Beyond "The State" and Failed Schemes

Author(s): Tania Murray Li

Source: American Anthropologist, Vol. 107, No. 3 (Sep., 2005), pp. 383-394
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
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 TANIA MURRAY LI

Beyond "the State" and Failed Schemes

ABSTRACT Inthisarticle, I proposefivewaysto movebeyondtheanalytical schemeofJamesScott'sSeeingLikea State(1998). I

questionthespatialopticthatpositsan "upthere,"all-seeingstateoperatingas a preformed ofpower,spreadprogressively
repository
outwardto "nonstate"spacesbeyonditsreach.I highlight the roleof partiesbeyond"thestate"thatattempt to govern-social
andtheso-callednongovernmental
scientists,
reformers, agencies,amongothers.I lookbeyondauthoritarian highmodernism to the
of
moregeneralproblematic"improvement" emerging from a governmental focused
rationality on the of
welfare I
populations.explore
the recourse
to localknowledge
(contextualized, and practice)situatedbeyondthepurview of planning. I reframe
Finally, the
mrtis
questionposedbyScott-whyhavecertain schemesdesigned to improvethehumancondition failed?-toexaminethequestionposed
so provocatively
byJames Ferguson:What do theseschemes do? Whatare theirmessy,
contradictory, effects?
conjunctural [Keywords:
state,governmentality,
space,knowledge,
planning]

A PLANNER a fieldofinterven- ofhisfieldofvision.I proposeto situatestateopticsand im-

CONSTITUTING
LIKE
tion,an academicmakingan argumenthas to focus provement schemesin relationtootherattempts totheorize
his or her fieldof vision,be selective,and simplify. James how powerworksand to highlightsome ofthe complexi-
Scottis a masteroffocusedvision,whichis one reasonwhy tiesthatarementionedoranticipatedin Scott'saccountbut
hisworkis widelyreadand citedin anthropology and other are consignedto theinterstices and footnotes.I agreewith
His
disciplines. keyconcepts,phrases, and imagesarebold the main outlinesof Scott'sargument:Rulingregimesdo
and memorable.Perhapsthishas somethingto do withdis- operateas he proposes,forthereasonsand withtheconse-
ciplinary training: He wastrainedin politicalscience,a field quence?he observes.WhatI offer, then,is lessa critiqueof
thatseeksto devisemodelsaboutbig topics(e.g.,thestate, Scott'smainargument thanan amplification ofsomeofthe
power,democracy,rebellion).Anthropologists tend to be pointspotentiallylostor submergedin Scott'sschematics.
coy about turningcomplex,overdetermined conjunctures My use of the word beyondin my titleacknowledgesthe
intogristforgeneralizing schemes.We recognizethevalue value ofScott'sworkas a starting pointand a provocation.
of ethnographicworkthat contributesto theory,but we RereadingSeeingLikea State(1998) remindedme of how
seldomproducea singlemessagethatcan be readilytrans- much I have learnedfromthiswork;it further prompted
portedand deployedin diversesettings.I believeboth ap- me to tryto articulatewhatelse needsto be said.
proacheshavemeritand thattherearegood reasonsto con- Scottis an engagedscholarwho has consistently ad-
tinuethedialogue. dressedissueswithimportant stakes.
political Out ofrespect
This articleis a criticalengagementwithScott'sbook, forhis styleof committedscholarship,I startwithan ac-
SeeingLike a State(1998). AsI understand it,thisisthecoreof countofthereasonswhywhatI have to saymightmatter.
Scott'sargument:Statesconstructsimplified modelsofthe I arguethat vast schemesto improvethe human condi-
worldthattheywouldliketo controland improve,yetim- tion continueto be designedand implemented, but many
provementschemesfailin proportion to theireffectiveness do nottakethehighlyvisibleformScottidentifies as "high
at preventingpeople fromapplyingthe everydayknowl- modern."Ratherthanetchtheirvisionsofimprovement on
edge essentialto human well-being.He illustrates his ar- the landscapeby constructing orderlycities,forests,farms,
gument with rich empirical material from a of
range sites. and resettlement sites,theseschemesworkon and through
He recognizesthatgrandschemesarecontingenton a tan- the practicesand desiresof theirtargetpopulations.Their
gledsetofpractices, processes,and relations, butlikea state proponentsarenot onlythe stateapparatusbut also an ar-
he
planner, keeps eyeshis on the schemes themselves, leav- rayof authorities,includingthe so-callednongovernment
ing the messiness inside or around them on the peripheries organizations (NGOs). Theyoperateacrossmultiplespatial
AMERICAN
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384 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

scales.Theyseldomuse coercion,aiminginsteadto reshape schemereposes"politicalquestionsofland,resources, jobs,

theactionsofsubjectswho retainthefreedomto act other- orwagesas technical'problems'responsiveto thetechnical
wise.Scott'sbinarycategories"state-society," "statespace- 'development'intervention" (1994:270). The WorldBank
nonstatespace," and "power-resistance" provideinsuffi- schemehas an impressiverecordof deliveringon its ma-
cientanalyticaltractionto exposethelogicoftheseschemes terialpromises:good qualityvillageinfrastructure at low
ortoexaminetheireffects. One examplewillhelporientthe cost. But if,as Fergusonrecommends, we stepaway from
readerto thedetailedarguments I developbelow. theWorldBank'swayof seeingtheproblemofpoverty(as
Between1998 and 2006, theWorldBankin Indonesia a matterof deficientplanning),and away fromthe ques-
will spend $1 billionin loan fundson a schemeto reform tionoftheprogram's successor failure,different questions
Indonesiansocietyfromthe bottomup.' The schemefo- come into view.Why,and forwhom,is the fostering of
cuseson villageinfrastructure planningdecisions,seeking competition, the stimulationofentrepreneurship, and the
to makethemmoreaccountable,transparent, and efficient. eliminationofcorruption in villageplanninga preeminent
It does thisby allocatingfundsthrougha minutelyspeci- goal? How does the WorldBank reconcileits mandateto
fiedand monitoredprocessin whichvillagescompetefor relievepovertywitha strategy thatwithholdsfundsfrom
funds,makingproposalsadjudicatedatthesubdistrict level. villagesunable to meet the "performance" standardsthe
Thesmallprojectsthatarefundedareconventionalenough programdemands?AretheWorldBank'sneoliberalcriteria
(e.g., villageroads,bridges,minorirrigation, credit).The fordistinguishing thedeserving fromtheundeserving poor
novelty of the program lies in the planningprocessitself, to be acceptedwithoutdebate?Why focuson correcting
carefullydesigned to root out corruption, collusion,and thedeficiencies ofvillagerswhileleavingthedeficiencies of
waste.Social researchexpertshave mappedeverystagein seniorofficials, and
politicians, armygenerals unexamined
the project-planning and deliveryprocess,detectingthe and unimproved?
points at which funds leak and fine-tuning theprojectsys- My articlehas fivesections.First,I questionthe spa-
temto foster compliance and increase theopportunity-cost tial optic of Scott'saccountthatpositsan "up there,"all-
ofrulebreaking.Villagershave a choice:Iftheywishto ac- seeingstateoperatingas a preformed repository of power
cessthefunds,theymustconformto theprescribed behav- and
spreadprogressively unproblematically across national
iors.TheWorldBankschemedoesnotcoercepeople;rather, terrain,colonizingnonstatespacesand theirunrulyinhab-
it attemptsto act on theiractions,guidingthemin an im- itants.Thereis, I argue,no spatialbeyondofthestate,and
proveddirection.The scale of the schemeis impressive: It thereareno subjectsoutsidepower.Second,I arguethatwe
operatesin one out of threeIndonesianvillages,affecting need to lookbeyond"thestate"to therangeofpartiesthat
tensofmillionsofpeople. attemptto govern."Thestate"has seldomhad a monopoly
Deliberately reversing thepastpracticeofdictatingim- on improvement: It sharesthisfunctionwithsocialreform-
provement from a distance, the WorldBank schemehas ers,scientists,missionaries, theso-callednongovernmental
been designedby anthropologists, based on carefulethno- agencies, and, in the globalsouth, donoragencieswiththeir
of
graphicstudy village lives and powerrelations.The plan- teamsof expertconsultants.Third,I arguethatwe should
nersuse pilottestsand a stepwiseapproach.Theyattempt look beyond authoritarian high modernismto the more
to buildon indigenousknowledgeand practiceand to em- of
generalproblematic "improvement," whichemergedhis-
powervillagersto take controlof theirown affairs. They toricallywhen the purpose of rulewas recastin termsof a
embracethe dynamiccomplexityof social and economic governmental rationalityfocused on the welfareofpopula-
life,and theydescribetheirefforts franklyas experiments tions.Fourth,I proposea morecomplexrendering of the
thatattemptto seed social changewithoutcontrollingit relationship between simplification, and
control, improve-
precisely. Theydo everything, in short,thatScottrecom- ment,and I examinethe rangeof contextsin whichmftis
mendsin hisbookas theantidoteto thehubrisofplanning. (contextualized, situatedknowledgeand practice)is nur-
Butthereis a fundamentalcontinuity betweenthe World turedbothwithinand beyondthestateapparatus.Metis,I
Bankplannersand high-modern plannersScottdescribes: argue,is not the oppositeof power;it is imbricatedwith
Theypositionthemselvesas expertswho knowhow oth- it. Finally,I suggestwe need to go beyondthe question
ersshouldlive,theycollectand arrangedata accordingto posedbyScott-whyhave certainschemesdesignedto im-
simplified grids,theydiagnosedeficiencies, and theydevise provethehumanconditionfailed?-to examinethe ques-
elaborateinterventions to bringaboutimprovement. tionposed by Ferguson:Whatdo theseschemesdo? What
Howeverwell-meaning-recallthat the plannersof are theirmessy,contradictory, multilayered,and conjunc-
high-modern schemeswerealso well-meaning-theWorld turaleffects? My presentation hereis necessarily synoptic,
Bank's scheme is still an exerciseof power. Not only and I referthe readerto writingsby anthropologists and
do expertsdirectpeoples' conductwithouta democratic otherswho exploretheseissuesin greaterdepth.
mandate,they definewhat counts as developmentand
how it can be achieved.Focusedon the improvement of BEYOND "THE STATE" AND STATE SPACE: PRACTICES
AND POSITIONS
village-levelplanning,the schemesetsaside othercauses
ofpoverty. Likethedevelopmentprograms in Lesothoana- Scottdoes not definewhat he means by "the state,"but
lyzedbyJamesFergusontwodecadesago,theWorldBank's talkofwhatthe stateseesor does suggestsan imageofthe

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stateas a unifiedsourceof intention,"a personwritlarge"
(Mitchell1991:83), capable of devisingcoherentpolicies
and plans. This image of the stateservesScott'spurpose
wellbecausehe is interested in centrally plannedschemes;
however, it has several
limitations.The state,arguesPhilip
Abrams(1988), is not a factbut a claim.Forhim,the idea
of"thestate"is "at mosta messageofdomination-an ide-
ological artifactattributing unity,moralityand indepen-
dence to the disunited,amoral and dependentworkings
ofthepracticeofgovernment" (Abrams1988:81).Timothy
Mitchelldrawsour attentionto the moderntechniques
of governingthat producethe apparentsolidnessof the
stateand its separationfromsociety.Ratherthantakethe
presenceof "the state"forgranted,Mitchellrecommends
that we examine the practices"throughwhich the un-
certainyet powerfuldistinctionbetweenstate and soci-
ety is produced"(1991:78). In this way,we can account
forthe prominenceof the stateidea, withoutattributing
to the statea "coherence,unity,and absoluteautonomy"
(Mitchell1991:78) thatit does not have.2Severalanthro-
pologistshave pursuedthisline of inquiryto good effect,
examiningnot only how stateofficials produceplans but
also how practicesof data collection,planning,and so
on producethe apparentautonomyand authority of "the
state."3
The idea of the stateis associatedwith an image of
poweras a "thing"-one thatis spatiallyconcentrated in the
bureaucratic apparatusand the top echelonsof the ruling
regime,fromwhichit spreadsoutwardacrossthe nation,
and downwardintothelivesofthepopulace.Criticsofthe
conceptofan "up there"statewithstoredpowersreadyfor
deploymentarguefora decentering of our powergeome-
tries,to examinehow powerworksto constitutedistinc-
tivespacesand how,conversely, the arrangement of space
generates the effectof power.4 The idea of "the nation,"
forexample,is the effectof practicessuch as markingand
policingborders,mappingand dividingterritory, issuing
passports,passinglaws,and collectingstatistics. Attending
to practiceskeepsthe focuson "how" questions:"how dif-
ferent localesareconstituted as authoritative and powerful,
how different agentsare assembledwith specificpowers,
and how different domainsare constitutedas governable
and administrable" (Dean 1999:29).
In his accountofindirectrulein colonialFiji,Nicholas
Thomas providesan illustration of how practicesproduce
the effect ofdistinctspaceswithunevenpowers.The colo-
nial regimeneededto supportthe authority oflocal chiefs
overvillagers whilesimultaneously subordinating thechiefs
to colonialruleand imparting to thepopulacethesenseof
being subjectto an overarchingpower.These goals were
achievedby havingtheNativechiefsperform as pettyoffi-
cials.Theywereinstructed by the to
governor writeevery-
thingdown-letting event, birth,death,or alterca-
no no
tionpass throughthemeshofsurveillance-andto submit
regularreports. Thisactivity
was significant,Thomasargues,
not so muchforthesubstanceoftheinformation thuscol-
lected,whichwasmostlytrivial, butforthewaythepractice
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Li * Beyond"theState"andFailedSchemes 385
createdthe effectof overview,ofgovernment as a system,
and of preeminentpowersrevolvingaroundthe figureof
thegovernor, to whomall reportsweresubmitted. The "re-
markablearrayofregulations, ordinances,resolutionsand
interventions ... [were]essentiallyirrational" and had little
impact on the health of the populations or even on politi-
cal control;"specification and regulationwereratherends
in themselves, whichconstituted theambitofstatecontrol"
(Thomas1994:123-124).
Practicespositionpeople as subjectswithvariableca-
pacitiesforactionand critique.Thus,practicesofplanning
and managementpositionpeople as experts,or as targets
of expertise;practicesofmapping,censustaking,and law
makingpositionpeople as residentsof villages,bearersof
rights,and membersof groups;kinshippracticesposition
people in genderedand generationalhierarchies; and cul-
turalpracticesmarkethnicboundariesand territorial enti-
tlements.Resistancearisesfromwithinthesematricesand
respondsto multiplefieldsofpower.Donald Moore(1998)
illustratesthispoint strikingly in his accountof Angela,a
farmerin Zimbabwe'sEasternHighlandswho constructed
a solitary,brightblue house insidethe lineargridofan of-
ficialresettlement scheme.Her actionwas, at once, a re-
sponse to official threats and coercion,a claimto theben-
efitspromisedby her participationin the independence
struggle, a critiqueofan ineffective tribalchief,and an as-
sertionoftheautonomyshe gainedby farming on land sit-
uated beyondthe controlof multiplemale guardiansand
instructors.
Scottis interestedin locatingpristinespaces outside
power,pure sites of resistance,and subjectswhose geo-
graphicallocation on the marginsof marketsand states
enablethemto retaintheirautonomyand practicalknowl-
edgeintact."Afocuson positioning, I suggest,bringsa more
complex fieldof meaning and action into view.It enables
us to distinguish and examinethe relationsbetweenposi-
tionsof different kinds:geographicallocation(marginsor
centers), social standing(dominantor subaltern),and po-
liticalstance(acquiescentor resistant).Resistancemaybe
foundat theheartofthebureaucratic apparatus,whereex-
pertsdebate the meritsof diverseplans or argueagainst
excessiveinterventionin peoples' lives. Populationsex-
cludedfromofficial mapsand invisiblein thenationalcen-
sus may be moredeeplytakenby the idea of "the state"
thansavvy,urbanskeptics;therefore, theydevisestrategies
to positionthemselves closertowhattheyimaginetobe the
center.6
BEYOND STATE SCHEMES: MULTIPLE AUTHORITIES
DEVISING IMPROVEMENTS
Scottrecognizesthepotentialanachronismofhis focuson
"thestate"as the singularsourceofgrandschemes,and he
situatesstate-driven,
high-modern planningfromroughly
1830 to WorldWarI (1998:89). He explainsthatonlystates
have the materialand coerciveresourcesto move peo-
ple aroundand build citiesand settlements.Furthermore,
386 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

onlystateshave an interestin mappingand listingpopu- involved,pursuingvariousagendasthatmeshedwithpop-

lationsforthe purposeof taxationand control.Less visi- ulardemandin contingent ways.When an assemblagebe-
ble in Scott'saccountare the missionaries, social reform- comesstabilizedas a discursive formation, itsuppliesa com-
ers,scientists,politicalactivists,ethnographers,and other plex of knowledgeand practicein termsof whichcertain
experts who routinelydiagnose in
deficiencies the popu- kindsofproblemsand solutionsbecomethinkablewhereas
lationor some segmentof it,and who proposecalculated othersaresubmerged, at leastfora time.The goalsand de-
schemesofimprovement. Thesepartieswereactivein colo- siresofparticular socialgroupscontribute to theemergence
nial situations,sometimesaligningwith and othertimes of a discursiveformation, but such a formation is not the
contestingthe priorities ofthe rulingregime.7Todaythey preserve of one social group, and it does not necessarily
are joinedbythemisnamed"nongovernmental" organiza- servethe interests of a dominantclass.It is formedwithin
tions,bothnationaland transnational, whichareinvolved relationsof power,but it is not conjuredup ex nihiloby a
in arenassuchas publichealth,welfare, agricultural exten- sovereignwill.Assemblageis itselfan ongoingprocess,and
sion, conservation, human rights,good governance,and, a discursiveformation is nevercompleteorfinished. In fact,
increasingly, peace building-all elementsof the hydra- neitheris it reallysingular:It is alwayssubjectto contesta-
headedendeavorwe havecometo knowas "development." tionand reformulation bya rangeofpressures and forcesit
The extentto which improvementschemesare concen- cannotcontain.8
tratedin-or coordinatedby-the officialstateapparatus The stabilityofa discursiveformation is demonstrated
is a matterforempiricalinvestigation at specificsitesand when elementsthatarepragmatically "lashedup" become
conjunctures. systematized, theirdiscrepantoriginssubmerged. Another
Ratherthanemerging fullyformedfroma singlesource, indicatoris its transferability, when problemsremotein
many improvement schemes are formedthroughan as- time, space, or substancefromthe originalproblematic
of
semblage objectives,knowledges, techniques,and prac- come to be thoughtaboutin a similarway (Rose 1999:27-
ticesof diverseprovenance.In the wordsof NikolasRose 30). It maycrystallize intoinstitutions. Mostsignificantly,
(1999:276),a schemeoftenstartsout as a "contingent lash- it is stabilizedwhen it comes to informindividualbe-
up" withlesscoherence than we might assume. He givesthe haviorand to act as a gridforperceptionand evaluation
of
example 19th-century working-class in
pedagogy Britain (Foucault 1991b:81). An example of a discursiveforma-
that tion that has remainedremarkably stable as it has been
revisedand reworked in termsofnewconcernsis the"prob-
aroseoutofa multitude ofattemptsbychurchmen, phi- lem" of shifting cultivationin Zambia,describedby Hen-
andorganizations
lanthropists ofworkingpeoplethem-
toeducate children
their andtocampaign riettaMoore and Megan Vaughan(1994). Theyshow how
selves,
seeking
fortheextension oftheirownexperiments inpedagogy a body of (selective)knowledgeabout this"problem"was
on a widerscale:onlylaterwerethesediverse
andoften producedat one period,circulated,archived,dredgedup,
radical
linesofdevelopment tobe captured,
reorganized and redeployednot once but repeatedly, obsessively,for
andrationalizedwithina programme ofuniversal
educa- more than a century-each time in a changed context
tionwhichcombined withothers
theseaspirations todo
withorder, anddomestication. but with many of the constituentelements(e.g., terms,
civility [Rose1999:276]
images,rationales,proposedsolutions)intact.Moreover,
MarcDuBois (1991:10-18) describesa similartrajectory in it was not simplyimposed fromoutside:Zambian "in-
the fieldof birthcontrol.Women in the late 19th cen- siders,"includingfarmers, contributedto this discursive
turydemandedcontraception in thename ofreproductive formation.
healthand autonomy.Theirdemandgenerateda new do- The grandiose,high-modern, state-driven projectsof
mainofintervention formedicalprofessionals who devised ruraland urbanplanningdescribedby Scottwereutopian
technologies, regulatedaccess,and dictatedmorality.
Con- attemptsto remaketheworldaccordingto criteriaofratio-
traceptive techniqueswerelatertakenup forquitedifferent nalityand aesthetics, withspacesneatlydivided,and pop-
purposesby social engineersconcernedwiththe eugenic ulationslistedand classified.Findingthe worldrefractory,
improvementof populations.These techniquestraveled theyoftenretreated intominiaturism, as Scottobserves,mi-
to the global southunderthe label "populationcontrol," cromanaging confinedspacesand producingvisualeffects
wherethe concernwas withimpoverished massesmaking thatwereall themorestriking becauseoftheirspatialcon-
demandson theworld'sresources. Invasive,top-downpop- centration. Lessvisible,butdirectedto similarends,arethe
ulationcontrolwassubjectedtocritiqueand reframed, iron- formaltechniquesand gridsofcalculation-thesurnames,
icallyenough,as a measureto securewomen'sreproductive maps,and censusesdesignedto knowand managepopula-
healthand autonomy. tions.Lessvisiblestillarethe "countless,oftencompeting,
Itis importanttonotethateachpointin thetrajectories local tacticsof education,persuasion,inducement,man-
Rose and DuBois describeinvolveda different assemblage agement,incitement, motivation, encouragement" (Dillon
ofinterests, techniques,and discourses;
experts, the
further, 1995) in fieldssuch as publicschooling,health,and rural
shiftfromone conjunctureto thenextwas theoutcomeof development.Such tacticstypicallyoperateat a distance,
agencyand struggle ratherthana masterplan.Therewas no relyingon processesof translationthat instrumentalize
singlestatevision.Different government departmentswere existingformsof authority, invoke a rangeof expertise,

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and adapttheprojectsdevisedbyone partyto thelanguage
and concernsof another(Rose 1999). Whethervisibleand
grandiose,or subtleand discrete-andwhetherinitiatedby
a centralized
stateapparatusorbyotherexperts-allofthese
schemesattemptto "improvethe human condition."To
betterunderstandthe originsand contoursof the will to
improve,and the rangeof schemesit has spawnedand le-
gitimized,we can usefullyturnto MichelFoucault'stheo-
rizationofgovernmental power.
BEYOND HIGHMODERNISM:THEORIZING
GOVERNMENTALITY
Foucault'sworkon governmentality tracesthe historyof
the emergencein Europeof a novel concernamongrulers
and philosophers:how to optimizethe well-beingof the
population.This concernarosegraduallyduringthe 16th
centuryin the contextof changingviewsabout statecraft,
butitcame sharplyintoviewin the 18thcenturywhenthe
newscienceofstatisticsrevealedthatpopulationshavepat-
ternsof health,fertility,
mobility,and prosperitythatcan
be examinedand managedforthebenefitofone and all. Se-
curingthewell-beingof thepopulationrequiredattention
to the
complexcomposedof men and things... men in their
relations,theirlinks,theirimbrication withthoseother
thingswhicharewealth,resources, meansofsubsistence,
withall itsspecificqualities,climate,irriga-
the territory
etc.; men in theirrelationto... customs,
tion,fertility,
habits,waysof actingand thinking, etc.; lastly,men in
theirrelationto... accidentsand misfortunes such as
famine,epidemics,death,etc. [Foucault1991a:93]
Determining when to intervenein theserelations,and to
whatends,came to constitutea new "art"of government.
Thisartrequireda governmental rationality-anewwayof
thinkingaboutgovernment as the"rightmannerofdispos-
ing things"in pursuitnot of one dogmaticgoal but rather
to be achievedthrough
a "wholeseriesofspecificfinalities"
"multiform tactics"(Foucault1991a:95).9
Intrinsicto the artof government appliedat the level
of thepopulationis respectforthe complexity of the rela-
tions on whichthe population'swell-beingdepends,and
recognition thattheprocessesintrinsic to populationscan-
not be managedin microdetail. Governmententails(1)
settingconditionsso that people will be inclinedto be-
have as theyshould,(2) actingon actions,yet(3) not at-
temptingto dictateactionsor coercethepopulation.Gov-
ernmentality's principalformof knowledge,observesFou-
cault,is "politicaleconomy":a reference to AdamSmith's
discoveryofthe"invisiblehand" ofthemarket, thehugely
complexand largelyself-regulating waythateconomicpro-
cessesunfoldand coordinatethe infiniterangeand vari-
abilityof individualwills. Justas governingauthorities
should treadlightlyin attempting to regulate"the econ-
omy,"the artof governmentdirectedtowardthe popula-
tion recognizesthe delicatebalance of its vital processes.
It devisesprojectsof improvement while respecting"the
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Li * Beyond"theState"and FailedSchemes 387
integrity and autonomousdynamicsof the social body"
(Hannah 2000:24).
The elaborationof government as a liberalartlate in
the 18thcenturywas a reactionto earlierattemptsto use
newtechnologiesofsurveillance-technologies suchas the
standardizednames, measures,maps, lists,permits,and
censusesdescribedby Scott-to governthroughexhaus-
tive regulation(Burchell1991:126). The liberalargument
was thatattemptsat detailedmanagementweredespotic,
futile,and harmful.As GrahamBurchellexplainsthe cri-
tique was not againstdespotismin the name of citizens'
rights("Youmustnot do this,you do not have theright");
rather,it focusedon the hollownessof the claim to om-
niscienceand totalizingdirection("You mustnot do this
becauseyou do not and cannotknowwhatyou are doing"
[1991:137]).
Foucault'sexaminationof the liberalartsof govern-
mentthrowsthe specificity of the high-modern schemes
describedby Scottinto sharprelief.These schemesshared
a governmental concernwithsecuring,sustaining, and en-
hancinglife.Buttheyignoredthelessonsofpoliticalecon-
to fixsocialand economicprocessesintoa
omy,attempting
perfectedmodelthatbrookedno movement.Theseschemes
deliberately removedpeople fromthe relationsin which
theirliveswereembeddedto build on a clean slate.They
wereplannedwithouthumility.Theywereimposedcoer-
civelyby authoritarian regimeswithoutdemocraticchecks
andbalances.Theypermitted no critiquefromliberalvoices
withinor outsidetheregimearguingagainstgoverning too
much. Theywere,as Scottobserves,exceptionalschemes
that flourishedat particularconjuncturesin which it be-
came thinkableand, forsome, acceptableto attemptto
directlifein moredepthand detailthan liberaldoctrines
advise.Finally,theseschemesfailedforthe reasonsliberal
criticsofthelate 18thcenturyhad alreadyidentified: Their
designersclaimedan omnisciencetheydid not have, and
theydid not-indeed, could not-know what theywere
doing.
Bringing together theinsightsfromFoucaultand Scott
enablesus to situate"schemesto improvethehumancon-
dition"on a continuumthatrangesfromthe moreto the
less coercive,and thatencompassesa rangeof tacticsand
techniques.The WorldBank schemethat I outlinedear-
lierattempts to directconductthroughthetacticofentice-
ment:Rationalactorswho wishto accessprojectfundswill
choseto conformto projectrules.Theurbanand ruralplan-
ningschemesdescribedbyScottcoercively destroyedexist-
ing spatial arrangements and introducednew ones, with
the expectationthatfromthe novel spatialarrangements
improvedconductwouldfollow.Moreauthoritarian forms
of governmentare oftenreservedforsectionsof a popu-
lation deemed especiallydeficientand unable to exercise
the responsibilityof freedom.Indeed,liberalismis replete
withcontradictions, as the freedomof some is predicated
on the unfreedomof others.10In 19th-century Europe,as
GiovannaProcacci(1991) explains,socialexpertsseparated
paupersfromthegeneralcategory"thepoor"and deprived
388 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005
paupersof rightson the groundsof chronic,culturalinca-
pacity.Excludedfromfullcitizenship, theywerethetarget
ofschemesforheightenedsurveillance, extendingat times
to enforceddisciplinein paupercoloniesand penal institu-
tions.The "normal"poor,in contrast, werelargelyunana-
lyzed and unadministered.
In Europe'scolonies,rulewas based on conquest.As
AchilleMbembe(2001) remindsus, therewas no colonial
contractand no regimeof rightsto limitthe greedor de-
structionwroughtby extractiveregimes.Disciplinecould
be imposedwithouttheinterjection ofliberalscruples.Yet
the liberalartsof government were not absentfromthe
colonies:Theycoemergedin the coloniesroughlyin par-
allel withtheiremergencein Europe,althoughforrather
different reasons.LikethepaupersofEurope,colonialpop-
ulationswereracializedand pathologized:Entirepopula-
tionswereregardedas bothdifferent and deficient. Butthe
responseto thispathologycould notbe thesame.Whereas
Europe'spauperscouldbe separatedfromthegeneralpopu-
lationand subjectedto intensedisciplinary tutelage,itwas
oftennotfeasible,militarily or economically, to subjecten-
tirecolonial populationsto the same treatment. The req-
uisiteapparatusof surveillance was not in place. Thus,the
searchwas on formeans to governcolonial populations
throughexistingsocial forces,a primeexamplebeingsys-
temsforindirectrulethatenrolledthe authority of chiefs
and deployedit to new purposes.Anothertacticwas to di-
videthecolonizedon ethnicor spatiallines-leavingsome
segmentsof the populationto findtheirway in a regime
of liberalfreedoms, subjectingothersto detailedprograms
designedto inculcatenew habitsand values,and designat-
ing stillothersas staticbearersof tradition.11 In contexts
in which theirextractiveendeavorswere modest,it was
generallyin the interestof colonial authoritiesto desist
frominterventions thatmightprovokeresistanceor upset
the balance of economic,social,and ecologicalprocesses
unnecessarily. Counteringthe reticenceto intervenewas
the will to improve,a notion emphasizingthe rightand
theresponsibility ofthecolonialpowerto developnature's
and
bounty bring Native welfareand productivity up to new
standards. 12
The conceptof"governmentality" offers a usefultheo-
rizationofthedistinctive mode ofpowerfocusedon popu-
lationsand theirimprovement. Butlikeall theories,itmust
be judgedby its yield:the questionsit enablesus to ask
and thelightitshedson particular conjunctures, withtheir
own histories, and practicesofrule.A focuson
spatialities,
governmentality provokesus to askhow particular govern-
mentalprogramsare devised,the techniquestheyassem-
ble,and how theyaretransformed or fallapart.It is consis-
tentwitha differentiated viewofrulingregimes, engagedin
theirown debatesoverthe appropriate formsand limitsof
intervention, and variablyresponsiveto inputfromexperts
and otherpublics.It enablesus to understandwhy,forex-
ample,therewas no consensusabout how to rulecolonial
Indonesiain the 19thcentury. Farfroma singularstatevi-
sion, there weremultipleexpertsand authorities. Some ad-
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vocatedthe drasticreconstitutionofNativesocietyto ren-
deritmodern,othersproposedonlyto adjustand optimize
traditionalNativeways-even thoughto optimize"tradi-
tion"also meantto transform it,and sometimesto invent
it anew.13
BEYOND SIMPLIFICATION:EMBRACINGCOMPLEXITY
AND METIS
Scottis surelycorrectto observethatexpertsdevisingim-
provementschemesgenerateonly the type and density
of data requiredto constitutea fieldof intervention and
to meet specificobjectives."4Less solid, I would suggest,
is Scott'sargumentthat the eliminationof local knowl-
edgeand controlare"preconditions" foradministrativeor-
der,taxation,workerdiscipline,and profit(Scott1998:335-
336). To refinethe inquiryinitiatedby Scott about the
relationship betweensimplification, control,and improve-
ment,it is usefulto identifyconjuncturesat whichcom-
plexityand local knowledgearesustainedand to teaseout
thereasonswhy.Here,I considerfoursuchconjunctures: (1)
whensystematic datais ignoredin favoroflocalknowledge,
(2) whenadjustinglocal knowledgeand practiceis thepur-
pose oftheintervention, (3) whenlocalknowledgesustains
bureaucratic and profit-making schemesthatwouldother-
wise collapse,and (4) when local knowledgeand practice
is embracedbecauseexpertsrecognizeit to be intrinsically
sound.
I begin with instancesin which rulingregimesand
otherauthorities collectverydetaileddata theydo not ac-
tuallyuse. I have alreadydrawnon NicholasThomas'sac-
countof excessivedata gatheringin colonialFiji. In colo-
nialJava,in the contextofthe so-calledEthicalPolicythat
recognizedDutch responsibility forNative well-being,a
DiminishedWelfareInquirywas initiatedin 1902 cover-
ing 533 topics(Hiisken1994:215).It aimedat "a complete
surveyof Nativelife:food,land tenure,methodsof culti-
vation,irrigation and indebtedness;the stateof the fish-
eries,and of industryand commerce;and the influence
of Europeanenterpriseand ForeignOrientalson Native
lifeand welfare"(Furnivall1944:393). The report,which
took a decade to compile,came to no overallconclusions
about the causes of "diminishedwelfare,"and it did not
providea clear directionforpolicy.Such clarity,argues
FransHiusken,was impossiblein view of the contradic-
toryinterestsat workin colonial society.Businessinter-
estsconcernedto promotecommercialdevelopmentin the
home countrysaw increasedNativewelfareas a boon to
the newlyemergingDutchindustrialexportsector;foren-
trepreneurs in the colonial plantationsector,cheap labor
was key(Hiusken1994:217).In practice,comprehensive in-
formationwas not reallyneeded forpolicyformulation,
whichproceededon the basis of existingdiagnosesof the
Nativeproblem.Foremost wasthe"problem"ofpopulation
increase,to be compensatedbyimprovedirrigation, educa-
tion,credit,and agricultural extension-solutionsalready
proposedbyseniorofficials beforethesurveywasconducted
 Li * Beyond"theState"and FailedSchemes 389

(see van Deventer1961:256-261).Neitherdid all thisinfor- needsto be simplified, but theoperationperformed bythe
mationclarify whethermakingtheJavanesemoreindustri- WorldBank'ssocial expertsis moreaccurately describedas
ous would sufficeto solve the problemof Nativepoverty, "rendering technical"the domain to be governed.Render-
a solutionthatretainedfaithin marketforces,or whether ing technical means to represent the arena of intervention
povertywas theoutcomeofNativecultureand hencediffi- "as an intelligiblefield with specifiablelimitsand particu-
cult,ifnot impossible,to change.The desirefortotalizing larcharacteristics... whosecomponentpartsarelinkedto-
information, withitsprospectofmakingpolicyon a scien- getherin some moreor less systematic mannerby forces,
tificbasis,was not matchedby the politicalor administra- attractions and coexistences"(Rose 1999:33). In thiscase,
tiveutilityofthatinformation. it was the conceptof "social capital"thatenabledWorld
AlsoinJava,decadesearlier, therehad beenattempts to Bank expertsto representIndonesianvillagelifein tech-
map land and collectdataon itsproductivity to standardize nical terms,organizingthe potentiallyoverwhelming di-
taxes;much of the data,however,was neverused. A land versityof practicesinto a set of diagnoses(too littlesocial
rentordinanceof 1872 that requiredofficialsto use this capital,thewrongkindofsocialcapital,orexemplary social
data producedtax assessmentsthat,accordingto the Resi- capital)and make plausible connections between the inter-
dents(seniorDutch officials), "boreno relationto reality" ventionsproposedand theoutcomesanticipated. Theseop-
(Hugenholtz1994:163). The Residents advocateda return erationsofclassification, interpretation, and connectiondo
to theold systemofroutinetaxbargainingbetweenDutch but
simplify, they also generatesomethingnew-new ways
officialsand villageheads. This system,knownas admodi- ofseeingoneselfand others,newproblemstobe addressed,
atie,had permitted ad hoc but fine-grained calibrationsof new modesofcalculationand evaluation,new knowledge,
peasants'capacityto pay.It was "irregular, but not unfair" and new powers.is
(Hugenholtz1994:166). It seemsthe Residentsrecognized A thirdtypeof intersection betweenlocal knowledge,
thatthesubtleadjustments theycouldmakewhentheexpe- simplification, and controlariseswhen local knowledgeis
rience,wisdom,and local knowledgeofDutchofficials was tacitlytoleratedor activelysustainedbecause it supports
combinedwiththatofvillageheadswas moreadept.It also bothruleand profit. Scott'semphasison statesimplification
caused less resistanceand disruption.Nevertheless, under as a precondition ofadministrative ordersitsuneasilywith
the EthicalPolicy,the attemptto producecomprehensive his recognitionthatplanningencounters"nearlyendless
mapsand codifications wasrevived.Theseexamplessuggest and shifting setsofimplicitunderstandings, tacitcoordina-
thatthe"willto know"exceedstherequirements oforderly tions,and practicalmutualities thatcouldneverbe success-
ruleand mayactuallyhinderit. fullycapturedin a writtencode" (1998:255-256). Indeed,
Next,let us considerinstancesin whichlocal wisdom Scottspeculates,"Thegreater thepretenseofand insistence
and knowledgeis itselfthesubjectofdetailedresearchand on officiallydecreedmicro-order, thegreater thevolumeof
planned improvement.The premiseof the World Bank non-conforming practicesnecessary to sustain thatfiction"
projectI outlinedearlieris thatthe customary practicesof (1998:261). The obvious gap between official rulesand on-
association,trust,mediation,and mutualsurveillanceal- the-ground practices,and Scott'sobservationthattheyare
readyexistingin Indonesianvillageshavebeenundermined mutuallyconstitutive and parasitic,offersan insightinto
by clumsytop-downregulationsand blueprints.Restored, how powerworksthatcould wellbe extended.
optimized,and adaptedto new purposes,thesecustomary Scott highlights"communitiesthat are marginalto
practices,glossedas "socialcapital,"can be an important de- marketsand to the state"(1998:335) wheredirectreliance
velopment resource. To document thislocal wisdom, and to on naturalresourcesand covillagers fostersobservation, ex-
devisethenecessaryimprovements, theWorldBankproject perimentation, and learning-by-doing. Yetpracticalknowl-
has generatedthousandsofpagesofdetailedethnographic edge of the kindhe identifies is at workeverywhere, at all
descriptions,case studies,and fieldreportsas wellas exten- times.It is not concentrated in remoteruralareas,and it
sivesurveyssubjectto statistical analysis. is not associatedwiththe past or "tradition."The knowl-
What does this data do? Planning data, as James edge a personneeds to negotiatethe bureaucracyor find
Ferguson(1994) demonstrated, is sui generis:It identifies a moment'speace on an assemblyline,a factoryfarm,or
onlythoseproblemsforwhicha technicalremedywithin in a prisonis just as localized,oftencollective,transmit-
the competenceof the plannerscan be supplied.In this ted informally, and continuouslyrevised.It is not the case
case, because the anticipatedremedyto the problemof thatan "up there,"all-seeing, systematizing stateboth-pro-
poorplanningrequirestinkering withvillagepracticesand mulgatesand observesrules,whicha "down there"popu-
institutions,justificationforthe intervention mustbe de- lace triesto resist.Officialsand otherpartiesthatseekto
rivedfromthedetailsofwhatgoeson insideIndonesia'svil- governneed to be everybit as creativein negotiating their
lages.More substantively, in orderto designinterventions ownworkregimes, and devisingpracticesto translate shaky
to change behavior,the plannersneed to know whyvil- numbersintosolidonesorfailedprojectsintoplausiblever-
lagersactas theydo. Onlythencan theydeviseappropriate sions of success.Scottrecognizesthis when he describes
rulesand setconditionsto bringaboutimprovement. Tanzanianofficials comingup with"notional"villagesand
Ethnographic data of the kindcollectedby the World inflatednumbersof householdsresettled(1998:244). How
Bankcannotbe used in itsrawform.One could saythatit bureaucrats fixfactsroutinely become"publicsecrets," part

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390 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

of a knowledgebase thatenablespeople to manage their theirnutrient cyclingprocesses,canopyfeatures, and so on.

relationsto the stateapparatus.The gaps betweenplans, Much ofthisresearchhas been fundedby donoragencies,
claims,and "factson theground"compromisetheauthor- evidenceof the expectationthat descriptionwill eventu-
ityof the rulingregimeand its abilityto exertcontrol.16 allylead to prescription of improvedtechniquesand best
Attempts to closegapsresultonlyin theproliferation ofun- practices suitable forreplicationin new venues.Often,the
derground practices both within and outside the stateappa- proposition is that scientists will learnfromfarmersand
ratus.Gaps are inevitable,and theyarenecessarynot only also teachthemsomethinguseful.Also,it is expectedthat
forsurviving or resistingrulebutalso formaintainingit. one setoffarmers willlearnfromanother.I findsomething
If we recognizethatruledependsnot on the elimina- quite contradictory about this endeavor.If the premiseis
tion of local knowledgebut on an uneasyset of compro- thatindigenousknowledgeis derivedfromdecades,ifnot
mises,whatofScott'ssecondclaim-thattheeliminationof centuries, offarmer observationand experimentation with
local knowledgeis a precondition forprofit?No doubtthere cultigensand cultivationpracticesadaptedto specificmi-
areconjunctures wherethatis thecase:The expulsionofin- croenvironments, social habits,familylabor,inheritance
digenouspopulationsfromtheirland producing"empty" patterns, and marketniche,whatcan scientists add? Why
spacesripeforexploitationand laborersdeprivedof access shouldthe practicesof one groupof farmers be of interest
to themeansofproductionis a radicalsimplification ofthis to anothergroup,who havepresumably devisedtheirown,
kind;theTaylorization offactory workis another.Butthere equallyadaptivefarming system?18
arecounterexamples thataremorecomplex.I am thinking Contradictions ofthiskindquicklyemergewheninter-
of peasantagriculture and the informaleconomyin both ventionsare designedto improveon complexindigenous
city and countryside. Scott arguesthatpeasantagriculture farming systems.In a partof IndonesiaI knowquitewell,
has enduredbecauseofitsflexibility and capacityto adapt an NGO is promoting "LowExternalInputSustainableAgri-
to changingecological,economic,and socialconditionsas culture"(LEISA)combinedwith"Participatory Technology
well as farmerpreference forautonomy.Yet a significant Development"(PTD). Withthiscombination,theNGO in-
literaturein the 1970s exploredhow large-scalecapitalist tends to blend science and local knowledgeto arriveat
enterprise profited fromtheretentionofpeasantand petty "improvedand integrated farmingsystemsthatyieldsta-
commodity productionas wellas women'sunpaiddomestic ble and sustainableproductionlevels,"mimickingnature
labor.17Peoplewho producetheirown subsistenceareable and maintainingdiversity, livingsoil, and cyclicflowsof
to supplygoods to the marketat pricesthatdo not cover nutrients (CARE2002:15).The projectproponentsdescribe
thecostsoftheirown reproduction. Thisreducesthewage LEISAas a principleratherthan a fixedtechnology,and
thatmustbe paid to laborersin capitalistenterprises. theyconsideritespeciallysuitedto bringtogether thegoals
Employers do notneedto knowthedetailsofhowpeas- of smallfarmers and conservationists, because it increases
ants,informalsectorworkers, or womenlaboringat home on-farm biodiversity whilealso improving livelihoods.The
providecheapgoods and services,and theydo notnecessar- LEISAapproachand goals meetScott'scriteriaforplanned
ilyneed to or
regulate improve theirtechniques.Theyonly improvements verywell-startsmall,proceedstepwise,rely
need to setthe conditionsso thatthiskindof production on local knowledge,and expectfarmers to have objectives
continuesto subsidizetheirown ventures.In the case of otherthanshort-run profit. But an evaluation ofthe NGO
apartheidSouthAfrica, theseconditionsweresetcoercively, project found that the farmers had littleinterestin biodi-
byforcibly relocating peopleto "homelands"in whichthey versity;instead,theyweremainlyinterestedmaximizing
had somehowto sustainthemselves.Often,however,the incomesfromthe currentboom crop-cocoa. The expert
relationship betweensectorsis moreorganic.It would be agronomists werenot able to deviseanyinterventions that
difficultfora plannerto conjurepeasantproductionorthe wouldincreaselivelihoodssignificantly: Whatevercouldbe
urbaninformalsectorintobeingsimplybecauseit is func- done,farmers werealreadydoingit.In relationto theirpre-
tionalto capital.Pettyproducersmaintainthisformof ac- ferredcrop,the farmers understoodfullwell that shade-
tivityfortheirown reasons.But corporationsand ruling growncocoa lives longerand requiresfewerchemicalin-
regimescan recognizetheprofitability ofthissetofrelations puts,buttheystilloptedto growtheircocoa in fullsun to
arising"naturally"in the populationand concludethatit commenceharvestas soon as possible.19
shouldbe sustainedratherthancloseddownor redirected. In another example, also from Indonesia, Patrice
Finally,we can considerthe relationbetweenlocal Levang(1997) recountsthe troubledtrajectory and rapid
knowledge,control,and improvement when local knowl- demise of an agroforestry project that was planned as a
edgeis recognizedand embraced.Scottadvocatesthisposi- directresponseto criticismthat Indonesianresettlement
tion.He recommends thatexpertspayattentiontothecom- schemespromotedagricultural techniquesand monocrop
plexitiesofpeasantagricultural techniquesand learnfrom systemsunsuitedto uplandenvironments. Expertsdevised
them.Embracingdoes not mean doingnothing:It means a systemto combineseveralvarietiesof food cropswith
thatexpertsshouldstudy,document,and perhapspropose thecash croprubberin a packagecarefully tailoredto pro-
improvements, so long as theseare finelyattunedto local motefarmer self-sufficiency. Theyoffered intensiveadvice
conditions.In SoutheastAsia therehas been two decades and trainingto theresettled farmers. Butthefarmers found
of researchon indigenousagroforestry systems,dissecting the proposed biodiversefarmingsystemwith its many

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operationsand inputsfartoo expensiveand labor inten-
sive. They soon switchedto monocroprubbercombined
withwagelabor,a combinationtheyfoundmoreprofitable
and more secure.Farmermetis,thatis to say,includeda
short-run,marketorientation.
Scottadvocatesthe retentionof complex,biodiverse,
farm-and-forestsystemswithmultigenerational timehori-
zons forverysound,ecologicalreasons,but theseare not
necessarilythe systemspreferred by farmers-evenfarm-
ersin thephysicallyremotehighlandareashe imaginesto
be marginalto marketsand states.Thereare contextsin
whichbiodiversity can be protectedsimplyby recognizing
and valuingfarmer practicesand knowledge.In othercon-
texts, promoteecologicalvaluesovershort-run
to cash in-
comesis to claiman expertknowledgeabouthow farmers
shouldliveand to seekto directtheirconduct.
BEYOND FAILURE:WHATSCHEMES DO
The subtitleto Scott'sSeeingLikea State(1998) is "How
CertainSchemesto Improvethe Human ConditionHave
Failed";thisphrasecaptureshis principalinterestand the
drivingargument.Yetthe questionof failurecan be use-
fullyturnedaroundin the mannerproposedby Ferguson
in TheAnti-Politics Machine(1994): What do schemesdo?
Whataretheircontradictory, messy,and refractory effects?
Scott'sbook offersmanyinsightsintothisquestion,as he
describeswhat happened to the variousschemeshe ex-
plores,butmorecouldbe saidifeffects becametheprincipal
focus.To drawon mypreviousdiscussion,the emergence
ofpracticesofcompromiseand collusionto fillthegap be-
tweenprojectplansand on-the-ground realitiesis an effect.
It jeopardizes,or at leastcompromises, theauthority ofof-
ficialsand the positionofthosewho claimexpertise.Scott
reportsthathigh-modern schemeswereroutinelyresisted.
Resistanceinvolvesnot simplyrejectionbut the creation
of somethingnew,as people articulatetheircritiques,find
allies,and repositionthemselvesin relationto thevarious
powerstheymustconfront. AlthoughScottis correctthat
we shouldnotassumelocal practiceconforms to official de-
sign, it is nevertheless
shaped and affectedby that design,
oftenin unexpectedways. It is not the case, as I argued
earlier,thatwe can separatepowerand resistance: Theyare
intertwined.
Scott'sattemptto generalizeaboutthe effects ofhigh-
modernschemesyieldsan unresolvedcontradiction. He ar-
gues that"high-modernist designsforlifeand production
tendto diminishtheskills,agility, and moraleof
initiative,
theirintendedbeneficiaries" (1998:349).Buthe soonquotes
a woman fromNovosibirsk, scoldingexpertsforthinking
Sovietcollectivization had destroyed peasantskillsand ini-
tiative.The womanpointsoutthatwithoutskilland initia-
tive,membersofcollectivefarmscouldneverhavesurvived
(Scott1998:350). Ifthiskindof initiativewas exercisedin
and arounda collectivization projectimposedby a regime
withoutchecksto itscoercivepowers,one can safelyassume
it is exercisedeverywhere. Thus,improvement schemesare
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Li * Beyond"theState" and FailedSchemes 391
simultaneously destructive and productiveofnewformsof
local knowledgeand practice.Ratherthanattemptto gener-
alize,theeffects ofplannedinterventions have to be exam-
ined empirically, in the various siteswhere theyunfold-
families,villages,towns,and insidethe bureaucracy, among
others.
High-modernplanners,accordingto Scott,preferto
constructnew landscapeson a blank slate so that every-
thingcan be designedand implemented withoutreference
to what wentbefore.Scottmakesa convincingcase that
farmers who areresettled in ecologicalzoneswherenone of
theirpreviousfarming practicesarerelevantlosetheirprevi-
ous stockofknowledgeand theassociatedseeds,tools,and
so on, and theymustdevisenew ones. Peoplecan neverbe
entirelyblank,but Scottarguesthatremovingthemfrom
theirlands,communities, kin,and traditionscan radically
disorientthemand makethemmorevulnerableto official
command(1998:235,251). He is surelycorrectto remind
us ofthedreadfulconsequencesofchangeimposedin this
manner.In Canada, thepracticeoftearingNativechildren
fromtheirfamiliesand sendingthemto residential schools
was deliberately designedto "undo"themand thenremake
them,minus the presumedpathologiesof their"Native-
ness." It had a devastatingeffecton individualsand com-
munities,damagethatcontinuesto affectnew generations
who neverattendedtheseschools.
One reasonfortheattemptto relocateand remakepop-
ulations,accordingto Scott,is to thwartcollectiveprotest
(1998:253).Again,whetheror notthisis actuallytheeffect
is an empiricalquestion.In myresearchon resettled high-
landersin Sulawesi,Indonesia,theeffect has been quitethe
opposite.People moved under stateschemeswere made
promisesabout improvedlives and livelihoodsthat have
notbeen met.Ratherthanacceptthediscrepancy between
promiseand outcome,theyhave begun to challengeex-
pertsand officials, and organizethemselvesto claimtheir
due. Resettlement did not renderthemquiescentand ab-
ject,it radicalizedthemin ways no one would have pre-
dicted.In Parisin themid-19thcentury, as Scottnotes,the
people dislocatedby Haussman's cityplanningreassembled
and struckback withthe revolutionary claimsof the Paris
Commune(1998:59-63).
Some effectstake years,perhapsdecades,to emerge,
and they,too,areconjunctural: Overtprotestagainstreset-
tlementwasrarein IndonesiaunderSuhartowherethelevel
ofcoercionwas high,butit has emergedwitha vengeance
in the reform periodsince 1998. Sadly,protestsare not al-
waysdirectedat thebureaucratic apparatusthatpromoted
resettlement schemes,or at the donorswho fundedthem,
butinsteadtowardethnicothersin whathavebecomehet-
erogeneousspaces.Indigenouspeople are now attempting
to reclaimland appropriated by the government forreset-
tlementschemes.Theyrunup againsttheresettled popula-
tionsthatgenerally wantto stayin theplacestowhichthey
weresent-placeswheretheyhaveformedcommunities, at-
tractedfurther spontaneousmigrants, and produceda new
generation.Thereis an urgentneed forpeacefulprocesses
392 AmericanAnthropologist* Vol. 107,No. 3 * September2005

to settle claims and reach agreements-processes required
to sortout the tangled thicketoftenurerelationsleftbehind
by officialattemptsto map and divide territory and to shift
people around. There can be no returnto the status quo
ante, except throughviolent processes of ethnic cleansing.
Some of the downstream effectsof improvement schemes
are veryserious indeed, and theywill be feltfora long time
to come.20 Scott has done much to bring these schemes to
our attention. Anthropologistshave plenty of work ahead
as we investigate the beyond of grand plans at particular
sites and conjunctures.
TANIAMURRAYLI Department of Anthropology,University
of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario M5S 3G3, Canada
and Wertheim(1961); foran examinationof the governmental
rationalityembeddedin the coerciveCultivationSystemin the
1830s,see Schrauwers (2001).
14. See Scott(1998:77,80, 184).
15. See also Mitchell'sdiscussionsofenframing as thesetoftech-
niques and practicesthatproducean apparentlyexteriorobject
worldsusceptible to management(1991,2002).
16. I have writtenaboutcompromisein the contextof improve-
mentschemesin Li (1999a). See also Herzfeld(1997).
17. See Bradby(1975),Bromley(1979),Foster-Carter (1979),Scott
(1979),and Whitehead(1981, 1990).
18. See the "resourcebook" on shifting cultivationproducedby
a set of internationalresearchagencies(IFAD et al. 2001); also
Crasswell(1998) and Garrity and Amoroso(1998).
19. On LEISAand problemsin implementation, see CARE(2002).
On farmer interest
in monocrop,market-oriented see
production,
Belskyand Siebert(2003) and Li (2002b).
20. I have discussedsomeoftheseproblemsin Li (2002a,2003).

NOTES REFERENCESCITED
Acknowledgments. Thanksto K. Sivaramakrishnan forinvitingme Abrams,Philip
to participatein this projectand forseeingit through.Thanks 1988 Noteson the Difficulty of Studyingthe State.Journalof
to JamesScottforencouragingdebateand forhis patienceand HistoricalSociology1(1):58-89.
generosity as an interlocutor. Since1989,theCanadianSocialSci- Allen,John
ence and HumanitiesResearchCouncilhas supportedmyresearch 1999 SpatialAssemblagesof Power:FromDominationto Em-
in Indonesia.A writinggrantfromtheJohnD. and CatherineT. In HumanGeography
MacArthur FoundationProgramon Global Securityand Sustain- powerment. Today.M. Dorren,A.John,
and S. Philip,eds. Pp. 194-218.Oxford:PolityPress.
ability2001-03 enabledme to developtheideasreflected here. 2003 LostGeographiesofPower.Oxford:Blackwell.
1. Fordescriptions ofthisprojectanditspremises, seeGuggenheim Belsky, JillM., and StephenF.Siebert
2004; Woodhouse2001; and WorldBank2001a, 2002a, 2002b.To 2003 Cultivating Cacao: Implicationsof Sun-GrownCacao on
understandhow it fitswithinthe WorldBank'slargerneoliberal LocalFoodSecurity and Environmental Agricul-
Sustainability.
program forimproving Indonesia,seeWorldBank2001band 2004. tureand HumanValues20:277-285.
Bradby, Barbara
2. Abramsrecommends avoidinguse ofthetermthestatein ways 1975 The Destruction ofNaturalEconomy.Economyand Soci-
thatreinforce the stateidea. Instead,he suggestsreplacingit with
morespecific terms:theruling regime,thebureaucratic gov-
apparatus, ety4:127-161.
ernment policy, intheforest
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