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To cite this article: Carmela Salomon, Erin Whittle, Jessica Bellamy, Elizabeth Evans, Scott
Teasdale, Katherine Samaras, Philip B. Ward, Michelle Hsu & Julian Trollor (2019): A qualitative
exploration of barriers and enablers of healthy lifestyle engagement for older Australians with
intellectual disabilities, Research and Practice in Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities, DOI:
10.1080/23297018.2018.1550727
Article views: 16
Method
This focus group study sought qualitative data about pre-defined healthy lifestyle
issues, namely: barriers and enablers of healthy eating and physical activity, and the
impact of ageing on physical activity and eating practices. A semi-structured inter-
view schedule was developed to generate discussion about these topics with a view to
ensuring stakeholder experiences were embedded in the design and delivery of the
“Get Healthy!” program.
Participants were recruited from a large metropolitan disability support service in
New South Wales. Fourteen people participated in the study: 8 were people with
RESEARCH AND PRACTICE IN INTELLECTUAL AND DEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES 3
Results
Physical activity: barriers
Ageing
Ageing was identified as a key barrier to physical activity by both groups. People with
intellectual disabilities perceived that age invariably led them to cease previously val-
ued activities. One participant reflected: “I used to play cricket and soccer, or play
rugby league, but the years went on and it [exercise] just slowly slipped away.”
Another said he was physically inactive now, “because I’m old.” A third described
how he no longer attends the gym because “I’m not getting any younger.”
Support workers similarly identified that age contributed to decreased “energy levels”
and “mobility.” Support workers perceived decreased physical activity as an inevitable part
of their client’s ageing process: “I reckon they would have done more exercise when they
were younger … because their bodies worked better and as some of these guys have got a
bit older … their bodies don’t quite work as well.” Neither group expressed knowledge or
confidence regarding how activities could be adapted for people as they age.
Health problems
Different types of health problems were perceived across groups as barriers to physical
activity. Chronic diseases, including diabetes, asthma, and epilepsy, were described as
barriers by people with intellectual disabilities: “I have seizures … and this could make
exercise difficult too”; “Steep hills [are hard] sometimes because I get out of breath or,
4 C. SALOMON ET AL.
you know, I also say that diabetes. Sometimes I’m getting out of breath”; “I get asthma
… [so] I stopped walking to work.” Support workers did not mention chronic condi-
tions but instead described factors such as poor concentration and challenging behav-
iours as negatively impacting the person’s ability to take part in physical activity.
Environmental barriers
Both groups identified environmental constraints, such as settings being inaccessible
or lacking inclusiveness, as barriers to physical activity. One participant with an intel-
lectual disability described how he would like to cycle near his house but couldn’t
“because that footpath is really dangerous there.” Other participants viewed the
weather as a barrier to exercising outdoors: “[I don’t like to exercise outdoors
because] winter’s coming, it’s cold or raining”; “[I don’t exercise outside if its] too
hot, too windy.”
The environmental constraints identified by support workers related more to sen-
sory issues, accessibility, and stigma. For example, sensory problems clients faced in
indoor exercise environments were highlighted: “Gyms historically have that boom
boom … loud music”; “the lights [in gyms] are really prominent.” Outdoor exercise
settings were also often noted to be physically inaccessible. Additionally, support
workers described how stigma and lack of inclusiveness in mainstream exercise set-
tings created a hostile social environment for clients with intellectual disabilities:
[Other gym patrons without disabilities would say] “Can they can be quiet? [sic] Can
you not make them be quiet?” … I don’t really feel comfortable supporting you in this
environment … I know you enjoy dancing but the atmosphere in there must be
horrible for you, everyone talking about you.
Resource-related barriers
Support workers, but not people with intellectual disabilities, described how limited
human and financial resources further curtailed engagement in physical activities.
Concerns raised included the high cost of some activities, and difficulty providing
effective individual support to clients with existing staffing ratios:
[One support worker] will be trying to coordinate three people in the gym, one’s going
this way, one’s trying to go up the stairs, one’s on a machine … so it ends up being too
risky to take part in a lot of the activities because we don’t have the correct
support staff.
I mean ideally if they all had one-on-one for their gym time that would be absolutely
amazing, but then it just comes down to funding, some of them do not have funding to
– if they want us to do one-on-one, it potentially reduces their hours of service and
families are like, “Look I work, like they need to be at day care for six hours” – I can’t
change the ratios.
“we go [walk] down the road to get coffee.” Support workers identified how they
deliberately incorporated physical activity into clients’ everyday activities – for exam-
ple, parking in “the furthest car park away” when shopping, or suggesting a walk
around the park as part of a social outing.
Having choices
Both groups identified that people were more likely to exercise if they had freedom
to choose where and when to undertake activities. Some people with intellectual dis-
abilities described preference for either indoor or outdoor activity, or preferred choice
based on weather. Support workers described how “you’ve got a group of people with
all different interests … [so] we’d like to have them one-on-one [so they can have
more choice].”
Rewards
People with intellectual disabilities described both health-related and social rewards as
motivating factors. Health-related rewards included: “it gets your weight off”; “it’s
good for you”; “to make our legs strong”; “you keep fit”; as well as avoiding negative
consequences of not exercising: “[you] get worn out” or “you’re dead.” Social rewards
included finding the activity enjoyable: “I like music and dancing”; and valuing the
social interactions group exercise provided: “Much better [to exercise] with friends”;
“[I like exercising] because we do it together.” Support workers similarly identified
rewards as motivating for their clients: “Probably very similar [as for children] …
we’ll make this [exercise] fun”; “Reward-based [motivation] is huge.”
Lack of resources
Limited human and educational resources were highlighted as a barrier to providing
healthy eating support: “I mean if you’ve got enough resources that you can do your
[food] education sessions and reinforce them, great. But we’re time poor.”
Additionally, they detailed how inadequate staffing ratios and lack of education con-
tributed to support workers using “junk” food to contain or de-escalate challenging
behaviours: “if somebody’s escalating to the point that they’re about to get aggressive
… [and the support worker is alone, they will say] … do you want a McDonald’s?”
Support workers also highlighted how use of junk food to manage behaviours is com-
mon in family settings:
If they’re having a really bad day [at home], … or a behaviour is starting, I can see it
starting to elevate, if I [family member] just give him his coke now I’m not going to see
the behaviour, so I’m just going to give him a coke.
6 C. SALOMON ET AL.
What worked for us was a very much hands-on [approach]. We brought the sugar,
packets of sugar in and then we had the choice of [two different types of breakfast
cereal] or whatever and read the “how many sugars in this?” [section] and we filled the
cups up with sugar and we tipped them … and we said, “Anyone want to taste it?”
Discussion
Consistent with previous stakeholder consultations, this study identified individual,
environmental, and resource-related barriers and facilitators of healthy eating and
physical activity. Inappropriate exercise settings and financial constraints have been
described previously (Frey, Buchanan, & Rosser Sandt, 2005; Heller et al., 2003).
Individual challenges such as health problems, lack of motivation, and disability are
likewise consistent with existing literature (Frey et al., 2005; Heller et al., 2003) as are
organisational challenges relating to staffing ratios and carer health literacy (Dixon-
Ibarra, Driver, Vanderbom, & Humphries, 2017; Taliaferro & Hammond, 2016).
Unlike earlier studies that included younger or mixed-age participants, this analysis
is based exclusively on data from older participants. Our finding that ageing was
viewed as a barrier to physical activity is consistent with limited prior research
(Dixon-Ibarra et al., 2017; van Schijndel-Speet et al., 2014). Both groups conceptual-
ised loss of physical activity as an inevitable part of ageing, as expressed in the com-
ment of one participant with an intellectual disability: “it just slips away.” This
finding is concerning, although perhaps unsurprising, given previous literature linking
ageing to decreased health expectations and cultural notions of decay and loss
(Bigby, 1997; Nelson, 2016). Such pessimistic beliefs may contribute to the finding
that older people with intellectual disabilities are less likely to be physically active
than their younger counterparts (Dixon-Ibarra et al., 2013; Hilgenkamp et al., 2012).
Adaptations to physical activities may be required as people age. However, the lit-
erature is unequivocal that remaining active into older age decreases frailty, promotes
healthy ageing, and reduces the risk of numerous morbidities (Galloway & Jokl,
2000). Therefore, findings from this study highlight a need to address both groups’
pessimistic expectations for ageing (Nelson, 2016). Enhanced education regarding safe
adaptation of physical activities in the context of changing physical abilities, including
referral to suitably qualified allied health professionals, may also support
active ageing.
Another highlighted barrier to remaining healthy was use of junk food for behav-
iour management. This practice may reflect a lack of staff or family knowledge of
alternative behaviour management strategies or inadequate human resources to
implement them, or both. Support workers’ health literacy and capacity to effectively
implement lifestyle interventions are reduced when resource allocation is inadequate.
This finding, highlighted both in our focus groups and multiple previous studies (e.g.,
Frey et al., 2005; Heller et al., 2003), underscores the need for resource commitment
at an organisational and policy level, to ensure that programs will be more than
merely tokenistic.
Support workers in this study struggled to balance their health promotion obliga-
tions against a duty to respect clients’ autonomy, which may include choosing junk
8 C. SALOMON ET AL.
food and inactivity. Previous studies highlight how this tension is particularly acute
when the nature of the intellectual disability may impair or make people’s decision-
making capacity difficult to ascertain (Taliaferro & Hammond, 2016). We recommend
tailored group approaches and making healthier options more appealing to improve
client “buy-in.” Providing support workers with safe spaces to debrief and discuss
role conflicts with peers and mentors could also prove beneficial.
While both groups identified some broadly overlapping themes, their unique per-
spectives on these issues highlights the importance of including both proxy reports
and first-person perspectives during stakeholder consultations. Participants with intel-
lectual disabilities in this study did not comment on barriers or facilitators of healthy
eating, in contrast to other studies that elicited first-person perspectives on this topic.
One possible explanation is that this relates to the life circumstances of our partici-
pants, such as a lack of involvement in food choice and preparation. However,
another potential reason is participant fatigue, since questions about eating were
towards the end of the focus groups.
Focus group findings will help to inform the design of the “Get Healthy!” program.
Namely, results have highlighted a need to ensure the pilot program:
Conclusion
The increasing number of people with intellectual disabilities reaching older age high-
lights the importance of focusing resources and research on this population. Diet and
physical activity are two modifiable factors that can significantly impact the health
and wellbeing of this group, and are therefore important targets for change. Focus
groups highlighted a number of personal, environmental, and resource-related factors
that currently impact on the physical activity levels and food choices of older people
with intellectual disabilities. We hope that findings will support future researchers
and allied health and disability service professionals, to more effectively promote
healthy lifestyle change in this underserved population.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the New South Wales Department of Family and Community Services
for funding this research under grant RG161748. The funding body has not been involved in
RESEARCH AND PRACTICE IN INTELLECTUAL AND DEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES 9
designing or analysing the stakeholder consultations. We would also like to thank all partici-
pants for contributing their valuable time and expertise.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
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