CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of the Study

Corruption is a worldwide phenomenon and there is hardly any society

without one form of corruption or the other. Corrupt practices did not begin today;
history is as old as the human race. The menace called corruption is a big problem
in Nigeria. M.Watts (2008) affirms that “effects of corruption in the Nigerian
society cannot be overemphasized”. Corruption is indeed a cankerworm that has
eaten deep into the fabric of Nigerian society. It is a monster that all and sundry
blame for the economic woes facing the country. This is because corruption is
seen as one of the major impediments to the economic development of the nation.
It is perhaps, the only reason why nothing seems to be working. In fact, corruption
is threatening the existence of Nigeria as an entity. Nearly every sphere of human
endeavor is affected by corruption. And no profession is spared either.
The major cause of our failure as a nation cannot be separated from the
decay of individual, family and national values. This rot gave rise to general
indiscipline, moral decadence, degradation of womanhood, materialism,
ostentatious life style, large scale fraud, corruption and the ‘get rich overnight’
syndrome (Mamman, 1984). Corruption goes beyond public officers accepting
bribes and gratification, committing fraud and stealing monies and possessions
entrusted in their care. It is a deliberate violation, for gainful ends, of ethics and
demeanor, entrenched in private and public affairs which is detrimental to the
society and wrongful gains to people in position of trust (Akomaye, 2015).
Maduagwu (cited in Ojo, 2011) established corruption with our political
culture. He contends that corruption has found a fertile ground in Nigeria because
the system tends to endorse it. He argued that, the Nigerian official is no longer
ashamed, afraid let alone condemned by his kindred of being corrupt. Surprisingly,
the official will be celebrated as a smart and successful fellow.
 Corruption is a multifarious syndrome in Nigeria, entrenched in muddy and
badly-run establishments that have been accepted and stomached over the years.
Add to that, the seeming difficulty of reforming Nigeria's election system with its
spectral private/self-funding of candidates, many of whom have criminal records.
And many people who are now protesting against corruption have become
habitual bribe givers to traverse the system they have all lost faith in (Ayodele,
2012).Furthermore, contracts are awarded indiscriminately at highly inflated rates,
mostly to foreign companies because they are better positioned to pay ‘kick-
backs,’ this trend retarded our national growth and development (Mamman, 1984).
The history of corruption in Nigeria is strongly rooted in the over 29 years
of military rule. All the military regimes subdued the rule of law, facilitated the
looting of the public treasury, prohibited free speech and instituted a secret culture
in the running of government business. The period of this military regime
witnessed a total reversal and destruction of every good thing in the country
(Ribadu, 2006). Corruption became the dominant guiding principle for running
affairs of the country. When military seized power from democratically elected
governments, pervasive corruption was cited as the justification. It is clear that
military regimes were worse than the civilian regimes as far as corruption was
concerned.

The harshest decree ever promulgated by the military in Nigeria was

Decree 4 of 1984, which succeeded in rolling up defamation, sedition, and
proscription laws – all in one (Malunzen 1995). Apart from other laws such as
defamation, sedition and contempt of court, there were other laws against the
practice of journalism that are contained in the penal code.
During democratic process, political activities assumed a dangerous
dimension as contestants see their victory as the ticket to loot and amass wealth.
The civilian administration of 1979 – 1983 was bedeviled with wanton waste,
political thuggery and coercion, disrespect for the rule of law and free for all
looting of public funds through white elephant projects. Despite the presence of
EFCC, ICPC and other enforcement agencies during Obasanjo’s regime, the
administration was not spared of corrupt acts. Specifically, corruption became
legitimized, especially during the Babangida and Abacha regimes (1985-1998),
with huge revenues, but wasteful spending, and nothing to show in terms of
physical developments (Nwanka, 1999).
James D. Wolfensohn, (1999) stated that ‘A free Press is not a luxury. A
free Press is at the absolute core of equitable development because if you cannot
enfranchise poor people, if they do not have a right to expression, if there is no
searchlight on corruption and inequitable practices, you cannot build the public
consensus needed to bring about change.’ Traditionally, the roles of the media in
shaping the society are numerous as it ranges from providing information,
entertainment for, and educating the populace. These, couple with the agenda-
setting function of the media with its surveillance duties has no doubt given it the
popular appellation: the watchdog of the society.
From the backdrop of the foregoing, it could be deduced that surely, the
media in its entirety is indeed the fourth estate of the realm in view of its
importance to all facets of human existence and endeavors. The roles of the media
in exposing corrupt politicians clearly falls under its surveillance function, and it
may not go without saying that it is a herculean task as the world’s political
settings is shrouded in secrecy due to its complex and complicated nature.
The 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria clearly highlighted
the role of media which says the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the
fundamental objectives and directives of state policies and uphold the
responsibility and accountability of the government to the people of Nigeria. But,
it has been observed that media can only fulfill these social and constitutional
responsibilities in both tangible and intangible ways if given a level playing
ground, because the effectiveness of media in acting as forces against corruption in
Nigeria is being threatened by factors both intrinsic and extrinsic to the media such
as official immunity and secrecy, lack of access to official information, rural
obligations to the ethnic community, professional integrity and responsibility,
editorial independence, physical threats, harsh economic realities and more.
Unless these challenges are surmounted, media may largely remain stymied
in their anti corruption roles and functions and hardly be useful in any efforts to
curb anti corruption in the country.
Political corruption usually involves senior public officials and politicians
with social and economic, political and bureaucratic powers. Because of the
caliber of these people, corruption has become elitist and the seat of government
the fulcrum of corruption, which has permeated all aspects of public affairs in
Nigerian society.
Reducing corruption in Nigeria, certainly requires intensive and protracted
efforts, but one way to make public servants more accountable is through an
aggressive and unfettered press, which is empowered to engage in an efficient and
proactive journalism that is well rooted in investigation and reporting of
incidences of corruption in a professional and ethical manner, since in democracy,
citizens hold politicians accountable for their performances and the only avenue
where this can be achieved is through the media.
An important constituent of a country’s war against corruption is an
effective and free media. The persistence of Transparency International in setting
Nigeria at the bottom of its annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) in the last
two decades, is an indication that the media has not performed this role effectively
(F.A. Sowunmi, 2010)
The role of the media is critical in promoting good governance and
controlling corruption. It not only raises public awareness about corruption, its
causes, consequences and possible remedies but also investigates and reports
incidences of corruption. The effectiveness of the media, in turn, depends on
access to information and freedom of expression, as well as a professional and
ethical cadre of investigative journalists (Stapenhurst, 2000). Ayoola (2008)
opined that if democracy is to survive and be a fruitful concept, the role of the
media in sustaining it through anti-corruption crusade couldn’t be
overemphasized. He stated further that certain issues must be placed at the
forefront of such endeavour. Primary of these is the proper understanding of the
concept of democracy by all, and the nature o f the media practice that can nurture
democracy and create favourable environment for it to thrive. He further noted that
the immediate challenges before the media right now was to crave for a conducive
environment for democracy to take root and become sustainable through the
enthronement of a culture of freedom of speech and freedom of expression;
government accountability and qualitative civil society indirect participation in
governance.

1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

Corruption is a worldwide phenomenon and there is hardly any society
without one form of corruption or the other. Corrupt practices did not begin today;
history is as old as the human race. The menace called corruption is a big problem
in Nigeria. M.Watts (2008) affirms that “effects of corruption in the Nigerian
society cannot be overemphasized”. Corruption is indeed a cankerworm that has
eaten deep into the fabric of Nigerian society. It is a monster that all and sundry
blame for the economic woes facing the country. This is because corruption is
seen as one of the major impediments to the economic development of the nation.
It is perhaps, the only reason why nothing seems to be working. In fact, corruption
is threatening the existence of Nigeria as an entity. Nearly every sphere of human
endeavour is affected by corruption. And no profession is spared either.
Corruption is the bane of Nigerian socio-economic development, which
threatens the existence of Nigeria as a political entity. It is therefore imperative
that all and sundry should engage in anti-corruption struggle.
The evidence supporting the role of media in acting as a check on
corruption is long-standing and substantial. Recent evidence reviews appear to
suggest that a venerable pillar of democratic theory – that a free press is essential
to checking abuse of executive power – continues to be borne out. They also
suggest that independent media continue to be at least as relevant to curbing
corruption as many of the initiatives by different administrations in the recent pass
have supported in recent anti-corruption years. But the evidence is not always
entirely conclusive regarding how and why media has that effect. Hence this study
will appraise the role of media in archiving president Buhari’s anti-corruption
agenda.

1.3 Research Questions

1. At what extent has the media been involved in the fight against
corruption to achieve president Buhari’s anticorruption agenda?
2. Has the media war against corruption during president Buhari’s
Administration yielded any positive result?
3. What role has the media played to curbed corruption during president
Buhari’s Administration?
4. Are there any challenges the media are facing in its war against
corruption during this Buharis Administration?

1.4 Research objective

The broad objective of this study is to assess the role of media in achieving
president Buhari’s anti-corruption agenda, other specific objective include:
1. To assess the extent at which the media has been involve in the fight
against corruption to achieve president Buhari’s anticorruption agenda
2. To ascertain whether the media campaigns against corruption during
president Buhari’s Administration yielded any positive result
3. To determine the challenges the media are facing in its war against
corruption during President Buharis Administration
1.5 Research Hypotheses
H0: there is no significant role played by the media in the fight against
corruption during President Buhari’s Administration.
H0: the media war against corruption during president Buhari’s
administration does not yield any significant positive result,
H0: the media involvement in the fight against corruption to achieve
president Buhari’s anticorruption agenda is not significant.
H0: there are no significant challenges faced by media in its war against
corruption during President Buharis Administration.

1.6 Scope of Study

The research seeks to assess the role of media in achieving president
Buhari’s anti-corruption agenda; it does not cover any role played in any previous
administration.

1.7 Significance of Study

The media has a critical obligation in stimulating good governance and
curbing corruption. The media does not only inform and educate the public on
corruption trends and incidences; it also examines and brings to the public court
corrupt officials, while prompting security agencies into taking appropriate and
timely action.
This study is significant as its findings will provide a basis which will aid
policy makers in making polices aimed at supporting the media in the war against
corruption and most of it all to get rid of this monster in our system and achieve
president Buhari’s anticorruption Agenda.
 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Conceptual Frame Work

2.1.1 Meaning of corruption: According to Stople (2008), United Nations
Convention against corruption recognized corruption as a multi-faceted, dynamic
and flexible phenomenon, and therefore does not define, but describe corrupt
practices. Corruption may no t be easy to define but, according to Tanzi (1998), it
is “generally not difficult to recognize w hen observed”. Corrupt acts require a
minimum of two individuals from one or more communities, and either exchange
or the promise of an exchange of money or services takes place; typically secret,
the pact benefits the dyad to the detriment of everyone else. According to Salisu
(2000), the simplest definition of corruption is that it is the misapplication of
public resources to private ends. For example, public officials may collect bribes
for issuing passports or visa, for providing permits and licenses, for authorizing
passage of goods at sea/air port, for awarding contracts or for enacting regulations
designed to create artificial scarcity.
Macrae (1982) defined corruption as "an arrangement that involves an
exchange between two parties (the demander and the supplier) which (i) has an
influence on the allocation of resources either immediately or in the future; and (ii)
involves the use or abuse of public or collective responsibility for private ends."
Konie (2003) identified two types of corruption, these are:
 Vertical corruption, which involves managers and decision makers. This is
more common in less developed countries and
 Horizontal corruption, which involves the entire official, informed, and
laymen groups in the countries. The two types of corruption should be
seriously addressed and eradicated if any meaningful economic or political
progress is to be made.

Sternberg (2000) states that a “bribe is an incentive offered to encourage

someone to break the rules of the organization he nominally represents and deliver
an (unfairly) favorable outcome.” Corrupt acts are increasingly regarded as
“unfair” and indeed criminal by many high-income countries because the bribe-
recipient’s betrayal of trust with his employer, when practiced systemically by
high-ran king public officials, compromises the “development of fair and efficient
markets” (Boatright, 1999). Acts of bribery are passive in that their voluntary
acceptance offers an assurance of personal advantage (but misuse of public
responsibility) whereas extortion is proactive (aggressive) in its demand for
something of value under threat of non-cooperation.
In broader terms, corruption has been defined as “socially impermissible
deviance from some public duty or more generally some ideal standard of
conduct” (Windsor andGetz, 2000).

2.1.2 The Mass Media

According to Geddes and Grosset (1998), mass media is defined as
newspapers, Radio, Television and other means of communication with large
numbers of people. Mass media can be grouped into different categories namely:
electronic and the print media
The mass media comprise all technological or mechanical devices engaged
by a source with the intent of reaching a diversified and heterogeneous audience
with messages simultaneously. Okunna (1999) believes that mass media are a
variety of channels through which mass communication takes place.

2.1.3 The Social Media

The American Academy of pediatrics defines a social media website as
“any website that allows social interaction” (Johnston LD, et al., 2005). While this
is a very loose description, social media is inherently defined by its ability to
provide an interactive environment for users, where communication and
discussion flows in multiple directions, and users are encouraged to contribute
content (Schein R, Wilson K, Keelan J. 2010). Further, social media generally taps
into networks made up of peers, creating collaborative communities where
multimedia content is generated and shared (Edward S, Nichols J. 2010). Social
media applications are often referred to as “Web 2.0”, implying a new generation
of social technologies spawned from the previous generation of “Web 1.0” less
interactive web pages, e-mail and list servers, where content did not rely on the
input of users (Rietmeijer CA, McFarlane M. 2009).
Although social media can refer to a variety of different applications,
including media sharing and blogging servers, social networking sites such as
Facebook allow users to create online networks of friends and acquaintances
(Vance K, et al 2009).

2.1.4 History of Corruption in Nigeria

Investigations into corruption in public life in Nigeria began in 1950’s
when the first panel of inquiry was set up to look into African Continental Bank
(ACB). The charges were that the highly revere d politician abused his office by
allowing public funds to be invested in the bank in which he had an interest. The
allegation proved to be a big scandal, a tour de force that led to the institution of
Justice Strafford Forster – Sutton Commission of enquiry on July 24, 1956 to
investigate the above allegation. The subsequent indictment of the politician in the
commission’s report (as at January 6, 195 7) led him to transfer all his rights and
interest in the bank to the Eastern Nigeria Government (Nwankwo, 1999).
Moreover, in 1962 another strong political personality in the west was
dragged to the court of accountability. This led to a call for an investigation of the
relationship between the erstwhile politician (then the premier of western region)
and the National Investment and Property Company, a private enterprise said to be
indebted to the western regional government to the tune of £7,200.00. On June 20
1962, the Federal government appointed a commission to investigate the
allegations and later the commission indicted the said politician in its report.
Consequently, the western regional government acquired all the property owned
by the National Investment and Property Company. In 1967, another commission
of enquiry was instituted to investigate as sets of fifteen public officers in the
defunct mid –western region. At the conclusion of the panel’s report, all the public
officers were indicted for corruptly enriching themselves. The pane l
recommended that they should forfeit such ill-gotten wealth to the government.
Corruption was one of the reasons adduced for the military take - over of power by
Major Kaduna Nzeogwu and colleagues in 1966.
The history of corruption in Nigeria is strongly rooted in the over 29 years
of military rule, out of 46 years of her statehood since 1960. Successive military
regimes subdued the rule of law, facilitated the wanton looting of the public
treasury, decapitated public institutions and free speech and instituted a secret and
opaque culture in the running o f government business. Corruption became the
dominant guiding principle for running affairs of state. The period witnessed a
total reversal and destruction of every good thing in the country (Ribadu, 2006a).
The military took corruption to its highest levels ever. Ironically, as previously
stated, when military seized power from democratically elected governments,
pervasive corruption was cited as the justification. It is clear that military regimes
were worse than the civilian regimes as far as corruption was concerned. This
explains the reasons for the multiplicity of corruption and the further decimation o
f available resources and potentials for national development (Akinseye-George,
2000). Decrees were promulgated by military government to frustrate and censor
the media and sup press the masses. Malunzen (1995) recalls that past military
governments enacted various decrees to check and suppress the press. These
decrees include the Newspapers Prohibition of Circulation Decree 1967; The
Newspapers Public Official Reporting Act, 1976; Public Officer's Protection
Against False Publication Decree No. 4, 1985 (Now repealed); Detention of
Persons, Decree No 2 (as amended); The Treasonable Offences Decree No 35 of
1993; The Newspapers Registration Decree 43 of 1993; The Newspaper
(Proscription and Prohibition from circulation Decree 48 of 1993. "The
government of General Abacha also promulgated Decrees in 199 4 to proscribe
Nigeria Newspaper Decrees 6, 7 and 8 of 1994. According Malunzen (1995),
perhaps the harshest decree ever promulgated by the military in Nigeria was
Decree 4 of 1984, which succeeded in rolling up - defamation, sedition, and
proscription law s - all in one. According to Obi (2009) in business day online
Official Secrets Act of 1962 was established which aims at, among others,
prohibiting the transmission, reproduction, and retention of classified matters by
unauthorized persons. It also prohibits entry or inspection protected places and the
making of a record of the description of such places or anything situated there in.
Malunzen (1995) said adventurous investigating journalist have found this Act as
a steel wall. "Worst, under the Act, definition of 'classified matters' was so wide
that the government could hide easily under the umbrella and invoke this law
against journalists," he maintained. Apart from other laws such as defamation,
sedition and contempt of court, which the "successive governments in Nigeria
have used to put criticising journalists at bay," there were other laws against the
practice of journalism that are contained in the penal code.
Political activities assumed a dangerous dimension as contestants see their
victory as the ticket to loot and amass wealth. Specifically, corruption became
legitimized, especially during the Babangida and Abacha regimes (1985-1998),
with huge revenues, but wasteful spending, and nothing to show in terms of
physical developments. The cultures of corruption through what Nigerians have
come to know, as settlement syndrome became part of the country’s political
culture. All the positive values for development were jettisoned. Governmental
agencies that were the pilots of socioeconomic developments were decimated. The
decline in the education sector today has its roots in this period (Nwaka, 2003).
The past and present civilian governments have their own share of
corruption in Nigeria. Fagbadebo (2007) opined that Nigeria presents a veritable
case for understanding the connection between corruption and political malaise.
Ribadu (2006) gave a graphic summary of the situation. He termed the period
between 1979 and1998 “the darkest period” in Nigeria’s history of corrupt
regimes. The civilian administration of 1979 - 1983 was be devilled with
profligacy, wanton waste, political thuggery and coercion, disrespect for the rule
of law, bare faced and free for all looting of public funds through white elephant
projects. Corrupt public servants and others in the private sector bestrode the
nation, masquerading as captains of business and power brokers with tainted and
stolen wealth and demanded the rest of us to kowtow before them.

Corruption
Scholars like Callaghy (1986), Nukunya (1992), Groenendijk (1997),
Ruzindana (1998), Waliggo (1999), Osei (1999) and Rossouw (1999) traced the
root causes of corruption in Africa to: prevalence of dictatorial rules, monetized or
materialised economies, poor economic and educational empowerment of the
citizenry, the “politics of the belly”, making the public sector as the “prime
mover” of economic development and the absence of national ethical and moral
values and true patriotism. Appropriate measures, no matter how bitter, have to be
adopted to root-out these causes of corruption, if Nigeria and indeed other African
countries are really serious about the fight against corruption.
There are many branches or dimensions of corruption in Nigeria, which
need stringent measures in practice for effective prevention and control. Auyo
(1998) highlights some of them to include: abuse of power; ill-treatment of
subordinates and indecent treatment of people’s needs; self-award of contract;
malicious withdrawal or ‘carpeting’ of personnel files; unnecessary delay of
actions on certain demands; fraudulent distortion of facts and figures; nepotism;
embezzlement and other financial misappropriation; ghost worker systems; 10%
syndrome; transfer of public funds to private accounts; over invoicing; over-
pricing of contracts; and arson, usually to cover-up corrupt practices.
Each of the past regimes contributed to the problem of corruption. Nwaka (2003)
stated that corruption became legitimized, especially during the Babangida and
Abacha regimes (1985-1998), with huge revenues, but wasteful spending, and
nothing to show in terms of physical developments. The culture of corruption
through what Nigerians has come to know, as settlement syndrome became part of
the country’s political culture. All the positive values for development were
jettisoned. Governmental agencies that were the pilots of socio economic
developments were decimated. The decline in education sector today has its roots
in this period.
According to Ribadu (2009), “the African Union has reported that
corruption drains the region of some $140 billion a year, which is about 25 % of
the continent's official GD P. In Nigeria alone, we had a leader, General Sani
Abacha, who it was believed took for himself between $5–6 billion and invested
most of it in the western world.” He claimed that between 1960 and 1999,
Nigerian officials had stolen or wasted mo re than $440 billion. That is six times
the Marshall Plan, the total sum needed to rebuild a devastated Europe in the
aftermath of the Second World War. He further stated that when you look across a
nation and a continent riddled with poverty and weak institutions, and you think of
what this money could have done – only then can you truly understand the crime
of corruption, and the almost inhuman indifference that is required by those who
wield it for personal gain. Gray and Kaufmann (1998) posited vigorous war
against corruption in order to promote good governance) and their agencies, were
surreptitiously engaging in corruption on a grand scale in the developing countries.
This is an absurdity. Ake (1981) believes that this type of corruption was caused
by the promotional activities of unscrupulous multinationals, with the active
connivance of local politicians, to encourage useless industrial ventures in order to
sell plants and machinery.
Klitgaard (1996) developed a simple model to explain the dynamics of
corruption:
C (Corruption) = M (Mono poly Power) + D (Discretion) – A (Accountability)
According to him, the extent of corruption depends on the amount of monopoly
power and discretionary power that an official exercises. Monopoly power is large
in highly regulated economies, whereas discretionary power is often large in
developing countries and transition economies where administrative rules and
regulations are often poorly defined and which are plagued by a weak rule of law.
And finally, accountability may also be weak, either as a result of poorly defined
ethical standards of public service, weak administrative and financial systems and
ineffective watchdog agencies. Successful strategies to curb corruption will have
to simultaneously seek to reduce an official’s monopoly power (e.g. by market
oriented reforms), his/ her discretionary power (e.g. by Administrative reforms)
and enhance his/her accountability (e.g., through watchdog agencies). Such
strategies comprise a system of checks and balances, designed to manage conflicts
of interest in the public sector and limit situations in which conflicts of interest
arise or have a negative impact on the common good. They embody a
comprehensive view of reform, addressing corruption in the public sector through
government processes (leadership codes, organizational change) and through civil
society participation (the democratic process, private sector, media). A
complementary schema, focusing on knowledge and data as a prerequisite for anti-
corruption strategies, has been proposed by Kaufmann (1999), who states that:
AC (Anti-corruption Efforts) = LE (Leadership) + CA (Collective Action) In other
words, successful anti-corruption programs (AC) are dependent on knowledge and
information (KI) plus leadership (LE) plus collective action (AC). Here again, the
importance of information and the involvement of civil society, including the
media, is central. Reform is initiated and supported not only by politicians and
policy makers, but also by members of civil society and by the media. Indeed, the
World Bank has stated, “civil society and the media are crucial to creating and
maintaining an atmosphere in public life that discourages fraud and corruption.
Indeed, they are arguably the two most important factors in eliminating systemic
corruption in public institutions (PREM network, 1997).
2.1.6 Causes of Corruption in Nigeria
Several reasons have been adduced for corruption in Nigeria, one of which
is the sudden disappearance of good moral and ethical values. Nwaobi (2004)
posited that Nigeria must be one of the very few countries in the world where a
man’s source of wealth is of no concern to his neighbours, the public or the
government. Wealthy people who are known to be corrupt are regularly courted
and honoured by communities, religious bodies, social clubs and other private
organizations. This implies that people who benefit from the largesse of these
corrupt people rarely ask questions.
Sociological and/or cultural factors such as customs, family pressures on
government officials and ethnicity constitute potential causes of corruption. In
Nigeria, although traditional values of gift giving and tributes to leaders often lead
to what Brownsberger (1983) describes as "polite corruption", the extent of such
corruption is relatively small. Dandago (2008) revealed that traditional chieftaincy
titles and membership of boards of directors of government-owned corporations
are only for the ‘influential’ individuals in the society who have ‘made it’
economically or politically. Most of those people ‘made it’ through enriching
themselves fraudulently, but enjoy public respect and accolades. The most
annoying thing is that honest and dedicated public servants, who have not
accumulated dirty wealth, do not command much respect from the society. These
attitudes serve to encourage a new-breed of public servants who engage in corrupt
practices.
A number of authors (Wraith and Simpkins, 1963; Llyod, 1967; McMullan,
1961) have pointed out that Africans know the difference between a polite gratuity
and a bribe and that traditional (Nigerian) culture does recognize that the
community leader has a duty to his people, and that this bars systematic
exploitation of office. Chabal and Daloz (1999) reasoned that in Africa, such
factors as the obligations of mutual support, the imperatives of reciprocity, the
importance of gift exchange, the payment of tribute, the need to redistribute, even
the habits of cattle rustling, or, more generally, of plundering others, all have a
bearing on the phenomenon of corruption on the continent today. There are also
those who believe that modern bribery may not be seen as cognate with traditional
gift giving since it takes place outside the context of a patron-client relationship.
Ethnically, the poor man's bribe to the faceless power he will never meet
again is completely distinct from his traditional gift to a patron. A weak
enforcement mechanism (e.g. lack of judicial independence; weak prosecutorial
institutions) is another major cause of corruption in Nigeria. The forces, which
deter corruption, are often weak as some, if not most, of the law enforcement
agencies are themselves corrupt. In addition, rulers, politicians and civil servants
are highly corrupt, and professional organizations may be incapable of sanctioning
their members. According to Maduegbuna (2005) the benefits of corruption are
greater than the consequences of being caught and disciplined. High incidence of
poverty, which according to National Bureau of Statistics (2005) is put at 54.1%
contributed in no small amount to the desperation of Nigerian to acquire wealth
through any means. While the few employed received low wages, unemployment
is high. The unemployed are mostly youths engaged in antisocial activities, s uch
as cyber crime, drug peddling, prostitution, political thuggery, paid assassins, oil
bunkering, kidnapping, militancy (Niger delta) among others; all in the name of
money. Dandago (2008) observed that the poor salary levels of most public
servants have no t kept pace with inflation, which has eroded their purchasing
power. It is also clear that the process of gaining power in Nigeria is either by
armed force or the influence of money. Jimo et al. (2001) attributed corruption
within the [African] region’s public administrations to over-centralization of
power, lack of media freedom to expose scandals, the impunity of well connected
officials, and absence of transparency in public fund management, clientalism and
low salaries.
The Factors influencing corruption according to Van Rijckeghem and
Weder (1 997) are presented in the table below.
 Johnston (1997) identified weak political competition as a strong factor that
helps to sustain corrupt practices. He opined that this has generally plays a role in
sustaining most serious cases of entrenched political and bureaucratic corruption.
He submitted that stronger political and economic competition could enhance
accountability, open up alternatives to dealing with corrupt networks, and create
incentives for political leaders to move against corruption.

Table 2.1 Factors influencing corruption

1. Wage Considerations: a) inadequate pay

b) fringe benefits and other financial incentives

2. Inefficient internal control: a) inadequate supervision and control systems

b) Lack of explicit standard of performance for
employees and organisations.
c) poor recruitment and selection procedures for
personnel
d) too few or too many (non-transparent) rules
and procedures (red tape)

3. Insufficient external control:
a) law and order tradition, checks and balances
b) lack of information made available to the
public and freedom o f press
c) mechanisms for citizens' participation and
complaint
d) difficulty of proving cases incourte)
e) High social acceptance of corruption.

4. Statutory penalty rate : a) amount of fine, prison sentence

b) administrative sanctions
c) prohibition of being ever re-employed in the
public sector
d) penalties for relatives
5. Amount of distortions or
opportunities in the economy: a) pervasive government regulations
b) high statutory tax rates, non-transparent tax
regulations
c) provision of government services short of
demand (government monopolies)
6. Other factors: a) cultural factors
b) culture o f bureaucratic elitism and education
of civil servants
d) leaders hip
e) ethnic diversity
Source: Van Rijckeghem and Weder (1997)

2.1.7 Effects of corruption in Nigeria

Corruption has been and continues to be a destructive element in the
governance of Nigeria and the perception o f the country in the comity of nations.
According to Maduegbuna (2005) effects of corruption in Nigeria include loss of
government revenue, negative national image, poor governance, brain drain,
electoral malpractices, poor investment climate, business failure, unemployment
and poverty.
Dandago (2008) stated that corruption in Nigeria, just as in most other
African countries, has currently become the greatest challenge to leaders and
citizens, threatening to undermine effective governmental financial management.
It is also a threat to both economic development and the process of establishing an
enduring democracy in developing countries, like Nigeria. Nigeria’s widespread
corruption has historical roots that we should critically reflect on if we are to
succeed in controlling and gradually eliminating it. Ribadu (2006b) opined that
corruption is responsible for perpetual collapse of infrastructure and institutions; it
is the cause of the endemic poverty in Africa; it is behind the underdevelopment
and cyclical failure of democracy to take root in Africa. Corruption is worse than
terrorism. Public officials who are corrupt should receive worse treatment than
that reserved for terrorists.
Stop le (200 8) opined, “W e nee d to pay attention to corruption because of
its devastating effect on the economy”. The cost of corruption exceeds by far the
damage caused by any other single crime." He stressed, "Corruption worsens the
investment climate, undermines competitiveness of national economies.
Corruption’s impact on foreign investment is considered to be particularly harmful
for a developing economy. Corruption not only raises the initial costs of
investment but also, by increasing risks and uncertainty, can reduce the incentive
to invest. Foreign direct investment is vital to a developing country and it is
crucial to provide a climate for investments. Corruption makes it difficult for a
low-income country to establish and maintain trustworthy and consistent
economic conditions (Zero Tolerance Campaign, 200 8).
Corruption also reduces economic growth, enhances inequalities, and
reduces the government's capacity to respond to people's needs. All these swerve
down to create poverty in the society." Corruption distorts economic and social
development, by engendering wrong choices and by encouraging competition in
bribery rather than in the quality and price of goods and services and, all too often,
it means that the world’s poorest must pay for the corruption of their own officials
and of multinationals’ agents (Langseth et al., 1997).
Corruption leads to a growing gap between the rich and the poor and
deepens poverty by enriching a few at the expense of fellow citizens. Under a
corrupt system, there is a concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny minority of
the population. Resultantly, income distribution becomes highly skewed. Closely
associated with the concentration o f wealth in the hands of a few, a distorted
consumption pattern, aimed at meeting the luxurious lifestyle of the urban elite,
emerge s (Zero Tolerance Campaign, 200 8).

2.1.8 Past and present anticorruption efforts

Successive governments in Nigeria have put in place several anticorruption
measures and strategies such as Ethical Reorientation Campaign of Shagari’s
Second Republic, War Against Indiscipline (WAI) of the Buhari/Idiagbon regime,
Babangida’s Committee on Corruption and other Economic Crimes and War
Against Corruption (Diamond, 1991; Bello-Imam , 2004). Other efforts include
setting up of probe panels, commission of enquiry and tribunal (e.g. Failed Bank
Tribunal) to try corrupt individuals. By laws such as Money Laundering Act 2003,
Advance Free Fraud and Fraud Related Offences Act of 1995, Foreign Exchange
Act of 1995, Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Act of 2000 were also
enacted to back probe panels and tribunals.
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established in
2003 to complement the zero tolerance for corruption crusade of Obasanjo’s
administration. The anti-graft body was established by Economic and Financial
Crimes Commission Establishment Act (2004). The Act mandates the EFCC to
combat financial and economic crimes. The Commission is empowered to prevent,
investigate, prosecute and penalise economic and financial crimes and is charged
with the responsibility of enforcing the provisions of other laws and regulations
relating to economic and financial crimes, including: Economic and Financial
Crimes Commission Establishment Act (2004), The Money Laundering Act 1995,
The Money Laundering (Prohibition) act 2004, The Advance Fee Fraud and Other
Fraud Related Offences Act 1995, The Failed Banks (Recovery of Debts) and
Financial Malpractices in Banks Act 1994, The Banks and other Financial
Institutions Act 1991; and Miscellaneous Offences Act.
The involvement of media in anti – corruption crusade cut across the public
and private sector of the economy either directly or indirectly as listed below:
Public anti-corruption initiatives:
Legislation:
Government strategies:
 The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences
 Commission Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)
 Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB)
 Office of the Ombudsman
 The Auditor General
 Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI)
 Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit (BMPIU)
 E-Governance
 Nigerian Investment Promotion Commission (NIPC)
  Public Procurement
 Whistle-Blowing
Private Anti-Corruption Initiatives:
 Information Network
 Media
 The Convention on Business Integrity (C BI)
 Zero-Corruption Coalition (ZCC)
 Independent Advocacy Project (IAP)
 Transparency International Nigeria

According to Kew (2006), all these efforts are a facade of genuine measures
to promote good governance through the eradication of corrupt practices. Despite
all these measures, corruption continues unabated with its adverse effects
manifesting on the economy despite the abundant resources.

2.1.9 Buhari’s anti-corruption war

When President Buhari took over the mantle of leadership on May 29,
2015, he vowed to combat corruption in Nigeria no matter whose ox is gored. This
was clearly indicated in his inaugural speech when he said, “I belong to everybody
and I belong to nobody”, Buhari (2015).
In August, 2015, three months after his inauguration President Buhari
constituted the Professor Itse Sagay led Committee. The 7-man Presidential
Advisory Committee Against Corruption (PACC) is to advise the administration
on the prosecution of the War Against Corruption (WAC) and the implementation
of required reforms in Nigeria’s criminal Justice System. The committee is also to
develop comprehensive interventions for achieving recommended reforms.
National Prosecution Coordination Committee (NPCC); The Committee
was inaugurated by Vice President Yemi Osibajo on Thursday 26th May, 2016.
The Committee is proposing that at every stage of investigation that will lead to
prosecution, there should be a committee and the Committee should have a lawyer
who probably will be the one to file the case. The prosecutor may not be a lawyer
 and may not be able to collect and identify evidence that will ensure conviction.
So the lawyer will be there to put them through.
Recovery of Stolen Funds – Non Conviction Asset Forfeiture; The
Committee is also working on how to recover looted funds particularly on having
a system where looted funds can be recovered without prosecuting anybody.
Establishment of Anti-Corruption Courts; this is plan to establish an anti-
corruption court.
Cultural Recommendation and Public Awareness; The Committee is also
working on Nigeria’s anti-corruption plan which is a proactive one. Basically to
re-orientate Nigeria’s and make them know that they are stakeholders in the whole
anti-corruption struggle and that they are the losers when there is any act of
corruption. So that Nigerian can take corruption as a personal issue.
Planning strategic media campaigns, there will be jingles, plays and write-
ups in newspapers. The campaign will be taken to schools to educate and orientate
students. ICPC is already doing this. This is to turn the entire country into an anti-
corruption brigade. (A DataPro Special Report, 2016)
Table 2.2 Official Corruption Arrests, Prosecutors, Conviction status, assets
recovered
S/N CASES ARRESTS AMOUNT DATES OF PROSE CONVI ASSET
ARREST/APP CUTOR CTION RECO
EARANCE IN VERY
COURT
1 CBN OFFICIALS N8
N8 BIILION BILLION
Fraud
Kolawole June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Babalola YET
Olaniran June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Muniru YET
Adeola
Toogan June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Kayode YET
Philip
 Ajuwon June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Bolade YET
Samuel June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Ogbeide YET
Onabanjo June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Olumayowa YET
Tijani June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Olusoga YET
Patience June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Okoro YET
Afolabi June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Olufemi YET
Fatai Yusuf June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Adekunle YET
Ilori June 2nd 2015 EFCC NOT NONE
Adekunle YET

2 DASUKIGATE Sambo $2.1 N0VEMBER EFCC NOT NONE

$2.1B Dasuki BILLION 2015 YET
MONEY Raymond N2.1 N0VEMBER
LAUNDERING Dokpesi billion 2015
Attahiru N4.6 N0VEMBER
Bafarawa billion 2015
Nduka N670 01 January NONE N350m
Obaigbeina Million 2016
Prof. Wale ICPC NONE N75m
Oladipo
Jafaru Isa N170 JANUARY EFCC NONE N100m
Million
Olisa Metuh N400 JANUARY EFCC ON NONE
Million GOING
    Warimopei N10 APRIL EFCC Bailed None
Dudafa Million

Air force Air Chief N3.9 EFCC ON NONE

3. Military Arms- Marshal Alex Billion GOING
Gate Badeh(Rtd)
               
Pension Fraud Mrs. Nelly N2.5 APRIL EFCC Bailed NONE
4. Mayshak D.G Billion        
PTAD  
 
5 NAF $930
CONTRACT MILLION
SCAM
Air Marshal JANUARY EFCC NONE N4.5b
(Rtd)Adesola
Amosun
Vice Marshal JANUARY EFCC NONE
(Rtd) J.B
Adigun
Commodore N84m
O.O Gbadebo

6 Diezani Allison $ 115 May EFCC ON GOING

Madweke MILLION
Money
Laundering
/Election Fraud
Ntufam Oko N500 May EFCC ON GOING
Million
Lucky N700 May EFCC ON GOING
Imasuen/Osagie Million
Ize-Iyamu
Sada Musa N700 May EFCC ON GOING
Million
Asabe Asmau N450 May EFCC ON GOING
Ahmed Million
Mamuda Aliyu N15 April EFCC ON GOING
Shinkafi Million
Hassan N5 Million April EFCC ON GOING
Mohamed
Nasiha
Zamfara 13 N338 April EFCC ON GOING
LGA Million
Gusau LGA N46 April EFCC ON GOING
Million
Hon Bello N10 April EFCC ON GOING
Matawalle Million
Sen. Sahabi N5 Million April EFCC ON GOING
 Ya'u
Malami Aliyu N5 Million April EFCC ON GOING
Yen Doto
Biliya Shinkafi N5 Million April EFCC ON GOING
Sani Birni N5 Million April EFCC ON GOING
Magaji
PDP Zamfara N5 Million April EFCC ON GOING
Executives
Party Tags N6 Million April EFCC ON GOING
Party N10 April EFCC ON GOING
supervisors Million
Sterling Bank $88m May EFCC ON GOING N5b
Executives
Access Bank $5m May EFCC ON GOING $5m
Executives
Fidelity Bank $115m May EFCC ON GOING N49m
Executives
Alhaji Ahmed N20 May EFCC ON GOING N10m
Ibrahim- Million
Bauchi
Poloma Kabiru May EFCC ON GOING N2m
Nuhu - Gombe
Bunun Malima May EFCC ON GOING N5m
7 NIMASA D.G Patrick Ziadeke N2.6 December EFCC ON GOING
SCAM Akpobolokemi Billion
8 NIMASA Raymond N1.5 May EFCC CONVICTED
CONTRACT Omatseye Billion 5 Yrs
SCAM

9 Ministry of N183 ICPC

Niger Delta Billion
contract scam

Poloma Kabiru August ICPC ON GOING N140m

Nuhu
Daniel Obah August ICPC ON GOING N108m
Mangset August ICPC ON GOING N7m
Longyl
Dickson
10 FRAUD CASE Steve Orosanye N190 March EFCC ON GOING NONE
Million

11 POLICE George Uboh May EFCC 3 YRS or N4

EQUIPMENT M
FRAUD

12. N1.4b Fraud Gabriel Daudu N1.4b EFCC Convicted

154yrs
13. Money John Elias N51.1m EFCC Convicted
Laundering Babani 10yrs
14. Fraud Mrs. Rosulu $8.4m EFCC Convicted
Idowu 10yrs
Oluronke
15. Money Oladimeji N82.5m EFCC Convicted
Laundering Mohammed 6 months
Edun
16. Money Bitrus A. N8.6m EFCC Convicted
Laundering Malam 1yr
Source: DataPro Special Report Compilation 2016

2.1.10 Factors Affecting Media Performance in Combating Corruption

How effectively media work and report on corruption depends on a number
of critical factors such as freedom of media professionals to access, verify and
publish accurate information, and independence of media houses and their ability
to access independent sources of financing. Competition, outreach and credibility
of media are other important factors affecting media performance (Nogara, 2009),

2.1.11 Media and anti-corruption crusade

Stapenhurst (2000) opined that a critical element of a country’s
anticorruption program is an effective media. The media has a dual role to play: it
not only raises public awareness about corruption, its causes, consequences and
possible remedies but also investigates and reports incidences of corruption aiding
other oversight (and prosecutorial) bodies. According to him, the way in which
medial serves as an impediment to corruption can be divided into tangible and
intangible effects. Tangible effects is made up of the readily identifiable way in
which the news media perform these functions include those in which some sort of
visible outcomes can be attributed to particular news story or series of stories on
such subjects as: launching of investigation by authorities; scrapping of a law or
policy that foster a climate ripe with opportunities for corruption; impeachment or
forced resignation of a crooked politician and firing of an official; launching of
judicial proceeding and issuing of public recommendation by a watchdog body
like transparency international. He referred to intangible effects as those checks on
corruption, which are inevitably the bye product of hard hitting independent news
and can be characterized by broadened sense of accountability amongst politicians,
public bodies and institutions.

2.1.12 The Tangible Ways In Which Journalism Serves As An Impediment

To Corruption:
The tangible ways in which media can serve as obstacle to corruption can
take a variety of forms. Most spectacular among them is when corrupt bureaucrats
or public office-holders are impeached, prosecuted or forced to resign after their
misdeeds are exposed to public light. However, journalism also acts directly to
curb corruption in other, less spectacular but, arguably, equally important ways.
Reporting, for example, may prompt public bodies to launch formal
investigations into allegations of corruption. Furthermore, news accounts
disseminate the findings of public anti-corruption bodies, thus reinforcing the
legitimacy of these bodies and reducing the ease with which interested parties who
hold power can meddle in their work. Conversely, when journalism exposes flaws
and even corruption within the various bodies of the state (the courts, police and
anti-corruption task forces) corruption is put on check. If the resulting public
pressure leads to a reform of those bodies, the long-term effectiveness and
potential of the media to act as a counterweight against corruption is strengthened.
There are cases when reporting on corrupt or ethically questionable
behavior does not result in immediate investigations, prosecutions or resignations,
but does arouse the ire of the public, which exercises another form of sanction:
electoral defeat at the ballot box for a single elected office holder Oran entire
government. Hard-hitting journalism can also expose flaws in policy, laws or
regulation that foster a climate ripe for corruption, thus creating pressure for
reform. And even before anything has been published, mere inquiries by reporters
about apparent wrong doing can elicit pre-emptive responses by authorities eager
to protect the public image of their institution before any allegations have been
aired.
The most obvious examples of media potential for curbing corruption can
be seen when politicians or other senior public officials lose their jobs as a
consequence of the public outcry or legal proceedings that follow the fearless
reporting on corruption. Examples of this kind of outcome are not hard to find-
particularly from Nigeria where a surge in media reporting on corruption charges
(certificate forgery) has helped to force former speaker of house of representative -
Ibrahim Salisu and former President of senate - Evan Ewerem to resign their
positions. Sometimes, too, journalists’ stories can play a critical role in reinforcing
the effectiveness of public anticorruption bodies like EFCC and ICPC-even when
the stories in question are not, strictly speaking, investigative reports that reveal
wrongdoing of some kind. Simply reporting in a regular, detailed way on the work
and findings of these bodies can reinforce public scrutiny of them and, hence, the
independence of such bodies from vested interests within the power structure that
might otherwise be tempted to interfere in their work. The speculation about
government interference in the activities of EFCC was prominent in the dailies and
magazines during the last civilian regime (Obasanjo regime). Journalists and the
news media, it must be stated, often have a symbiotic relationship with the official
bodies that investigate or prosecute corrupt officials. Journalists’ immediate
interests are served by their work in that they provide reporters and their outlets
with strong, dramatic stories to pursue and publish. The interests of the
anticorruption bodies are equally served because reporting on their activities
builds public support for their work-and, hence, reinforces their legitimacy-
creating a climate that may make politicians who are the subject of their inquiries
less inclined to meddle in or undermine their operations. Another beneficial side
effect of the publicity that journalists bring to the work of such bodies is that it
may encourage witnesses to wrongdoing to step forward and testify about what
they know.
Notwithstanding the absence of a Freedom of Information law the media in
Nigeria have actively pursued the values of transparency and disclosure. Media are
at the forefront of independently sourcing stories about corruption in Government.
It was the media that exposed the intricate web of corruption in the banking sector,
compelling the Central Bank of Nigeria to carry out its own investigation. The
media built the requisite public pressure for the CBN to institute punitive measures
against erring banks and initiate the reforms that resulted in the much-acclaimed
reforms in the banking sector.
In 2005, a newspaper report revealed alleged impropriety by the Ministry of
Housing and Urban Development in the sale of government houses in Lagos. First
published by a local tabloid, the story gained prominence when other mo re
influential news papers picked it up. This resulted in direct intervention b y the
President, who cancelled the allocations. Denying any involvement in the scandal,
the President took action and ordered that the process be started all over. The
legislative arm of the government has not been s pared media attention and expo
sure with some losing their seats following media campaigns (Egbuna, 2007).
In addition to information from anti-graft agencies, the media are
encouraging public participation in the fight against corruption. The restoration of
democracy has been the wakeup call for the media to recognize human rights as
fundamental and they have ever since been playing a captain’s role in
safeguarding it. They have popularized the notion of people’s right to information
and creating opposition to all forms of secrecy and immunity for government
officials. Because of the work of the electronic media, the citizens are becoming
increasingly aware of their rights and how the Constitution protects these rights.
Through constant vigilance and reports on cases of infringement of these rights,
and by exposing brutality and repression, the media have caused a significant rise
in public awareness of these issues. Of particular relevance is the focus on the
abduction and rape of some female undergraduates in Enugu in 2005. The tenacity
of Radio Nigeria through its human rights programme, Know Your Rights, put
pressure on the police to investigate the report and bring charges.
Specifically, Radio Nigeria has another programme designed to fight
corruption and encourage service delivery in the Police Force; called Police Diary.
The live, interactive programme takes telephone calls from members of the public
from across Nigeria on illegal activities of the police. The complaints are
addressed immediately on the programme by the relevant police commissioners or
Divisional Police Officers. Until December (2006) the programme was for the
Federal Capital Territory, Abuja audience only but because of its popularity it
became a network programme available at the same time to listeners on all thirty-
five Radio Nigeria stations (Egbuna, 2007 )

2.1.13 Anti-Corruption Commissions in Nigeria

Notable among the anti-corruption agencies are the Independent Corrupt
Practices Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes
Commission (EFCC). Other agencies previously instituted to fight corruption
included the Judicial Commissions of Enquiry, The Code of Conduct Bureau, The
Public Complaints Commission, Mass Mobilization for Social Justice and
Economic Recovery (MAMSER), War Against Indiscipline Council (WAIC) and
the Independent Advocacy Project (IAP) known as the Good Governance Group
(G), Akambi(2001).

Economic and Financial Crimes Commision (EFCC)

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was established
through an Act of the National Assembly in December, 2002, but began operation
in April, 2003 when its Board was inaugurated. Its responsibility specifically
included the investigation of all financial crimes such as Advance Fee Fraud
known as 419; Money Fraud; Counterfeiting Illegal Cash Transfer; Fraudulent
Diversion of Funds; Contract Scam; Forgery of Financial Instrument and
Insurance of Dud Cheques. Other responsibilities of the EFCC were coordination
and enforcement of all economic and financial crimes laws; adoption of measures
to identify, freeze, confiscate and seize proceeds derived from terrorist activities,
economic and financial crimes related offences or the properties and values
corresponding to such proceeds, determination of the extent of financial loss and
such other losses by government, private individuals or organizations
collaboration with government bodies within and outside Nigeria which carry out
its functions wholly or in part analogues with those of the commission. It is also
empowered to effect the following laws:
(i) Money Laundering Acts 1995;
(ii) The Advance Fee Fraud and other related offences Act 1995;
(iii) The Failed Bank Recovery of Debts and Financial Malpractices in
Banks Act 1994 as amended.
(iv)The Bank and other Financial Institutions Act as amended; and any
other law or regulation related to economic and financial crimes.
(EFCCAct, 2002).

Independent Corruption Practices Commission (ICPC)

The ICPC was instituted to combat the crime of corruption and presided
over by Justice Mustapha Akambi (rtd) in 2000 (ICPC Act, 2000). Its main
objective was to enforce policies that would be geared towards controlling corrupt
behaviour. The notable offences covered by the Acts establishing the ICPC
include gratification by official, corrupt offers to public officers and corrupt
demands by persons in public offices, fraudulent acquisition of property and
receipt of property, counseling offences relating to the corruption, power to
investigate reports of bribery transactions and information etc.
2.2.0 Theoretical Framework
2.2.1 Social Responsibility Theory
Social Responsibility Theory is considered the most relevant theory for this
study for a number of reasons. The main principles of the theory as identified by
McQuail (1993) are as follows:
The media should accept and fulfill certain obligations to society. These
obligations are mainly to be met by setting high standards of in formativeness,
truth, accuracy, objectivity and balance.
In accepting and applying these obligations, the media should be self
regulating within the framework of law and established institution.
Journalists and media professionals should be accountable to the society as
well as to employers and the market. An accountable media practitioner would not
only be truthful, accurate, objective as well as balanced, he should also be
corruption – free. Corruption would prevent journalists from performing their
obligations to the society.

2.2.2 Agenda Setting Theory

The power of the media to set national and international agenda and to
narrow public attention on a few key public concerns is a huge and well
documented influence that cannot be ignored. Not only do people acquire honest
evidence about public affairs from the media, the audience are also informed and
educated to how much importance they should attach to a topic on the basis of the
importance placed on it by the media (McCombs, 1973).
Reforms in democratic governance are about how to build states that are
responsive, inclusive, effective, and accountable to its citizens. The role of media
in the institutional mix of a nation cannot be over emphasized. It emboldens the
media to play the roles of watchdogs and agenda‐setters (Odugbemi, 2013). The
media possess the power to decide what the public see and perceive as important.
Therefore, the media should deploy this power to sway public opinion on such
critical issues of corruption and accountability of the appointed/ elected to the
electorate in Nigeria. Through continuous reportage on concerns of corruption, the
media will draw public attention which in turn would stimulate public officials to
brace up to their responsibilities by making the appointed/ elected accountable to
the electorate (Santas, 2014).

2.3 Empirical Frame Work

An empirical study carried out by Suphachol Suphachalasai,
(Suphachalasai, 2005), found strong evidence that competition in the media has a
significant impact on the reduction of corruption, and competition can even be a
stronger determinant than freedom of expression. The assumption of
Suphachalasai’s model is that pro fit-maximizing media houses seek to print and
sell corruption news. The greater the freedom and competition in the media
industry, the more media houses will seek to print corruption news, and the higher
the probability that a corrupt bureaucrat will be caught by media. Suphachalasai’s
study also found that greater freedom and competition in the media industry might
also have an indirect effect on corruption by influencing government’s behaviour
and affecting its decisions on the rules and regulations that ultimately determine
the level of corruption. Consistent with Suphachalasai’s empirical evidence, Tell
and The News magazines have been in the forefront of reporting corruption in
Nigeria. Many of the daily newspaper are fond of reporting corrupt act perpetrated
by those they perceive, as enemies while corruption cases involving the close
allied of their owner are not reported in the dailies.
Generally Private media have often been associated with the political
opposition. A growing number of policymakers, officials and media practitioners
are increasingly concerned that commercial and potentially corrupt media outlets
in Africa might become a source of sensationalist, inaccurate and even false
reporting, conducive to inflammatory sectarian or political tensions. An Afro
barometer (2004) survey carried out in 15 African countries (Afro barometer,
2004) shows that 53% of respondents expressed trust in the government
broadcasting service and only 43% in private FM radio or television stations,
while public and private newspapers scored 37 and 36% respectively.
In a study by Aderogba Adeyemi (2013), on Nigerian media and corrupt
practices: the need for paradigm shift, reviewed that the media was largely corrupt.
Even though over 64 % of those sampled believed that acceptance of any form of
gratifications was unethical, over 75 % of the journalists engage in corrupt
practices with impunity. More than half of the 18 media outfits covered by the
study are indifferent to certain indentified corrupt practices in their organizations.
Other reviews reinforce the media’s impact on reducing corruption more
emphatically. In 2015, Mungiu- Pippidi published the results of a major analysis
of the data available on corruption. This study found, in common with the DFID-
commissioned review, that many strategies deployed by development actors to
combat corruption over recent years have proved of limited effect. The role of a
free media, however, had among the greatest effects in limiting corruption
(alongside other actors, such as civil society).
 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.0 Study Area
Nigeria is a country located in the Guinea Coast of West Africa between
latitude 4o and 14o North and longitude 3o and 14o East. It is bounded by the
republics of Niger, and Chad to the North, Benin to the West, Cameroon to the
East and Atlantic Coast to the South. It covers a land area of about 924,000 square
kilometers with diverse climates, soil types, ecological zones and natural resources
(Uya, 1992). According to the National Population Commission (2006) figures,
the country is unarguably the most populous Black Country in the world with
about 140 million people.
Blessed with magnificent arable lands; forest resources such as timber,
palm oil and kernel, cocoa, rubber, kola nuts, yams, rice, fruits and vegetables,
carrots, onions, groundnuts, cotton, millet, wheat; semi-temperate climate suitable
for the production of tea, coffee, as well as the breeding of cattle, sheep, goats and
other livestock; mineral resources such as petroleum, coal, asbestos, clay, iron,
marble, limestone, salt, tin, tantalite, uranium, gold and other precious metals
(Uya, 1992), Nigeria should be a safe haven for its citizens and investors. The
standard of living of its average citizens should be among the highest in the world.
Poverty and illiteracy should be at its minimal.
However, the reverse has been the case. Every meaningful step taken to
better the life of Nigerians is marred by corruption. To borrow from the words of
Burke, Corruption ‘manifestations’ and influence has been the ‘perennial spring of
all prodigality’ and of all disorder; it has loaded Nigeria with more than trillions of
dept; taken away vigour from its arms, wisdom from its councils, and every
shallow of authority and credit from the most vulnerable parts of its constitution
(Burke cited in Edwards, 1977). Corruption has undermined good government,
fundamentally distorts public policy, leads to the misallocation of public
resources, harms the private sector and particularly, hurts the poor (Nwaobi,
2006).

3.1 Research Design

According to Odo [1999] instrumentation deals with the foils the researcher
/scientist employs to generate information for data analysis. The study involved
the use of both primary and secondary data in obtaining information necessary for
analysis. Primary data was obtained by the use of structured questionnaires which
was administered to the respondents. Secondary data relevant to this study were
obtained from Journals, research reports and textbooks
Using multi-stage random sampling technique, a total of hundred and
twenty (120) respondents was selected for the study from Radio Benue, Harvest
Fm, joy Fm, Ashi Waves, NTA Makurdi and popular news paper stands in
Makurdi metropolis that makeup the study area. This study was conducted
between April and May, 2017.
According to Behring [1992]and Summer[1980], questionnaire is a series
of written questions or repository and a device that contains the instrument on a
topic about which the respondent’s written opinion are sought that measure the
variable to research questions. Structured questionnaires were distributed to 120
respondent in the study are. A Descriptive statistical tool, Chi-square will be used
to analysis the data. This method is used because it shows the relationship between
the dependent and independent variable.

3.2 Sources of Data

The data used for the analysis is both primary and secondary data. Primary
data were sourced through field survey by interacting with the respondents using
the questionnaire, thereby collecting needed data.
According to Obasi, primary data is a data gathering instrument that
enables a researcher to have an in depth knowledge of the study through
interaction with the respondents. These interactions may be oral interviews,
Questionnaires and personal observations. Primary data has the advantage of being
original and more reliable because data is gotten directly from respondent which
represent their opinion and attitude towards a particular variable under study.

3.3 Population of the Study

For any researcher to collect information for a given research work, the
researcher must specify the entire group that should embrace the information
(Nworgu, 1991). Research population according to Osuala (2000) refers to the
whole object from which the sample is drawn. Silverthorne, Fisher and Fort (1980)
defined population as the totality of any group, person or project which is defined
by some unique attribute. The study covers entire Nigeria with a total population
of 140 million people, however emphasis was made on Radio Benue, Harvest Fm,
joy Fm, Ashi Waves, NTA Makurdi and popular News Paper Stands in Makurdi
metropolis where most varied information were obtained.

3.4 Sampling Technique/Sample Size

The study adopted a Simple Random sampling technique According to
Borg et ail (1983), sampling is a method of selecting a given or any portion of
population for the purpose obtaining information for generalization about the
larger population and According to Odo [1999] instrumentation deals with the
foils the researcher /scientist employs to generate information for data analysis .
A total of 120 questionnaires were distributed to respondents from staff of
Radio Benue, Harvest Fm, joy Fm, Ashi Waves, NTA Makurdi and vendors
News Paper in Makurdi metropolis. Number Questionnaire distributed was based
on the population at various locations.
The questionnaire were respondent to and collected immediately to avoid
any lost
3.5 Method of Data Collection
The method of data collection is from primary source, from which the
researcher made use of written questionnaires to gather information, oral interview
(for people that can barely read or write) which is translated to the questionnaire
during the interview. The questionnaire distributed cut across the people in the
study area.

3.6 Method of Data Analysis

In analyzing the data collected, the researcher made good use of the tables
and simple percentages. Data collected were shown in tabular form and
percentages worked out for easier analysis. Some of the results were also subjected
to statistical decision by the use of the chi-square (X 2) test statistic. The risk of
rejecting the null hypothesis, otherwise called significance level was chosen to be
five percent (5%), thus producing a confidence level of ninety-five percent (95%).
Chi-square is used to measure the discrepancy between the expected and observed
frequency
Chi-square is given as
∑ ( OF−EF )2
X = 2
EF
Where X2 = Chi-Square
OF = Observed Frequency
∑ = Summation Sign
EF = Expected Frequency
Additional, the goodness of fit table would be used and the expected frequency
(EF) derived based on the assumption that, options have equal chance of
occurring. Hence the expected frequency is denoted by:
∑O
EF =
n
Where ∑OF = Sample size
n = Number of class responses
Decision Rule
Rejected Ho where X2c >X2t otherwise Accepted Ho
Where:
Ho= Null hypothesis
X2c = Calculated Chi-square derived
X2t = Tabulated Chi-Square
2
∑ ( OF−EF )
From X =2
c
EF
μ= the critical chi-squared value derived from chi-squared table and the level of
significance (P<0.050) and DF= the degree of freedom (R-1) (C-1)
Where, R= numbers of rows and
C= numbers of columns
 CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis
This chapter present the data collected and analyzed for the study. The
analyzed data were used for answering the research questions drawn from study.
Question 1
Did the Media Been Involved in the Fight against Corruption to Achieve President
Buhari’s Anticorruption Agenda?
Table 4.1 Types of Media and Their Involvement in the Fight against
Corruption to Achieve President Buhari’s Anticorruption Agenda

various types of medial * medial involvement Crosstabulation

Medial Involvement Total
Various Types Of Medial yes no
Count 40 80 120
New
% within various 33.3% 66.7% 100.0%
media
types of medial
Count 72 48 120
Print
% within various 60.0% 40.0% 100.0%
Media
types of medial
Count 104 16 120
Broadcast
% within various 86.7% 13.3% 100.0%
Media
types of medial
Count 216 144 360
Total % within various 60.0% 40.0% 100.0%
types of medial
Source: field survey, 2018. SPSS Output.
Table 4.1 shows the percentage distribution of the involvement of media in
the fight against corruption. The study grouped the media into three types namely
the New media, (social media), Prints and Broadcast media. The result from the
table indicates that, the broadcast media are most involve with 86.7%, followed by
print media, 60.0% and the social medial is least involve with just 33.3%
Fig . 4.1 Types of Media and Their Involvement in the Fight against
Corruption to Achieve President Buhari’s Anticorruption Agenda

Source: field survey, 2018. SPSS Output.

Question 2
Has the media war against corruption during president Buhari’s Administration
yielded any positive result?
Table 4.2 The Positive Impact of The Media War Against Corruption During
President Buhari’s Administration.

Role Play By Media * Yield Positive Result Crosstabulation

Yield Positive Total
Roles Play By Media Result
yes no
Count 276 0 276
% within role play by 100.0% 0.0% 100.0%
Positive
various types of
media
Count 0 34 34
% within role play by 0.0% 100.0% 100.0%
Negative
various types of
media
Count 0 50 50
% within role play by 0.0% 100.0% 100.0%
No Role
various types of
media
Count 276 84 360
% within role play by 76.7% 23.3% 100.0%
Total various types of
media
 Source: field survey, 2018. SPSS Output.
Table 4.2 show the roles played by the media and to confirm whether its
yield a positive result in combating corruption. The result from the table indicate
that 76.7 percent of the respondents accepted that the role play by media yield a
positive result, while only 23.3% of the role played do not yield a positive result

Fig.4.2 The Positive Impact of The Media War Against Corruption During
President Buhari’s Administration

Source: field survey, 2018. SPSS Output.

Question 3
What role has the media played to curbed corruption during president Buhari’s
Administration?
Table 4.3 the role the media played to curbed corruption during president
Buhari’s Administration

Types Of Medial * Role Play By Various Types Of media

Crosstabulation
Types Of Medial Role Play By Various Types Total
Of Media
Positive Negative No Role
Count 88 20 12 120
% within 73.3% 16.7% 10.0% 100.0%
New media
various types
of medial
Count 89 14 17 120
Print % within 74.2% 11.7% 14.2% 100.0%
Media various types
of medial
Count 99 0 21 120
Broadcast % within 82.5% 0.0% 17.5% 100.0%
Media various types
of medial
Count 276 34 50 360
% within 76.7% 9.4% 13.9% 100.0%
Total various types
of medial
Source field survey, SPSS Output, 2018
Table 4.3 shows the role played by various types of media to curb corruption. The
roles were categories into three namely; Positive role, Negative role and No role
the result from the analysis indicate that the media play 76.7% positive role ,
13.9% No role and 9.4% Negative role.

Fig. 4.3. The Bar Chart Showing the Roles Played By Various Types of Media

Source: field survey 2018, SPSS out Put

 Question 4.
Are there any challenge(s) the media are facing in its war against corruption
during this Buhari’s Administration?
Challenges * Extent Of The Challenges Crosstabulation
Extent of the challenges Total
Challenges Strongly Agree Strongly Disagree
agree disagree
Count 10 9 1 4 24
access to accurate
information % within 41.7% 37.5% 4.2% 16.7% 100.0%
challenges
Count 2 7 10 5 24
Lack of
% within 8.3% 29.2% 41.7% 20.8% 100.0%
professionalism
challenges
Count 5 13 1 5 24
Dependency % within 20.8% 54.2% 4.2% 20.8% 100.0%
challenges
Count 3 6 6 9 24
Competition % within 12.5% 25.0% 25.0% 37.5% 100.0%
challenges
Count 5 8 7 4 24
Outreach % within 20.8% 33.3% 29.2% 16.7% 100.0%
challenges
Count 25 43 25 27 120
Total % within 20.8% 35.8% 20.8% 22.5% 100.0%
challenges
Table 4.4 challenges facing the media in its war against corruption during
this Buhari’s Administration
Source field survey 2018, SPSS out Put
 Table 4.4 shows the challenges and the extent these challenges affect media war
against corruption during Buhari’s administration. The study review five major
challenges which include: Access to Accurate Information, Lack of Professionalism,
Dependency for Financial Needs, Competition and Outreach, the respondents were asked
to rate the extent to which these challenge affect media campaign against corruption. The
result indicate that access to accurate information was the major challenge with the
highest response 41.7% strongly agree by the respondent followed by dependency of the
media on the financial need and outreach both having 20.8%, the challenge with lowest
effect was lack of professionalism by journalist with 8.3% strongly agree.

Fig.4.4. challenges facing the media in its war against corruption

during this Buhari’s Administration

Source field survey 2018, SPSS out Put

 4.2 TEST OF HYPOTHESIS
4.2.1 Hypothesis one: there is no significant deference among types of Media in
Their Involvement in the Fight against Corruption to Achieve President Buhari’s
Anticorruption Agenda

Chi-Square Tests
Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 71.111a 2 .000

Likelihood Ratio 76.040 2 .000
Linear-by-Linear 70.914 1 .000
Association
N of Valid Cases 360
 a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is
48.00.
Source: Field survey 2017, SPSS output

Therefore, X 2 =71.111 and μ=5.99Chi-Square Testschi-squared distribution table at P

(obtained from
Value df Asymp. Sig.
≤0.05 with d.f =2
(2-sided)
2 2
Therefore, X cal .=71.111 > X tab 5.99 360.000a 2 .000
Pearson Chi-Square
Decision: since the calculate value of chi-squared i.e. 71.111 ( X 2 ) is greater than
Likelihood Ratio 391.156 2 .000
the critical value 5.99, the null hypothesis was rejected thereby confirming that:
Linear-by-Linear 319.540 1 .000
there is aAssociation
significant deference in the involvement of various types of media in the
fight against
N ofcorruption during Buhari’s administration
Valid Cases 360
a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum
expected count is 7.93.

Hypothesis Two: the media war against corruption during president Buhari’s
administration does not yield any significant positive result,
Table 2
 Source: Field survey 2017, SPSS output

Therefore, X 2 =360.000 and μ=5.99 (obtained from chi-squared distribution table at

P≤0.05 with d.f =2
Therefore, X 2cal .=360.000 > X 2tab 5.99
Decision: since the calculate value of chi-squared i.e. 360.000 ( X 2 ) is
greater than the critical value 5.99, the null hypothesis was rejected thereby
confirming that: the media war against corruption during president Buhari’s
administration has yielded a significant positive result,

Hypothesis 3 there is no significant role played by the media in the fight

against corruption during President Buhari’s Administration.

Table 3

Chi-Square Tests
Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-Square 21.833a 4 .000
Likelihood Ratio 31.927 4 .000
.032 1 .857
Linear-by-Linear Association

N of Valid Cases 360

a. 0 cells (.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum
expected count is 11.33.
Source: Field survey 2017, SPSS output

Therefore, X 2 =21.833 and μ=9.49 (obtained from chi-squared distribution table at

P≤0.05 with d.f =4
Therefore, X 2cal .=21.833 > X 2tab 9.49
Decision: since the calculate value of chi-squared i.e. 21.833 ( X 2 ) is greater
than the critical value 9.49, the null hypothesis was rejected thereby confirming
that: there is a significant difference in the role played by various types of media
in the fight against corruption during President Buhari’s Administration.

Hypothesis four: there is no significant difference among challenges faced by

media in its war against corruption during President Buharis Administration
Table 4

Chi-Square Tests
Value df Asymp. Sig.
(2-sided)
Pearson Chi-Square 26.581a 12 .009
Likelihood Ratio 27.513 12 .007
Linear-by-Linear 2.318 1 .128
Association
N of Valid Cases 120
a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum
expected count is 5.00.
Source: Field survey 2017, SPSS output

Therefore, X 2 =26.581 and μ=21.03 (obtained from chi-squared distribution table at

P≤0.05 with d.f =12
Therefore, X 2cal .=26.581 > X 2tab 21.03
Decision: since the calculate value of chi-squared i.e. 26.581 ( X 2 ) is greater
than the critical value 21.03, the null hypothesis was rejected thereby confirming
that: there is a significant difference among challenges faced by media in its war
against corruption during President Buharis Administration.
4.3 Discussion of findings
The result from the study shows that there is a significant deference in the
involvement of various types of media in the fight against corruption during
Buhari’s administration. The broadcasting media was found be highly involve the
fight against corruption with 86.7% involvement, follow by 60.0% involvement
by print media and the new media with 33.3% involvement. The is may be
because the television and the radio which are the broadcast media have design
special programme that educate people on the government effort against
corruptions by creating awareness and seeking public opinions on corruption
relat6ed cases some these programme include known your right a radio Nigeria
programme that is aired out every week, other programme include Eagle square (a
public accountability programme, police dairy and radio ring. These programmes
when aired on these channels can cover a lot of population as compare to the News
Paper and the social media.
The result in this study also reviewed that the media war against corruption
during president Buhari’s administration have yielded a significant positive result,
with 76.7% of respondents accepted that the media effort has help in exposing
some corruption cases therefore bringing these to the public knowledge and
prompting investigation into these cases. “The power of the media to set national
and international agenda and to narrow public attention on a few key public
concerns is a huge and well documented influence that cannot be ignored. Not
only do people acquire honest evidence about public affairs from the media, the
audience are also informed and educated to how much importance they should
attach to a topic on the basis of the importance placed on it by the media”
(McCombs, 1973).
On the challenges that affect media in their anticorruption war the result in
the study shows that there is a significant difference among challenges faced by
media in its war against corruption during President Buharis Administration. Some
these challenge have more effect on the media war as compare to others, the
challenges that is considered to have more effect on the media war are: media
access to current and correct information with 41.7% followed by dependency of
the media house on both government and individual for their financial need and
media outreach both having 20.8%. These could be as a result of the bureaucratic
nature of obtaining accurate information despites the passage of freedom of
information bill. Also some media houses tend to publish stories series sponsored
by organizations, government, groups and individuals who finance their activities,
this can make these media house bend the truth and deviate from the media ethics
 CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSION
5.1 Summary of findings
The result from the study shows that there is a significant deference in the
involvement of various types of media in the fight against corruption during
Buhari’s administration. The broadcasting media was found be highly involve the
fight against corruption with 86.7% involvement, follow by 60.0% involvement
by print media and the new media with 33.3% involvement. The is may be
because the television and the radio which are the broadcast media have covered a
wide Nigeria territory and design special programme that educate people on the
 government effort against corruptions by creating awareness and seeking public
opinions on corruption related cases
The result in this study also reviewed that the media war against corruption
during president Buhari’s administration have yielded a significant positive result,
with 76.7% of respondents accepted that the media effort has help in exposing
most corruption cases . “The power of the media to set national and international
agenda and to narrow public attention on a few key public concerns is a huge and
well documented influence that cannot be ignored. Not only do people acquire
honest evidence about public affairs from the media, the audience are also
informed and educated to how much importance they should attach to a topic on
the basis of the importance placed on it by the media” (McCombs, 1973).
On the challenges that affect media in their anticorruption war the result in
the study shows that there is a significant difference among challenges faced by
media in its war against corruption during President Buharis Administration. Some
these challenge have more effect on the media war as compare to others, the
challenges that is considered to have more effect on the media war are: media
access to current and correct information with 41.7% followed by dependency of
the media house on both government and individual for their financial need and
media outreach both having 20.8%. These could be as a result of the bureaucratic
nature of obtaining accurate information despites the passage of freedom of
information bill. Also some media houses tend to publish stories series sponsored
by organizations, government, groups and individuals who finance their activities,
this can make these media house bend the truth and deviate from the media ethics
5.2 Conclusion
The media should be encourage to be more proactive in give more accurate
and balancing reportage of the corrupt case in Nigeria and device more new way
like the use of new media(social media) in reporting corrupt cases in Nigeria despite
significant positive result yielded in their fight against corruption during president
Buhari’s administration.
 The role of the media in fighting corruption should be up held in line with the
Agenda Setting Theory by McCombs, 1973 which state that “The power of the
media to set national and international agenda and to narrow public attention on a
few key public concerns is a huge and well documented influence that cannot be
ignored. Not only do people acquire honest evidence about public affairs from the
media, the audience are also informed and educated to how much importance they
should attach to a topic on the basis of the importance placed on it by the media”
Reforms in democratic governance are about how to build states that are
responsive, inclusive, effective, and accountable to its citizens. The role of media
in the institutional mix of a nation cannot be over emphasized. It emboldens the
media to play the roles of watchdogs and agenda‐setters (Odugbemi, 2013). The
media possess the power to decide what the public see and perceive as important.
Therefore, the media should deploy this power to sway public opinion on such
critical issues of corruption and accountability of the appointed/ elected to the
electorate in Nigeria. Through continuous reportage on concerns of corruption, the
media will draw public attention which in turn would stimulate public officials to
brace up to their responsibilities by making the appointed/ elected accountable to
the electorate (Santas, 2014).
The critical element of a country’s anticorruption program is an effective
media. The media has a dual role to play: it not only raises public awareness about
corruption, its causes, consequences and possible remedies but also investigates
and reports incidences of corruption aiding other oversight (and prosecutorial)
bodies. (Stapenhurst, 2000). This result is in line with

5.3 Recommendations
Based on the analysis and evaluation of the study, the following
suggestions are made.
I. The media should encourage being more proactive in give more accurate
and balancing reportage of the corrupt case in Nigeria.
 II. Despite the positive effort by the media in the anticorruption war, they
should not relent on their effort until corruption is totally reduce to the
barest minimum

III. The media should also increase their effort in the use of new media (social
media) in reporting corrupt cases.

IV. Establishment of penalty for violators of the media on Freedom of

Information Act as may be amended with regards for discipline decorum
and professional ethnics.

V. Annual rating standard for magazine and newspapers or mass circulating

journals, news letter or the likes in Nigeria.

VI. An oath of service to be taken by all journalists on the point of employment

similar to that of the NMA may also be introduced.

VII. The Nigeria Union of Journalist should be completely professionalized and

made to play key roles in the established commission or body for
journalism practice Nigeria.

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