Ashok a 's D ha m m a

Subj e ct : H ist or y

Unit : Cha nging Polit ica l Form a t ions

Le sson: 7 .2 .2 : Ashok a 's D ha m m a

Le sson D e ve lope r : M e e r a Visva na t ha n
Colle ge / D e pa r t m e nt : Ph.D Schola r , Ja w a ha r la l N e hr u
Unive r sit y

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Table of cont ent s

Ch a pt e r 7 : Ch a n g in g polit ica l for m a t ion s ( cir ca 6 0 0 BC t o AD 3 0 0 )

• 7.2.2: Ashoka’s dham m a
• Ex er cises
• Glossary
• Furt her r eadings

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7.2.2: Ashoka’s dham m a

An old inscr ipt ion a nd a confusing t it le

I n 1834, t he st one pillar in t he Allahabad fort lay in a st at e of ruin. Alt hough copies had
been m ade of t he inscript ion engraved upon it , Jam es Prinsep, Secr et ar y of t he Royal Asiat ic
Societ y of Bengal, lam ent ed t hat st eps had not been t aken t o pr eser ve t he m onum ent from
t he ravages of t im e. One of t he key inscript ions on t he pillar was ident ified as a eulogy of
t he Gupt a m onarch Sam udragupt a, but t he ot her rem ained undecipherable and Prinsep
could only guess how old t his inscript ion m ust be.

I n 1837, aft er his decipherm ent of t he Brahm i script , Prinsep found t hat t he inscript ion
began wit h t he st at em ent : “ Devanam piye piy adasi laj a hevam aha” ( ‘Thus speaks King
Piyadassi, Beloved of t he Gods’) . I dent ical opening st at em ent s w er e found t o recur on r ock
and pillar edict s across t he count ry. Who was t his Devanam piya piyadassi and what did his
st at em ent s signify?

The fact t hat t hese pronouncem ent s were sim ple and form ulaic, suggest ed t hat t hey were
public declarat ions. But t hey wer e also found scat t er ed across t he subcont inent . Who could
have ex er cised aut horit y across such a vast dom ain? For a while, Prinsep t hought t he aut hor
of t hese edict s m ight be t he Buddha him self. But t his could not be, for t he Buddha had
never r eigned as a king. I n t he Societ y’s Journal, Prinsep wr ot e: “ I n all t he Hindu
genealogical t ables wit h which I am acquaint ed, no prince can be discov er ed possessing t his
very rem arkable nam e.”

Help arrived in t he for m of George Turnour , aut hor of An Epit om e of t he Hist ory of Ceylon.
While cursorily reading t he Sri Lankan Buddhist chr onicle, t he Dipavam sha, Turnour
chanced upon a passage which read:

" Two hundred and eight een years aft er t he beat it ude of t he Buddha, was t he inaugurat ion
of Piyadassi … who, t he grandson of Chandragupt a, and own son of Bindusara, was at t hat
t im e t he Viceroy of Uj j ayini."

Turnour was quick t o cont act Prinsep who readily acknowledged his er ror. Devanam piya
Piyadassi was est ablished bey ond doubt as Ashoka Maur ya [ 272- 232 BCE] , ruler of one of
t he gr eat est em pires of ancient I ndia. ( Kej ariwal 1999, 206- 208)

This is an int erest ing st ory t o begin wit h because it shows us t he difficult ies involved in
reconst ruct ing t he hist ory of t he Maur yan m onarch. Ashoka was a rem arkable individual in
m or e way s t han one, and a wealt h of m yt hic and legendary det ail has com e t o sur round
him . For hist orians, m uch of t he int erest r elat es t o his concept of ‘dham m a’, a m oral and
philosophical code which he sought t o im plem ent across his em pire.
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The conce pt of Ashok a n dha m m a

Cla ssifying t he e dict s

Ashoka set up his rock and pillar edict s so as t o spread t he m essage of his dham m a. The
vast m aj orit y of t hese edict s were com posed in Prakrit , inscribed in Brahm i, and set up
acr oss his em pire. I n t he nort hwest ern region of t he I ndian subcont inent , a sm aller num ber
wer e com posed in Prakrit but inscribed in t he Khar osht hi script . Ashokan inscript ions in
Gr eek and Ar a m a ic have been found fr om Afghanist an: t he Greek inscript ions are
concent rat ed m ainly ar ound Kandahar, while t he Aram aic inscript ions ar e m or e scat t ered
and appear along t rade r out es. A bilingual Greek and Aram aic inscript ion has also been
found at Shar- i- Kuna, t he old cit y of Kandahar.

Va lue a ddit ion: com m on m isconce pt ions

The diffe r e nce be t w e e n scr ipt a nd la ngua ge
The difference bet w een script and language is t he difference bet w een t he m edium
and t he m essage. For inst ance, t his lesson is writ t en in t he English language and t he
Rom an script . But t he Rom an script is also used t o writ e languages such as French,
I t alian or Spanish.

Thus, t he language of t he Ashokan edict s is largely Prak rit . But t he script s used for
t hem ar e Brahm i and Kharosht hi. I n subsequent periods, t hese t wo script s w er e used
t o writ e all kinds of docum ent s, not j ust im perial edict s. Event ually, Kharosht hi
declined. But Brahm i form s t he basis of m ost of t he script form s used by I ndian
languages t oday .
Sou r ce : Or igin a l

Based upon t heir placem ent and cont ent , t he edict s can be classified as follows:

a) The Minor Rock Edict s ( MRE) of Ashoka are found in differ ent part s of his em pire and
appear t o be am ong his earliest pronouncem ent s. Their occur r ence in large num bers
in Karnat aka has been linked t o Maur yan int ervent ion aim ed at accessing t he m ineral
resources of t he region.

b) The 14 Rock Edict s ( RE) undert ake a gradual ex pounding of t he concept of dham m a.
Their dist ribut ion defines what is r egarded as t he ext ent of Ashok a’s em pire.

c) The 7 Pillar Edict s ( PE) ar e of a lat er dat e and t heir dist ribut ion is confined t o t he
Ganget ic valley.

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d) The Gr eek and Aram aic inscript ions in t he nort hwest front ier t ranslat e cert ain
concept s of dham m a for t he local populat ion. Their locat ion indicat es t he im port ance
of t his r egion for t rade and cont act wit h t he w est ern world.

e) I nscript ions possessing specific religious cont ent include t he Schism Edict at Sanchi,
Sarnat h and Allahabad; t he Bhabru Edict ( which list s t he nam es of sev en Buddhist
t ext s) and t he inscript ions in t he Barabar Hills recording t he gift of rock - cut caves t o
Aj ivik a m onks for r esidence during t he rains.

Figure 7.2.2.1: Ashokan rock edict s at Girnar

Source: Phot o by Benoy Behl
ht t p: / / www.hinduonnet .com / t hehindu/ t hscrip/ print .pl?file= 20070907505406400.ht m &dat e
= fl2417/ &prd= fline&

Fe a t ur e s of t he Ashok a n dha m m a

At t he out set , let us out line t he feat ur es const it ut ing t he Ashokan dham m a:

To begin wit h, t here w as dham m a- guna ( m or al virt ue) and t he edict s list t he virt ues t hat
m ade a right eous life. I n Pillar Edict I I I , Ashok a st ressed self- exam inat ion, asking people t o
scrut inize t heir act ions, sinful and virt uous, and rid t hem selves of violence, cruelt y, vanit y
and j ealousy. An individual was direct ed t o r espect his par ent s, elders and relat ives; honour
was t o be offered t o t eacher s; liberalit y t o shram anas and brahm anas, and proper court esy
t o ser vant s and slaves. Trut hfulness, t he perfor m ance of virt uous deeds and a great fear of
sin com plet ed t his list .

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The edict s t ell us t hat Ashoka had t he highest r egard for all living beings. Minor Rock Edict
I I pr oclaim ed t he need t o be “ st eadfast in one’s kindness t ow ards living beings.”
Consequent ly, Ashoka placed rest raint s upon t he slaught er of anim als for sacrifice and food.
He also ar ranged for t he welfar e of people and anim als alike by providing m edical
t reat m ent , plant ing banyan t r ees and m ango gr ov es, excavat ing wells, and const ruct ing rest
houses and wat ering sheds.

Va lue a ddit ion: w ha t t he sour ce s sa y

Pr ovisions for a nim a ls a nd pe ople in Rock Edict I I
Rock Edict I I says:

“ King Priyadasi, t he Belov ed of t he Gods, has arranged for m edical t reat m ent of bot h
m en and anim als all over his em pire and in t he t er rit ories beyond t he borders as
t hose of t he Choda, Pada, Sat iyaput a, Ket alaput a, and Tam bapani and upt o t hose of
t he Greek king Ant iyoka and also his neighbours. He has arranged also for plant ing
m edicinal herbs, root s and fruit - yielding t rees. Wells have been dug and t rees have
been plant ed on t he r oads for t he enj oym ent of anim als and m en.”
Sou r ce : Kr ish n a n , K.G.( e d.) , Ut t a n k it a Sa n sk r it Vidy a Ar a n y a Epigr a p h s: Vol
I I : Pr a k r it a n d Sa n sk r it Epig r a ph s ( 2 5 7 BC t o 3 2 0 AD ) , M ysor e : Ut t a n k it a
Vid ya Ar a n y a Tr u st , 1 9 8 9 ,1 7 .

I n Rock Edict I , Ashoka opposed fest ive gat herings ( sam aj a) as t her e is only “ m anifold evil”
in t hem . I t has been suggest ed t hat along wit h sacrifices, he also did away wit h such fest ive
gat herings. He opposed t he pract ice of cert ain auspicious rit es, believing t hat t heir result s
wer e m eagre and t heir m erit rest rict ed t o t his world alone.

Gener osit y or charit y ( dana) was also im port ant , and in Pillar Edict I V Ashoka argued t hat
one should “ best ow gift s in order t o secur e … happiness in t he next world.” He him self
dist ribut ed gift s am ong m en of all religious com m unit ies, householder s and ascet ics alike.
Addit ionally, he organized officials t o deliver t he gift s of his queens and sons. Yet Rock Edict
XI I ( which out lines his liberalit y) concludes wit h t he not e t hat in t he absence of “ self
cont r ol, purit y of t hought and firm devot ion" , dana by it self was w ort hless.

Va lue a ddit ion: w ha t t he sour ce s sa y

Rock Edict VI I in t he Kha r osht hi scr ipt

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This is an e st a m p a ge of t he Ashokan Rock Edict VI I in t he Kharosht hi script , found

at Shahbazgarhi in Pakist an. The lines r ead, fr om right t o left , as follows:

1. Devanam priy o Priyasi r aj a savrat ra ichhat i savr a

2. Prasham da vaseyu save hi t e sayam e bhavasudhi cha ichham t i
3. Jano chu uchavuchachham do uchavucharago t e sav ram va ekadesam v a
4. Pi kasham t i vipule pi chu dane yasa nast i sayam a bhava
5. Suchi kit ranat a dridhabhat it a niche padam

Translat ed int o English, t his reads:

" King Priyadarshi, Beloved of t he Gods, wishes t hat all religious sect s should live
harm oniously in all part s of his dom inions. I n fact , all of t hem desire t o achieve self-
cont r ol and purit y of t hought . People, how ever, are of diver se inclinat ions and
diverse passions. They will perform eit her t he whole or only a part of t heir dut y.
How ev er, ev en if a person pract ises gr eat liberalit y but does not possess self- cont r ol,
purit y of t hought , grat it ude and firm devot ion, he is quit e wort hless."
Sou r ce : Sir ca r , D . C. 1 9 9 8 . I n scr ipt ion s of Asok a . D e lh i: Pu blica t ion s
D ivision , Gov e r n m e n t of I n dia .

While accept ing t hat “ t here is no person who is not seriously devot ed t o a part icular
religious sect ,” Ashoka encouraged m em ber s of all sect s t o live in peace. Thus, t he edict s
em phasized equal respect on his part t owards brahm anas and shram anas and desired his
subj ect s t o do t he sam e. Rock Edict XI I spok e of t he necessit y of self- cont rol ( sayam o) and
t he guarding of speech ( bacho gut i) for t he gr owt h of dham m a.

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Va lue a ddit ion: w ha t t he sour ce s sa y

W hy e qua l r e spe ct is ne ce ssa r y t ow a r ds a ll se ct s
“ And t he growt h of t he essent ials of Dharm a is possible in m any ways. But it s root
lies in rest raint wit h regard t o speech, which m eans t her e should be no ext olm ent of
one’s sect or disparagem ent of ot her sect s on inappropriat e occasions and t hat it
should be m oderat e in ev ery case ev en on appropriat e occasions. On t he cont rary ,
ot her sect s should be duly honoured in ev ery w ay on all occasions.

I f a per son act s in t his way, he not only prom ot es his own sect but also benefit s
ot her sect s. But , if a person act s ot herwise, he not only inj ures his own sect but also
harm s ot her sect s. Truly, if a per son ext ols his own sect and disparages ot her sect s
wit h a view t o glorifying his sect owing m erely t o his at t achm ent t o it , he inj ures his
own sect very sev er ely by act ing in t hat way. Ther efor e, r est raint in regard t o speech
is com m endable, because people should learn and respect t he fundam ent als of one
anot her ’s Dharm a.”
Sou r ce : RE X I I , Sh a h b a z g a r h i t e x t , t r a n sla t e d by Sir ca r , D . C. 1 9 9 8 .
I n scr ipt ion s of Asok a . D e lh i: Pu b lica t ion s D ivision , Gov e r n m e n t of I n dia , 4 0 -
41.

Rock Edict XI I I described Ashoka’s defeat of Kalinga where brut al conquest m ade him
realize t he hidden cost s of war. I t det ails t he num bers killed in act ion and t hose t ak en away
as slaves, but what is consider ed ev en m ore unbearable is t hat deat h and m isery should
befall shram anas and brahm anas, and virt uous householders. So once he had com plet ed
t he conquest of Kalinga, Ashok a, repent ant , t ook t o t he pract ice of dham m a, pr opagat ing it
am ong all his people.

The edict went on t o say t hat t he suffering caused by war led Ashoka t o abj ure m ilit ary
conquest and t ak e t o dham m a vij aya or ‘conquest by right eousness’. Alt hough he did not
disband t he im perial arm y, t her e ar e no furt her references t o conquest s in his reign. A
fam ous line, in Rock Edict I V, speak s of t he t ransform at ion from bherighosa t o
dham m aghosa; in place of t he sound of ket t le- drum s, t he dham m a now resounds. He ev en
asked his descendant s t o regard dham m a vij aya as t he t rue conquest , hoping t hat even if
t hey w er e t o t ak e t o war, t hey w ould be m erciful in t heir punishm ent s.

Ashok a ’s e ffor t s t o pr opa ga t e his dha m m a

How could Ashoka pr opagat e his dham m a in an era of lim it ed lit eracy ? Apart from t he fact
t hat ver y few of his subj ect s w ere lit erat e, v ery oft en t he edict s wer e inscribed at such a
height t hat even t hose who could read would not have found it easy t o do so. The answ er t o
t his problem lies in refer ences scat t er ed t hroughout t he edict s w hich st ress t he oral
propagat ion of t he dham m a. Separat e Rock Edict s I and I I refer t o t heir being read aloud
and list ened t o on days of t he Tishya const ellat ion as well as on ordinary days. Bot h
com m on people as w ell as officials wer e urged t o seek inspirat ion from t hese readings.

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Fussm an suggest s t hat t hese w ould have been public cer em onies or congregat ions wher e
t he dham m a was expounded.( Fussm an 1987- 88)

Ashoka clearly want ed his dham m a t o reach out t o as m any people as possible. I n t he
inscript ions, we see him leading by exam ple, whet her by ending anim al slaught er or
confer ring equal respect upon all sect s. He also undert ook dham m a y at as ( pilgrim ages in
t he cause of dham m a) , m eet ing people acr oss his dom ains, giving alm s and gift s, and
arousing int erest in dham m a t hrough debat e and discussion.

A whole hierarchy of officials was appoint ed by Ashoka - - “ kum aras, yut as, laj ukas,
padesikas, m aham at t as, dham m a- m aham at t as” - - and t hey undert ook t o spr ead his
dham m a. Ev ent ually, m ost officials cam e t o propagat e t he dham m a in t he cour se of t heir
wor k, but t he dh a m m a - m a h a m a t t a s wer e specially ent rust ed wit h t his t ask. Ashoka
st at ed t hat he gave his officials com plet e fr eedom wit h regard t o r ewards and punishm ent s.
But he also em phasized t he im port ance of j ust and im part ial decisions and warned against
anger, laziness and fat igue.

So as t o ensur e t hat his dham m a spread far and w ide, Ashoka inst ruct ed his officials t o
engrav e his pr oclam at ions on r ock surfaces and st one pillars “ wherever an opport unit y
present s it self.” ( MRE I ) This does suggest t hat while t he em peror had a m aj or say in t he
placem ent of cert ain edict s, in ot her cases his officials had a fr ee hand. Hist orians hav e also
suggest ed, on t his basis, t hat he had his edict s inscribed on pr e- exist ing st one pillars as
well. Oft en in t he inscript ions, Ashoka orders his officials, saying, “ Thus you should order in
t he words of t he Beloved of t he Gods.” This suggest s t hat he m ay have conceived an
im perial sanct it y t o his words, desiring t hat t hey be repeat ed v erbat im , like form ulae. Of
cour se, it is unlikely t hat t his occur red in pract ice.

Va lue a ddit ion: in t e r e st ing de t a ils

‘The fa ult of t he scr ibe ’: w ho in scr ibe d t he Ashok a n r e cor ds?
The dist inct ive voice of t he em per or indicat es t hat he fram ed his edict s. Yet who
wrot e t hem down? Who t ook down t he w ords of t he em per or and who t hen engraved
t hem on st one?

The presence of differ ent engrav er s can be seen in t he differ ent hands t hat carv ed
t he inscript ions as well as t he differences and variat ions in t he writ t en t ext s of t he
edict s, in t he spelling of w ords and phrasing of st at em ent s. I n RE XI V, Ashoka
accept s t he exist ence of such variat ions, st at ing t hat :

" all it em s of a series have not been put t oget her in all places. Ther e are som e t opics
which have been r epeat ed ov er and ov er again, according t o t heir sweet ness, so t hat
people m ay act accordingly. There m ay be som e t opics which have been w rit t en
incom plet ely eit her as t he part icular place of record was consider ed unsuit able for
t hem or as a special reason for abridgem ent was believed t o exist , and also owing t o

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t he fault of a scribe."

The nam e of one such engraver occurs on t he Ashokan Minor Rock Edict s at
Brahm agiri, Siddhapur and Jat inga Ram eshwar in Karnat aka. Beneat h each of t hese
records, he wr ot e down his nam e - - Chapada - - and his designat ion, ‘lipikara’
( engrav er) . While t he edict and t he signat ure are in Brahm i, t he t er m lipikarena is
inscribed in Kharosht hi, indicat ing t hat t his art isan had t rav elled all t he way fr om t he
nort hwest .
Sou r ce : Se t t a r , S. 2 0 0 3 . Foot p r in t s of Ar t isa n s in H ist or y : Som e Re f le ct ion s
on Ea r ly Ar t isa n s of I n dia . M ysor e : Ge ne r a l Pr e side n t ’s Add r e ss, 6 4 t h Se ssion
of t h e I n d ia n H ist or y Con gr e ss; a n d Sir ca r , D . C. 1 9 9 8 . I n scr ipt ion s of
Asok a . D e lh i: Pu b lica t ion s D ivision , Gov e r n m e n t of I nd ia , 4 5 .

Yet t he edict s repr esent ed m or e t han t he voice of t he em peror. They wer e also sym bols of
his power. Their m onum ent al qualit y was m eant t o im press people not only wit h t he gravit y
of t he em peror’s m essage but also t he need t o follow it . The Ashokan edict s wer e not dead
let t ers. They w er e fram ed as an exhort at ion t o pract ice.

I n his edict s Ashoka st at ed t hat he regarded inst ruct ion in dham m a as his suprem e dut y. He
claim ed t hat he desired neit her fam e nor glor y , only t hat people should cont inue t o adher e
t o dham m a. But he under st ood also t hat t he cont inuance of his dham m a was im paired by
his own m ort alit y and by t he failings of his subj ect s, which is why he sought t o get his sons
and grandsons and great - grandsons t o follow aft er him in t he cause of dham m a. This,
howev er, did not happen: in t he records of hist ory , Ashoka’s dham m a represent s an
im perial obsession t hat did not endure.

Buddhism a nd t he na t ur e of Ashok a ’s dha m m a

Ashok a : t he Buddhist k ing?

Many legends in t he Buddhist t radit ion describe Ashoka’s at t achm ent t o Buddhism . They
speak of a cruel, violent and pleasure- loving m an suddenly convert ed t o a life of piet y.
Ot her st ories describe how he becam e so dev ot ed t o t he sangha t hat he gift ed away t he
ent ire eart h! Tradit ion also speaks of a t hird Buddhist council held in t he 17 t h year of
Ashoka’s reign t o suppr ess heresy and com pile t he ‘t rue Buddhist doct rine'.

Va lue a ddit ion: life st or ie s

Ashok a of t he e dict s vs. Ashok a of t he le ge nds
Legends about Ashoka in t he Buddhist t ext s were w rit t en down m any cent uries aft er
his deat h. For inst ance, t he Ashokavadana or t he legendary biography of Ashoka
belongs t o a genr e of t ext s known as avadana which exalt t he great deeds of
followers of Buddhism .

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A fam ous st ory in t his t ext t ells of Ashoka’s conv ersion t o Buddhism . Having
ascended t he t hrone, Ashoka is said t o have unleashed gr eat violence, killing all
t hose who st ood in his way. Hence, he was refer red t o as Chandashoka or ‘Ashoka
t he Fierce’. He built a t ort ur e cham ber approxim at ing hell and appoint ed a fearful
ex ecut ioner t o per form his t asks. But one day, a m onk nam ed Sam udra chanced t o
ent er t he t ort ure cham ber . He was accost ed by t he execut ioner, who pr oclaim ed t hat
he would now m eet inst ant deat h. Sam udra was t hrown int o a cauldron, but t he
cauldron did not boil, and he rem ained seat ed cr oss- legged on a lot us. Thousands of
people gat hered t o wit ness t he scene. St unned by t his m iracle, Ashoka ask ed
Sam udra t o reveal t he t eachings of his doct rine. Following t his, t he legend t ells us
t hat Chandashoka becam e Dharm ashoka, t he pious Buddhist king.

Clearly, t he t ext has it s own agenda, which is t o prov e t hat Ashoka was redeem ed by
Buddhism . Sear ching for det ails about t he hist orical Ashoka in t hese legendary t ext s
is no easy t ask.
Sou r ce : St r on g, Joh n S. ( t r a n s.) 2 0 0 2 . Th e Le g e nd of Kin g Asok a : A St u dy
a n d Tr a n sla t ion of t h e Asok a va da n a . D e lh i: M ot ila l Ba n a r sida ss.

This port rayal of Ashoka in t he Buddhist t radit ion influenced t he wor k of m any early
scholars. I t led t hem t o r ead t he Ashokan edict s as evidence not only of his per sonal fait h
in Buddhism , but also as at t em pt s t o pr opagat e t he fait h. Hence, hist orians like Vincent
Sm it h suggest ed t hat Ashoka was a Buddhist m onk for part of his life, while R.K. Mook erj ee
and D.R. Bhandark ar held t hat he lived in a m onast ery for a short period of t im e. But all
t hese st ories are legendary m at erial, and it is difficult for hist orians t o consider t hem as
‘fact s’.

The pr oblem t hat confr ont s us is t hat we seem t o be dealing wit h t wo ent irely different
charact er s: t he ‘Ashok a- of- t he- edict s’ v er sus t he ‘Ashoka- of- t he- legends’. How is t his
dichot om y t o be r esolved? This lesson would argue t hat rat her t han m ine t he legendary
t ext s for hist orical det ails, we need t o use t hem t o exam ine t he ways in which t he figure of
Ashoka was appr opriat ed and abandoned ov er t he cent uries. Part icularly wit hin t he Buddhist
t radit ion, t he idea of Ashoka as an ext raor dinary pat ron and gr eat dev ot ee rem ained
param ount , while m or e specific hist orical det ails passed fr om m em or y. For t he hist orian,
bot h m em or y as w ell as forget t ing, account s as well as silences, hav e t heir t ale t o t ell.

Va lue a ddit ion: in t e r e st ing de t a ils

A m ost m yt hica l m ovie

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Sant osh Sivan’s Asoka, released in 2001, and st arring Shah Rukh Khan as t he gr eat
I ndian em peror, is an indicat ion of how Ashok a cont inues t o be t he subj ect of m yt h-
m aking. The only hist orical fact s in t he m ovie are t hat Ashoka capt ur ed Kalinga and
t hat he convert ed t o Buddhism .

As Wendy Doniger rat her cut t ingly describes t he basic plot of t he m ovie, “ a yout hful
Ashoka ( Shah Rukh Khan) t ravelling incognit o, m eet s t he r egulat ion heroine in a wet
sari under a wat er fall ( Kareena Kapoor) . She is, unbeknownst t o him , t he queen of
Kalinga, also t ravelling incognit a. So when he event ually m assacr es Kalinga and finds
her wandering in despair am id t he wide- angle carnage, he is very , very sor ry t hat he
has killed all t hose people. And so, aft er t hr ee hours of non- st op slaught er, in t he
last t wo m inut es of t he film he conv ert s t o Buddhism ." ( ! ! ! )
Sou r ce : h t t p :/ / w w w .in d ia bu z z in g.com / w p- con t e n t / u ploa d s/ 2 4 a sok a 1 .j p g;
D on ige r , W e n dy. 2 0 0 9 . Th e H in du s: An Alt e r n a t iv e H ist or y. D e lh i: Pe n g u in ,
258.

Buddhist cont e nt in t he Ashok a n e dict s

No one doubt s t hat Ashoka w as a follower of Buddhism and his edict s show t hat he was w ell
acquaint ed wit h t he Buddhist doct rine. I n Minor Rock Edict I , Ashoka declared t hat alt hough
he had been an upasaka for t wo y ears, it was but recent ly t hat he had grown close t o t he
sangha. The Ahraura version of t he t ext has a line where Ashoka speaks of t he r elics of t he
Buddha having ascended t he plat form , which m ay r efer t o t heir inst allat ion in a st upa for
wor ship. Sim ilarly, t he Nigali Sagar Pillar inscript ion records how he enlarged t he st upa of
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t he Buddha Konakam uni, visit ing and wor shipping it at a lat er dat e. Rock Edict VI I I records
his visit t o Sam bodhi, t he sit e of t he Buddha’s enlight enm ent , while t he Rum m indei Pillar
inscript ion records his visit t o Lum bini, t he village wher e t he Buddha was born.

Va lue a ddit ion: w ha t t he sour ce s sa y

I nscr ipt ion in Ashok a n Br a hm i on t he Rum m inde i pilla r

This inscript ion in t he Brahm i script is t he t ext of Ashoka’s inscript ion engraved on
t he Rum m indei pillar which records Ashoka’s v isit t o t he sit e of Lum bini, t he place
wher e t he Buddha was born. I t st at es t hat he built a st one wall around t he sit e and
also er ect ed a st one pillar t o com m em orat e his visit . He also ex em pt ed t he village of
Lum bini from paym ent of land revenue and m ade t hem subj ect t o pay only 1/ 8 t h of
t he pr oduce as t ax.
http://www.designinindia.net/design-thoughts/writings/history/india-history-type-
design1.html

A m or e ideological avowal of Ashoka’s fait h in Buddhism can be seen in t he Bhabru Edict

wher e he proclaim ed his “ fait h in t he Buddha, t he Dham m a and t he Sangha.” Her e, he also
provided his own pr oposals for t he pr opagat ion of dham m a, list ing a num ber of Buddhist
t ext s as “ t ext s of dham m a.” The Schism Edict , found on t he Sanchi, Sarnat h and Allahabad
Kosam pillars is m or e sev ere: Ashoka orders t he expulsion of her et ical m onks, declaring
t hat t hey should be m ade t o wear whit e robes and banished from t he sangha.

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Va lue a ddit ion: w ha t t he sour ce s sa y

Ashok a ’s Schism Edict
Ashoka’s Schism Edict inscribed at Sanchi inst ruct s his m inist ers as follows:

" You should act in such a way t hat t he Sangha cannot be divided by any heret ical
m onk. Bot h t he Sangha of m onk s and t he Sangha of nuns hav e each been m ade by
m e a unit ed whole t o last as long as m y sons and gr eat - grandsons shall reign and
t he m oon and sun shall shine.

The m onk or nun who shall break up t he Sangha should be m ade t o put on whit e
robes and r eside in what is not fit for t he r esidence of a r ecluse.

For m y desire is t hat t he Sangha m ay r em ain unit ed and flourish for a long t im e."
Sou r ce : Sir ca r , D . C. 1 9 9 8 . I n scr ipt ion s of Asok a . D e lh i: Pu blica t ion s
D ivision , Gov e r n m e n t of I n dia , 5 1 - 5 2 .

W ha t link e x ist s be t w e e n Buddhism a nd Ashok a ’s dha m m a ?

Just because Ashoka was a Buddhist , does it follow t hat t he sam e holds t rue for t he cont ent
of his dham m a? Hist orians have spent m any decades debat ing whet her Ashoka’s dham m a
was aim ed at pr opagat ing Buddhism . Som e have argued t hat since his pat ronage helped t he
spr ead of Buddhism , his dham m a was ident ical t o Buddhism . I t is her e t hat Rom ila Thapar
seeks t o disagree, arguing t hat t here exist s a differ ence bet w een t hose inscript ions t hat
reflect his personal beliefs and ot her s where he propagat es his dham m a. Thapar’s t hesis
sees in Ashoka a king t orn bet ween his spirit ual longings and his sense of public
responsibilit y. What his dham m a offers is a com prom ise bet w een t he t wo: a doct rine t hat
incorporat es elem ent s of all religions and a t ool of social and polit ical organizat ion. ( Thapar
1997)

Thus, Thapar argues t hat r egardless of his per sonal fait h, Ashoka’s dham m a was a secular
const ruct , unr elat ed t o Buddhism or t he pr opagat ion of it s doct rine. Alt hough she accept s
t hat Ashoka m ay hav e bor r owed fr om Buddhist t hought , she em phasizes t hat his edict s
refer not t o specifically Buddhist concept s ( like nibbana or t he eight - fold pat h) but t o ideas
t hat are com m on t o t he t eachings of m any r eligious sect s. She also cit es his call for am it y
( RE XI I ) t o pr ov e t hat he did not favour any r eligion but was m ore int erest ed in t he
m aint enance of public order.

This argum ent sees Ashoka’s dham m a as an individual invent ion, an et hical concept aim ed
at t he ext ension of pow er . As an argum ent , t his is not wit hout it s problem s. To begin wit h,
t here is no necessary cont radict ion bet ween Ashoka’s personal fait h and his public persona.
The v ery fact t hat t he em per or used t he sam e rock and pillar edict s t o inscribe bot h
per sonal and polit ical pronouncem ent s shows a clear unit y in his com m unicat ion

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program m e. This is evident in t he Allahabad- Kosam Pillar which cont ains a per sonal
inscript ion ( t he Queen’s Edict ) , a religious inscript ion ( t he Schism Edict ) , as well as t he
st andard six pillar edict s - - all on t he sam e pillar.

That Ashoka’s inscript ions do not direct ly refer t o Buddhist concept s shows t hat his dham m a
was not an act ive pr opagat ion of Buddhism , but t his does not change t he fact t hat it had a
Buddhist cor e. The sim ilarit ies bet w een Ashok a’s dham m a and t he t enet s of t he upasaka ( or
lay- follower’s) dham m a in t he Sigalavada Sut t a of t he Buddhist canon have been not ed.
Linkages can also be drawn bet ween Ashoka’s dham m a and t he Dham m apada, an early
Buddhist t ext which speaks of liberalit y t owards ascet ics and r espect for all living beings. I t
seem s fair t o argue t hat Ashoka’s dham m a had a definit e Buddhist cor e t o it , but was set
wit hin t he larger cont ex t s of harm onious exist ence.

Va lue a ddit ion: did you k now ?

The Lion Ca pit a l fr om Sa r na t h

The Lion Capit al of Ashoka fr om Sarnat h m ust be fam iliar t o you as I ndia’s Nat ional
em blem . But hist orians of art and ancient hist ory have also int erpret ed t he
sym bolism of t his capit al in ot her ways. V.S. Agrawala, for inst ance, argued t hat t he
sculpt ure on t he capit al represent ed t he Anot at t a lake of Buddhist t radit ion which
was guarded by four anim als. The four adorsed lions ar e said t o be a sym bol of
roy alt y.
Sou r ce : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lion_Capital_of_Asoka

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A furt her indicat ion of t his linkage can be seen by looking at t he t ot alit y of t he edict s, using
t hem as an int egrat ed whole t hat would help explain his dham m a. ( Singh 1996) The
anim als port ray ed on t he pillar capit als are seen t o have a Buddhist sym bolism : t he
elephant st ands for t he Buddha’s concept ion, t he bull presided over t he nat ivit y ( birt h) , t he
horse depict ed t he Gr eat Depart ur e, while t he lion was t he Buddha him self. At Kalsi, t he
Ashokan rock edict s bear a car ving of an elephant wit h a whit e t runk . The label inscript ion
alongside t he car ving reads: gaj at am e, ‘suprem e elephant ’. While t he elephant is a popular
sym bol in ancient I ndia, t he label ident ifies t he fact t hat t his is no ordinary elephant , but is
a sym bol for t he Buddha who is said t o have ent ered his m ot her ’s w om b in a dream in t he
for m of a whit e elephant .

Figure 7.2.2.2: The Buddhist t radit ion describes t he chakkavat t i as a ruler who would put an
end t o t y ranny and est ablish a m oral world.
This im age of a chakkav at t i com es fr om t he st upa sit e of Am aravat i.
Source: ht t p: / / www.flickr.com / phot os/ 44443634@N08/ page3/

Anot her point of congruence bet w een Buddhism and Ashoka’s dham m a can be seen in t he
idea of t he chakkavat t i or ‘World Ruler’ of t he Buddhist t ext s. Um a Chakravart i’s st udy
shows how t he chakkavat t i was m eant t o be a ruler “ who would put an end t o pet t y t yranny
and est ablish a universe wher e not only social order but also m oral order w ould prevail.”
( Chakravart i 1987, 164- 166) The chakkavat t i conquer ed by right eousness and t he Ashokan
policy of dham m a vij ay a finds an echo in t he Buddhist t ext , t he Chakkavat t i Sihanada Sut t a
which speaks of “ conquest not by t he scourge, not by t he sw ord, but by right eousness.”
Alt hough he m aint ains a four- fold arm y , t he chakkavat t i seek s not t he conquest of t er rit ory
but t he est ablishm ent of a j ust social order. Neighbouring rulers do not fear him , but invit e
him t o t each t hem . He pat ronizes shram anas and brahm anas, and also ensures t hat his
people’s basic needs ar e m et and cares for t hem as a fat her for his sons. Point by point , t he
sim ilarit ies of t his concept ion wit h t he Ashokan dham m a becom e appar ent . But in response,
Thapar argues t hat t his account of t he chakkav at t i m ay have been fram ed by t he Buddhist s
aft er Ashoka’s r eign, having been inspired by his vision of royal benev olence com bined wit h
ext ensive pow er ( Thapar 1997, 8) .
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And st ill, t he debat es cont inue….

D ha m m a a s polit ics a nd pr opa ga nda

I n it s vast subcont inent al sweep, t he Mauryan st at e is am ong t he first em pires in I ndian

hist ory. Wit hin it s dom ain, it brought t oget her m any differ ent cult ures, gr oups and
com m unit ies. But em pires are not based on m ilit ary st rengt h alone. They also seek t o
cont r ol t he m inds of people.

The dist ribut ion of t he Ashokan edict s show s t hey w er e not put down at random . I nv ariably,
t he edict s would have been placed at point s wher e people gat her ed: near religious
com plexes, at m ar ket places, along t rade rout es and pilgrim age sit es. Clearly, it is not
enough j ust t o r ead t he t ext s of t he edict s. We also need t o under st and t he condit ions from
which t hey arose.

A subt le t ool of polit ica l consolida t ion

For all t heir m oral and philosophical aim s, t he Ashokan edict s serv ed as polit ical
pronouncem ent s. A st udy of Ashoka’s dham m a in t he cont ext of his age shows how it was
m ot ivat ed by t he concerns of t he t im e. While Rock Edict XI I I r ecords how t he conquest of
Kalinga m oved Ashoka t o r enounce war, Kalinga was st ill absorbed int o t he Mauryan
em pire. An Ashokan Rock Edict has been found at Tosali in Orissa, indicat ing t his was an
im port ant adm inist rat ive cent r e. Yet as int er est ing as t he pr esence of t his edict , is t he
absence of anot her: Rock Edict XI I I is not inscribed in t his region, indicat ing t hat Ashoka
underst ood t he select ive value of propaganda!

As Thapar argues, t he dham m a ser ved a definit e purpose: as a t ool of econom ic and
polit ical consolidat ion. Chandragupt a Maurya’s policy of conquest cr eat ed t he Mauryan
em pire, set t ing in place an im perial st at e and bureaucracy. When Ashoka cam e t o power, he
could have cont inued wit h t his policy of conquest , but inst ead he used a m ore subt le but
equally elaborat e syst em of propaganda. Dham m a was m eant t o cr eat e cult ural and polit ical
unit y wit hin t he em pire. ( Thapar 1997, 144)

The pr oclam at ion of t he edict s - - “ devanam piye piyadasi laj a hevam aha” - - is sim ilar t o t he
for m of address used in inscript ions of t he Achaem enid kings. Yet t he t wo ar e fundam ent ally
different , for while t he Per sian rulers describe t heir m ilit ary t rium phs, Ashoka’s inscript ions
speak inst ead of his desire t o pr opagat e t he dham m a. His dham m a m aham at t as were
inst ruct ed t o occupy t hem selves wit h all sect ions of t he people, from t he brahm anas t o t he
dest it ut e and t he aged.

“ My dom inions ar e wide,” wr ot e Ashoka, “ and m uch has been w rit t en and I shall cert ainly
cause st ill m ore t o be writ t en.” ( RE XI V) The edict s also r efer t o lands beyond his dom ain,
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t he neighbouring t errit ories of t he Ya v a n a s, Kam boj as, Nabakas, Andhras and Paulindas,
wher e he claim ed t hat people also followed his dham m a. Throughout t he Ashokan edict s
t here r esounds t he em per or ’s convict ion t hat his dict at es applied universally acr oss t he
land. The pract icalit y of t hese st at em ent s needs t o be r e- evaluat ed in light of recent
research t hat quest ions t he ext ent t o which t he Mauryas wielded act ual cent ralized cont rol.

Ex pe lling t he lov e r s of ‘w or t hle ss w or k ’: Ashok a a nd t he for e st

dw e lle r s

How ev er pow erful a st at e, it m eet s r esist ance from groups which refuse t o subscribe t o it s
norm s. Such act s of resist ance, in t urn, ar e usually crushed by t he st at e. We can see t his in
Rock Edict XI I I of Ashoka where he issues t o t he for est dw ellers a t hinly veiled t hreat . Such
a st at em ent also finds echo in t he Art hashast ra which refers t o t he for est - dw elling t ribes
( at avi, at avika and aranyachara) wit h t he com posit e t erm ‘m lechhaj at i’ or ‘t hose who are
out siders’.

Va lue a ddit ion: w ha t t he sour ce s sa y

Ashok a ’s w a r ning t o t he for e st dw e lle r s
An im port ant sect ion of Ashoka’s Rock Edict XI I I has him say:

“ Now t he Belov ed of t he Gods t hinks t hat , even if a person should wrong him , t he
offence w ould be forgiven if it was possible t o forgive it . And t he forest - folk who live
in t he dom inions of t he Belov ed of t he Gods, even t hem he ent reat s and exhort s in
regard t o t heir dut y. I t is hereby explained t o t hem t hat , in spit e of his repent ance,
t he Belov ed of t he Gods possesses pow er enough t o punish t hem for t heir crim es, so
t hat t hey should t urn from evil ways and would not be killed for t heir crim es. Verily
t he Beloved of t he Gods desires t he following in respect of all creat ur es, viz., non-
inj ury t o t hem , r est raint in dealing wit h t hem , and im part ialit y in t he case of crim es
com m it t ed by t hem .”
Sou r ce : Sir ca r , D . C. 1 9 9 8 . I n scr ipt ion s of Asok a . D e lh i: Pu blica t ion s
D ivision , Gov e r n m e n t of I n dia , 4 3 .

The ‘host ile t ribes’ of t he for est and set t led agr icult uralist s are pit t ed against each ot her in
lit erary account s fr om very early t im es. But w e m ust rem em ber t hat t hese account s w er e
fram ed by agrarian societ ies and ar e a reflect ion of t heir int erest s. I n pract ice, cit ies and
set t lem ent s w ould have been sur r ounded by areas of t he for est t hat supplied t hem wit h
wood, fuel, m eat and edible produce. The int er vent ion of t he st at e creat ed a new axis of
power. As t he st at e t ur ned it s acquisit ive eye t owards t hese r egions, t er rit orial expansion
went alongside t he m ar ginalizat ion of t he at avika way of life.

The st at es of pr e- m odern I ndia wer e prim arily revenue- ext ract ing st at es. This m eant t hat it
was in t heir int erest t o expand t he r each of agricult ure. The Art hashast ra, for inst ance,

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discusses t he pr ocess of ‘shunyanivesha’ or t he ext ension of set t lem ent upon wast e and
unoccupied land. I t also st at es t hat all t hose who wer e willing t o bring unoccupied land
under cult ivat ion could seek t he help of t he st at e which would provide t hem wit h seeds,
cat t le and ot her r esour ces.

But t he r esour ces of t he st at e did not com e from agricult ure alone. For est s w er e also of
great value. The Art hashast ra different iat es bet ween t wo kinds of for est - - drav yavana
( ‘m at erial forest s’) and hast ivana ( ‘elephant forest s’) . Fr om t he dravyavana cam e r esour ces
such as wood, m et als, fish and gam e. From t he hast ivana cam e elephant s for t he arm y . To
m aint ain it s cont r ol over t hese r esources, Kaut ilya recom m ends t hat t he st at e set up guards
t o cont rol t hese ar eas and special st orehouses t o st ock t heir pr oduce. ( Parasher- Sen 1998,
180- 181) .

Som et im es t he st at e’s int erv ent ion could be at t he cost of local livelihoods. Thus, t he focus
on ahim sa in Ashoka’s dham m a was det rim ent al t o t he livelihoods of hunt ers and fisherm en.
I n Pillar Edict V, he list s m any anim als whom he had declared inviolable, eit her perm anent ly
or on cert ain days - - t hese include parrot s, m ainas, geese, bat s, m ango t ree ant s, boneless
fish and so on. Pr egnant or m ilch anim als wer e not t o be slaught ered nor t heir young ones
sold away. The Gr eek and Aram aic edict s of Ashoka pr oclaim t hat he has prohibit ed groups
from indulging in such act ivit ies. At Laghm an, t he Aram aic inscript ion proclaim s: “ I n t he
year 16, Priyadarshi scat t er ed abundant ly ( i.e. disper sed) and pushed out ( or expelled
from ) t he pr osper ous populat ion t he lovers of what is hunt ing of cr eat ures and fishes and
what it wort hless ( or em pt y) work.”

But should we t ake such proclam at ions ent irely at face- value? What act ually happened t o
t hose gr oups residing at t he m argins and t he forest s? For all t hese grand proclam at ions, t he
fact rem ains t hat even as t he Mauryan st at e work ed t o expand it s reach, m any gr oups
wit hin it s dom ains cont inued t o ex er cise a cert ain degree of aut onom y.

The st at e’s t akeov er of for est lands and t he dispossession of it s peoples is a process t hat
m ay have begun in t he Mauryan period, but it did not st op t her e. As successive r egim es
dev eloped m ore com plex polit ies, t he t ension bet ween t he t w o could only increase. As a
process, it reached it s highest ext ent in t he t went iet h cent ury . And it cont inues ev en t oday.

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7 .2 .2 : Ex e r cise s

Essa y que st ions

1) What are t he various kinds of inform at ion t hat inscript ions cont ribut e t o our
underst anding of hist or y? Discuss wit h reference t o t he Ashokan edict s.

2) Out line t he m ain feat ures of Ashoka’s dham m a? To what ext ent do you t hink his
m oral code was fr ee of r eligious orient at ions?

3) What kinds of polit ical im perat ives led Ashoka t o propagat e his dham m a? Would he
have been successful in achieving t hese aim s?

Obj e ct ive que st ions

Qu e st ion N u m be r Type of q u e st ion LOD

1 True or False 1

Qu e st ion
Of t he following, which are essent ial const it uent s of Ashoka’s dham m a? Mark as True
or False:

a) Prom ot ing t he sacrifice of anim als and t heir slaught er for m eat .

b) Respect t owards parent s, elders and r elat ives.

c) Giving gift s in order t o secur e m erit .

d) The pract ise of digvij ay a or m ilit ary conquest .

Cor r e ct An sw e r / a) False
Opt ion ( s) b) True
c) True
d) False

Just ifica t ion / Fe e db a ck for t h e cor r e ct a n sw e r

a) Ashoka spoke against t he sacrifice of anim als and t heir slaught er for m eat .

b) Ashoka’s dham m a em phasized respect t owards parent s, elders and realt ives.

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c) He held t hat giving gift s in order t o secur e m erit was beneficial.

d) Ashoka r ej ect ed m ilit ary conquest and inst ead called for dham m a vij aya or
conquest by dham m a.

Re sou r ce / H in t s/ Fe e d ba ck for t h e w r on g a n sw e r

Reviewer’s Com m ent :

Qu e st ion N u m be r Type of q u e st ion LOD

2 Mult iple choice quest ion 2

Qu e st ion
The Ashokan inscript ions and t he Brahm i script wer e first deciphered by :

a) Mort im er Wheeler

b) Jam es Prinsep

c) Michael Vent ris

d) Alexander Cunningham

Cor r e ct An sw e r /
b)
Opt ion ( s)

Just ifica t ion / Fe e db a ck for t h e cor r e ct a n sw e r

Jam es Prinsep is credit ed wit h t he decipherm ent of t he Brahm i script .

Re sou r ce / H in t s/ Fe e d ba ck for t h e w r on g a n sw e r

Reviewer’s Com m ent :

Qu e st ion N u m be r Type of q u e st ion LOD

3 Mult iple choice quest ion 2

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Qu e st ion
The inscript ions of Ashoka found at Kandahar wer e w rit t en in which of t he following
script s:

a) Aram aic

b) Gr eek

c) Kharost hi

d) Bot h a) and b)

Cor r e ct An sw e r /
d)
Opt ion ( s)

Ju st ifica t ion / Fe e db a ck for t h e cor r e ct a n sw e r

The Ashokan edict s at Kandahar were bilingual, being inscribed in bot h Gr eek and
Aram aic.

Re sou r ce / H in t s/ Fe e d ba ck for t h e w r on g a n sw e r

Reviewer’s Com m ent :

Qu e st ion N u m be r Type of q u e st ion LOD

4 Mult iple choice quest ion 2

Qu e st ion
I n which of t he following edict s does Ashoka or der: ” The m onk or nun who shall break
up t he Sangha should be m ade t o put on whit e robes and r eside in what is not fit for
t he r esidence of a recluse.”

a) Schism Edict

b) Queens Edict

c) Nyagr odha cave inscript ion

d) Rock Edict XI I I

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I n st it u t e of Life lon g Le a r n in g, Un iv e r sit y of D e lh i

 Ashok a 's D ha m m a

Cor r e ct An sw e r /
a)
Opt ion ( s)

Just ifica t ion / Fe e db a ck for t h e cor r e ct a n sw e r

These direct ives t o t he Buddhist sangha are t ak en from t he Schism Edict .

Re sou r ce / H in t s/ Fe e d ba ck for t h e w r on g a n sw e r

Reviewer’s Com m ent :

Glossa r y

Aj ivik a : a r enunciant sect of ancient I ndia which followed t he t eachings of Mak khali Gosala,
a cont em porar y of t he Buddha.
Ar a m a ic: r efer s t o bot h a language and t he script used t o writ e t hat language. The script
was used by t he Assyrian, Babylonian and Achaem enid em pires. The Ashokan inscript ions
use it t o r each out t o people living in t he nort hwest ern regions of t he I ndian subcont inent .
D h a m m a - m a h a m a t t a s: while t he m aham at t as were a class of high officials in t he
Mauryan adm inist rat ion, t he cat egor y of dham m a- m aham at t as was cr eat ed specially by
Ashoka. They wer e put in charge of all affairs r elat ing t o t he proper conduct of people and
t he pr opagat ion of Ashoka’s m oral code of dham m a.
Est a m p a g e : t he first st ep in decoding an inscript ion is t o m ak e a copy of it . This copy is
known as t he est am page. Only aft er such a copy is m ade can t he epigraphist m ove t o
deciphering t he script .
Ya v a n a s: t his t erm was init ially used for t he I onian Gr eek s, but ev ent ually cam e t o apply
t o all west erner s. I n t he Ashokan edict s, t he Yavanas are described as living in t he
nort hwest ern r egion of t he em pire. Ment ion is also m ade of em bassies sent t o t he court of
t he Yavana ruler Ant iyoka who is ident ified wit h Ant iochus I I Theos ( 161- 246 BCE) , ruler of
t he Seleucid dynast y in West ern Asia.

Fur t he r r e a dings

Fussm an, Gerard. 1987- 88. Cent ral and Provincial Adm inist rat ion in Ancient I ndia: The
Problem of t he Mauryan Em pire. I ndian Hist orical Review , Vol.14, Nos. 1- 2, 43- 72.

Chakravart i, Um a. 1987. The Social Dim ensions of Early Buddhism . Delhi: Oxford Univer sit y
Press.

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 Ashok a 's D ha m m a

Kej ariwal, O. P. 1999. The Asiat ic Societ y of Bengal and t he Discov er y of I ndia’s Past . Delhi:
Oxford Universit y Pr ess.

Parasher- Sen, Aloka. 1998. Of Tribes, Hunt ers and Barbarians: Forest Dwellers in t he
Mauryan period. St udies in Hist ory , Vol. 14, No. 2, 173- 191.

Set t ar, S. 2003. Foot print s of Art isans in Hist ory: Som e Reflect ions on Early Art isans of
I ndia. Mysor e: General President ’s Addr ess, 64 t h Session of t he I ndian Hist ory Congress.

Singh, Upinder. 1996. Text s on St one: Under st anding Asoka’s Epigr aph- Monum ent s and
t heir Changing Cont ext s. I ndian Hist orical Review , 24 ( 1- 2) , 1- 19.

Sircar, D. C. 1998. I nscript ions of Asoka. Delhi: Publicat ions Division, Gov ernm ent of I ndia.

St rong, John S. ( t rans.) 2002. The Legend of King Asoka: A St udy and Translat ion of t he
Asokavadana. Delhi: Mot ilal Banarsidass.

Thapar, Rom ila. 1997. Asoka and t he Decline of t he Mauryas. Delhi: Oxford Univer sit y
Press.

Thapar, Rom ila. 2002. Reading Hist ory fr om I nscript ions: Prof. D.C. Sircar Mem orial
Endowm ent Lect ur e. Calcut t a: K.P. Bagchi.

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