reduce processing time in issuing permits and licenses.
c. Establish additional Consular Offices in strategic places to decongest
Metro Manila sites to cut long queues.

3.10 Agriculture Modernization

a. Conduct soil analysis
b. Strict implementation of fisheries laws
c. Promote aquaculture

3.11 Improve Transportation services and Boost Infrastructure

projects
a. Accelerate infrastructure spending
b. Maximize road usage
c. Intensify anti-colorum campaign
d. Implement structural mitigation
e. Revival of the Pasig River Ferry Service System
f. Decongest Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA)
g. Utilize the Clark Airport

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3.12 Improve Train Services and Pursue railway projects

a. Increase train capacity and speed
b. Extend operating hours of Light Rail Transit (LRT)
c. Availability of Train tickets to shopping malls and stores
d. Mindanao Rail Project
e. Cebu Transit System
f. North and South Luzon Railways
g. Panay Railways Project

3.13 Judicial Reforms

a. Address the lack of lawyers and support staff in the Public Attorney’s
Office (PAO)
b. Enact the Whistleblower Protection Law
c. Strengthen the Witness Protection Program

3.14 Extend validity of driver’s license to five years and passport to

ten years

3.15 Establishment of a department agency for Overseas Filipino.

3.16 Faster Internet and Free Wi-Fi

a. Development of a National Broadband Plan (NBP) to accelerate the
deployment of fiber optics cables and wireless technologies to
improve internet speed.
b. Wi-Fi access shall be provided at no charge in selected public places
including parks, plazas, public libraries, schools, government
hospitals, train stations, airports, and seaports.

3.17 Improved state-run media

a. Create People’s Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) replacing People’s
Television network (PTV-4)
b. Upgrade of Bureau of Broadcast Services or also known as Radyo ng
Bayan for the purpose of financial viability.
c. Integration of Radyo ng Bayan with the PBC
d. Establishment of Presidential Communications Satellite Office in
Davao City
e. Establishment of PBC broadcast hubs in Visayas and Mindanao.
f. Establishment of the first Muslim channel called “Salaam
Television”.

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 Issues in the Implementation of the Duterte Presidential Platform

g. Establishment of the first Lumad channel.

3.18 Shift to Federalism Government

a. The Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) was
directed to undertake nationwide information and campaign on
federalism in partnerships with various alliances and with Local
Government Units (LGUs)

3.19 Tourism
a. Construction of more access roads and tourism gateways to service
centers and tourist sites.

3. Implementation Issues Arising from Duterte’s Platform: Selected

Concerns
The centerpiece of Duterte’s platform was the suppression of the three so-
called evils: crime, illegal drugs and domestic insecurity. These have been a
focused time bound campaign against criminals, drug lords and pushers through
efforts of the national police. The Bangsamoro Basic Law is a move toward
autonomy through the Federal system of the Country. Aside from
macroeconomic reform, basic services are being upgraded to ensure the
flourishing of businesses, influx of investments, and conduct of trade within and
outside the country. Unclear policy pronouncements must be clarified. Duterte
has made a number of statements that have been subsequently clarified or
modified by his cabinet members such as relationship with the United States.

South China Sea

Official talks with China are seen as a move toward closer ties. Engagements
with China include trade, investment, and infrastructure development. Despite
his positive approach towards China and the South China Sea, the real risk is the
prospect of undermining Philippine interest and the undercutting of regional
unity and global solidarity to constrain China’s assertiveness in the South China
Sea. The desire to pursue join development, accept Chinese infrastructure
projects, downplay the South China conflict, avoid military actions and adopt a
lukewarm stance toward the United States might signal that he is leaning in the
direction of concessions without being clear about conditions for them to occur
or any idea how strong will be Manila’s stance after the ruling. This can lead to
China’s overestimation of its osition affecting the extent in which Beijing will be
willing to compromise in the negotiation.

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Impact on ASEAN Relations

Duterte’s position on China and the South China Sea also risks undermining
ASEAN unity and centrality, not just after the PCA verdict but further out if
Beijing continues its attempts to divide the regional grouping. Over the past
years, the Philippines has been by far the most forward-leaning of the four
Southeast Asian claimants on the South China Sea issue, which is important not
just for its own sake but also within the context of ASEAN since this helps
provide “cover” for interested parties who are not claimants (like Singapore) to
call for more aggressive action and pushes back against laggards (most notably
Cambodia).

If the Philippines suddenly adopts a much softer line on China and the
South China Sea, it could see other Southeast Asian states also adopt a softer
line, either because this is in line with their own traditional preference to
downplay the issue because they find it diplomatically difficult to get ahead of
ASEAN’s most-forward-leaning claimant. That will not bode well for ASEAN,
which is already facing a challenging year on the South China Sea issue with the
triple challenges of grappling with the fallout from the PCA decision, managing
the ASEAN-China relationship during the 25th anniversary of the establishment
of the dialogue partnership; and being led by Laos, a landlocked country with
little interest in the South China Sea and a lot invested in its relationship with
China (Parameswaran, 2016).

Globally, the risk is that Duterte’s approach undermines ongoing

international efforts designed to counter Beijing’s assertiveness. Though China
has gained in some ways from its South China Sea actions, in reality Beijing’s
behavior has also led regional states to strengthen their ties with other powers
and prompted other countries to take an interest in the issue, helping knit
together an ever-widening group of concerned global actors who are willing to
stand against Chinese transgressions and for the rules-based international order.
But the strength of this group – which U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter has
called a “principled security network,” is partly derived from the contributions of
claimant states like the Philippines, which is important not just in terms of
capabilities, but how actions are calibrated. Indeed, without Manila’s role in
recent years – be it filing the case or inking a new defense pact with Washington
to give it access to strategic military facilities in the Philippines – this global
effort would not be nearly as strong as it is today (ibid).

A pullback by Manila on its stance towards China and the South China Sea

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under Duterte – especially if done in an unjustified manner – could undercut the

emergence of such a global coalition. While there are several ways this could
occur, two are particularly notable. First and most obviously, without Philippine
activism, other interested states may have to either scale down their words and
actions or risk bolstering the Chinese claim that “outside actors” are stirring up
trouble in the South China Sea even though Beijing is patching things up with
Manila. Second, it would send a dangerous message to some in Beijing about
how a rising power conducts itself in the international system. Given the extent
of Chinese assertiveness directed at the Philippines in recent years and the
threats they have posed not only to Manila’s interests but also the rules-based
international order more generally, simply wiping the slate clean would reinforce
the thinking of more hawkish voices in Beijing that while China’s South China
Sea actions may lead it to incur some short-term costs, its military and economic
might means it can simply absorb them for a while and then look to recover its
losses by charming those it had previously coerced. If Chinese policymakers are
convinced that this is the case, the conclusion that could follow from that is the
key for Beijing is not abiding by the rules-based international order like most
countries would like it to, but calibrating its opportunistic efforts to reshape and
even defy it through alternating periods of coercion and charm to balance
attendant costs and benefits (ibid).

Extrajudicial Killings
In the few months since President Duterte took office, with the promised
crackdown on illegal drugs, the National Police had gun downed a large number
of suspected drug dealers and users who resisted arrest. The wave of extrajudicial
killings has brought condemnation from human rights groups. Those who were
involved in the drug trade are not being respected in terms of their constitutional
rights to due process. There is also the fear that innocent people may be
suspected. The Philippines has been considered as number one in terms of drug
use in Asia – a problem boosted by poverty in the country. A problem of narco-
politics is seen as drug money and corruption have seemed in law enforcement
and justice officials.

The Bangsamoro Law

President Duterte called for the passage of the Bangsamoro Basic Law
without the constitutional issues. The 1987 Consitution allowed the creation of
two autonomous regions – Mindanao and the Cordilleras. This indicates that
Muslim Mindanaois not a separate state. The Supreme Court indicated that

21
Yuchengco Center

“Autonomous regions are granted more powers and less

intervention from the national government than territorial and
political subdivisions. They are, thus, in a more asymmetrical
relationship with the national government as compared to other
local governments or any regional formation. The Constitution
grants them legislative powers over some matters, e.g. natural
resources, personal, family and property relations, economic and
tourism development, educational policies, that are usually under
the control of the national government. However, they are still
subject to the supervision of the President. Their establishment is
still subject to the framework of the Constitution, particularly,
sections 15 to 21 of Article X, national sovereignty and territorial
integrity of the Republic of the Philippines.” (Leonen, J.)

However, there is the prospect that it may reduce the sovereignty of the
Philippine government. These include several aspects such as agriculture,
livestock, food security, laws on foreign corporations, trade and industry, foreign
investments labor, freeports, banking system, education, public utilities
operations, ancestral domain and natural resources, land management and
distribution, Shariah courts and Shariah justice system, and education would
result to reduction of the general sovereignty of the Philippine government.
Those powers are vested in the government, they cannot be taken from the
atmosphere, they can be taken from our law. What exists in the government will
necessary reduce the authority. Such changes can only be done if Congress
convenes itself into a Constituent Assembly.

Conclusions
Despite Duterte’s often incendiary rhetoric, the economic proposals he has
put forward are largely a continuation of the previous regime’s liberalizations.
Many of his proposals ultimately not succeed: eliminating crime in a nation of
over 100 million; ending decades-old insurgencies; and amending the
constitution are not tasks that can be done in a short time. Further, his economic
policies remain vague, with a lack of time tables and strategies for
implementation. Even if he does not achieve all his goals in his six-year term,
investors can heed his advice for the business community to “relax” due to the
policy continuity has put forward.

Still, there remains potential for political instability in Duterte’s tenure as

president. Although he stresses the importance of law and order and the creation

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 Issues in the Implementation of the Duterte Presidential Platform

of a stable environment, he has threatened to skirt the rule of law. Reintroducing

the death penalty, supporting extrajudicial killings, transitioning the country into
a federal parliamentary system, and amending the constitution could introduce
serious political crises. Duterte has threatened to dissolve parliament and create a
revolutionary government if Senate and Congress do not follow his orders,
giving credence to his critics’ fears of dictatorial strongman rule. Separating
rhetoric from policy, as well as awareness of jokes and cultural references that
could be lost in translation, is crucial to decipher Duterte’s proposals. Although
it might not be a smooth presidency, Duterte may very well attract foreign
investment into his country which, while growing steadily, has traditionally
lagged behind its ASEAN peers in that area (Koty, 2016).

23
Yuchengco Center

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