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Sati
Sati
Singh
Sati: A Religious Right or
Institutionalization of Structural Inequality?
Sonika Kaleolani Singh
University of Chicago
South Asian Civilizations I, March 9, 2014
Singh 1
Sati: A Religious Right or Institutionalization of Structural Inequality?
The act of suicide is condemned in the Sanskrit religious codes, characterized
as a violation of ahimsa, or the Hindu code of nonviolence. Despite this spiritual
doctrine of self‐preservation, historical accounts dating as far back as the fourth
century BCE1 evidence the institutionalization of suicide through the religious
practice of Sati, or widow self‐immolation. The act of Sati, where a widow followed
her husband onto his funeral pyre, was venerated and held great prestige in ancient
Indian society: it was believed that a woman’s self sacrifice following her husband’s
death would deify her in the afterlife. Records indicate that members of each Hindu
caste performed Sati, but given ancient India’s dynamic history, peppered with
Islamic imperialism and military crusade, the survival of such a fanatical Hindu
practice poses interesting questions about the atmosphere under which such a
practice was acceptable. It is thus critical to contextualize Sati in terms of the
ancient sociocultural landscape. This paper will examine the social, cultural, and
religious preconditions of the society in which Sati was practiced, analyzing it as
both a religious rite and a byproduct of structural inequality.
Although the ritualistic origins of Sati are unknown, its spiritual roots are in
Hindu mythology. The goddess Sati was idealized in religious folklore as the
ultimate spouse who practiced self‐immolation as a symbol of marital devotion
when father abstained from inviting her husband to a ceremonial affair. The term
Sati hence represents three different entities: the goddess’ name, the religious act of
1 Lin, Lisa. Spectacles of Horror: Western Characterizations of Sati in India.
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self immolation, and, when translated in Sanskrit, “virtuous woman” or “goodness.”2
Upon stepping onto the funeral pyre, it was believed that the Sati would ascend into
a divine realm, becoming a sati through “a manifestation of divine energy and an
incarnation of the Goddess”3. The practice of sati “symbolized the reaffirmation of
the purity, self‐sacrifice, power, and dignity of women and the superiority of the
feminine principle in the cosmos”4. The prestige endowed to a Sati is materialized in
many forms; the reverence and gifts that the family of a Sati receives and the
erection of a temple at the location of the Sati ritual testifies to the Hindu public’s
endorsement of Sati. However, as celebrated as a Sati was, an analog of this practice
has never existed to praise male marital devotion; it is thus critical to understand
the role of women and religious practice in India.
The social structure of Hindu India is inextricably woven with its spiritual
beliefs. Hence, examination of the positioning of women in the Vedas scriptures can
help ascertain a religious grounding of Sati. The Vedas are a collection of sacred
Brahmanic texts referenced for many dictums of the Hindu religion. The Rig Veda is
the oldest of the Vedas texts, and its characterization of the female was integral in
developing the social archetype for an Indian woman. The Rig Veda praises women
for many aesthetic factors; particularly for having “ample hips” and “broad thighs”,
demarcating a focus on the female reproductive capacity, as this text contains the
2 Lin, Spectacles of Horror: Western Characterizations of Sati in India, 3.
3 Weinberger‐Thomas, Catherine. Ashes of Immortality: Widow Burning in India.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999.
4 Banerjee, Somraj. “Critiquing the Politics of Outrage: Ashis Nandy and his Reading
of Sati.” Galaxy: International Multidisciplinary Research Journal, March (2013).
Singh 3
famous phrase “May you be mother of a hundred sons”5. Stories in the Rig Veda also
narrate practical advice for brides, mandating foremost that a woman must retain
her virginity until marriage, and stating further that she must never anger at her
husband, must be amiable and gentle, and must have unwavering faith. The most
notable theme in the Rig Veda is the positioning of a woman as incomplete without
her husband.
The perception of women as primarily domestic and submissive partners
reverberates in a variety of Hindu texts, including the Ramayana. In Uttara Kanda of
the Ramayana, there is a story in which a Vedavati becomes a sati6. Here, Sita, the
beautiful wife of the god Rama is accused of infidelity and is forced to prove her
sexual purity. The indignation of the divine constituency upon hearing of Sita’s
deviant behavior forces her into exile, with her mother, who is the Earth. Sita’s
ritualistic departure is another hallmark of female sacrifice for marital purification.
Yet a third sacred text, the Vishnusmurti (100 AD), advanced the belief that “in spite
of Karma, a widow can, though other relations cannot, go the way of the departed
soul by dying after him.”7 From this light, it is made apparent that a school of sacred
texts constructed a religiously based gender dynamic demanding of female
devotion. The religious significance of these texts institutionalized a doctrine of
divinely justified inequality.
5 Griffith, Ralph. Sacred‐Texts, “HYMN XVIII. Indra and Others: Rig Veda.” Accessed
March 9, 2014.
6 Anant Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: From Prehistoric Times
to the Present Day, (Motilal Banarsidass Publications, 1956), 121.
7 Stein, DK. Women to Burn: Suttee as a Normative Institution. (University of Chicago
Press, 1978), 253.
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Characterizing women as subordinate to men, however, does not imply
female spiritual inferiority. Ancient Hindu belief also states the existence of a
spiritual energy, or “shakti” that a lay wild inside a woman until marriage,
whereupon her husband would gain control of this energy. This female shakti was
believed to be far more powerful than a males. However, in accordance with the
Hindu tradition of female dependency, a woman’s shakti could only be effectively
harnessed upon marriage8. A double standard here too existed; although a married
man when widowed could take a new wife and direct her Shakti, a woman’s Shakti
was irreversibly bound to her first husband. Were a woman’s husband to die, “she
(became) so infected with magic power that she must take her own life”9 ‐ shakti,
therefore, was one justification of widow suicide.
Beyond shakti, the Indic Bhakti movement was instrumental in creating an
atmosphere of intense devotion. Bhakti, as it pertained to Sati, emphasized the
practice of total personal devotion that led to the identification of a Hindu housewife
with the goddess. In response to this “divine call” from a goddess, housewives
became the “medium or agent to dispense priestly services to the devotees”10. For
followers of the Bhakti tradition, the housewife’s powerful spiritual obligation to the
goddess became a complement to her existing matrimonial obligation. The intensity
of the Bhakti movement cannot be underplayed; having emerged at the same time as
8 Van Den Boesch, Lourens. “A Burning Question: Sati and Sati Temples as the Focus
of Political Interest.” Numen. Vol 37, (1990), 179 – 194.
9
Stein, Dorothy. “Burning Widows, Burning Brides : The Perils of Daughterhood in
India”. Pacific Affairs. Vol 61, No 3. 1988, 465‐485.
10 Hawley, John. Sati, the Blessing and the Curse: The Burning of Widows in India.
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 121.
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the rise of Sufism, the spiritual landscape in India was highly conducive to what may
have otherwise been perceived as radical religious demonstrations.
Shakti, Bhakti, interpretations of the Vedas and the Ramayana demonstrate
the diversity of spiritual defenses for Sati and represent the broader Hindu belief of
a female’s foremost duty as a wife. So powerful became the marital expectations of a
wife, that in an Ethnographic Survey of India, politician Daksha Sutra remarked
“Even if the husband is cruel, self willed, devoid of merits, however bad, wives
should serve him like a god.11” Sati, however, was not merely an institutionalization
of female objectification or submission: it emphasized both the divinity and the
darkness of a woman’s power, taking for granted that “man could not match a
woman in piety, power, or will” and using the unique connection of women to the
cosmos to forge a pathway to divinity12. However, the suicidal nature of Sati calls
into question not only the role of the woman in Hindu society, but the existence of a
divine life beyond the funeral pyre. The Sati ritual was a public spectacle: for it to be
accepted by a community, a precondition was a universal belief in a life hereafter13.
Only if the larger community believed that the widow was transcending from the
mortal realm to an after life, could Sati be separated from suicide.
Ancient Hindu beliefs stated that the after life was an extension or
duplication of the life one actually lived; however, “a life hereafter was a
continuation only to the extent to which ones whole environment was
11 Quoted in Notes on the Position of Women, compiled by an Ethnographic Survey
of India, Government Press, Calcutta, 1810, 2.
12 Hawley, John. Sati, the Blessing and the Curse: The Burning of Widows in India.
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 139.
13 Fisch, Jorg. Dying for the Dead: Sati in a Universal Context. (Journal of World
History, Vol 16 No 3, 2005), 293‐325.
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transferred.”14 Hindu social tradition objectified women, positioning them as
possessions of their husbands, and laying the grounds for widow self‐immolation as
a means of recreating their current existence in the life hereafter. As the Hindu
belief in reincarnation evolved towards the concept of karma, the justification for
Sati evolved in tandem. The symbolic magnitude of the widow transcended from
wife as a man’s possession, to a woman’s purity serving as a means of her husband’s
salvation in the afterlife. It was only a woman of divine purity, identified as
possessing sat, that could “liberate her husbands” misdeeds through self‐
immolation. The perceived result of Sati was that “she who follows her husband to
another world shall dwell in a region of joy for so many years as there are hairs in
the human body, or 35 millions”. This increased spiritual capacity and social status
required of a Sati appended a third cultural structure to the ritual: that of the caste
system.
The first historical instance of Sati was practiced by the wife of Hindu
military general Keteus, in a battle in 316 BC against Greek adversary Antigonos15. A
school of empirical data confirms that Sati originated as a practice of the Ksatriya
warrior caste and was adopted by the Brahmin caste; in the ruling class of Kashmir,
Sati was so popularized that wives and concubines both rose upon the funeral
pyre16. Sati’s popularity amongst the Ksatriya class is explained by the threat
warriors felt to their personal honor when their wives could be violated as a war
14 Fisch, Jorg. Dying for the Dead: Sati in a Universal Context, 320.
15 Anant Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: From Prehistoric Times
to the Present Day, 122.
16 Anant Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: From Prehistoric Times
to the Present Day, 130.
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crime; consistently immersed in battle, for warrior wives who were regularly
widowed, Sati was seen as the favorable choice17. Statistically, 50% of sati’s
recorded were Brahmin or Ksatriya’s; these varna castes, however, represented
only 10% of the Hindu population at large18. Originally, the Brahmin caste was
opposed to the practice of Sati; jealous of the prestige and public attention garnered
by the Ksatriya practice, as early as the eighth century the Brahmin caste moved to
regulate Sati through religious prescriptions. Through doing so, the Brahmin caste
institutionalized Sati: opening the custom up to the larger religious body19.
As the upper castes of Hindu society busied themselves arguing for the right
to practice Sati and regulate its rituals, the lower social stratum leveraged this
power struggle. Bhakti followers, comprised of members of each caste, began to
adopt the practice of Sati, “appropriating to themselves a right that the warriors
were no longer able to, and the Brahmins were unwilling to deny them”. To some
degree, Sati as a ritual provided a shared territory of religious rite between castes.
As stated by Fisch, “public rituals where victims are killed or kill themselves weld
together future followers and those with the right to be followed; drawing lines
between the privileged and the discriminated, but joining them in one apparently
indivisible society.” Women, however, paid the cost of this ritualistic unity.
We must ask, however, what were the costs? As stated above, Hindu society
advocated female submission and the hegemonic belief in a divine afterlife
protected and even glorified Sati under the statutes of religious freedom. Moreover,
17 Jarman, Francis. Sati from Exotic Custom to Relativist Controversy, (University of
Hildesheim, Vol 2 No 5, 2002).
18 Fisch, Jorg. Dying for the Dead: Sati in a Universal Context, 280.
19 Fisch, Jorg. Dying for the Dead: Sati in a Universal Context, 283.
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the Hindu religion consistently projected the role of the woman as subordinate in a
positive light; Sita, in yet another fable, at the loss of her husband proclaims
“Separated from my celebrated Rama there is no way that I can survive any more
than if I had consumed virulent poison. What kind of crime did I commit in a
previous life as a result of which I am experiencing this cruel and terrible
suffering?20” This passage makes clear the attachment of a woman, both in her
current and previous lives, to her husband. Moreover, it elucidates the female desire
to be in such a relation!
However, the vow of female fidelity did not take the form of Sati across all of
India; many Indian states and scholars felt the practice to be immoral, and cited
conflicting statements within the Vedas. To assume that Sati was accepted by the
entirety of the Hindu body is also an absurd proposition: there were as many
spiritual condemnations as there were defenses of the practice. Sanskrit Scholar
Bana Bhatt in the 14th century also spoke outwardly against Sati, arguing that
women who sacrificed their lives uselessly went to the hell reserved for those who
committed suicide. Mr. Datta, another Sanskrit writer, stated that Hindu’s came to
believe the practice of Sati was engrained in a religious code when in reality it was a
consequence of upper caste cultural appropriation. Further scholars argued of the
structural prejudices against women woven inextricably into the Hindu social fabric.
Lord Amherst, an officer of the British Empire in India wrote in 1812 “thus, though
women are centrally located in the debate, so enmeshed are they in a network of
structures and masses, that they often seem peripheral.” Sati was an
20 Sutherland, Sally, “Sutee, Sati, and Sahagamana: An Epic Misunderstanding”.
Economic and Political Weekly. Vol 29, No 26 (1994).
Singh 9
institutionalization of female subservience, but also a physical practice of Hindu
cultural identification. However controversial the practice was, the power of Sati in
some parts of ancient was seen as so integral to the Hindu tradition that imperial
rulers felt it too important to make illegal.
Both the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Emperors believed Sati to be immoral,
but allowed the practice in fear of igniting protest amongst the Hindu territories
they conquered. Sati was perceived under the Islamic Sharia law as an act of suicide;
but rulers made ordinances that “require that sacrifice be, in all instances, perfectly
voluntary; that the widow be of a competent age to judge and choose”21. Akbar, it
was said “took personal pains to see that no compulsion should be used”; although it
would be naïve to say that every incident of Sati was completely voluntary, there is
evidence that where undertaken women did so proudly. Again, it is not the
frequency of the Sati occurrences that represents its cultural significance, but rather
the survival of the practice over centuries and its perceived importance to non‐
practicing constituents.
This paper has here forth elucidated four sociocultural pillars of ancient
Hindu society that preconditioned a diversity of castes and regions of Indic society
to viewing widow self‐immolation as an act of divine relevance rather than immoral
consequence. These include (1) religious literature’s support evidenced through
citations of sacrosanct religious texts, (2) powerful spiritual movements that
encouraged intense devotion, (3) a widespread ideological belief in the life
21 Dalmia, Vasudha. "'Sati' as A Religious Rite: Parliamentary Papers on Widow
Burning." Economic and Political Weekly. no. 4 (1991).
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hereafter, and (4) the use of Sati as an act of Hindu identification, both through the
structures of the caste system and the Hindu structures of nationalism during
Imperial rule. The analysis of Sati can serve as a window into the ideologies of
Hindu’s in ancient South India; and provides insight into the complexity of religion
and social identification in a racially and sexually stratified society.
Singh 11
Bibliography
Anant Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: From Prehistoric Times to
the Present Day, Motilal Banarsidass Publications, 1956.
Banerjee, Somraj. “Critiquing the Politics of Outrage: Ashis Nandy and his Reading of
Sati.” Galaxy: International Multidisciplinary Research Journal, March (2013).
Dalmia, Vasudha. "'Sati' as A Religious Rite: Parliamentary Papers on Widow
Burning." Economic and Political Weekly. no. 4 (1991).
Fisch, Jorg. Dying for the Dead: Sati in a Universal Context. (Journal of World History,
Vol 16 No 3, 2005), 293‐325.
Griffith, Ralph. Sacred‐Texts, “HYMN XVIII. Indra and Others: Rig Veda.” Accessed
March 9, 2014.
Hawley, John. Sati, the Blessing and the Curse: The Burning of Widows in India.
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 139.
Jarman, Francis. Sati from Exotic Custom to Relativist Controversy, (University of
Hildesheim, Vol 2 No 5, 2002).
Lin, Lisa. Spectacles of Horror: Western Characterizations of Sati in India.
Explorations: And Undergraduate Research Journal., UC Davis, 2008., 2.
Moses, Theodora. The Controversial Death Ritual of Sati in Hindu and Indian Culture,
Rowan University: Prepared for the course Sociology of Death, Dying, and
Bereavement.
Notes on the Position of Women, compiled by an Ethnographic Survey of India,
Government Press, Calcutta, 1810, 2.
Stein, Dorothy. “Burning Widows, Burning Brides : The Perils of Daughterhood in
India”. Pacific Affairs. Vol 61, No 3. 1988. pp 465‐485.
Stein, DK. Women to Burn: Suttee as a Normative Institution. (University of Chicago
Press, 1978), 253.
Sutherland, Sally, “Sutee, Sati, and Sahagamana: An Epic Misunderstanding”.
Economic and Political Weekly. Vol 29, No 26 (1994).
Van Den Boesch, Lourens. “A Burning Question: Sati and Sati Temples as the Focus
of Political Interest.” Numen. Vol 37, (1990), 179 – 194.
Singh 12
Weinberger‐Thomas, Catherine. Ashes of Immortality: Widow Burning in India.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999.