Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Editorial Board
Gordon Melton, Institute for the Study of American Religion; Ingvild Gilhus,
University of Bergen; Wouter Hanegraaff, University of Amsterdam; James T.
Richardson, University of Nevada Reno; Steve Sutcliffe, Edinburgh University;
Jo Pearson, University of Winchester; Massimo Introvigne, CESNUR
Published
Fantasy and Belief: Alternative Religions, Popular Narratives and Digital Cultures
Danielle Kirby
YSIS AND BELIEF
FANTASY
Alternative religions, popular
narratives and digital cultures
Danielle Kirby
First Published 2013 by Equinox Publishing Ltd, an imprint of Acumen
Notices
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience
and knowledge in evaluating and using any information, methods,
compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information
or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of
others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility.
To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors,
contributors, or editors, assume any liability for any injury and/or damage
to persons or property as a matter of products liability, negligence or
otherwise, or from any use or operation of any methods, products,
instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.
Acknowledgements ix
Introduction 1
Conclusions 129
Appendix: Otherkin survey results 133
Notes 151
Bibliography 175
Index 189
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ACkNowLEDgEmENTS
This book has been a long time in the making, and would not have been pos-
sible without the help and support of a number of people. First and foremost,
I’d like to thank Lynne Hume, who has offered both knowledge and guidance
for longer than I (and probably she) would care to admit. Phillip Almond, Rick
Strelan and Helen Farley have also provided invaluable advice, support and
discussion, as more recently has Carole Cusack, Elizabeth Coleman, Christian
McCrea, Rebecca Hill and Peter Horsfield. It would also be remiss of me not to
mention the decade or so of incredible conversations had with the artists from
half/theory, many of which are still ongoing, which are a source of constant
inspiration. Finally, particular mention must be made of the contribution of
David Campbell, who has both tolerated and participated in more conversa-
tions about dragons than he thought humanly possible.
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INTroDuCTIoN
The pagan and the paranormal have colonized the twilight zones of
pop media.1
This book is an inquiry into the relationship between the creation of alter-
native personal metaphysical systems, fantastic narrative and contemporary
popular digital cultures. Focusing upon the Otherkin as an exemplary group,
this project is an exploration of the bodies of knowledge that contribute to
the creation of such belief systems, and contextualizes such apparently deviant
beliefs within the nexus of religiosity and culture of which they are a part.
At the core of this study is a group called the Otherkin, a loosely affiliated
network of individuals who believe that they are to some degree non-human.
The Otherkin are by no means alone in their beliefs, but constitute a specific
manifestation of religiosity particularly oriented to the late modern Western
world. This book explores the origins and implications of such a belief, looking
both towards contemporary Western esoteric and occult traditions as well as
pertinent elements of the broader contemporary society of which they are a
part. Rather than providing an exhaustive exploration of the Otherkin com-
munity, I instead focus on investigating some of the myriad influences that have
supported the development of this metaphysical framework.
Of central significance here are the dual influences of speculative (prima-
rily fantasy) fiction and communication media in the creation of alternative
metaphysical systems. This relationship is an immensely complex one, and does
not so much constitute a direct inheritance from the former to the latter, or
vice versa, as it does related and reciprocal bodies of knowledge: convergence
rather than borrowing.2 As such, the notions of the cultic milieu3 and occul-
ture4 are used as central interpretative frameworks. Both these frameworks
highlight the interwoven and overlapping nature of the various distinct ideolo-
gies that, in combination, constitute a broader culture of alternative ideology
and spirituality. In a continuous fashion, I propose that the body of fantastic
and speculative narrative available across media can be understood to form an
equatable fantastic milieu, a conglomerate of interrelated yet discrete ideas that
1
fantasy and belief
may be engaged with at the discretion of the participant, and yet form en masse
a broadly continuous body of ideas.
Although the specific interrelation of new religions, media and fantastic
narrative has yet to be delved into in depth by the broader academy, there are a
number of theorists who have recognized the formative relationship between
narrative fiction, popular culture and religious impulse.5 In recent works,
Christopher Partridge has emphasized this relationship as a key aspect of the
re-enchantment tendencies of contemporary Western culture, positing popular
culture as both a forum for the exploration of spiritual ideas and as the source
material for beliefs.6 Partridge notes the particular applicability of literature and
film in these contexts, presumably reliant, at least to a degree, on the manifesta-
tions of the occult and the esoteric often portrayed within these mediums. On
a broader cultural level, Partridge acknowledges Western culture’s penchant
for immersing children in fantasy through fairy tales, folklore and children’s
literature, and the likely effects such input may have on the development of con-
ceptions of what is plausible.7 Other authors have also noted the particular rela-
tion between fiction and religion, as illustrated by the Pagan interest in books
such as the Discworld series by Terry Pratchett8 and Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings.
Generally speaking, it is assumed that such texts provide illustration or support
for the religions and spiritualities utilizing them, and are not necessarily central
to the ideologies of the various groups. This, however, is only presumption, as
often the relationship between text and participant is undertheorized9 in new
religious movements (NRMs) and directed studies of this relationship are only
very recently beginning to emerge. Collectives such as the Otherkin10 and the
Otakukin stand as exemplars of associations of individuals who have integrated
the content of narrative fiction into personally meaningful spiritual realities.
Rather than providing illustrative or evocative support for other beliefs, in these
cases the particular content of the relevant fictions appears to have become the
object of belief in itself. Such situations, although admittedly unusual, signal the
need for more detailed research into the development of these types of beliefs,
and in particular require an approach that is integrative with respect to the
variety of influences that are evident in these cases.
There are a number of assumptions operating here that should be made clear
from the outset. First and foremost is the point that, while at first blush they
may seem extremely unusual, the types of beliefs held by the Otherkin are not
new, nor have they sprung up entirely in response to new technologies or other
specific elements of the late modern era.11 This is not to say that the internet,
postmodernist thought and many other aspects of the late modern era have not
played a substantial role in either creating the communities dedicated to these
beliefs or in facilitating the particular forms of syncretism apparent within such
metaphysics. Rather the point is that the central thrust of the metaphysic, most
particularly the association of self with the non-human, has existed in various
forms previous to the late modern age. Most prevalent in a literary context,
2
introduction
the mythology of the Western and Classical world abounds with instances of
human to animal transitions, with the medieval period highlighting this trend
through stories of werewolves and revenants. This historical and literary context
is explored in Chapter 3.
The second point is +that the internet, or indeed any other form of communi-
cation media, does not suddenly and drastically alter human interaction,12 but
rather gradually gives weight to alternative aspects of the process, such as can
be seen in changes in the speed, frequency, reach or accessibility of communica-
tion forms. These shifts of emphasis then encourage the popularization of new
modes of exchange, such as can be seen in the movement from letter writing
to email, and then more recently from email to the use of social networking
sites such as Facebook or Twitter. These shifts do of course effect changes in
both the methods and the nature of interaction, but slowly and over time, as
has been the case with all innovations of communication technology that are
internalized by the broader public. “The new medium … reinforces the old, but
of course transforms it.”13 There is a necessary lag between the development of
new technologies, their popularization, and their subsequent internalization.
This point may seem obvious, but is an important one to highlight in view of
the extreme utopian and dystopian views that have been propounded of the
internet.14
A third point is that the Otherkin as a group, and other groups like it, are both
responses to, and creations of, the late modern Western world. While many of
the ideas involved have a lineage that reaches back into early modern and pre-
modern times, as already mentioned, the specific manifestation of the Otherkin
community is utterly located in this time and place, and as such should not be
viewed in isolation of these facts. Rather than demonstrating some form of
fundamental disjunction with broader society, they may be viewed as being
both a product of, and oriented towards, the realities and lived experience of
contemporary Western life.
A fourth assumption is that it is inappropriate to view the Otherkin as funda-
mentally consumerist in nature, as is often done in other cases of a metaphysic
built from popular culture sources.15 To view the Otherkin through this lens
is both to misread their engagement with source material as well as to misrep-
resent the role of consumer culture within the contemporary Western world.
Cultural consumption – of music, art, film, literature and so on – is central to
the leisure pursuits of Western society and there is no basis upon which to deni-
grate this process per se. Capitalism is currently the mechanism by which such
things operate, and to critique on this basis renders the majority of the practices
of the Western world vulnerable to the same charge. Tacit in much analysis of
this sort is a hidden elitism that harks back to the high and low culture divisions
of earlier times. Such static hierarchies of quality are not only out of date, but
they also deny the complexities of appreciation and engagement as they occur
within the contemporary Western world. Beyond this, however, locating the
3
fantasy and belief
4
introduction
exactly as possible the particular location of groups like the Otherkin within
the broader Occulture.
It should be noted that a relatively specific approach has been taken to the
primary source material, one which is broadly based in textual analysis prem-
ised on a phenomenological stance. In practice this position is established in
the bracketing of questions of metaphysical validity and prioritizing the stated
experiences of individuals. These experiential accounts are drawn from online
sources and rely solely on publicly available texts, rather than “members only”
areas and other online spaces that could be construed as private. This method
has been utilized specifically so as to approach a generally acceptable view of
the beliefs and practices of the community at large without becoming caught
between the differing stances of individual participants. It is also designed to
minimize active involvement by the researcher within the group, which seems
undesirable in a community still so much in a formative chapter of its devel-
opment. This type of online research, focusing on document analysis only,18 is
one of many techniques of online research and data collection, but seems to
be best suited for this study. When groups have published texts in hard copy,
such as those made available by Otherkin, these sources have also been used. In
researching beliefs that highlight individual experience and prioritize subjec-
tive reality it seems of central importance to locate general trends within the
community rather than becoming mired in conflicting personal views. This
generalist approach has been complemented here with the findings from an
online survey, which provides more specific and personalized, if anonymous,
accounts (see Appendix).
Using a dynamic information source involves inherent difficulties, as any
ethnographer would attest, but the sheer scope of the online world, with its mass
of information and innumerable contributors, has complicated this situation
many times over.19 Approaches to online research are being slowly developed,
but are truly still in their infancy. Initially, this project was developed around
the idea of a thorough textual exploration of limited sources, but the nature
of online engagement in general, and the types of groups here viewed in the
specific, have made such a position untenable. It has been necessary, albeit
perhaps unfortunate, to exercise quality judgement without the benefit of a
strict theoretical framework, simply to choose which sites to view and which
to leave out. There has been a loose focus upon following links as a navigation
tool, useful insofar as they denote deliberate association between sites, but,
given the thousands of potentially relevant links, this process can be considered
a guide only. This position has resulted from a number of problems: initially,
the size and spread of participants and their varied presences; then the speed
with which changes occur in the online world, both in terms of participation
and presence, and most recently the development of social networking tools
such as Facebook and Twitter, both of which have become popular in the period
since this project began. What started as a strict textual study inquiring into
5
fantasy and belief
the linkages between specific beliefs, specific texts and specific media has now
evolved into a far more general summary of a variety of alternative metaphysics
relating fiction and identity with a significant online presence, and the continu-
ity, or lack thereof, between such beliefs and the practices of the late modern
digitalized world.
While unfortunate from a methodological position, such an approach has its
own benefits. It has become evident that to view the relationship between a par-
ticular text and participant, in the case of the Otherkin for instance, would lead
the researcher to conclusions valid for that individual only. The communities
and individuals viewed in this study are all in their separate ways extraordinar-
ily, even radically, individualistic, and specific analysis in such a context seems
of dubious value outside of a personal perspective. Coupled with the speed with
which sub-sections of these communities can grow and fade, and the frequency
with which individuals may affiliate or disaffiliate, it retrospectively seems a far
more valid undertaking to provide a general overview rather than a specific
case study. These groups are communities only in the most minimal sense of
the term: association is premised upon a singular shared philosophy or belief
without any necessary pragmatic basis such as geography, history, or common
situation. In a broader sense, I also have come to question the appropriateness
of contemporaneously critically analysing cultural developments in anything
but the most general terms, as it tends to err towards both the pointless and
the invasive.
As a mechanism for maintaining a sense of the negotiable nature of the
concepts discussed in this book, definitions have been drawn from the data-
base of Urban Dictionary.20 This approach, while somewhat unusual for aca-
demic research, is supported in this context by a number of factors. First, as
the resource has been set up as a wiki, it allows for conflicting definitions to be
posted by participants and other interested individuals, rather than attempting
to force a compromise in understanding. In utilizing such a resource, sharp
disagreement in the understanding of terms is accommodated, but it still pro-
vides the framework within which consensual understandings of each term
can be approached. In this context, such a grassroots approach to definitions
is a boon rather than a bane. Second, the terms utilized in such a fashion are
generally neologisms developed by participants for participants, and, as such,
rarely appear outside of the participants’ textual presences online. As a result,
such terms are simply not defined elsewhere. While on occasion I either query
or expand on the understandings provided by Urban Dictionary, it seems a
valid and consistent starting point that is consistent with the phenomenological
attitude of this research. It should also be noted that, where necessary, spelling
errors have been corrected, and neologisms have been retained rather than
interpreted or corrected. This has been done largely for ease of reading, and all
due care has been taken to preserve the original meaning.
6
Chapter 1
Talking about alternative and emergent religion in the late modern era is not
an uncomplicated task. Non-traditional religion is, more or less by definition,
decoupled from many, if not most, normative assumptions of what constitutes
acceptable religious beliefs, communities and practices. Simultaneously, a post-
modern bent and the primacy of subjectivity in the Western world has reori-
ented the attribution of value towards a strongly relative and subjective position,
which manifests in both sacred and secular locales. Such positions tend to be
pitted in a silent war with more traditional hierarchies of value which might,
for instance, denigrate new religions for a lack of authenticity or dismiss fantasy
literature as juvenile escapism. Given the contested and constantly negotiated
nature of these areas of engagement, this chapter is given over to exploring
current understandings of religion, occulture and the circumstances of the
modern world.
Religion
7
fantasy and belief
In defining these two separate forms of religious impulse, Hanegraaff has pro-
vided a distinction that highlights the differences of approach without disal-
lowing crossover between the two. He goes on to point out that
8
religion , occulture and the modern world
The Otherkin, and other groups holding like beliefs, can comfortably be
understood to exist within the latter category, and, on occasion, also within
the former. As a general rule, though, they exist far more clearly within the
understanding of spirituality rather than that of religion, and will generally be
referred to as such.
9
fantasy and belief
does not show any necessary kinship; second, that their systems are all self-
referential and internally consistent (or at least aiming to be so); and third,
that the originality and diversity demonstrated by each of these groups is a key
element in attracting believers to the various groups. It is evident then that the
category of NRMs, in Beckford’s understanding, is not a term implying any
form of shared philosophy or situation within a history of religious ideas, but
rather a sociological category regarding the placement of NRMs in relation to
mainstream contemporary society. It is essential that the appellation of NRM
is understood as indicating a shared social status rather than representative of
a commonality of religious beliefs. This is particularly important when seen
in relation to some of the more obscure groups that fall under this rubric, as
assuming any actual relation between NRMs on a substantive level will lead to
some confusion.
Melton also makes the case that the use of shared characteristics in positing
definitions of NRMs is inevitably unsatisfactory as such schemas simply do not
withstand the variety of beliefs and behaviours that are incorporated within the
term.12 He again refers to the relationship with normative culture as the key
factor in NRMs as a category:
Melton goes on to propose that NRMs are effectively those that are left once we
remove the churches, sects and ethnic religions.14
Furthering the argument, Robbins15 finds that New Religions and Alternative
Religions are separate categories, and must be treated as such. Seeing difficul-
ties with the “new”, as the vagueness of the term could imply either a newness
of chronology,16 organization or structure,17 Robbins questions the relational
definition proposed by scholars such as Melton18 and Bromley.19 It may be,
as Robbins points out, that defining NRMs in terms of alignment to domi-
nant cultural forces in addition to the chronological and organizational issues
can lead to some confusion. NRMs may be chronologically new but cultur-
ally well-aligned, or alternatively they may be ideologically established but
culturally deviant.20 What Robbins proposes instead is the distinction made
between NRMs, which would refer to the chronological newness of a group,
and Alternative Religions, which would reference the tension with dominant
cultural alignment.21
10
religion , occulture and the modern world
11
fantasy and belief
Religions of re-enchantment
12
religion , occulture and the modern world
13
fantasy and belief
14
religion , occulture and the modern world
Occulture
15
fantasy and belief
list provides a clear indication of the general thrust and scope of contemporary
occulture. It is worth noting that Partridge questions both the deviancy and the
hiddenness of the following ideas and practices in practical terms, given their
current popularity, but still effectively places them in an outsider category:
For all the variety of practices and beliefs included in this passage, they do
constitute a complex, interrelated system of beliefs and practices that have a
large and growing popularity. The idea of “occulture” is far preferable to the
“cultic milieu” insofar as it denotes the broadness of the field, highlights its
pervasiveness as a culture of its own, and avoids the negative and misleading
connotations of “cult” and academic notions of mysticism.
It should be noted that there is a pervasive, and to my mind, unacceptably
dismissive, view that is often taken towards the current status of the relationship
between popular culture and spirituality, called the dilution theory.53 In essence,
this theory takes the position that spiritualities are fundamentally trivialized
by their proximity to popular culture; that the closer religiosity moves towards
regions traditionally defined as secular, the further it moves from its authentic
roots. Such a stance assumes spiritual engagement at its most superficial, tacitly
positing that participation is premised in faddish or fashionable behaviour and
implying a dearth of genuine religious sentiment. It seems quite possible that
such a position is also bound up in the location of popular culture within the
broader framework of consumer culture, and thus carries with it the attendant
baggage. Such a stance is emphatically not taken here, and there should be no
assumption that discussion of popular sources equates to a dismissive approach
to metaphysics extrapolated from such.
Esotericism
16
religion , occulture and the modern world
emic and etic: a static, academic definition does not necessarily align well with
more personal understandings. Further, as these categories are applied ret-
rospectively, their particular nature can become complicated due to different
research agendas.56 As a general rule, I have taken my cue from Faivre and
Hanegraaff, and adopt their usages. In this framework, esotericism is seen as a
broad stream, “an ensemble of spiritual currents in modern and contemporary
Western history”,57 incorporating ideas such as Gnosticism, Neoplatonism,58
and theosophy.59 In addition to this definition, Faivre notes three other under-
standings of the term “esotericism”: first, as a generic term pertaining to
countercultural, deviant, or occult literature;60 second, esotericism as secret
knowledge;61 and, third, as a centre of being.62 These other definitions, while
certainly denoting actual usages, are not particularly helpful from a historical
academic perspective, and are not understood as intrinsically associated with
the term here.
Faivre postulates four defining features of Western esotericism63, as well
as two more that are often, but not always, present. These central four ideas
are correspondences, living nature, imagination and mediation, and the expe-
rience of transmutation. The two associated but unessential components are
the praxis of the concordance and transmission. The first of the four integral
constitutive aspects of esotericism, correspondences, refers to both symbolic
and real sets of meaning derived from any one aspect of the universe pertain-
ing to another.64 Thus, the world, both in its tangible and intangible aspects, is
a series of relationships wherein knowledge of one simultaneously illuminates
the other. The best known example of this approach is the correspondence
between the macrocosm and the microcosm. This characteristic erupts also
within the context of occultism, but with a distinctly different set of support-
ing assumptions. The second of the characteristics posited by Faivre is that of
living nature, an attitude that sees the natural world not only as integral, but
also active in the constitution of meaning. This aspect of esotericism consti-
tutes a “triad of ‘God–Humanity–Nature’ from whence the theosopher brings
forth dramaturgical correspondences, complementary and forever new”.65 This
notion also appears within an occult context, again with quite different interpre-
tive implications in its more modern incarnation. Imagination and mediation,
the third components in Faivre’s construction of esotericism, are inextrica-
bly linked. The former, imagination, is “the tool for knowledge of self, world,
Myth”.66 It is the method through which the esotericist may “establish a cogni-
tive and visionary relationship with an intermediary world”.67 This intermedi-
ary world is encapsulated in the notion of mediation. This type of mediation
may refer to symbols, entities, or rituals: anything that provides a connection
between the esotericist and the numinous in whatever form it is conceived. In
a moment of glorious articulation, Faivre describes the esotericist as one who
is far more likely to spend time on Jacob’s ladder, where as the mystic would
more likely drive straight for the top.68 In this characterization he highlights
17
fantasy and belief
the tendency of the esotericist to focus upon the intermediaries rather than the
divine per se. This tendency is also apparent within contemporary occulture,
albeit again with specifically modern interpretations. The final essential com-
ponent of Western esotericism is the experience of transmutation. Borrowing
the term from alchemy, this refers to the metamorphoses of the individual, fol-
lowing the form of a second birth.69 This notion is still of extreme importance
in more contemporary contexts, and may be seen as parallel to the synthesis
and growth inherent in James’s idea of the twice-born soul70 or the Jungian
process of individuation.71 In Faivre’s framework, all of these four aspects must
be present to constitute “esotericism”. In this understanding, then, esotericism
does not denote any particular behaviours, but is rather understood as a set
of philosophical frameworks from which practices, such as occultism, grow.72
Occultism
18
religion , occulture and the modern world
Magic
19
fantasy and belief
without tools.79 In addition, the term is often simply used to denote something
special or mysterious. This list can be expanded indefinitely to incorporate both
major streams and individual bents, as practitioners add their own techniques
and variants to established techniques and traditions. In this sense, often the
magician can be likened to the spiritual practitioner, or even perhaps the vir-
tuosi referred to by Hanegraaff, as they regularly do put their own spin upon the
traditions, no matter how obscure, to which they affiliate. Magic, like occulture,
is an area of practice that holds a variety of techniques effectively in common
which participants engage with at their own discretion.
While there is a variety of theoretical understandings of magic, many stem
from earlier theorists who were invested in the progressive notion of ration-
alization defeating the superstitious, and within such frameworks magic tends
to represent for the most primitive level of humankind’s endeavour:80 thus the
“survivals” of Tylor’s approach, or Weber’s inverse equation between magic
and technology.81 Moving away from such reductive views, some suggest that
a general common-sense understanding of what magic actually is may be a
better place to start.
Most peoples in the world perform acts by which they intend to bring
about certain events or conditions, whether in nature or among people,
that they hold to be the consequences of these acts. If Western terms
and assumptions are used, the cause and effect relationship between
the act and the consequence is mystical, not scientifically validated. The
acts typically comprise behavior such as manipulation of objects and
recitation of verbal formulas or spells.82
20
religion , occulture and the modern world
mind affects matter, and that in special circumstances, like ritual, the trained
imagination can alter the physical world”.84 This understanding is important
insofar as it highlights the relationship between the psyche and the world and
the concurrent intention of the participant. Magic is not a confusion of instru-
mentality, but rather an overcoming of materialistic notions of the possible.
Extending from Luhrmann’s central notion, I include within understandings
of “magic” those intentional practices that engage the unknown, intangible
and superempirical forces of the universe and that may manifest direct results
within the worlds of everyday lived experience, be they pertinent to the physical
realm or the psyche. This definition is clearly a variant of Tiryakian’s definition
of “occultism” as mentioned above, but it appears to be appropriate insofar as
it highlights (a) the intentional nature of the practice, (b) the superempirical
nature of engagement and (c) the variable location of intended results.
With all of the above in mind, then, it can be seen that magic is a set of
practices attempting to engage the unknown, intangible and the superempirical;
occultism is the modern set of knowledges from which the various forms of
magic derive; and esotericism is the stream of thought that has contained these,
and many more, themes from the Renaissance and earlier times.
Throughout the last century or so, academic discourse has generally leaned
towards a tacit admission of the demise of religion86, supported by constructions
such as Weber’s “disenchantment of the world”87 and the secularist passions of
many early theorists who looked upon the advent of the modern era as an end
to all superstitious thinking and the beginning of a glorious era of rational-
ity. The theory of secularization essentially queries the potential of religion to
exist in the modern world.88 Such lines of reasoning appear to be intrinsically
bound up in a progressive attitude to cultural development: we, as humans, will
outgrow our need for religion in much the same way that we came down out
of the trees and started building cities. The proliferation of new and alternative
religion has, to a significant degree, illustrated the flaw in such reasoning, as the
very existence of NRMs has challenged the central ideas of both disenchant-
ment and secularization as they are commonly understood.89 What is becoming
apparent is that, rather than secularization and disenchantment being the key
factors, it is rather a case of a shift in the location of religiosity. This religious
21
fantasy and belief
shift, or displacement, is not limited to the late modern era, either. Certainly,
in the early years of the emerging modern world, the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries, religious upheavals were many, as the political and social
currents of the time tended to emphasize secularization on the one hand with
an increase of extreme religiosity on the other.90 Either way, secularization is
central to almost all discussions of contemporary religiosity, modern occulture
and even genre literature. In a similar vein to the disenchantment posited by
Weber, world-affirming91 new religious movements that are complementary to
modern technologized existence have often been approached as symptoms of
secularization,92 rather than as valid and sincere forms of religiosity in and of
themselves.
No matter how it is viewed, secularization is a complex process, intimately
bound up in industrialization, modernization, and the associated social and
cultural changes that these developments have allowed. First used in an analyti-
cal sense by Weber93 in relation to Protestantism,94 the concept has been under-
stood in a multitude of ways. Shiner has attempted to articulate the various
strands of interpretation placed upon the term, the general thrust of which
remains true today. Shiner locates six different understandings of the term:
All these categories are reflective of various usages of the term, and serve to
demonstrate both the huge variety of interpretations, and the almost ridicu-
lously sweeping social developments it seeks to reference.
Somewhat more simply, Turner locates two main streams in the understand-
ing of secularization: the attritionist and the atrabilious.96 The attritionist theory
of religion posits that secularization is the “process by which religious institu-
tions, actions, and consciousness, lose their social significance”.97 The key factor
in this understanding is that secularization effects a fundamental change to
the nature of society, rather than simply being a process that occurs within
society.98 One of the primary difficulties of the secularization thesis stems from
the often-made assumption of a concomitant period that entirely prioritized
the sacred, against which the modern process of secularization is held up.99 It
is from this objection that the atrabilious position stems, suggesting that the
entire concept of secularization, in sociological terms, is flawed due to its reli-
ance upon unverifiable ideal-type constructions of an “age of faith”.100 Certainly,
this latter point seems of extreme importance, and underpins one of the major
concerns with the theory.
22
religion , occulture and the modern world
23
fantasy and belief
had the corollary effect of emphasizing the individual relationship with the
numinous as well as leaving the particular nature of religious faith and practice
somewhat beyond the purview of the broader society. This factor may go some
way towards an explanation of the predominance of syncretism, although by
no means is it the only cause. In any case, if Hanegraaff ’s understanding of
secularization, viewing the Christian faith as dispossessed of its centrality in
contemporary Western culture is coupled with a notion of the privatization
of religion, it begins to point towards an understanding of secularization that
accommodates the variety of forms of religiosity clearly evident within the
Western world: “Outside of tradition, rather than religion diminishing, we are
witnessing the emergence of new forms of spiritual and religious practices that
are entwined with the political, the social and the popular.”108
Consumption
With post-war affluence, and the diffusion of what many had consid-
ered luxuries before, came a new concentration on private space, and
the means to fill it … the “pursuit of happiness” took on new, more
immediate meaning, with a growing range of easily available means.
And in this newly individuated space, the customer was encouraged
more and more to express her taste, furnishing her space according to
her own needs and affinities, as only the rich had been able to do in
previous eras.109
24
religion , occulture and the modern world
Heelas, in querying the many and varied uses of the term “consumption” within
the context of various spiritualities, offers a list of eight potential characteriza-
tions of the consumer. These, in brief, envisage the consumer as:
25
fantasy and belief
1. vital requirements
2. social and cultural currency
3. personal display and identity requirements
4. hedonistic requirements.120
26
religion , occulture and the modern world
It should also be noted that within the broader conversation around consumer
culture and society in the late modern age, religion holds a particular and,
inevitably, fraught position. This can be read in a number of ways: for instance,
as an extreme articulation of the understanding of consumer culture as homog-
enizing; an equation of money with the emphatically secular and religion
oppositionally sacred; or perhaps as a slight variation on the dilution theory.
Either way, consumer culture and religion are often understood as unhappy
bedfellows. In perhaps even stronger terms than the discomfort with the com-
modification of art and creative endeavours, religion when seen as proximate to
consumption is inevitably devalued and, at best, is granted questionably authen-
ticity: “Consumer culture is generally presented as being extremely destructive
for religion in terms of its emphasis on hedonism, the pursuit of pleasure here
and now, the cultivation of expressive lifestyles, the development of narcissistic
and egoistic personality types.”128
While a number of theorists working in the field of NRMs utilize consumer
culture frameworks, the construction of religious and spiritual participants as,
for instance, believer/consumers,129 tends to elide potential space between the
experience of the numinous or the “other” and an everyday location within
contemporary (consumer) culture. This is at least in part due to the fact that
such formulations are often unclear as to the precise location of consump-
tion:130 for instance, are individuals consuming religion in a commodified
manner? Are they consuming objects that hold religious meaning? Are they
consuming non-religious objects and services as religious individuals? Without
a clear designation of the particular forms of consumption implied, one is
often left with the slightly uncomfortable feeling that maybe people are just
buying belief.
In summary, contemporary understandings of consumption within a con-
sumer society can be understood as not necessarily contingent upon produc-
tion, usually related to the acquisition of commodities, often a mechanism by
which the self is articulated, and increasingly a central element of late modern
Western life. Nonetheless, consumption is rejected here as a framework for
27
fantasy and belief
28
religion , occulture and the modern world
The fantastic
Fantasy
29
fantasy and belief
usable ways, Cornwell proposes that the type of fantasy relevant here actu-
ally comprises a subsection of the category of the marvellous. This category,
according to his schema, includes what if narratives, fairy stories and romance/
fantasy. In Cornwell’s framework, the marvellous is but one category within a set
attempting to cover the trajectory from non-fiction through to mythology as its
farthest point. This category of romance/fantasy is flanked in Cornwell’s schema
on one side by fairy stories and on the other by mythology. The romance/
fantasy is understood as a narrative “in which the work unfolds in a world
patently not ‘ours’: either a romance or ‘faery’ world, à la Tolkien (the word
‘romance’ of course presents possible difficulties, due to both its high medieval
and popular generic connotations), or an other-planetary SF world”.141 Such a
broad understanding of fantasy, and the attendant implications of continuity
with mythology and fairy stories is useful here insofar as it broadly denotes the
spread of literatures that are implicated within Otherkin beliefs.
It is, perhaps unsurprisingly, Tolkien who most evocatively outlines what
constitutes fantasy. He himself refers to the fairy story, and his use of the term
is, while antiquated, understandable in light of his definition.142
30
religion , occulture and the modern world
Science fiction
Science fiction is, within this book, understood as closely related to fantasy
insofar as it focuses upon the creation of new narrative worlds154 of various
types. That said, it will be dealt with here in detail as the vast majority of criti-
cism around the area deals specifically with science fiction and not the broader
field of fantasy. It is imperative to note that I am not saying that fantasy like
Lord of the Rings is stylistically equatable or continuous with a text like the
31
fantasy and belief
speculative science fiction romp The Cyberiad,155 but rather simply that it is
what they have in common that I wish to highlight. That said, some departure
is necessary here in order to establish the variants between these styles precisely
because the approach taken here is not a particularly popular one.
There is a lot of contention surrounding the relationship between science
fiction and fantasy. Many, academics and fans alike, object to the close relation-
ship often assumed between the two styles. There are many different forms
of definitions, ranging from self-referential, historicist and formalist types of
definition.156 Arguments as exactly how to divide up what is and is not science
fiction approach the ludicrous in their proliferation, but one point of general
agreement is that the genre is united in the use of extrapolation.157 Insofar as
this is true, science fiction writings make extensions from the “real” world and
in doing so effectively create another. Another regular attitude to the definition
of science fiction is based in its association with change, with discontinuity.158
Gunn describes his position on this stance well:
Science Fiction is the branch of literature that deals with the effects of
change on people in the real world as it can be projected into the past,
the future, or to distant places. It often concerns itself with scientific or
technological change, and it usually involves matters whose importance
is greater than the individual or the community; often civilization or
the race itself is in danger.159
This position takes the notion of extrapolation to the extent where the extrapo-
lation is expansive enough that the secondary world may be considered dis-
continuous from the primary, thus effectively becoming a tertiary world.160
Interestingly, Gunn sees both fantasy and science fiction as discontinuous: he
draws the distinction between fantasy and science fiction on the basis that
fantasy relies upon the ground rules of worlds distinct from everyday existence,
whereas science fiction is an extension of those everyday rules, irrespective of
how far the extrapolation may go.161
Another term used to discuss this distinction between our everyday lived
experience of the world and the worlds created within fantasy and science
fiction texts is cognitive estrangement. Cognitive estrangement is understood
as an utterly central characteristic of science fiction, denoting science fiction
as “estranged from the naturalistic world but cognitively connected to it.
‘Noncognitive estrangement’, according to this scheme, would include myths,
folktales, and fantasies that are neither naturalistic nor cognitively linked to the
natural world.”162 According to Damien Broderick,
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religion , occulture and the modern world
Fantasy and science fiction can be seen as “opposite responses to the triumphant
humanizing of Western post-Renaissance culture.”164 Where science fiction can
be viewed as an extrapolation of a modern, disenchanted situation and, often,
hyperbolic statements of this circumstance, fantasy on the other hand can be
seen as a reintroduction of re-enchantment. Romantic fantasy takes on “the
highly peculiar task of creating awareness that what we have come to accept as
the only possible reality may not be as absolute, complete, or comprehensive
as we think, and of urging us to imagine what in a progressive and enlightened
and incredulous world must seem inconceivable”.165 Such a circumstance clearly
indicates at least part of why it has such particular appeal to Pagans, magicians,
and the like.
33
fantasy and belief
more of a fantasy than a science fiction text, and yet many fans consider the
films to be one of the ultimate exemplars of science fiction. The series of films
is probably most accurately defined as a space opera, which is typically under-
stood as a sub-genre lying between the two forms, but proliferating sub-genres
does not get us any further towards understanding the field of narrative relevant
here. While at the opposite ends of the two forms of narrative there are very
distinct differences between the styles, where they overlap there is no simple
means of distinguishing between the two. Realistically, they should be viewed as
located at different points on the same spectrum, with significant intermingling
between the two.167
Myth
34
religion , occulture and the modern world
tends to lead away from the specific concerns of participants. It is in only this
sense, then, that myth is considered in the same light as contemporary fantasy
narrative.
The distinction between myth, legend and folklore is also notoriously
difficult to articulate. This difficulty begins at the point of definition, as to
many theorists the difference between these forms is of integral importance,
whereas to other scholars they may be the same thing.171 Generally speaking,
the assumption tends to be that myths constitute the most important found-
ing narratives of a group, legends constitute devolved history, and folklore is
a manifestation of the superstitious relics of our benighted past. Bascom pro-
poses that the three types of prose narrative are distinguished on the basis of
emic truth claims, time-frames, and the designation of sacred: by this account
myths are true narratives set in the distant past of a sacred content, legends
are true narratives set in the recent past and are more likely to be secular, and
folktales are fictional narratives set in any time of a secular content.172 The tem-
poral elements of these distinctions between myth, legend and folklore are of
particular interest.173 Myth, for instance, tends to occur outside of linear time,
in sacred time:174 Dundes points out that mythic narratives are situated before,
and up to, the act of creation.175 Legends, on the other hand, are set after crea-
tion. “There is no time after legends, just as there is no time before myth.”176
Folklore can be situated in any time, either mundane or sacred. Bascom goes
on to note that myths contain predominantly non-human characters, legends
generally focus upon the human, and folklore can go either way. Certainly,
this tends to be the case in relation to the types of narrative of interest here:
the fantastic creatures generally have their source in myth and folklore while
they have a distinctly lesser presence in legend. Grimm, for instance, noted
that “Folktales, not legend, have in common with the god-myth a multitude of
metamorphoses: and they often let animals come upon the stage … Divinities
form the core of all mythology.”177
It should also be noted that the mythologies of the classical world, and the
Nordic cultures in particular, underpin much of the norms of contemporary
fantasy.178 They provide fantasy in abundance, and indeed many of the mythical
and therianthropic creatures relevant to the Otherkin find their source within
the various mythological traditions. Mythology provides one of the richest nar-
rative sources of fantastic worlds, creatures and tales, passages to other worlds,
and eruptions of the divine or other within the human.
Tying some of these various areas of interest together, it should be noted that the
parallel development of, and relationship between, fantasy narrative, modernity
and the occult is well established in the history of the modern West.
35
fantasy and belief
Along with smoking factory chimneys came both the literature of the
fantastic and the new phenomenon of spiritualism. These two possess
a common characteristic: each takes the real world in its most concrete
form as its point of departure, and then postulates the existence of
another, supernatural world, separated from the first by a more or less
impermeable partition. Fantasy literature then plays upon the effect of
surprise that is provided by the irruption of the supernatural into the
daily life, which it describes in a realistic fashion. Spiritualism, both
as a belief and as a practice, follows the inverse procedure, teaching
how to pass from this world of the living to the world of the dead,
through séances of spirit rappings and table tippings, the table playing
a role analogous to that of the traditional magic circle. It is interesting
that occultism in its modern form – that of the nineteenth century –
appeared at the same time as fantastic literature and spiritualism.179
36
religion , occulture and the modern world
the development of occultism and the rise in popularity of fantasy. This point
is highlighted expressly to emphasize that the intertwining of fantasy and spir-
ituality evinced by the Otherkin and their like has an established historical
precedent.
In essence, then, I am proceeding with the understanding that the notion
of fantasy is a broad rubric within which is included science fiction as well as a
plethora of other forms such as horror, cyberpunk and the like. While they all
vary to a degree in their content, their common element is the creation of various
different worlds that significantly differ from our everyday lived experience.
While somewhat tangential, it should also be noted that fantasy literature
across the board has been located in a contentious position in the modern
world: indeed, it has evoked criticism and ridicule since its popularization in
the nineteenth century. The appearance of the supernatural within the text in
romantic works was generally found to be disreputable,187 and this tendency has
extended into more recent times. There has been a long-standing assumption
that works involving the fantastic need “some sort of extraliterary rationale for
their legitimate employment in a work of literature”.188 This rationale may be
educational or moral, for instance, but, generally speaking, fantastic literature
has not been allowed to exist simply as works valid in their own right. Denied
the high status of “literature”, fantasy generally has needed to justify its existence
with a purpose beyond simply appreciation. Without such justification, and
indeed sometimes as well as, fantasy is accused of compensation,189 escapism
and/or formulaic composition.190 As a result, much of contemporary discussion
of fantasy literature is framed in defensive terms, and much of the relevant criti-
cism is still directed towards justifying engagement with such fanciful narrative.
In relation to this point it should be noted that I have no intention of defend-
ing the role of fantasy literature in an educational, psychological or indeed any
other sense: I take, fundamentally, the position that these texts have value in and
of themselves. There has been much written defending fantasy fiction and its
various sub-genres from their detractors, due largely to a perceived bias against
them on the basis of the high/low literature division, or the association of child-
ishness with the subject matter.191 This assumed hierarchy of value pervades
most discussion of cultural products, from fine art to television programmes,
and, frankly, is largely a relic of earlier times. This is not to say, of course, that
all cultural products are of equal value, but rather that the attribution of value
is in all cases subjective. In this context, then, the simple fact of the existing
communities of interest surrounding most forms of fantasy fiction renders the
notion of discussing the texts purely in terms of literary merit or social func-
tion, for instance, irrelevant. Readings such as this in a social context imply a
proscriptive value system that renders audiences either unthinking dupes or
chronic escapists, neither of which are appropriate here. Given the history of
bias against these popular, rather than endorsed, forms, it seems appropriate
to clearly establish the position taken within this study.
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Chapter 2
ThE oThErkIN
More so than any other community of which I am aware, the Otherkin embod-
ies the particular conjunction of popular culture, spirituality, narrative fantasy
and new media communication forms. There are other groups that demonstrate
such a concurrence of themes, of which some will be briefly mentioned at the
end of this chapter, but the Otherkin stand as the premier exemplar of these
domains as conjunct locales. That being the case, the majority of this chapter
is a general and limited overview of the community as it exists online: general
insofar as each individual participant’s interests and beliefs are divergent enough
that detailed examination of specific aspects of the community inevitably leads
one into a morass of individual preference at the cost of accurate, if broad, rep-
resentation; and limited insofar as the following material is largely drawn from
one online nexus of the Otherkin community. It is important to understand that
the Otherkin are here taken as an exemplary community rather than an isolated
one: many others share similar, if not the same beliefs, but do not necessarily
associate with the rubric “Otherkin”. Thus the following material may ring true
to a Pagan, for instance, and yet they may have no affiliation whatsoever with
the community. I emphasize this point so as to illustrate that the beliefs dis-
cussed below are by no means limited to this particular community, but rather
that the Otherkin serve as exemplars of a broader trend.
the otheRKin
39
fantasy and belief
The Otherkin are a loosely affiliated group of likeminded individuals who have
formed a virtual online community. Their shared belief is that some people
are, either partially or completely, non-human. To quote another participant,
“Otherkin is a collective noun for an assortment of people who have come to
the somewhat unorthodox, and possibly quite bizarre, conclusion that they
identify themselves as being something other than human.”2 Further, they con-
sider themselves to be “an alternative community that accepts everything from
therianthropes to extraterrestrial fae”.3 In practice, there are a variety of self-
knowledges supported within the community, including constructions such
as a human body with a non-human soul, multiple souls within the one body,
a human who is a reincarnated non-human, and even occasionally those who
claim physical status as non-human. The types of non-human entities refer-
enced in this context include dragons, elves, vampires, lycanthropes, fairies,
fae and angels, as well as a plethora of specific characters and creatures sourced
from popular culture media creations, and even particular species that are the
creations of participants themselves.
Beyond the premise of the group, there seems little in common across the
community, with participants engaging in an eclectic personal mix of magic,
philosophy, metaphysical questing and self-inquiry. In line with the framework
offered by Christopher Partridge,4 they are clear participants in Occulture. As is
often the case within occultural spiritualities, the authority and priority is given
to personal lived experience,5 and there is a notable lack of a unified creed or
dogma.6 As a community the Otherkin function without formalized authority
structures, and focus largely on support and information sharing. The sense of
the non-human self, in whatever particular manifestation it may take, provides
both the foundation of and the impetus for the community.
It is important to reiterate that the designation “religion” in its everyday sense
is far too misleading to be used in terms of the Otherkin: while some partici-
pants may construe their other-than-humanness as a religious position, many
rightly deny any such association, and are generally far more likely to frame
their Otherkin-ness as a spiritual, rather than religious, position. Indicative of
this is that, in a recent survey,7 80 per cent of respondents constructed being
Otherkin as a spiritual position, whereas only 1.5 per cent considered it reli-
gious. As was prefigured in the introduction, the Otherkin do fall under the
academic substantive definition of religion, in so far as they uphold a belief in
the superempirical, but within the community this idea is somewhat contested.
On the other hand, they are incontestably a metaphysic, insofar as their para-
digm goes far beyond the tangible and the provable.
Location
The Otherkin are unusual in that they are a community that has developed
almost entirely online.8 While the beliefs held and shared by participants most
40
the otherkin
certainly pre-date the advent of the internet, the community itself is largely,
although not entirely, dependent upon the medium. In this I mean that, while
individuals have held this belief since before the popularization of the internet,
they did so in such small and isolated numbers that they did not constitute
a community in any practical sense of the term. This circumstance probably
arises from a number of points, such as a tendency to avoid espousing deviant
beliefs arising from fears of persecution, or a sense of personal alienation that
makes confidences unlikely, but most importantly it is simply an issue of geog-
raphy: participants have been physically too spread out to have formed sizable
communities until the internet made such associations feasible.
Online there is a wide array of presences pertaining to Otherkin commu-
nities and beliefs.9 There are personal web pages, community sites, forums,
discussion boards, mailing lists, Facebook groups, Otherkin in Second Life,
web rings, and so on. These various locales make up the Otherkin community
online, for all that individual participants may never cross paths in their digital
wanderings. There are many smaller communities existing under this broad
rubric, many of which may be more meaningful to individual participants than
the notion of the group as a whole. Suffice it to say that the Otherkin web pres-
ence is by and large a vast and sprawling network of individuals, interconnected
in a variety of ways. To give a detailed summary of the extent of that presence
is not particularly useful, but specific sites, highlighted by their regular appear-
ance as links as well as the nature of their content, may be taken as indicative
of the general thrust of the broader Otherkin community.
Otherkin.net is one such site, a focal point for the Otherkin community
online. It currently has 358 listed members,10 and as it is not necessary to sign up
to access Otherkin information, there are likely to be many more casual brows-
ers. It is also worth pointing out that since the inception of this research (2004),
the number of members on Otherkin.net have, at various points, reached as
high as 2500 (2010) and as low as 348.11 This site is, of course, only one among
many Otherkin sites online, and presumably represents only a fraction of indi-
viduals involving themselves with an Otherkin-like metaphysic. Their constitu-
ency is thinly spread across the world, with participants from the United States
most heavily represented.12 There is no particularly obvious gender inequity,
although it is impossible to be sure, given the overt identity construction and
play that occurs within this context. The site contains a wealth of information,
including essays, links to Otherkin websites and media reports on Otherkin,
an Otherkin directory, an Otherkin wiki, as well as access to mailing lists and
events information. The entire site reflects a grassroots philosophy in the sense
that it does not present a monolithic message, but rather attempts to make
accessible a variety of views about the nature of the Otherkin. For instance, the
essay section reflects this tendency well. A new member or interested seeker is
directed to introductory papers outlining the general substance of what consti-
tutes the Otherkin. Beyond this recommended reading, there is a large selection
41
fantasy and belief
42
the otherkin
have, as can be imagined, been heralded as both triumphs for the freedom of
information and the death of accurate information. While both positions are
excessively extreme, there is a element of truth to both. What is perhaps more
interesting, however, is the actual impact that such technologies have on the
way individuals use and interact within such contexts.
Social networking sites such as Facebook have also been adopted by Otherkin
participants. Beyond this, user-created compilations such as an Otherkin wiki
on Otherkin.net is indicative of the non-hierarchical user-oriented inclinations
of the group. It also demonstrates the degree to which such communities are
engaged in the cultural transformations of new media, and, in the case of the
Otherkin, were quite early adopters of these forms. On the other hand, though,
upholding their importance in relation to the Otherkin may be somewhat mis-
leading. While these aspects are important in and of themselves, the Otherkin
network effectively functions in this manner anyway. It is all user-created
content, and, short of exclusion due to unacceptable behaviour, participants do
not appear to be censured in what they make available within the community.
In a nutshell, then, it would seem that the presence of networked and digitally
literate approaches are important insofar as they indicate a strong engagement
with current trends in digital community and communication, it does not in
practice particularly add anything to the community that was not there already.
Cosmology
43
fantasy and belief
a focus on these kinds of questions. As will be explored below, the Elenari elves
are, for instance, involved in actively seeking to better understand their home
worlds, whether they are understood as located on another planet or in another
dimension.22 In other cases, some participants posit an earlier age on Earth that
was populated with then extant but now mythical creatures.23 In such cases
the separation from a more mundane, everyday reality is framed in temporal,
rather than spatial or dimensional, terms. With other participants, the locales
from which the non-human entities are drawn are psychic in nature, internal
worlds that are ambiguously situated somewhere between the psyche and the
larger universe. While this summary is somewhat of a simplification, it gives
some indication of the variety of locales which participants either explicitly
state or implicitly suggest contain some form of valid reality. In general, though,
the issue of location seems to be of one of lesser interest to most Otherkin. As
one participant has noted, “when you get right down to it, being Otherkin isn’t
really about what you were in the past or on some other plane; it’s about who
and what you are now, here – on Earth in the 21st century”.24
While defining maps of reality, be they physical or metaphysical in nature,
does not seem to be of central concern to the Otherkin community as a whole,
the creatures populating both this and other worlds seem to lie closer to the
heart of Otherkin self-inquiry. This emphasis is no surprise given the central
premise of the group, and indeed to a degree appears to dictate association
within subsections of the group. Many of the mailing lists associated with
the Otherkin are in fact divided along species lines, with mailing lists such as
“Midwest Weres”, “Truewyrm” and “Angelkin”25 giving a good indication of the
way that participants relate within the group. This emphasis upon species type
makes sense when one considers what, for instance, a dragon and a vampire
might have in common beyond the sense of being other-than-human. Further,
as already noted, the very use of the term “community” in this case tends to
imply a whole set of forms of interaction that are simply not apparent with
the Otherkin: this is not a singular monolithic body of individuals following
the same creed; rather, it appears more like a large number of individuals that
crossed paths, creating a network of interactions.
44
the otherkin
45
fantasy and belief
46
the otherkin
specifically with issues arising from the particular orientation of the commu-
nity. These community frameworks give a very specific insight into the types of
problems such communities experience internally, and have been reproduced
here in their entirety.36
1. I’m not going to insult your intelligence by telling you not to flame
other people, respect each other’s opinions, etc. etc. THAT SHOULD
BE VERY BASIC BY NOW. If you cannot be civil or not-flame,
please contact your ISP and tell them not to let you near a computer
the rest of your human life so we can avoid that hassle.
– On basic respect, real quick: Try to be civil if someone just poured
their heart out.
– On arguments, debates, whatever: There is a time and place for
everything. Your opinions are valued but if you’re hormonal,
going to explode in a fiery pile of rage, or have no idea what
you’re talking about, you might want to take a deep breath, look
over what you’ve written or maybe not reply at all.
2. This community was originally for those who believe themselves to
be fictionkin/mediakin/otakukin, however we accept Soulbonders
with Bonds from fictional sources, people who are unsure or the
plain old curious folks. A good description lies here by the person
who even coined the phrase to begin with. As long as you’re respect-
ful, play nice and don’t act like a gossiping troll, you’ll be fine.
3. Some SPECIFIC Otherkin restrictions! Sorry if you find these
unreasonable, but dammit, respect them!
– If you’re a Multiple or Soulbond or something with multiple
LJ accounts for each of your personalities, only ONE journal is
welcome to Otakin. If you must make a “general “ LJ for all of
them just to join this community, then so be it. Violation of this
rule will result in all members representing the one being thrown
out until compliance is made. If you think this is unfair, I am
sorry, but we need to have a good idea of exactly WHO is in the
community.
– Avoid nit picking another’s interpretation of the same myth. If
someone mistakenly calls themselves an (anime) Sylph when in
fact everything they describe is Pixie-derived then contact them
privately and discuss it there. While it is true many Otherkin have
stuff that is violently inaccurate, try to keep your frustration to a
minimum. Don’t forget that what you’re arguing about cannot be
proved one way or another in the physical realm! This also applies
to stuff made up that is paralleled by myth.
– Keep mundane-bashing to a minimum. Or if you must, try to
keep it civil and intelligent. Yes, they may confuse or wrong you,
47
fantasy and belief
and you can even express frustration but please try to take a note
from their book and love the sinner, hate the sin.
– No one has “property” on a character. If someone says they’re
Squall from Final Fantasy 8, and someone else joins claiming to
be Squall, you’re not allowed to play childish games to try and
edge out the other. Pretend parallelities exist, even if you don’t
want to. Technically no one has ownership of any of the content
except their “rightful legal” owners.
– On that note … Any disagreement on astral/dimensional physics
is to be resolved on scientific principals and compassionate
debate. If the physics of either argument have no scientific base,
the debate will be considered totally moot. Some of you may not
like this world, but it’s going to be the line of reference this com-
munity is using.37
As can be seen, Otherkin communities deal with a number of issues that are
particular to the metaphysic. Some issues, such as the use of numerous accounts
for different entities within the same body, are so specific that it seems unlikely
that any other type of community would face such challenges to the degree
that they are problem solving via community rules. It is also apparent, from
the heavy iteration of the need for mutual respect, that the personal under-
standing and interpretation of the particular narratives and entities is of great
importance and probably one of the more contested areas of discussion. It is
also worth pointing out that “the ‘rightful legal’ owners” almost certainly refers
to the copyright holders of particular works of fiction. For instance, Squaresoft
and/or Sony would be the rightful owners of the character Squall mentioned
above, as the company that produced the game within which Squall is a central
character.
One particular point of interest in the above extract is the explicit state-
ment of the physically unverifiable nature of the topics in question coupled
with the injunction to utilize the notion of parallel realities irrespective of one’s
personal beliefs. The notion that two or more individuals may be Squall from
Final Fantasy VIII, and further that this issue is clearly contentious for some
participants, raises some fascinating implications. First, the multiple individu-
als engaging with the single entity leads the outsider to tend towards inter-
pretation of the entity as a sort of variant upon the notion of archetypes. Is
Squall, instead of being an entity to which is ascribed a unique set of attributes
that would constitute some form of personhood,38 rather viewed as a sort of
generic character or the personification of a type? The latter suggestion could
point towards an explanation of how multiple individuals could access the same
entity. And yet, that some participants require warning against “owning” enti-
ties re-emphasizes that these characters are seen as specific, not general. Second,
it is clear that the idea of parallel or multiple realities is not universally held by
48
the otherkin
affiliated individuals, which in turn prompts the question of how they might
conceptualize the world in which they might be, or be able to communicate
with, characters from narrative outside of the text. This point leads towards an
excess of personal answers, rather than the general summary that is the goal
here, but it is nonetheless important to emphasize such divergence in Otherkin
interpretations of reality.
The texts utilized by the Otherkin cover a range of territories, from fantasy fiction
through to non-fiction texts as well as mythology and classical literature.39 As
Graham Harvey has noted, “No Paganism has a dogmatic creed, few of its varie-
ties are represented by allegedly authoritative texts, and certainly there is no
single writer who is universally persuasive.”40 This statement may be accurately
applied to the Otherkin as well. Intriguingly, like the worlds discussed previ-
ously, the fantastic texts themselves do not generally loom large in the group’s
discussions, although fantasy and mythological narrative is clearly central to
the community, if only as an illustrative source for the creatures associated with
it. There are a number of individual Otherkin book lists available online which
provide a good indication of the general reading interests of the community.
The recommended reading section of Otherkin.net offers a clear example of
the texts considered as worthy of engagement.41 Among others, the suggested
texts include the works of Michael Ende, Christopher Paolini, Clive Barker, Neil
Gaimon, Anne McCaffery, Terry Goodkind, J. R. R.Tolkien and Terry Brooks,
all of which could be considered to be fantasy canon. It should be noted here
that the use of the term “canon” here does not necessarily line up with schol-
arly approaches to literature,42 but rather refers to classics when understood as
emerging from a fan type of appreciation. While such texts may be of a some-
what dubious literary stature, and tend to fall into the somewhat derogatory cat-
egory of commodified fantasy,43 they are nonetheless appreciated by readers for
other reasons. These fantasy texts generally include elves, dragons and the like
within their various speculative worlds, but the provided reading lists are by no
means limited to the fantasy genre. Beyond these genre narratives, the reading
list also includes texts written by Otherkin44 and non-fiction works also.45
Even in limiting attention just to the fantasy texts, these reading lists cannot be
viewed as comprehensive guides to fantasy literature, as might be assumed if
one were to view participants primarily as members of a fan culture or society
of appreciation. What becomes clear from the book lists, as well as the music
and movie recommendations, is an overwhelming emphasis upon evocative,
supportive texts concerned with either imaginative otherworlds or re-enchant-
ment narratives. The vast majority of the recommended section emphasizes
magical worldviews, whether the narratives are located on earth or elsewhere.
49
fantasy and belief
50
the otherkin
Des’tai is the following of the Way; it is dancing with the song of the
Universe. The word Des’tai translates as “being on the path” or “the
Good Path.” It has also been considered to mean “way of light” or the
“right/light way.” What it really means is similar of the Way of the Tao,
or the Way of the Wyrd – the weaving together of reality – but the dif-
ference is that Des’tai flows in the way which is most harmonious for
all involved. Not the path of least resistance, but the path of harmony
– that which leads to greater harmony.52
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fantasy and belief
This notion of Des’tai, with the emphasis upon flows and the ideal of harmoni-
ous interaction with reality, is strikingly similar to Earth- or nature-centred
magical paradigms. Des’tai is distinct from magic when understood as a tech-
nical tool, but is the underlying premise for engagement in the world. Magic,
in this framework, is rather intentional approaches to energy that complement
the ontological meanings of Des’tai:
Energy Flows are energies which permeate our reality and which can
be caused to flow and used to make things happen. For example, Ley
Lines are a common type of Energy Flow, and are used by some Elenari
to do things directly, or to do Workings. Nature (Gaia), Storm, Solar,
and Lunar energies can be used as energy flows, if one has an affinity for
them, or at least doesn’t have a strong sensitivity to them. Source energy
is the underlying energy of creation and Elenari touch the Source in
connection with reading, bending, or weaving the Flows and other
magic workings, and in the Des’tai sense of dancing with the song of
the Universe.53
In short, the Elenari are not only finding personally meaningful ways of expe-
riencing and expressing their non-human aspects, but are also fleshing out
broader cosmologies, histories, cultures and meanings, not to mention magical
techniques and philosophies, that resonate validly with their individual and
shared experiences. In the process, they are also providing something that, to
an outsider without the associated experiences, reads like enjoyable fiction.
Two important points must be raised at this juncture. First, the implications
that I, as a researcher, find in the metaphysic of the Otherkin are not necessar-
ily of particular concern to participants, nor are they engaged in any specific
attempt to consolidate a singular or cohesive framework of belief. This group
is premised, first and foremost, in an experientially based metaphysic, and as
such upholds the lived experience of the individual as the primary, and indeed
only, arbiter of truth claims. Second, it is extremely important to note that any
statements made about the community as a whole are not necessarily reflective
of the beliefs of specific individuals. This overview is an attempt to highlight
broad trends and point towards the underlying assumptions of the metaphysic,
rather than attempting an exhaustive case study.
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the otherkin
53
fantasy and belief
54
the otherkin
to the belief than the texts themselves; and, fourth, that the representation of
entities and worlds in fiction is the beginning rather than the end point of an
Otherkin metaphysic.
Awakening
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fantasy and belief
56
the otherkin
take to their own metaphysic, a focus indicative of the “subjective turn” noted
in relation to postmodern and late modern religion.72 Indeed, beliefs such as
those held by the Otherkin are clear instances of occultural bricolage,73 drawing
as they do from wide varieties of sources that are chosen between at the discre-
tion of the individual.
Soulbonding
There are a number of associated ideas that are not strictly part of the Otherkin
community, but nonetheless clearly overlap. To some participants these ideas
may be considered contentious, while to others they may constitute a central
aspect of the metaphysic. Like almost all of the body of knowledge utilized by
the Otherkin, these further aspects of the metaphysic may be effectively viewed
as discrete areas of belief and practice with extremely blurred boundaries. Two
of these overlapping spheres of self-knowledge will be explored here: soulbond-
ing and multiples.
Soulbonding is a concept that appears regularly in relation to Otherkin type
beliefs. While not necessarily Otherkin, the essential idea of soulbonding is
quite complimentary to Otherkin type beliefs. It is quite a contentious term,
and depending on the individual, meanings can range from the extremely eso-
teric through to the purely psychological. As with most neologisms, though, a
median point can be ascertained that generally describes what is signified by
the term.
The two most supported definitions of a soulbond on the Urban Dictionary are:
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fantasy and belief
Alternatively, it is “the adoption into one’s mind, into personal mental space,
of characters from history, video games, films, books, TV anime, daily life”.77
As is to be expected, the idea is not a static one, but rather a cluster of experi-
ential knowledge that is emphasized differently according to the agenda and
philosophy of each individual participant. Importantly, this notion is distinct
from Otherkin or Otakukin, as these beliefs pertain to the sense of self as being,
to a degree at least, non-human, but importantly the focus is on the individual.
Soulbonding, on the other hand, is specifically discussing the relationships
between individual entities, which may or may not inhabit the same bodies,
but are clearly discrete personages.
Soulbonding at the spiritual/metaphysical end of the perspective becomes a
full-blown interpersonal relationship, and occurs in all the variety that human
relationships may, be that as a lover, a friend or a mentor and so on. In these
cases, the non-human entity is an entirely self-contained individual, albeit
almost never physical, and interacts with participants as such. Participants
may experience their soulbonds as nominally outside themselves, and although
some refer to having had their bodies taken over occasionally, this does not
appear to be the norm. The spaces within which soulbonds exist vary between
participants, with some locating them within a “soulscape”, others within the
physical realm, and others referencing the astral, and others again simply refer-
ring broadly to alternative realities or dimensions. A soulscape appears to be
one’s inner space, a personal landscape contained within the self that may or
may not extend beyond the bounds of the psyche.78
In a slightly different context, constructed psychologically rather than
metaphysically, soulbonding is also used to refer to the nature of relationships
formed between an author and the characters they create. This relationship can
apparently be very intense, but is not considered to be a spiritual thing. The
contexts where such an interpretation seems to hold sway tend to lean heavily
towards emerging writers’ communities and fan fiction, rather than the more
magical or spiritual orientation viewable in the more metaphysical interpreta-
tion of the term. In relation to the Otherkin, soulbonding tends to overlap with
the Mediakin or Otakukin subculture, and errs towards the superempirical.
Multiples
One of the particularly intriguing aspects of the Otherkin and associated ide-
ologies is the diversity of communities that share similar philosophies. Take,
for instance, the notion of multiples. They are considered by participants to
be distinct from soulbonds, and are not necessarily, although sometimes are,
Otherkin. Multiples are simply “anyone with more than one entity in their
body”.79 Multiples is a very broad term, and incorporates within it concepts such
as channelling in various forms, reincarnation, walk-ins (exterior entities taking
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the otherkin
up residence within another body), and even a concept of possible mind genera-
tion (the psychic birthing of new entities).80 The varieties of constructions are
extremely individual, as are the natures of the hosted entities. Multiples relate
to the Otherkin community insofar as one or many of the cohabiting entities
may themselves be Otherkin, even if the majority of beings within the one body
may be human.
Many multiples (particularly those still stuck in therapy culture) will
speak of their “inner lands.” While this is a useful metaphor for some,
and for a while, our lands are not “inside” the body, not created by, nor
contained within the body’s mind. To speak of them as such is both
demeaning and unrealistic.
We come from different worlds which share a common portal with
this world. That portal is this earth-body. Some of us choose to come
from our worlds to interact in this earth world that you know. Many
thousands of others do not. As we understand it, there are three distinct
planets which all portal to Earth through this one body …
These are not RPGs [role-playing games]. We are not playing roles.
This is not about soul-bonding. These are not imaginary worlds, not
made up to entertain ourselves or others. Life in these worlds is real in
any way you define it – including the laws of action and reaction, cause
and effect, results and consequences. This is multiplicity, in one of its
many possible presentations. These are our realities, in worlds beyond
the one you know.81
Although this extract refers to multiples, an associated yet not precisely Other-
kin form of metaphysic, the similar premises incorporated into the belief
structures are clear. Unknown yet experientially valid worlds, complex and
conglomerate notions of the self, the priority of personal experience, and a
magical paradigm are all common themes within this type of belief. In par-
ticular, the notion of the body as a portal is of unique and particular interest.
The above statement makes it abundantly clear that participants do not think
of such a paradigm as simply an imaginative or evocative position. At the very
least, such a stance is certainly not limited to constructions of the psyche. The
iteration of the reality of these experiences of other worlds, and the denial
of these beliefs as simply role-playing are constant enough in Otherkin and
associated online presences that they warrant particular attention: most par-
ticipants are emphatically not interested in being mistaken for anything other
than serious and genuine in their beliefs. From their online presences, it is
also abundantly clear that participants are by no means unaware of the paral-
lels between such beliefs and medical conditions such as dissociative identity
disorder.82 It should be noted that there appears to be no denial of the reality of
such disorders, but rather that many participants feel that it is an inappropriate
categorization for their personal perceptions of reality.
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fantasy and belief
While the position outlined in the above extract is clearly extremely indi-
vidual and specific, it is indicative of the types of construction viewable within
and around the Otherkin community. It is also worth noting that this extract
highlights again the particular and variable nature of the terminology used,
and the complications of moving from the general to the specific. I, as an out-
sider reading the above, would be inclined to construe the writer’s position as
falling under the rubric of soulbonding, albeit with its own specific permuta-
tions. To the participant cited above, however, this is clearly not the case as any
association with soulbonding is explicitly denied. This type of disassociation
is not unusual within the Otherkin and other groups like it, where practices
and beliefs that appear typologically related are explicitly denied relationship.
In any case, the above extract clearly demonstrates that individual practition-
ers are actively engaged in understanding and, to a degree, mapping their own
cosmologies.
Overview
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the otherkin
from Heinlein’s Stranger in a Strange Land83 and also were the first Pagan group
to get recognition by the US government as a religious body. Similarly, Jediism
has been thrust into public awareness through the 2001 censuses in Australia
and the UK.84 Star Trek has long had observers unsure as to where the line
between fan-type appreciation and religious belief actually lies.85 This next
section will briefly touch upon some few of the many groups that engage in
the particular combination of fantasy narrative, popular media and metaphysi-
cal or spiritual enquiry. The purpose of this is twofold: first, to demonstrate a
structural continuity between these quite disparate metaphysical systems; and,
second, to illustrate the varieties of belief that are born from this particular
conjunction of themes. Particular attempt has been made to illustrate diversity
rather than conformity of metaphysic, and the groups mentioned below have
been chosen accordingly.
For all that the following groups demonstrate the use of speculative or fan-
tastic narrative, heavy engagement in popular culture artefacts, and new media
forums, the importance of these component parts varies across groups. The
status of the fictional input is of particular interest as the overt locus of the
various metaphysics. As a broad frame of reference, the treatments of fantastic
narrative in these groups fall into three categories: as the inspiration of belief, as
evocative support for belief, or as the object of belief itself. The Otherkin would
generally fall into the latter category, individual variations notwithstanding. The
groups covered in this next section demonstrate somewhat less deviant, if still
entirely heartfelt, relationships to fantasy narrative.
JeDiism
One good example of fictional narrative used as the inspiration for a developing
belief system is Jediism. Jediism, simply put, appears to be the personal accept-
ance of the moral and spiritual code attributed to the Jedi, characters in George
Lucas’s classic film trilogy Star Wars. This community appears closely related
to the massive fan culture surrounding Star Wars, as the following quote will
attest, but still self-consciously separates itself from a more mundane reading
of communities of appreciation.
We’ve all seen the movies. We bought the DVDs and the toys. We imag-
ined what it would be like to be a Jedi. We went online and met others
who thought like we did. We met online, we grew online, and we began
organizing online. We encouraged each other to take the life we talked
about online, offline; at work, as neighbours, as friends. We were no
longer “role-playing,” but Jedi Realists, making the Jedi way how we
lived our lives.86
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the otherkin
pAgAnism
The most common example of the use of fiction as evocative support for a
spiritual stance is contemporary Paganism, or Neo-Paganism. Although general
statements about this movement are nigh on impossible to make accurately,
their tendency to find paradigmatic support in fictional texts has been well
noted.95 Indeed, as a group they are unusual for relying far more upon creative
texts than polemic literature,96 and many Pagans find the path to their faith
through immersion in the fantastic worlds of speculative fiction.97 Paganism
draws upon a vast array of texts to support its worldviews, as a brief perusal of
any Pagan booklist will attest. These texts are often seen as ideal type examples
of the world as it should be, evoking the types of relationships between human-
ity, nature, and divinity that are essential to a Pagan paradigm. The works of
Terry Pratchett and Robert Holdstock are central examples of the kinds of
narrative fiction utilized in support of Pagan worldviews.98
Paganism has been characterized as “a pervasive ideology with its own
dynamic, at first kindled by an individual’s interest in the non-material world,
sparked by the imagination and fired by a fascination with the occult”.99 While
broad, this understanding successfully allows the inclusion of the many prac-
tices and philosophies that fall under the rubric of Paganism. It has also been
understood as a conglomerate term to refer to “all those modern movements
which are, firstly, based on the conviction that what Christianity has tradition-
ally denounced as idolatry and superstition actually represents/represented
a profound and meaningful religious worldview”.100 A Pagan may practice
Witchcraft,101 Shamanism102 or Jungian psychology; may be a feminist, a
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fantasy and belief
One Pagan group that provides an excellent example of the utilization of fic-
tional narrative is the Church of All Worlds.104 In this case the relationship to
the text can be seen as providing the inspiration for, as well as support of, the
beliefs of its members. Formally incorporated in the 1970s,105 this group was the
first Pagan collective to be granted legal status as a church in the United States.
The underlying coherency of the Church of All Worlds philosophy is based in a
deep respect and engagement with the natural world, best highlighted by their
founder’s proposal of the “Gaia book”.106 This group tends to combine deep
ecology with practical Wiccan magic and the libertarian philosophies espoused
within A Stranger in a Strange Land.107
The Church of All Worlds pays homage to A Stranger in a Strange Land by
Robert Heinlein as the source of its inspiration. A classic science fiction novel
of the 1960s, the narrative follows the story of a Martian raised human who is
returned to Earth. This text portrays, among other things, an ideal of human
interaction where friends become “waterkin” (an extremely intimate relation-
ship within which everything is open and shared). This ideal, among others,
resonated so strongly with the founding members of the Church that they
adopted the associated terminology alongside the ideology into the practice of
their faith. In this case, then, it can be seen that the fictional text was central to
the both the origins and development of the group.
It is worth noting that Stranger in a Strange Land inspired not only the
Church of All Worlds, but also other similar, albeit more secretive, groups
premised in the creations of the book. Indeed, Charles Manson stands as the
premier example of this, and is attributed with a deep fixation with Stranger
in a Strange Land.108 It has also been asserted that terminology such as “grok”,
the Martian term for deep understanding, within the text, became commonly
used within the family.109
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oveRview
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fantasy and belief
Popular Culture, or as fans, such as Jindra’s inquiry into the religiosity of Star
Trek fandom.110 This research, on the other hand, seeks to explore some of the
trends within Western popular and digital culture that are to some degree con-
tinuous with, and supportive of, the beliefs of the Otherkin and other similar
groups. While countless volumes could be devoted to unpicking the sources and
extrapolations of groups like the Otherkin, Jediism and aspects of Paganism,
the rest of this book is given over to the exploration of some few themes that
underpin beliefs of this sort. In particular, the themes of identity and magic,
and both narrative and pragmatic world creation will be considered as central
aspects of these types of metaphysics. The following exploration effectively
constitutes a circumambulation of intersecting themes in order to arrive at a
context for such beliefs that acknowledges both the internal and the external,
the sacred and the secular, the personal paradigms and the popular cultures.
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the otherkin
importance. Approaching these themes as a milieu opens the way for discus-
sion of fantasy narratives being personally actualized while maintaining space
for the apparent vast diversity of texts.
The proposed framework is related to the idea of the mega-text as put
forward by Brooke-Rose111 and Broderick,112 the thick text of Kaveney,113 and
the notion of icons as presented by Wolfe.114 These constructions directly relate
to science fiction, and revolve around what is essentially a notion of narrative
archetype.115 These theorists utilize such ideas in specific relation to science
fiction, but the notion may be profitably translated into discussions of fantasy
as well. The mega-text in Brooke-Rose’s discussion is essentially the broader
world created to underpin narrative: a history, social structure, geography and
so on.116 The mega-text allows the reader an interpretive anchor: particularly
necessary as sci-fi and, presumably, fantasy suffer from the lack of external ref-
erent,117 being, as they are, usually situated within discrete tertiary worlds more
or less unrelated to the primary. Broderick expands this notion by incorporat-
ing the cumulative effect of generations of sci-fi, pointing towards the accrual
of genre specific conventions, topoi such as the robot or the spaceship,118 called
icons by Wolfe:119
1. The icon connotes the opposition between the known and the unknown,
and thus serves as a structural pivot for the work of which it is a part;
2. The icon represents not a mimetic, but what has been called a “subjunctive”
reality, portraying hypothetical environments and beings rather than imi-
tations of real ones, and thus encompassing by its very mode of meaning
a fundamental sensibility of the genre; and
3. The meaning of icons involves psychological and cultural levels as well
as fictive and aesthetic ones, so that the emotional power of a particular
icon does not derive exclusively from the aesthetic structure of which it is
a part.120
Such icons may be utilized by authors in many ways, even in contexts mutually
exclusive, but they develop a set of intrinsic meanings that regular readers of
such narratives become aware of. Like the mega-text of Broderick, the “thick
text” of Kaveney refers to the massive worlds created by various narratives and
their dependence upon the integration of broader themes to embed them with
meaning.121 The fantastic milieu, I propose, is constituted in precisely this way,
in that the icons of fantasy, while constructed with many different manifesta-
tions, effectively contain essential natures that participants are aware of.
To utilize these narrative theories, however, is to remain limited within
textual worlds and to theories of literature. To be of use here, however, the
notion of a fantastic milieu extends beyond the bounds of the fantasy canon.
The central point of proposing the idea of a fantastic milieu is that the relevant
concepts such as fantastic creatures, magical abilities, and multiple worlds are
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not confined to the territories of fantasy narrative. They also manifest within
the realms of popular cultures, occultural metaphysics and magic, and virtual
worlds. As the instance of the Otherkin attest, an interested individual is just
as able to engage with the more than human through games and non-narrative
based virtual worlds as they are through Paganism or reading fantasy. Thus any
inquiry into their source material or the cultural underpinnings of the meta-
physic must address these various sources.
Groups such as the Otherkin are engaging primarily in a fantastic milieu
in which concepts drawn from occulture, fantasy and popular digital cultures
imbricate and become cross-fertile. It seems most likely that the appropri-
ate cultural situation for the fantastic milieu is as a sub-section of occulture
that extends significantly into the worlds of mainstream popular culture. This
extension is important as occulture has traditionally been associated with dis-
enfranchised and alternative knowledges, whereas mainstream elements are
demonstrably present, and significant aspects of the fantastic milieu.
It should be noted that the following two chapters outline a territory that
is vast, intricate, and deeply complex in its interrelations. As a result of this
complexity, trends are demonstrated through examples rather than exhaustive
exploration of each area. It is important to note, however, that for every instance
provided here, there are hundreds if not thousands of other examples. In the
same way that the Otherkin are but one instance of a larger trend, so too are
the following chapters dealing with content that is illustrative of the broader
cultural tendencies being explored.
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Chapter 3
While groups such as the Otherkin are fascinating in and of themselves, the fact
that they are still in a formative phase suggests an inclination away from further
analysis of the group themselves. Rather, it is the broader cultural circumstances
within which they have appeared that warrants attention at this point. The clear
relationship with fantasy narrative and the continuation of occultural themes
are both firm anchors that situate the Otherkin, and other like groups, within
a broader cultural confluence. Such a confluence not only deserves atten-
tion, but also potentially may go some way to illuminating the context within
which individuals are situating themselves outside of the rubric of humanity.
This chapter approaches some of the subjectivities and the “otherness” of the
Otherkin through an investigation of the fictional representations of the relevant
fantastic creatures. By viewing the fictional element of the ontology as well as
the supporting occultural paradigms, it is hoped that the underlying substance
and affiliations of the Otherkin metaphysic will become more apparent.
This chapter is a study of both the creatures of fantasy literature and the
broader cultural context of occulture: here I explore the connections made by
participants (i.e. with fantastic creatures) and locate such approaches along-
side other similar ideologies (such as the continuity between a Neo-Pagan
worldview and an Otherkin one). The various species of self mentioned in
an Otherkin context occur within the myths and folklore of the world as well
as more recent fantasies, and a brief survey of narrative representations will
provide, firstly, a sense of their presences in both a spatial and a temporal sense
and, secondly, allow the central associations and imagery of such creatures to
become evident. This will, at least partially, illuminate the appeal of being other
than human, as well as demonstrating how a notion of the other than human
is continuous with other contemporary alternative ideologies.
This sense of the self as “other than human” is bound up not only within
fantastic literature and its contemporary proliferation, but also within a
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fantasy and belief
FAntAstic cReAtuRes
This section is given over to exploring the spread and type of representations
of some of the more prevalent creatures associated with by Otherkin: dragons,
elves, vampires, therianthropic creatures, fairies, angels and demons. It should
be noted, however, that the various Otherkin species are immensely varied and
these are but a few of many more. Other types are also not limited to fantastic
creatures, and also include physical animals, humans and cartoon characters.
This exploration is aimed particularly at developing a sense of the broad liter-
ary genealogies of these most popular creatures, their cultural situation, and
their general attributes.
The various creatures described here may be seen to exist somewhere
between ideas of the non human and the superhuman. At the non-human end
of the spectrum are creatures like dragons, elves and fairies. Such creatures
are emphatically outside of the human sphere: essentially “other”, for all that
some are humanoid. Somewhere between the non-human and the superhuman
are creatures such as vampires or werewolves. Both of these types of monster
indicate a form of departure from the human: through a pact with the devil or
malign influence the human is transformed into something monstrous. While
the vampire and the werewolf relate respectively to the unrestful dead and the
savage animal, both are nonetheless images of the human changed. At the other
end of the trajectory is the superhuman, those individuals with all their human-
ity intact who also hold additional powers. Slightly outside of this schema are
entities such as angels and demons, particularly due to their specific role as
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fantasy and re - enchantment
intermediary beings within theological systems, and their very strong associa-
tion with biblical content. It should be noted that this approach is in no way
proposing a formal classification, but rather is simply designed to demonstrate
that the associations given to the various creatures are quite distinct in terms
of their relationship to the human. Correspondingly, it may be that Otherkin
of various types approach their relationship with their own “other” in distinct
ways. These various creatures, while all constituting other-than-human beings,
all own specific imagery, associations, and different levels of cultural diffu-
sion. Given the Otherkin emphasis upon such creatures, it seems reasonable to
begin this circumambulation here, with some of the non-human entities that
Otherkin feel themselves to be.
Dragons
First and foremost, the dragon is the symbol of the fluid, rapid, startling
movement of life within us … From earliest times, man has been aware
of a “power” or potency within him – and also outside him – which he
has no ultimate control over. It is a fluid rippling potency which can
lie quite dormant, sleeping, and yet be ready to leap out unexpectedly.1
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Elves
Elves historically appear most significantly within the northern European tra-
ditional literatures.19 In particular, both the Poetic Edda 20 and the Prose Edda,21
the great epics of the Nordic tradition, contain numerous references to elves,
or álfr.
There is one [place] called Alfheim, and there live the people called the
light elves, but the dark elves live down in the earth and they are unlike
the others in appearance and much more so in character. The light
elves are fairer than the sun to look upon, but the dark elves, blacker
than pitch.22
The light elves and the dark elves were distinct from other mythical creatures
such as dwarves, although such distinctions are somewhat confused within
these texts.23 Within a folkloric context, elves were often considered rather
negative or ambivalent: sometimes thought to shoot people with elf-shot, they
were regularly blamed for both human and animal disease.24 Elves were also
on occasion associated with deviant sexual behaviours and often considered
the owners of great beauty.25 This image of the elf as mischievous or downright
troublesome was not consistent, however: they were also sometimes under-
stood as forest spirits, benign and small.26 The word “elf ”, an Anglo-Saxon term,
originally denoted spirits in general.27 Indeed, it has been proposed that the old
English term actually developed from a translator, who, frustrated by the lack
of equation between the specific Latin terms such as dryads or nymphs, simply
used the term elf with a descriptor place before it (i.e. sea-elf, wood-elf, etc.).28
Previous to the development of a modern fantasy canon, there is little
distinction made between elves and fairies, and, indeed, these terms appear
to have been used interchangeably.29 While this factor arguably undermines
treating elves and fairies as separate categories, the difficulty is mitigated by
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fantasy and belief
Fairies
“The fairies then are the hidden folk, who in their subterranean world are con-
cealed from us; and who when they come up into the world of humans, can put
on their cloak of concealment and move about unseen by humans.”41 Fairies,
on the other hand, seem more clearly the direct descendants of the folkloric
traditions. As noted above, the distinction between fairies and elves is very
much unclear. The term “fairy” is thought to be derived from fay,42 which in
turn grew from fata, the roman Fates.43 While they appear largely in European
and Asian cultures,44 they also have a presence within American narratives.45
They may be helpers or bringers of omens; they might be geographically asso-
ciated; they may group or be solitary.46 In practical terms it may be possibly
to say that fairies are the general category of which the contemporary imagery
of elves are a specific subsection. Carter proposes a four-part division to assist
with the classification of fairies:47
1. the fays
2. certain monsters and demons having a connection with fairies and/or
having some of the characteristics of fairies
3. the nature fairies
4. the fairy people.
According to this schema, the fays are magic users, and may be either human,
other, or some variation between. The second category is self-explanatory and
not relevant here, as such creatures are treated separately. The nature fairies are
of particular interest in that they include a variety of beings associated with or
tied to the natural world: dryads, forest spirits, and the like. The fourth category,
the fairy people, are just that: different peoples of fairy. The Tuatha de Danann
fall into this category, as do others such as the Scandinavian alfar. So, in addi-
tion to elves, dryads, and forest spirits, the general idea of fairies also includes
brownies, leprechauns, pixies, sprites, goblins, mermaids and so on. This list
should suffice to demonstrate that the category tends towards inclusivity, and
can more or less be seen to refer to any non-human, magical being. It is assumed
that the fourth category of fairy people can be considered more or less com-
mensurate with elves, already dealt with in the previous section.
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Here, fairies are taken to refer to the third category, nature fairies. This cat-
egory may be seen as akin or overlapping with the elemental creatures48 and
forces of occultist thought. Indeed, there is a long-standing and well-established
belief in elemental spirits. Validated in the work of Paracelsus but widely known
through folklore,49 these elemental spirits were the corresponding entities to
the four elements, and accordingly live within the world appropriately to their
nature:50 “Those in the water are nymphs, those in the air are sylphs, those in
the earth are pygmies, those in the fire salamanders … The name of the water
people is also undina, and of the air people sylvestres, and of the mountain
people gnomi, and of the fire people vulcani.”51
Traditionally, fairies were often also extremely good at crafts. Spinning,
smithing, shoe crafting and mining were often practical skills they excelled at,
as well as more elusive talents like music and dance.52 Strongly associated with
such entities is the use of glamour, “a mesmerism or enchantment cast over
the senses, so that things were perceived or not perceived as the enchanter
wished”.53 Fairies have a range of relations with humans: depending upon type,
they might help or harm people, or even be entirely ambivalent. Once again,
though, fairies are usually associated with magic, either inherent or as the result
of casting spells.
Representation in contemporary media is somewhat elusive: if looking spe-
cifically for nymphs or gnomes and so on, imagery is somewhat scarce. There
are certain narratives, such as Spirited Away, the Harry Potter stories and Pan’s
Labyrinth, which contain a plethora of spirits, but by and large there is only
limited representation available within contemporary media. Unsurprisingly,
given the usual equation between folklore and children’s stories, the majority
of such narratives occur within the context of films and books for children,
and often seems to simply be a way of fleshing out an animist or supernatural
world. This dearth is interesting in comparison to the relatively massive scope
of narrative forms related to the other entities viewed here. Perhaps such an
absence is explained somewhat by the fact that such creatures are not generally
striking in their scope and power, but rather have quite homely, if still super-
natural, abilities.
Vampires
The literary and folkloric history of the vampire is, somewhat surprisingly, sig-
nificantly shorter than the rest of the fantastic creatures explored here. While
there is some historic literary precedent for vampires, the contemporary images
of these creatures have been developed extensively in recent years and bear only
a minimal resemblance to the older monsters of the same name.54 Although
present in folklore as “souls of the dead who at night feed on the blood of
the living”,55 and even in certain classical sources as undead corpses,56 their
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overlap with the more vicious fantastic creatures mentioned, but in general
seem to be fairly explicitly about the monstrous and dehumanizing elements
of the human, rather than the “other”. Where the various entities viewed here
are predominantly being humanized by contemporary representation, horror
genre portrayals tend to take such creatures to the other extreme: the ultimately
animal, savage form of the human without possession of either conscience or
consciousness. Good examples of this alternative trend are contained within the
films Resident Evil, I am Legend and 28 Days Later. While these films certainly
contribute to the overall imagery associated with the various creatures, horror
has a far more specific audience than the more mainstream texts discussed here.
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alongside other games such as Vampire: The Masquerade,75 and Mage: The
Ascension.76 While these games are no longer available, they have been replaced
with upgraded versions and are extremely well known within the culture of
which they are a part.
Probably the most well-known current representation of werewolves is in
Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban (book and film),77 which contains a
central and continuing character: Lupin, a sympathetic and friendly werewolf.
Other characters learn how to transform themselves into other animals, such
as a dog and a rat. This sympathetic representation is counterbalanced within
the Harry Potter novels by the bad werewolves: nasty psychotic creatures that
deliberately hunt down humans. Similarly, Buffy the Vampire Slayer has a were-
wolf as a central character who is shown sympathy rather than censure when
his werewolf nature becomes apparent. This character is also counterbalanced
by werewolves who are uninterested in avoiding harm to humans. Again, as
with vampires, the sympathetic view of the werewolf revolves around the need
for self discipline and a willingness to fight an internal struggle, rather than the
unequivocal evil of earlier depictions.
The imagery surrounding werewolves is predominantly negative, with
moments of sympathy reserved for those characters who refuse to indulge in
their werewolf nature. Nevertheless, the powerful abandonment with which the
werewolf throws off their humanity tends towards a passionate representation
of the uncivilized, or conversely the superhuman strength of will required to
overcome such desire. Their overriding characteristic is their powerful nature,
and they are, in this context, probably the entities least associated with magic.
Angels and demons are heavily entrenched in Western consciousness with their
roots in Biblical literatures. Mediating beings between the human and divine,
the original distinction between angels and demons was based in the simple
division between those who did what they were told (angels) and those who
deviated from their designated path (demons).79 Although strongly associated
with Judaic, Christian and Muslim thought, angels are also present within a
whole range of traditions stretching from the classical world through to the
contemporary New Age.80 Indeed, much of the Western world’s history from
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the classical era until the current day is coloured with a belief in angelic and
demonic beings, as well as other intermediary entities. The renaissance saw
the construction of non-religious techniques for interacting with angels, for
instance, through John Dee’s work with Edward Kelly.81 On the other hand,
medieval Catholic practices such as exorcism, or the ritual invocation of angels,
certainly fall within this type of behaviour as well.82
Perhaps unusually, given the strength of the history of angelic beings, their
representation within popular narrative is comparatively slight. Films such as
Constantine, Dogma and The Prophecy centre around angels, but in each case
they are portrayed as morally ambivalent, if not fallen, and relatively antagonis-
tic towards humanity. Demons, on the other hand, have a significant presence
within contemporary narrative. Unsurprisingly, the horror genre is replete with
instances of demons. The Evil Dead films, The Exorcist, The Omen and Hellraiser
are but a few of the many narratives centred upon demons. These sources depict
demons as infernal and diabolic forces, not necessarily anti-Christian but cer-
tainly anti-human. Alternatively, more sympathetic and mainstream represen-
tations can be seen in Buffy, Angel and the HellBoy films. In these narratives,
demons occur in all the variety that humans do: they are effectively represented
as another species capable of co-existence with humans, albeit while holding
great power. Although these sympathetic representations do exist, in the case of
demons they are far outweighed by the predominant image of the supernatural
entity bent upon the destruction of humans.
It is worth noting that angels have significant presence within New Age
beliefs. In this context, angels are usually understood in the broadest way pos-
sible, as benign beings of superior spiritual awareness that often help or guide
people. Within a New Age context, little if any distinction is made between
spiritually enlightened humans and these more supernatural beings: by a New
Age philosophy they are all entities at different points on the same trajectory
of spiritual growth.83 This New Age attitude is in distinction from a more tra-
ditional esoteric approach which ascribes specific meaning and cosmological
location to such beings.
Both angels and demons are intangible beings of immense power.
Contemporary narrative has erred towards the removal of their monolithic
good/bad status, and granted them a far more human complexity. They are
explicitly associated with the superempirical, and their associations range from
the theologically oriented opposing positive and negative, through to a neutral
status as intangible beings.
The presence of angels and demons within the Otherkin milieu is of par-
ticular interest insofar as it highlights the occasionally present continuity with
traditional Western religiosity, particularly the Christian tradition. It is also
noteworthy that association with angels seems to have increased over the years
of this study. While Partridge has made a convincing argument that demonol-
ogy has become an integral aspect of Western occulture,84 what is particularly
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the supeRhumAn
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as an instance, the character Buffy meets the criteria of the superhuman, but
does not qualify as a superhero.90
The list of narrative representations of the superhuman is frankly enormous.
Taken in the broad context utilized here, sources include not only well-known
comics and their subsequent film adaptations such as Superman, Batman,
Spiderman, X-Men, The Incredible Hulk, The League of Extraordinary Gentlemen
and Watchmen, but arguably also sci-fi classics such as the Star Wars films or
the Matrix series. Vampire narratives such as Nightwatch and Daywatch rep-
resent humans with supernatural powers, while movies like Hancock explain
such powers in reference to ancient gods. Again, Joss Whedon’s Buffy and Angel
clearly contain characters of this type.
An important element of representations of the superhuman is that they
will often attribute the special powers to some non-supernatural cause, not the
intentional gaining of powers that would constitute the magician or even the
divine interventions of the heroes of the classical world.91 Such causes might
be genetic (such as with the human mutant X-Men), or the result of an acci-
dent (as can be seen in the case of Dr Manhattan of Watchmen). This idea of
the inherent super is quite distinct from images of the dedicated magician or
witch learning new skills: this division effectively comes down to inherent talent
versus learned craft.
Superhuman characters, like the non-human creatures already discussed,
are generally treated as intrinsically dangerous. It is interesting that the positive
bent viewable within such characters in the second half of the twentieth century
is conflicted with a far more negative view taken previously.92 The danger of
the superhero in pre-1938 literatures far outweighs any other concern: they
constitute a danger to society and “cannot be permitted to exist”.93 This per-
ceived danger is paralleled by the classical heroes, those hubristic mortals that
poached upon the terrain of the gods. In modern pre-war terms, such charac-
ters became almost inevitably “other”, forced towards the outside of society irre-
spective of actual behaviours. On the other hand, post war superheroes tended
to be viewed more positively, and are generally seen as supportive rather than
disruptive of their social context.94 That said, they are still generally depicted
in some form of contention with the rest of humanity.
The notion of the superhuman is of particular interest here in that it exists
not only within the worlds of fantasy literature, but also has strong support in
the ideologies of the New Age and various elements of occulture. Nietzsche’s
construction of the Ubermensch 95 is probably the most famous exposition of the
idea, but the notion exists far beyond the bounds of his works. Intrinsic in the
Human Potential movement and other occultural notions of self-transformation
and development, and appearing in secular guise within certain streams of psy-
chology, the notion of more-than-human is clearly pervasive and compelling.
The image of the superman within popular fiction, appropriately termed the
“pulp ubermensch”,96 is one that, while inspired by Nietzsche’s work, manifests
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Overview
As can be seen, these creatures and beings all have a significant and varied
literary and narrative presence. By and large, representations are tending to
verge more towards the sympathetic rather than the monstrous, and there is a
long tradition of content to draw upon, and depart from, for these illustrations.
Relatively consistent across these various depictions is exceptional personal
power of a supernatural nature. There is also a marked tendency towards isola-
tion and, at minimum, an aloof attitude towards humanity. Magic is a common,
but not universal, element of these entities, although an intrinsic aspect of these
narratives is an inclusive view of the world that contains both the tangible and
the superempirical.
What these summaries demonstrate is that there exists a fairly extensive
body of narrative that may be interpreted as a body of lore: supporting narrative
diverse enough to provide a spread of imagery and meaning that fleshes out the
representations of these creatures. The presence and ideologies of the Otherkin,
however, are by no means explicated simply by the presence of narrative tradi-
tions for reference. These texts provide a backdrop, perhaps a starting point for
these beliefs rather than a blueprint for behaviour. It certainly seems possible
that the consistent elements mentioned above play some part in the process of
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of the cosmos that such characters have access too: they’re just (non-human)
people trying to get along. Alternatively, texts such as Harry Potter, Buffy and
Angel equally start from generally realistic depictions of the modern Western
world, but they rather extend the boundaries into spaces owned by non-human
or magical entities. Thus in Harry Potter, magical buildings have geographic
location in the real world, but may only be accessed through particular tech-
niques of the magical community. Buffy and Angel both use a notion of the
multiverse that posits effectively infinite worlds and dimensions accessible in
many different ways, but that locate a plethora of entities living within the
everyday human world. This point is explored in more depth below, but for the
moment it suffices to note that there is a significant trend towards incorporating
the supernatural into the everyday world, rather than removing the audience to
another world, in current popular fantasy narrative. Such approaches tend not
only towards re-enchantment narratives, but also emphasize the “ordinariness
of the extraordinary” in such a way as to totally embed the supernatural within
everyday lived experience.
Small wonder that spell means both a story told, and a formula of power
over living men.103
The types of extension and othering of beings that is evident within narrative
contexts also exist outside of the worlds of fantasy. Paralleling these narra-
tive representations is a growing tendency within the modern Western world
towards philosophies that have a propensity towards notions of the expansion
of the self. In particular, occultural and New Age ideologies generally heavily
emphasize personal development in ways that can often go beyond the psycho-
logical and into the realms of the spiritual and metaphysical.
While admittedly varied, the beliefs explored here tend to focus most par-
ticularly upon the subjective experience of the world and the self, and often
the exploration of worlds both interior and other. In their various ways, these
occultural paradigms include an expanded notion of the self, often posit the
existence of non-human entities, and further regularly propose methods for
communication with them. When seen in conjunction with the fantasy nar-
ratives discussed above, it becomes apparent that there exists both copious
content for the experience of non-human entities, as well as a surfeit of magical
paradigms and occultural techniques available to access the same.
As these magical paradigms and occultural techniques are extremely varied,
I have focused on but a few of the more relevant occultural elements. In par-
ticular, Paganism and particular magical practices will be discussed with a
view to demonstrating the continuity between these beliefs and practices and
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those of the Otherkin. This continuity is demonstrated not only in the simi-
larity of elements of the respective paradigms, but also insofar as many, if not
most, Otherkin explicitly consider themselves Pagan or Neo-Pagan.104 As there
already exists a significant body of literature pertaining to many of these occul-
tural elements, this section provides an overview only so as to contextualize
the Otherkin within the broader occulture. A brief history of the development
of contemporary occulture is also included in order to demonstrate the rela-
tive longevity of such approaches as well as to appropriately situate occulture
within the modern Western world. Likewise, the gap between psychology and
magic, or the lack thereof, is also explored in order to demonstrate the failing
boundaries that occur between the real and the unreal, the psyche and the
cosmos, within the context of paradigms that emphasise subjective experience
and interiority.
Background
Contemporary occultism and magical practice have their basis in the develop-
ments of the nineteenth century. During this era there was a flourishing of eso-
teric and occult practices, with beliefs such as Illuminism,105 Spiritualism and
theosophy becoming much more noticeable.106 Interest in the occult was not
only limited to occult or esoteric societies dedicated its exploration, however,
but also was found informing far more traditional religious attitudes. Beliefs
containing an “occult quality”107 are not necessarily limited to the obvious
regions of practice, such as magic or initiatory systems, but may also appear
within more traditional beliefs, such as may be manifest in an interest in the
supernatural or in inexplicable phenomena, for instance. Thus, the occult
revival did not just see an uprising of interest in the purely esoteric or occult,
but was paralleled by a surge of supernaturalism within a Christian context at
the same time. This upsurge in interest denoted by the occult revival was not
bound to strictly esoteric practices or philosophies, but incorporated a more
general interest in mysticism, some Christian, some “neo-Christian”, and then
some, of course, simply non-Christian.108 Although the occult revival erupted
initially in France,109 it would eventually impact on the majority of Western
Europe and the United Kingdom, and indeed the larger colonized areas as well.
The occult revival held under its rubric some particularly important precur-
sors to contemporary occulture, most notably Spiritualism, the Hermetic Order
of the Golden Dawn, and the Theosophical Society. The beliefs and practices
of these movements underpin much of the contemporary occultural world-
view, and in particular have supplied contemporary occulture with many of
the magical techniques utilized today.
Spiritualism was a massively popular phenomenon that arose in the early
to mid years of the nineteenth century,110 usually dated from 1848,111 and
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maintains its appeal to this day.112 Born in the United States of America, this
practice essentially comes down to communication through a variety of means
with the spirits of the dead, largely equating to what we would currently call
“channelling”.113 Spiritualism was distinct from other forms of communica-
tion with non-physical entities particularly in that it approached the human
dead, rather than heavenly or hellish beings of a somewhat different order.
What is particularly interesting about Spiritualism is the degree of interest that
the phenomena acquired within the broader public realm,114 rather than being
limited to individuals already possessed of a curiosity with the superempiri-
cal or supernatural. Spiritualism, as with freemasonry and theosophy, was not
necessarily considered counter to a Christian belief,115 but was often practised
by devout Christians.116
Spiritualism effectively encouraged a form of surrender: to the holy, the
numinous, or the other.117 Rather than the priority of the will which was so
evident within the more explicitly magical endeavours of the Golden Dawn
and subsequent practices, this was a sublimation of the self reminiscent of the
romantic tendencies of the time. Such behaviour tended towards the mystical,
and emphasized the intuitive and evocative aspects of engagement with both
this world and others.118 This is not to say that participants did not consider
themselves to be rigorous in their analysis of their experiences, as they often
clearly considered themselves to be, but rather that their method of experi-
mentation was the experience itself.119 Spiritualism overlapped with the parallel
movements of Mesmerism and Swedenborgianism, and was strongly informed
by new notions of causality as well as more traditional esoteric themes.120
Hanegraaff has argued convincingly that Spiritualism laid the groundwork for
contemporary occultism in that it encouraged syncretic forms of belief and that
in its combination of spiritual inquiry and scientistic thinking it typified what
is now a commonplace approach within occultist thinking.121
On a slightly different tangent, but born of the same era, was the Hermetic
Order of the Golden Dawn. The Golden Dawn, founded in 1888 in England,122
synthesized a large body of disparate esoteric teachings to develop its prac-
tices.123 There were two main sections of the order, the first correlating to a more
philosophical understanding of the universe, whereas the second order was only
available to invitees and was largely concerned with magical practice. The first
Order focused upon “astrology, alchemy, and Cabala … geomantic and tarot
divination, and … basic magical techniques.”124 The magical practices associ-
ated with the Second Order, on the other hand, utilized astral travel, dream
interpretation, ritual magic, visualization and the like.125 All of these techniques,
both of the first and second order, are central to contemporary magical prac-
tice, and although these ideas predate the Golden Dawn, it was this group that
synthesized the vast array of esoteric teachings into a single cohesive whole.
Indeed, this desire to correlate scientific and metaphysical or spiritual findings
is inherent in the very notion of the occult movements,126 and the Golden Dawn
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can be seen as a very clear example of this trend. Insofar as this synthesis is
the case, contemporary occulture and particularly ritual magical practice owe
a significant debt to the Golden Dawn.127 “The Golden Dawn single-handedly
revived and taught a Rosicrucian magical tradition that united practical occult-
ism with the mystical and metaphysical, and reworked it so that it spoke in the
language of ‘ancient wisdom’ to the most immediate of modern concerns.”128
The third stream of thought so constitutive of contemporary occulture is
that of theosophy, discussed here through the specific case of the Theosophical
Society. Theosophy itself was revived towards the end of the eighteenth
century, in line with the resurgence of esoteric and occult themes in general.129
Theosophy, while varied in its specific manifestations in different contexts,
holds certain elements in common. As described by Faivre, they are:
The general orientation of the interests of the Theosophical Society was far
more philosophically directed than the Golden Dawn, but nonetheless has also
greatly contributed to occulture as it currently stands.131 Blavatsky, the founder
of the society with Olcott,132 held theosophy’s constitution as a metaphysical and
spiritual society as central, and disdained the practical ritual magic as practiced
by some occultists. The stated goals of the Theosophical Society were
The central stream of Blavatsky’s thought focused upon the rediscovery of uni-
versal wisdom: “primordial lore about the manifestation and inner nature of
the universe and humanity”.134 Blavatsky authored numerous texts expounding
her beliefs,135 which were popular in her time,136 have maintained their appeal
to this day, and are particularly central to the creation of the New Age move-
ment.137 Blavatsky was deeply devoted to perennialist notions of religion,138 and
the Theosophical Society reflects such a position. Like the Romantics, Blavatsky,
and the Theosophical Society with her, held that the supernatural was in fact a
natural aspect of the cosmos.
For all of their philosophical orientation, though, the Theosophical Society
boasted a sub-section that focused upon the research of magic,139 a sort of paral-
lel to the Second Order within the Golden Dawn.140 The Theosophical Society
had from its inception a distinctly Eastern bent, and gave the appearance at
least of a thoroughgoing glamorization of Buddhist and Hindu141 traditions in
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particular. Blavatsky certainly credited the oriental world with the preserva-
tion of the “ancient wisdom”,142 the reclamation of which was one of her major
goals. It has been posited that the integration of Eastern religious themes into
Western esotericism is actually theosophy’s most important contribution to the
field:143 certainly the popularization of the notion of reincarnation in the West
cannot be underestimated.144 Theosophy also provides a great example of the
interweaving of social and metaphysical concerns, and has been linked with
feminism, anti-slavery and anti-imperialist movements. On all these points,
contemporary occulture has absorbed and expanded these themes.
Finally, before delving into the worlds of contemporary Pagan and ritual
magic, it is worth discussing some few elements central to the notion of magic
itself. While there are many differing attitudes and techniques, there are a
few assumptions within the occultural sphere that seem relatively universal.
Primary among these is the idea of energy,145 seen as an ethereal substance
capable of interconnecting with or transmitting across various levels of the
cosmos. Contemporary concepts of energy in its magical context can be traced
back to the animal magnetism of the late eighteenth century. The notion of
animal magnetism, of a subtle agent,146 became widely known with the work of
Mesmer, after whom Mesmerism is named. In the 1770s Mesmer proposed a
theory that essentially posited, among other things, “an impalpable fluid perme-
ates the entire universe and connects human beings to animals, plants, objects,
and to each other.”147 This idea of the subtle fluid, the doctrine of spiritus,148 has
its roots in Renaissance thought and has continued in various contexts up to
the present time.149 Effectively seen as a mediating matter between the seen and
unseen aspects of the world, this notion has held great appeal to esotericists and
occultists in particular, and can be understood within this context as the sub-
stance through which magic is transmitted.150 This subtle matter is essentially
the primary building block upon which the varieties of contemporary Western
magical systems are thought to work.
It is also imperative to note that many of the specific techniques used in ritual
magic are based in ancient practice. The elements, the cardinal points, interme-
diary beings such as spirits or angels and demons, the idea of beings portalling
through a body, and ritual objects all come from the earliest eras of the Western
esoteric and magical tradition.151 How such concepts are actually enacted, or
the broader cosmological frameworks within which they are embedded have
changed drastically over the centuries, but such provenance lends authenticity
and weight to such constructions, as well as providing a vast body of esoteric
lore for practitioners to draw upon should they choose to do so.
Lastly, it should be noted that the formal organized societies like the Golden
Dawn and the Theosophical Society, or popular movements such as Spiritualism,
were by no means the only type of magic present within British and continen-
tal society at the time when these groups were developing. Witchcraft, in the
form of village charmers and the like, featured prominently in the works of
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nineteenth century folklorists.152 In many ways, such folk magic provided the
precursors to many forms of contemporary witchcraft, and the positive ideal
type of the village witch is evident within certain streams of Paganism.
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Additionally, as Campbell notes, one of the major issues with occult beliefs
and practices is that many practitioners of alternative spiritualities are likely to
hide their beliefs, or manifest a certain embarrassment when acknowledging
such.157 While this is less true in the twenty-first century than it was at the time
of Campbell’s observation, such reticence is still often the case. While there are a
plethora of “how to” books available on magical practice, from various books of
shadows to manuals for chaos magicians, and regular representations of magic
in all forms of media, the fact remains that there is a stigma attached, if not
to the techniques of magic, then at least to the implicit assertion of magicians
and occultists, that reality has unseen, intangible aspects, and that humans may
effect change within the world through non-empirical means.
I would argue that the increasing psychologization may function at least
in part as a justification on behalf of practitioners of magic, in that an explicit
belief in other levels of reality may well be scoffed at, whereas the idea of using
occult techniques as a means of exploring one’s inner space is likely to be, if
not supported, then at least accepted as functional. This is not to say that I
disagree with the predominance of the psychological bent in occultists, but
am rather hesitant to invest the notion with to much importance in terms of
individual practice. While the influence of psychological themes is undeni-
ably historical fact, I suspect that many who practise magic, in whatever form,
genuinely do so in order to influence outside events, not just as a means of self
exploration and understanding. It seems possible that many of the psychologi-
cal justifications given to magical practice may in fact be a method by which
individuals may acknowledge their engagement with the body of knowledge
while asserting their rationality: a slight variation on the embarrassment noted
by Campbell.
To answer the question of whether psychologization functions simply as a
socially acceptable justification for magical practice or magical practice has
become merely a tool for comprehension of the psyche requires a far more
individual approach than I utilize here. Nonetheless, positing this question
illuminates the often failing boundary between psychological and the spiritual
within contemporary alternative religiosity. Such ambiguity is prevalent within
occultural ideologies, and suggests a need for caution in the application of strict
boundaries between this- and other-worldliness.
Paganism
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not merely ‘tree-hugging’ or ‘talking to trees’, but conversations with trees about
matters of mutual benefit.”170 Animism effectively asserts the ensoulment of
all entities: not just humans and animals, but trees and rocks and fairies and
all. Precisely the types of creatures associated with in an Otherkin context are
acknowledged to be present within the world around us, not as lesser beings
or imaginary forces, but as entities with which we humans share the world.
It has been noted that “fantasy seeks to develop a vision of a world in which
humans cohabit with nonhumans”,171 and further, that fantasy has its roots in
the “desire to converse with other living things”.172 Pagans, in their everyday
lives, tend to seek exactly the same thing. In such a context, it is no surprise
that Pagans have a propensity to turn towards fantasy narrative for evocative
support of their worldviews.
Shamanism and, more relevantly, Neo-Shamanism is another important
element of contemporary occulture which deals with worlds and entities
beyond the mundane, and significantly overlaps with Paganism. While nar-
ratives of indigenous shamans have inspired Westerners since the eighteenth
century,173 the impact of such ideologies has been felt most strongly since the
1960s. As a set of practices it is often highly contentious, engaging in neo-
colonial behaviours and post-imperialist attitudes that manifest in the simul-
taneous glamorization of the “noble savage” while appropriating indigenous
practitioners’ knowledge bases.174 Nonetheless, such practices are extremely
entwined within contemporary occulture, as well as the earlier syncretism of the
occult movement, and have their positive aspects as well as their more negative.
Shamans primarily engage with “other-than-human persons”.175 Through a
variety of techniques such as dancing and drumming, imbibing psychedelics,
and the taking on of totem animals and spirit guides, the shaman explores many
different aspects of reality.176 “The shaman is a master of spirit entities, a ven-
turer on different cosmic planes.”177 These spirits, however, need not necessarily
be disembodied ghosts floating on the ether or entities existing further up the
spiritual hierarchy, but can also include real animals and plants, attributed with
status equal to humans.178 Likewise, the otherworlds of shamanic experience
may be inner, seen effectively as layers of the psyche, or genuinely “other” in
whatever form.179 Shamanism, in its Western “neo” context, emphasizes per-
sonal experience and growth, respect for nature, and, most importantly, com-
munication with all beings and entities.
Natural magic, such as may be viewed in a Pagan or Neo-Shamanistic
context, tends to be less structured than other forms of more esoterically
inclined approaches. Magical practice may revolve around seasonal change or
the growth cycles of plants, and involve “imagination, visualisation, invocation,
chanting”.180 This does not mean, however, that Pagans do not utilize ritual.
Contemporary Pagan, or Neo-Pagan, ritual magic tends to follow a fairly stand-
ard pattern. Eight particular elements have been noted, which are thought to
be generally consistent (here given in only a general order):181
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Rituals may be undertaken for the eight Sabbats, where they are primarily
intended to celebrate the changing of seasons, and the renewal of the world.182
They may also be undertaken for more personal reasons, and indeed a ritual
may serve multiple purposes. Most Pagans see ritual as containing both internal
and external results, with an often heavy emphasis upon the latter aspects.183
The two most commonly discussed sources of energy are elemental and those
drawn from the goddess.184 It should be noted that ritual in this context does
not necessarily denote formal group behaviours, and magical workings can be
done solo and through whatever mechanisms the individual feels appropriate.
Of the above listed elements of ritual, there seems to be three distinct aspects:
sacred space, energy and the utilization of will in the manipulation of energy.
The creation and/or utilization of sacred space is a regular feature of religious
and spiritual practice. The sacred space may present itself to the practitioner
who experiences a hierophany,185 an encounter with the enchanted nature of
a specific place,186 or as a space made sacred by dint of deliberate effort.187 In
a sacred space, within or without a ritual context, participants are opening
themselves to the “magical otherworld”188 where they are both part of and have
access to the cosmos and the energy it affords.
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While there are many variations on the nature of religious and spiritual cos-
mologies, there tends to be a fairly consistent focus on proliferating worlds.
More relevantly, there is a very clear occultural penchant for multiple worlds
that include both parallel and discrete interpretations. It is quite plausible to
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imagine that an individual who engages in occulture would easily expand from
a notion of a magical plane into a philosophy that incorporates multiple worlds
of varying content. Conversely, an individual entrenched within the norms of
speculative fiction may find constructions of a magical cosmology surprisingly
familiar.
Both the ritualized engagement with a magical otherworld, and more infor-
mal approaches of a Pagan or Neo-Shaman philosophy distinctly acknowledge
a world extended beyond the tangible, and populated with incorporeal beings.
Within these forms of spirituality, there are established techniques for access
to and engagement with otherworldly beings, as well as an acceptance of the
validity of more informal methods of the same.
Ceremonial magic
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same as the New Age idea of “let go/drop it”210 or the Pagan tendency towards
re-enchanting the world: they all propose that the modern materialist rational-
ist worldview is not only lacking, but that moving outside such a framework
allows for a clearer view of the actuality of the cosmos. Chaos magic, however,
often tends to do so through much more confrontational and, of course, anar-
chistic means.
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to integrate it within a global vision that will serve to make the vacuousness of
materialism more apparent.”216
Overview
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every day lived experience. They are increasingly accessible through geographi-
cally emplaced groups and access points such as bookstores, alternative healing
centres, and the like. Probably more importantly, mass media forms have pro-
vided access through simple additions such as the astrology section in news-
papers, not to mention the huge increase in accessibility that the internet has
afforded. Such a situation presumably has the corollary effect of reducing any
perceived risk in engaging with such notions for all that they are still held in
low esteem by many.
The increasing commonplaceness of occultural ideologies brings me to my
fifth point, which is the relationship between fictional narrative and occultural
ideologies. Fundamentally, the former embeds itself with ease within the latter,
although, as already noted, the relationship is in practice reciprocal. Methods
of magic utilized within fictional texts are in turn used by practitioners, while
authors turn to various occultural traditions to support their own fictional crea-
tions. This effectively creates a continuity in the body of lore, and, given this
situation, it is no surprise that individuals might find fiction as useful a source
for magical and metaphysical inquiry as non-fiction texts. Tolkien, in discussing
fantasy, noted that of crucial importance to fantasy is “The Mystical towards
the Supernatural; the Magical towards nature; and the Mirror of scorn and pity
towards Man.”217 This understanding is mirrored clearly within the rhetoric of
alternative spirituality, most notably Paganism, and also articulates succinctly
why these two bodies of knowledge are such comfortable bedfellows.
Perhaps the most significant aspect of the circumstances of the Otherkin
that is evident here is the roughly simultaneous processes of, on the one hand,
the humanization of the non- and super-human, and on the other, the increase
in spiritual rhetoric surrounding the extension of the human. Although such
logics have been evident for some time within particular sub-cultural rhetoric,
the expansion of occultural influence and interest has made such ideologies far
more commonplace.
The fundamental premise of the Otherkin, that participants feel themselves
to be in some way non-human or more than human, is indicative of a radical
realignment of notions of the self. Simultaneously, such a premise highlights
the absolute centrality of subjectivity and interiority while positing a species/
soul division with the vast majority of humanity. The presence and priority of
subjectivity and interiority is relatively common in Western alternative spir-
itualities,218 as is the internal attribution of outsider status. What is unusual is
the explicit equation of the self with the non- or super-human. Such attribu-
tion effectively entails the extension or expansion of the bounds of the self,
and involves a profound reinterpretation of the self in relation to the psyche
and/or soul and spirit at the very least. In such a context, it is impossible to
ignore the intentional element of identity construction associated with their
beliefs. It could be said that, within the Otherkin community, explicit identity
construction is not only the primary content, but also the primary connection
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between the individuals involved. That they may build a spirituality, metaphysic
or ontology is almost peripheral, occurring around the primary edifice of a
non-human, or more-than-human, status. Indeed, from the outset, the rubric
“Otherkin” denotes one who understands oneself as “something other than
human”,219 which leads clearly to a position that queries what then constitutes
the individual self. Participants, in their various individual ways, are reassess-
ing their sense of self, their sense of humanity and their sense of embodiment.
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Chapter 4
Moving on from some of the sources of content for the Otherkin and other like
beliefs, this chapter completes the circumambulation of the Otherkin through
an exploration of relevant elements of the online world and contemporary
popular culture. Here, the focus is upon the context of Otherkin approaches to,
and in, the world, rather than the content of these types of beliefs. This chapter
tracks a path through the contemporary popular cultures and associated media
in order to reveal some of the developments in communication and engagement
that may be constitutive of Otherkin-type ontologies. By tracing these various
influences, it can be seen that the Otherkin are by no means occupying some
sort of obscure cultural cul-de-sac, but rather that they are one particular, if
admittedly idiosyncratic, manifestation of significant broader cultural shifts.
Arguably the most important of those is the development and mass populariza-
tion of the internet and attendant digital cultures.
Digital communications, indeed the very nature of online engagement,
attenuate and expand the sense of the self beyond the bounds of the body. Not
just online communication forms, but also online participatory forums such as
multi-user domains (MUDs), massively multi-user online role-playing games
(MMORPGs), and even open digital worlds such as Second Life, provide tex-
tually and graphically rich extensions of the self. These spaces, and the behav-
iours within them, in turn extend and expand upon a long-standing literature
of the non-human and the superhuman, simultaneously integrating both the
content and providing virtual instance of the veracity of such extensions of the
self. Concurrently, the rise of individualism and the postmodern bent towards
self-conscious syncretism has been both supported and facilitated by modes
of virtual engagement. The “othering” of individuals holding to unusual beliefs
or practices is slowly giving way to the development of outsider cultures as
online communications puts people in contact with other likeminded individu-
als previously distanced, no matter how obscure their shared beliefs or interests
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may be. The likelihood of locating others who share any particular philosophy
is increased many times over by the use of the internet, as the instance of the
Otherkin attests.
Underlying much of online behaviour is a process of world creation. Simil-
arly, the Otherkin and groups like it demonstrate a persistent affinity for
alternative worlds, both of their own and others creation. The vivid fictional
worlds created within textual and cinematic fantasy discussed in the previous
chapter have been both expanded upon and supported by online engagement.
From the internet itself, taken as a whole, we have a fully functional intangi-
ble virtual world within which actions can have effect within fleshy reality.
Particular bounded spaces online, such as games (World of Warcraft, Ultima,
Neverwinter, Anarchy Online, etc.) and social networking sites (Facebook,
Second Life, etc.), all in effect create their own micro-realities that are both
discrete and continuous with the broader culture within which they occur.
These many faceted virtual spaces are persuasive not just in the capacity to
effect change within the world via virtual economics and so on, but also that
the experience can be shared. Further, to varying degrees these worlds intrude
upon, and are affected by, everyday tangible reality. Through an exploration
of particular elements of contemporary popular culture, in particular world
creation, fan cultures, and remix ideologies, it can be seen that in many ways
the Otherkin and other, similar metaphysics are actually extremely well aligned
within the developments of contemporary popular culture, and that there are
actually clear continuities between Otherkin-type metaphysics and their more
secular cultural counterparts.
online engAgement
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the internet and popular cultures
removed at least a degree from the fleshy reality, through to the use of avatars
in virtual worlds, the internet is something of a playground for remaking and
representing the self as one desires.
That the Otherkin community interacts largely in the worlds of cyber-
space is neither surprising nor unique. Religious communities, information
and practices abound online,3 and have since the internet’s inception,4 with
many dedicated sites representing and supporting both traditional and alter-
native religious behaviour.5 Although in recent years established churches and
communities have made their presence felt online,6 it is particularly “those
individuals and groups who wish to ‘be’ religious outside the control of an
organized religious institution”7 that are so well facilitated by the nature of
online engagement.
In this eclectic landscape it is unsurprising that the Otherkin and other similarly
obscure beliefs have found a comfortable home. Further, it is not just com-
munity interaction that is facilitated by the internet, but also the very beliefs
espoused by Otherkin are, in some respects, supported by the notion of an
affective disembodied presence. The veracity of such notions is reinforced by
day-to-day interactions online, where the disjunct between the physical expe-
rience of computer use (i.e. sitting in front of a screen) is belied by the actual
effects of virtual actions such as online banking, shopping and engaging in
virtual community. Correspondingly, the distinctions between the “actual”
tangible world, a “virtual” intangible world that is verifiably efficacious, and
internal worlds that are personally meaningful, have become far more fluid.
This expansion of perceived realities has had great impact on both the sense
and the presentation of the self.9
The online world has become one of the prime locales for the promulgation
and practice of contemporary religion and spirituality,10 with religious groups
forming online as early as the 1980s.11 In 2001, already 28 million Americans
were accessing religious and spiritual material online, a figure that was at that
time twenty-five per cent of internet users in the US.12 Religiously oriented
online behaviours have been divided into two broad categories: religion online
and online religion.13 Religion online effectively constitutes the online expres-
sion of religious content. This content might be anything from the physical
address of the local church to the text of a sermon given last week, a discussion
of Pagan interpretations of environmentalism or basic information regarding
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the central tenets of any given belief system. On the other hand, online religion
refers to the actual practice of religion within a virtual environment. Examples
of this range from virtual altars, 3D churches through to real time virtual ritual.
The distinction here is fundamentally between theory and practice. If one talks
about religion online it is “religion online”, whereas if you practise religion
online, it is “online religion”. It is interesting to note that Cowan and Hadden,
in their excellent paper “Virtually Religious: New Religious Movements and
the World Wide Web”, specify that religion online constitutes “information and
services related to religious groups and traditions which are already established
and operating offline” (my emphasis).14 There is something of a gap between
the provision of information about offline groups and the virtual practice of
religion, and there is a whole raft of spiritual and religious behaviours that
fall between the two. While this gap has been acknowledged in recent years,
researchers are still coming to grips with the complexity of the situation.15
To situate the Otherkin in one or the other category is somewhat fraught as,
while the sources viewed in this book all fall within the category of supplying
information rather than forums for practice, their minimal offline presence
suggests that the rubric of “religion online” is perhaps misleading. Also, given
the methodological limitations of this research and its reliance upon docu-
ment analysis that does not include the observation of nominally private or
“members only” areas,16 it is entirely possible that this study has simply missed
instances of Otherkin engaging in “online religion”. In addition, groups like the
Otherkin highlight the question of whether we can even theoretically maintain
a separation between the discussion and practice of religion. To take a hypo-
thetical instance: if an individual Otherkin has the soul of an elf, and, within the
context of a virtual world, has an avatar representing him- or herself as an elf,
does behaviour in this form constitute an extension of their spiritual activity, a
playful role separate from their identity as an Otherkin, a virtualized manifesta-
tion of their psyche, or engagement with a reality more truly representative than
their offline existence? Does the mere existence of such avatars imply practice
within an Otherkin context? While such questions can only be answered on an
individual level, they demonstrate the degree to which such differing interpreta-
tions significantly alter the situation within either category, and reveal the gap
between the two theoretical kinds of online religious presence. For the moment,
suffice it to say that the space between the form and the forum of online religi-
osity has in itself the potential for much religious creativity.
The huge spread of religiously and spiritually oriented online information,
communities and practices is clear from the simplest Google search, but is
nowhere more obvious than in relation to alternative religions and spirituali-
ties. The internet has proved to support and encourage not just new methods of
communication, but also subtly promotes alternative constructions of the self.
Indeed, one of the major concerns of researchers in online cultures has been with
its impact on personal identity.17 The idea of avatars, for instance, encourages
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the internet and popular cultures
of the real with the tangible is not only interesting, but is becoming increas-
ingly essential to incorporate into personal strategies of engagement with the
world. What was once a laudably clear and grounded view of reality increas-
ingly appears as a social and cultural liability in the face of the proliferation of
spheres of engagement.
For all that digital experience is at least theoretically so distinct from the
practice of being in the fleshy world, individual engagement does not mirror
such divisions. Phenomenologically speaking, online experience is generally
considered uninterrupted with its offline counterpart: it is continuous rather
than discontinuous.28 Participants are usually not particularly distinguishing
between their online and offline experiences,29 and it is essential to understand
that “our virtual identities and experiences are not separate from our identi-
ties and experiences in the material world.”30 Noting the trend in relation to
games, Nick Yee points out that “most users are simply being themselves rather
than experimenting with new identities or personalities.”31 While there are far
reaching implications intrinsic to these new modes of communication, such
implications are generally of a secondary importance, if any at all, to the indi-
viduals who just live the processes.
Users do not concern themselves much with the “reality” of their virtual
activities, even when intensely engaged in disembodied communica-
tions through imaginary bodies in fantastic places. The real/virtual life
distinction, broached so often in academic discussions of the internet,
is sidelined by the experience that “everything that is experienced is
real”.32
It is necessary to reiterate clearly here that, firstly, the internet and digital
communications are significantly affecting and challenging earlier assump-
tions relating to the self and community, and secondly, the generally uncon-
scious nature of these processes in practical terms. For instance, while an
individual may perceptually associate with an avatar, they are not necessarily
consciously thinking “oh my god, I am now a collection of pixels as well as
cells”. Individuals are internalizing these new modes of interaction and exten-
sion, not theorizing them.
A multiplicity oF woRlDs
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broader discussion of the creation of, and engagement with, intangible worlds
so as to contextualize the specific manifestation of virtual worlds and environ-
ments. These various forms of world creation imbricate in such a way as to
support the creation of metaphysics like those of the Otherkin. From fantasy
literature are taken the icons and concepts so evident within the ontology;
as discussed in the previous chapter, occultural, religious and spiritual cos-
mologies assert the veracity and truth of multiple intangible realities; and many
virtual worlds provide everyday access to, and possible immersion in, persistent
discrete worlds comprised of the same general subject matter. Thus a meander
through these various worlds will illuminate both the spread of relevant con-
cepts as well as the correlations between these different fields of endeavour.
Virtual worlds
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– by reading the same book, for instance40 – socialization around this fact
only occurs at a degree of removal. Individuals may discuss a text, but the
actual immersion occurs in personal or small group context. On the other
hand, going to the movies, for instance, creates a group experience of a pos-
sible world, but not one that is constituted in relation to other individuals.
Then there are virtual worlds such as represented by various MMORPGs, for
instance, which in effect creates a virtualized version of a tertiary world within
which individuals act, interact, and in doing so become co-creators of action
within the bounded virtual space.
It should be noted that there is a swath of philosophical inquiry and argu-
ment into the technical nature of the “virtual” as distinct from, say, the “actual”,
“possible”, or “real”. Theorists such as Deleuze41 and Levy42 have approached this
issue, with Levy, for instance, locating the notion of the virtual in that it “tends
towards actualisation, without undergoing any form of effective of formal con-
cretisation”.43 Such discussions tend to hold, in varying positions, a notion of
simulacra44 as the unreal.45 Arguments pertaining to the real and the unreal,
simulacra, or the hyperreal warrant a cautious approach in as far as they often
imply a strong bias either for or against the virtual. As Murray so insightfully
points out, “Our dismay at … the ‘hyperreal’ quality of American life, derives
simply from the fact that we need time to get used to any increase in represen-
tational power.”46 Further, discussions such as this open into problematic areas,
as what is the human word, real or intangible, if not one designed and struc-
tured.47 While such philosophizing is both fascinating and necessary, it strays
too far from the locus of this discussion to be of significant use. However, to
briefly establish precisely what is here being referred to by virtual worlds, I take
my cue from Calleja, understanding that “Virtual environments are computer
generated domains which create a perception of space and permit modification
through the exertion of agency … Virtual worlds are composite assemblages of
persistent, multi-user virtual environments extending over a vast geographical
expanse.”48 This approach limits virtual environments and worlds to those that
enable agency, and further allows a division between such virtual worlds and
other online spaces such as chat rooms or web pages. It also has the benefit of
specifying the computer generated nature of the virtual in this context, and
allows for an articulated distinction between, say, metaphysical worlds or possi-
ble worlds in this context. Predominantly, when using the term “virtual worlds”,
I am referring to MMORPGs or specific locales such as Secondlife. In these
forums, participants use an avatar within a computer generated environment
which is graphically rich and in which they can interact with other individuals:
“Virtual worlds are places where the imaginary meets the real.”49
One particularly interesting aspect of late modern visual narrative is the
exponential increase in our capacity to represent the fantastic with the growing
use and facility of computer graphics. Commenting in 1965, Tolkien notes that
the “Fantastic forms are not to be counterfeited. Men dressed up as talking
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animals may achieve buffoonery or mimicry, but they do not achieve Fantasy.”50
The use of digital media for computer generated imagery has begun to allow
for representations of fantasy to appear outside of the literary context which are
by no means limited to buffoonery or mimicry. This facility is evident within
many aspects of online culture, but nowhere more obvious than in the context
of games. Games have become massively popular, now second only to television
in terms of home entertainment.51
Online gaming represents a significant portion of online interaction. MUDs
have been present since the 1970s (the first was made in 1979)52 and devel-
oped contemporaneously with the better-known face-to-face RPGs.53 More
recently, increasing sophisticated technology has allowed for the development
of MMORPGs, and participants in these worlds often number in the hundreds
of thousands,54 if not millions.55 MMORPGs constitute the most significant
common form of persistent discrete virtual worlds,56 and so will serve here as
the locus of discussion. It should be noted, however, that other types of virtual
worlds such as Second Life may achieve many of the same phenomenological
effects without the explicit narrative component evident within games. “The
age-old desire to live out a fantasy aroused by a fictional world has been inten-
sified by a participatory, immersive medium that promises to satisfy it more
completely than has ever before been possible.”57
Take World of Warcraft, for instance. While but one of the many MMORPGs,
World of Warcraft provides a clear instance of the translation of fantasy topoi
into a virtual world, as well as demonstrating a fundamental intertextuality.58 It
has been noted that Lord of the Rings is in fact the single most implicated fiction
in relation to virtual worlds,59 and this is clearly evident within the context of
World of Warcraft. The basic structure and approach of Tolkien’s work have
been paralleled in the game.60 Not just in the sense of a heroic quest in a fantasy
world, but in the multiple races, their individual histories, their vividly realized
territories, and their varying cultural tendencies. In World of Warcraft, there
are ten different races players must choose from, including elves, dwarves, orcs,
trolls, gnomes, and humans.61 The game has seasons, festivals,62 religions of the
moon – many of which parallel real world celebrations, and some of which are
game specific.
One significant distinction between methods of engagement within fantasy
worlds lies in “non-linearity and player agency”.63 In more traditional narra-
tives contexts, readers and audiences access the text in a linear fashion, walking
through episodes from beginning to end, engaging in the narrative arc as a
whole. In games, on the other hand, engagement with the narrative may be
non-linear, chosen at the discretion of the individual player. While this is the
case with offline RPGs as well, in MMORPGs the non-linearity is enhanced by
the very persistence of the world: individuals can literally just wander around
inside them.
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the 1973 film of the same name.72 These types of intertextuality create a percep-
tual continuity between the fantasy world and the everyday, as well as between
disparate popular culture narratives. The other notable method through which
such discrete worlds embed is through multiple points of access.
Many of these virtual worlds extend far beyond the bounds of the enclosed
world insofar as the same tertiary world can be accessed through many portals.
This process, only relatively recently acknowledged as a significant direction for
contemporary media, is implicated within the broader context of convergence.
While immensely complex and, frankly, still only in its infancy, the recent ten-
dency towards convergence across both the mechanisms and the content of
media allows, for instance, the same narratives to be engaged in across multi-
ple formats (see, for instance, the Lord of the Rings books, films, board games,
computer games, etc.). This is but one element of a larger process, broadly
understood as the “situation in which multiple media systems coexist and
where media content flows fluidly across them. Convergence is … an ongoing
process or series of intersections between different media systems, not a fixed
relationship.”73
One result of media convergence and narrative access via multiple mediums
is the way in which it tends to reinforce the potential for immersion within a
given narrative. An individual reads the book and watches the film. Then he
or she plays the game as a central character. Or alternatively he or she actu-
ally plays a peripheral character and so accesses new elements of the narrative
beyond the arc of the original text. The tendency towards convergence is not just
manifest in corporations locating new media forums through which to market
their goods, however. On the contrary, much of the manifestation of conver-
gence happens well outside of the control of such bodies. Take, for instance,
the phenomenon of Wizard Rock. A recent documentary, We Are Wizards,74
explored elements of Harry Potter fandom. These included the development
of bands such as “Harry and the Potters” and “Draco and the Malfoys” and
their thriving, if youthful and library-oriented, audiences. These bands write
music from the perspective of the characters themselves, giving audiences an
opportunity to hear the internal narratives of characters outside of the texts and
extending their characterization. This type of cultural development implicitly
breaks down the phenomenological boundaries of the fictive and the real.
In such ways the mega-text is expanded and fleshed out, and the boundaries
of the narrative diminish as the fictional world becomes further populated
within and without of the text. Access to these various mega-texts through dif-
ferent media, and indeed even outside of media, allows for more prolonged and
depth engagement with the relevant material. Until recently more the province
of fan cultures and geeks, such convergence has now entered the realms of the
mainstream. “The ease of mobility between concepts in literary fiction and
culture-shaping communication technologies is perhaps one of the most telling
aspects of virtuality in our time.”75
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Many virtual worlds utilize fantasy topoi to create worlds and populate them
with inhabitants. It should also be noted that, in relation to science fiction,
the created world itself is generally a central character within the narrative,77
and this point can also be applied to fantasy. It is reasonable to assume that a
significant element of the attraction of fantasy for readers, viewers and gamers
is the created worlds themselves.
Created immersive worlds are by no means a product of the burgeoning
digital era.78 Mythology, for instance, has long supplied us with narratives
replete with worlds extended far beyond the tangible and rational. Typically,
mythology tends to represent this world as continuous with the realms of the
divine or other: thus deities and fabulous creatures tend to be geographically
located, albeit somewhat removed from the everyday world of human inter-
action. In this it is somewhat distinct from contemporary fantasy, where the
tertiary world tends to be discrete. Tolkien, for instance, despised the use of
techniques of transition to create fantasy, believing that in doing so the integrity
of the tertiary world would be lessened if not destroyed.79 Likewise, in studies
of contemporary fan cultures and texts, it has been found that a regular feature
of the narratives that gain such a fervent following is the massive scope of the
created worlds coupled with a well maintained internal consistency.
Cult80 narrative, meaning those that inspire a dedicated and sometime fanati-
cal following, “constructs immensely detailed, often fantastic, narrative worlds
which we as viewers can never fully encounter”.81 Fantasy narrative achieves
the same sense of fully populated worlds which, phenomenologically speaking,
exist beyond the bounds of the narrative occasion of the actual text. This massive
world creation, this potentially limitless horizon line, gives some indication as
to why these types of narrative are so well suited to passionate and sustained
engagement. Such a form of world creation, called hyperdiegesis, can be under-
stood as “the creation of a vast and detailed narrative space, only a fraction of
which is ever directly seen or encountered within the text, but which neverthe-
less appears to operate according to principles of internal logic and extension”.82
These hyperdigetic worlds own a mega-text83 for audiences that can func-
tion in the absence of supplied narrative: fans may, for instance, extend upon
extant text as happens within fan fiction, or extrapolate responses by characters
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not clearly depicted within the text, such as can be seen in slash fiction.84 The
hyperdigetic world must be consistent for it to function, or engagement with
the mega-text becomes frustrating, if not impossible. By and large, fantasy nar-
rative supplies massive, detailed worlds of which only a fraction is ever directly
engaged with through the texts. “The fan-viewer treats the hyperdigetic world
as a space through which the management of identity can be undertaken … its
role is also … one of stimulating creative speculation and providing a trusted
environment for affective play.”85
To take one instance of how such hyperdigetic worlds can retain integrity
while being intertextual, it is worth looking at the example of the multiverse: a
fictional framework within which numerous realities co-exist. The idea, popu-
larized in a number of works such as those of Michael Moorcock from the
early 1960s,86 is essentially one of parallel universes wherein all possibilities
are allowed existence.87 Numerous other writers have utilized this theme: most
notable in this context is Pratchett’s idea of the “trousers of time”, which is
played out in many of the Discworld novels.88 While the minutiae of these
various literary constructions can differ, those engaging in the idea of the mul-
tiverse tend to suggest an inclusivity that is both unusual and suggestive. The
idea may denote parallel universes in the sense of infinite worlds in which every
possible course of action is played out.
What is of particular interest in this notion is the way in which the idea
of the multiverse opens up the potential for massive intertextuality, and to a
degree paves the way for a macro structure that interweaves disparate worlds
without damaging the integrity of each individual constructed reality. In such
contexts, it is possible to have an immersive fantasy (denoted by the narrative
being set entirely within a tertiary world)89 maintain its integral hyperdigetic
structure while holding the potential for access to other discrete hyperdigetic
worlds. Such a construction provides a clear example of how multiple tertiary
worlds can imbricate without destroying their perceptual validity and integrity.
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the internet and popular cultures
out from the “invisible margins of popular culture and into the centre of current
thinking about media production and consumption”.91 Most visible through
conventions and the like, there are a plethora of forums available for people to
share their love for the content of their choice, to deconstruct, to discuss, and
even sometimes to dress up. “Everyone knows what a ‘fan’ is. It’s somebody
who is obsessed with a particular star, celebrity, film, TV programme, band;
somebody who can produce reams of information of their object of fandom,
and can quote their favoured lines of lyrics, chapter and verse.”92
Fan behaviours demonstrate striking similarities to groups such as the
Otherkin and Jediism, both in content and structure. The type of popular
culture texts appreciated, such as science fiction, fantasy, horror, cyberpunk and
more, are paralleled between the two areas of endeavour. Similarly, community
in both these cases is predicated in shared interest rather than more pragmatic
considerations such as geography, lifestyle, or age. These factors suggest that
not only are there parallels that may shed light upon Otherkin-type practices
and beliefs, but also that the distinctions between the two areas of interest may
yield a more clear situation of the Otherkin and other such groups.
Understandings of fan cultures have significantly developed in recent years.
No longer is the fan relegated to the margins of the social world, nor are they
considered passive consumer dupes. Audiences are “active, critically aware, and
discriminating”.93 If anything, these days fans may be seen as forerunners indica-
tive of the general direction in which contemporary digitized culture is headed,
a gauge of the soon-to-be popular. The traditional stereotype of the sci-fi nerd,
the classic image of the otaku, has moved away from a negative towards a posi-
tive stereotype as the skill bases associated with the characterization increase
in perceived value. Specialist knowledge of particular content, a willingness to
trawl through obscure source material, and passionate interest have all become
boons rather banes within contemporary digitized culture. Digital culture has
allowed fans to be visible,94 to share their own creative content, and to do so
with an often appreciative audience.
Although fan cultures can be seen to cover a vast range of interests, initially
these types of groups were most strongly associated with science fiction,95 and
science fiction has in turn been heavily implicated in the development of the
online world. Probably the single most well-known fan culture, Trekkies, were
already closely involved in online communication forms in the early 1990s.96
In terms of timelines of the popular use of the internet, such a presence verges
towards ancient history. Indeed, the movement to make the internet available
to the general public was spearheaded by a group of science fiction aficionados
from Harvard in the 1970s. These days, fan cultures have a far broader base, and
include under the rubric phenomena such as furries and slash fiction alongside
far more traditional fan practices.97
Fan cultures fundamentally revolve around a passionate engagement with
their content. So much so that they are often referred to, both by others and
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among themselves, as cult fans.98 The use of this term, although contextually
referring not to religiosity but rather a religious-like appreciation or quasi-
religion, highlights the intensity of the relationship, as well as the traditional
notions of deviancy attached to it. As an aside, it is interesting to note that
within studies of fan cultures there has been a persistent difficulty in properly
deciding how seriously to take the religious element.99
Theories of fan cultures, by focusing on both formal and informal societies
of appreciation, offer an interestingly inverse approach to the issues central
here, as well as providing particular approaches that help clarify passionate
engagement with texts. Although, generally speaking, such theories treat groups
as quasi-religions,100 they are dealing with a similar convergence of devotion,
media and cultural product, as can be seen with the Otherkin. Notably useful
are some of the theoretical constructions of recent scholars that have attempted
to clarify the particular location of cult discourses within fan cultures.101 Of
particular interest is Matt Hills’s location of cultic followings premised upon
media within the religious milieu by use of his term neoreligiosity.102 From the
outset, Hills emphatically denies religiosity as a formative aspect of fan cultures,
but rather points to the shared language and characteristics to justify use of
this term.103 Particularly relevant in this case is fans’ self-conscious use of the
term “cult” in the face of its overwhelmingly negative popular connotations.104
Hills’s thesis here rests primarily upon fans’ appropriation of the “other” or
“outsider” status common to both religious and media cults, but also incor-
porates ideas of self-absence in fans’ inability to fundamentally justify why
they are fans.105 Hills’s construction of neoreligiosity is in some ways parallel to
that of quasi-religion,106 as he sees here the discourses but not the content of
religion. Primarily, then, it is the notion of deviancy that makes things “cult”, a
finding that is paralleled within religious studies of the same. What is particu-
larly interesting in both a religious and a fan context is that deviancy is often
ascribed from within as well as without of the community. Participants’ very
sense of difference, of alienation, can be constitutive of the community itself.
Thus the heavy Otherkin dialogue around the difference between them and
“mere” humans; thus the geek’s scorn for the outsider who lacks their encyclo-
paedic knowledge of contemporary media.
For Hills, the religious terminology and associations of cult fandom have
three particular reasons for existence.107 First, they allow for a broad statement
of appreciation, not a textually specific one. Second, religious discourse permits
self absence and does not demand rational explanations. Last, and somewhat
inversely, religious frameworks also allow fans to avoid classification as totally
irrational.
From the outset, Hills’s claim that fan cultures “cannot usefully be thought of
as religions”108 is important. Nor can metaphysical endeavours like those of the
Otherkin be seen as fan cultures. There is, however, common ground between
these two that pertains to the structure and the content of both. The structural
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the internet and popular cultures
similarities are relatively clear; for instance, “fan communities have long defined
their memberships through affinities rather than localities”,109 a factor that is in
line with the “networked individualism”110 apparent within the Otherkin. The
interests of the Otherkin, though, highlight the commonality between the nar-
rative objects around which both such communities are formed. This mutual
interest in popular and, often, cult, narrative bespeaks the importance of the
particular nexus between passionate textual engagement and the specific appeal
of speculative worlds.
It is imperative at this point to restate the precise nature of the approach
taken to the situation of the Otherkin and other groups used in this study. I am
not positing that these groups are like religions, as has been done in many cases
such as football events111, “body beautiful” ideologies or twelve-step groups.112
The use of the category of religion in this context is not intended as a meta-
phor to demonstrate similar modes of structure, practice or communication.
These groups are actively religious insofar as their concerns are of a spiritual
and superempirical nature.113 Although such groups deviate to a degree from
the accepted or “common sense” norms of what religion is,114 they share the
primary interest in the superempirical that is arguably the only reliable linking
factor in all that falls within the category of discourse. Given that this is the case,
terms such as “quasi-religion”115 or “neoreligiosity”116 are perhaps inappropriate
to describe the nature of the groups in question in this study, as such terms are
intrinsically invested in maintaining a tension and a space between the concep-
tion of religion and the objects of study. While compelling the groups in this
study into a pre-formed ideal of religion would do them a great disservice, it
also appears that to exclude them from the field is to fundamentally misunder-
stand both their interests and their lived experience. While both quasi-religion
and neoreligiosity have much to offer in aid of interpreting obscure and fringe
groups, and indeed are essential to understanding groups as obscure as those
in this study, such theories point to the relationship with religion in order to
eventually distance those studied from it.
There are a number of striking parallels between the Otherkin and fan cul-
tures. Cult fandom tends to grow up around the same sorts of source material
as the Otherkin, Jediism and the like. Science fiction and fantasy are favourite
genres for fans, with texts inspiring particularly avid interest of both the secular
and the sacred type. These texts are also the predominant type of literature
contained within various Otherkin booklists, as well as being the most prolific
source for representations of the fantastic creatures so central to an Otherkin
worldview.
Another point where fan cultures and Otherkin-type beliefs can be seen
to meet is within the active extension of narrative. Fanzines and RPGs are
both clear examples of this sort of extension. Fanzines are “non-professional,
non-commercial fan-produced magazines or ‘zines’”.117 Often such texts will
take an already extant hyperdiegetic world and create new narratives within
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fantasy and belief
the internal logic of the secondary world, furthering the narrative of spaces
or characters from the original text. RPGs, before the advent of the online
MMORPGs, functioned in similar ways; with participants creating original
narratives within a real time setting within a set of rules ascribed to the sec-
ondary world. Such narratives may involve continuing narrative for favourite
characters, new characters continuing within a familiar secondary world, or
perhaps mash up approaches to texts where multiple separate narrative worlds
are combined. How dedicated the creators of fan fiction can be is evinced by
instances such as the official Star Wars fan film contest.118 This type of extension
parallels that which was noted earlier in the case of the Elenari.
The main distinction that may be made between the Otherkin and fan-type
appreciation, and for the purposes here the most important, is that fan cultures
traditionally stop short of extrapolating a metaphysic from the content. In other
words, the tertiary worlds (and their inhabitants) of authorial composition stay
as such, and are not attributed existence beyond imaginative forms.
One lens through which to view the types of engagement with texts that fans,
Otherkin, and other likeminded individuals are engaging in is encapsulated
within the notion of remix. Remix and bricolage are prevalent within the secular
areas of contemporary Western digital culture, and have come to form a huge
portion of both commodified and private textual creation. These developments
have tended to blur the role between performers and audiences, between the
creators of popular culture objects and those who enjoy them.
[Consumers are] playing a more active role in shaping the flow of media
throughout our culture, are drawn together by shared passions and
investment in specific media properties or platforms, and often create
new content by appropriating, remixing, or modifying existing media
in clever and inventive ways.119
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Remix culture does not only engage with juxtaposition, but more generally with
recontextualization. The underlying premise tends to be one of exchange and
interrelation rather than the static, modernist view of the created object that
sees a work as distinct, discrete and, importantly, copyrightable. In a far more
postmodernist vein, remix cultures generally see no problem with extending,
recontextualizing, or changing the text, with or without legal permission.121 Fan
fiction, for instance, can clearly be seen as an instance of this type of attitude.
Moreover, remix culture is not a phenomena limited to only to one form
of art, or to only one subculture. It denotes a far broader shift in attitudes to
content, to authenticity, and to context. For instance, bricolage of this sort has
been implicated as an integral element of the subversion of consumerism in
subcultural contexts122 in as much as consumables are not utilized as intended,
but are reworked by individuals. In this sense objects become “owned” rather
than just purchased. Remix implies a process that extends somewhat beyond
bricolage in that it does not just juxtapose disparate content to shed light on
otherwise obscured implications, but rather uses juxtaposition to create new
artistic and popular products that are complete in and of themselves.123
This kind of process is not just evident within underground, DIY or subcul-
tural arenas, however. This tendency is also apparent within the mainstream
world of games, music, visual art and so on. An interesting example of this
tendency can be found in the Final Fantasy games by Squaresoft.124 This series
of games is of notable interest as the characters are often associated with by
Otakukin, and are regularly mentioned by some who soulbond. The games are
classic computer-based RPGs with intricate plots, involved character develop-
ment, and complex worlds. The elements that make them significant here are
numerous. Firstly, these games all have an underlying animistic and elemental
view of the world. Particularly, the Earth itself is constructed as a singular
living entity that may be harmed or killed. For instance, in Final Fantasy VII
the overall goal of the game is to protect the world from external malign influ-
ences bent on the destruction of the planet. The magical system in the game is
premised on a variant on the elemental system regularly adhered to by many
forms of contemporary occultists.125 The internal narrative of the central char-
acter is consistently one of self-actualization and realization, generally taking
the frame of a heroic quest reliant upon companions, simultaneously empha-
sizing the development of social conscience and personal power. Beyond this,
though, the radical juxtaposition within the games is most clearly evident in
the naming of characters and entities. For instance, persistently throughout
many of the games there are cameo appearances by Biggs and Wedge, two
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fighter pilots from the original Star Wars film. There are a series of elemental
entities that are immensely powerful called, to name but a few, Shiva, Odin,
Hades, Cerberus, Ifrit, Siren and Bahamut. These entities have no necessary
relationship to the particulars of the gods and mythical beasts after which they
are named, although occasionally there is some continuity. Take Bahamut, for
instance. Attributed by Borges to Arabic tradition,126 he describes Bahamut as
a giant fish that is part of the strata of the world. In Final Fantasy, however,
Bahamut is a dragon-type creature that, in various incarnations, errs towards
the robot in form. There is no apparent connection between the water-based,
world-creating associations of the traditional image and the laser-breathing
tech dragon of the computer games. Likewise, representation of Shiva in the
computer games is similarly at odds with the traditional owner of the name.
Rather than the masculine, sexualized, creator-destroyer of Hindu mythol-
ogy,127 Final Fantasy posits Shiva as a female ice elemental. On the other hand,
the Siren character is depicted fairly closely to the original Greek image, as a
winged woman who sings to her victims in the sea.128
These games, and many others like them, are interesting on a number of
points. First, their referencing creates a consciously intertextual circumstance
between both contemporary popular culture texts and ancient mythology: they
build bridges between otherwise unrelated texts, and unashamedly borrow
from them. Second, they do so within a fantasy world with explicitly Pagan
philosophies and in-game practices. Interestingly, the various Final Fantasy
games are specifically proposed by Taylor Ellwood as offering “viable systems
of magic”.129 It seems possible that this is precisely because the magical systems
within the games develop and change over the various iterations, providing
a relatively stable interpretative framework that also includes a fair degree
of flexibility. Characters and entities reference long traditions without being
limited to them. Likewise, in this form of referencing a precedent is set for
the malleability of narrative icons, which is clearly useful from a magical
perspective.
This kind of use of sources goes far beyond simple referencing, rather
approaching the explicitly creative in the degree to which disparate narratives
and ideas are interwoven as well as radically juxtaposed. Like many recent
popular culture texts, they constitute a veritable web of references that provide
a kind of list of affiliation across fantasy texts. Beyond this web, however, there
is a demonstrable capacity to strip references of their original meaning without
necessarily losing their functions as icons. Levi-Strauss saw bricolage as impli-
cated in mythical thought,130 and this would certainly seem to be borne out in
the case of the Otherkin. Importantly, however, bricolage has become pervasive
not just in the realms of spiritual inquiry, but is becoming a constant element
of cultural production and reappropriation.
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It is also important to note the complex role that consumption plays within cult
fandom and Otherkin-type beliefs alike. It has been acknowledged that “fans
are both commodity-completists and they express anti-commercial beliefs or
‘ideologies’”.131 Simply speaking, individuals are generally more interested in
the content than the object. Consumption is merely the method through which
they can access the relevant material, not the goal in and of itself. In the con-
temporary world, this has less meaning than it otherwise might previously, as
“consumer society has become the accepted model both for individual behav-
iour and political decision making.”132
It has been argued that the movement of the “subcultural frontier” is strongly
impacted by the behaviours of the subculture industry, as participants and fans
eternally seek the new, the uncommodified, outside of the framework of the
commercially available.133 Further, it is proposed that subcultural capital has
become in fact more meaningful than cultural capital within postmodern soci-
eties.134 I would, in turn, take this progression a step further, and argue that
the subcultures we have previously been taken for granted since the counter-
culture movements of the 1960s have become, with the massive acceptance of
the digital world, diffused to the point of non-existence in any practical terms.
Bearing in mind the significant overlaps between the occultural world and the
subcultural world, this progression lines up with Partridge’s assertion of the
dubious nature of classifying occulture as alternative or outside of the norm.
Much of the content is so familiar, so easily accessible, and so readily available
that to view it as some form of outsider culture seems somewhat perverse.
In reference to the late modern, digital age, however, I would propose
another variation in developing trends. The notion of a mainstream culture
coupled with the attendant yet peripheral sub-cultures, can be read as becom-
ing increasingly obsolete within the digitized world. What we term popular
cultures, be they mainstream or sub, are effectively conglomerates of knowledge
situated across disciplinary boundaries with some form of thematic coherence.
One becomes more deeply involved with any given culture as one progressively
gains information of, and access to, the associated cultural products (music,
film, fashion, literature, etc.). The nature of the internet changes this structure
as access to information is far more expansive than in previous times. Detailed
knowledge of a specific area or field is still distinct from this, but the lines
distinguishing insiders and outsiders is far more blurred than ever before. I
would even posit the gradual death of anything remotely resembling discrete
sub-cultures within the digital world, not because they don’t exist, but because
the individual has so much more scope for entirely personalized engagement
and consumption, that the inference of a limited set of monolithic cultural
groupings is entirely inappropriate to the late modern, digitized age. A more
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The broad cultural shifts towards remix and fan cultures highlight a principle
difficulty in approaching these types of groups. One of the primary oversights
of the academy in relation to modern alternative religion is the tacit assump-
tion of seriousness and gravitas as the flag of authenticity. Simply put, we look
to the passionate seriousness of the participant as the measure of religious
sincerity. This is understandable in light of the methodological issues that
confront the scholar of religions, and, to a degree, is in line with phenom-
enological approaches that prioritize the experience of the participant and
therefore necessarily rely upon the expressions of religiosity as portrayed. We
assume, in the face of a multitude of different forms of religiosity, that it is only
in so far as the participant is incapable of heretical self-depreciation or, to use
the traditional word, blasphemy, that such an individual’s beliefs are genuine
and worthy of respect. Approaches such as this simply do not function in the
Westernized late modern world, and even less so in relation to the younger
generations and their spiritual and/or religious attitudes.137 Irony culture is
now essentially entrenched within the common communication styles of the
internet, and this affects all aspects of everyday life. To assume that individuals
who generally treat their experience as ironic would suddenly achieve some
solemnity and sincerity in relation to their spiritual beliefs is simply ridiculous.
As Droogers has so insightfully pointed out, “‘playful’ and ‘serious’ are not
necessarily opposites”.138
We as theorists must reorient ourselves in order to understand that the fic-
tional, created worlds and creatures that are at the centre of an Otherkin per-
spective are most emphatically here as well as being elsewhere, they are more
pervasively present for many than the older truths of revealed knowledge. Every
day, participants live with, interact with, and embody, these other worlds and
creatures. They can discuss them with other people; they may perspectively
indwell virtual representations; they might extend the worlds and narrative in
which they find meaning.
In attempting to understand groups such as the Otherkin, analysis must
move beyond the traditional locales of religion and spirituality, and even occul-
ture. Participants are engaging in popular culture both as a source of content
and a context for communication. Precisely what makes groups such as these
difficult to analyse is their firm location within, and continuity with, the worlds
of the popular, coupled with a radically idiosyncratic approach to materials.
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These types of explicit beliefs and implicit assumptions about the self and the
world are not created in a vacuum, but rather are formed between the nexus of
everyday lived experience and subjective spiritual understandings.
It is in attempting to address this nexus of everyday lived experience and
subjective spiritual understandings that the notion of the fantastic milieu has
currency. The specific icons that the Otherkin are utilizing are not limited to any
one locale, but instead proliferate across disparate areas of engagement. While
a dragon in a given computer game is almost certainly going to demonstrate
different characteristics to one drawn from a myth of the ancient world, they
are still to a large degree continuous. Further, the variations in representation
are likely to enhance the icon’s use in a spiritual context in that personalized
interpretations need not precisely line up with some singular monolithic image.
More importantly, however, it would be erroneous to assume that participants
would refuse to engage with the relevant icons wherever they might emerge.
The case of the Otakukin demonstrates this point clearly in that they explicitly
engage icons from the most popular of cultural sources.
Overview
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The third point is that specific virtual worlds such as MMORPGs allow for
significant immersion in fantasy worlds replete with icons drawn from literary
and mythological sources. The boundaries between the real and the unreal are
further blurred by the degree to which action within these worlds is shared
with other participants, and the fact that such worlds are persistent. In this
MMORPGs go far beyond other mediums in not just creating the sense of the
other world, but in maintaining it in any particular participants absence. These
virtual fantasy worlds make the borders between the real and the fantastic
indistinct through a variety of means: the actual value of gaming currencies; the
presence of player agency; the reality of in game communities; and the multiple
entry points into the same narrative worlds.
The element of convergence, however, brings us to the fourth point, which
is that the distinct borders between text and not-text have been blurred offline
just as online. Fan cultures also tend to remove such distinctions with a variety
of behaviours spanning from dressing up as a favourite character, through to
writing fan fiction narratives, be they textual, musical or visual. These behav-
iours, rather than demonstrating a fundamental consumerism, are rather reflec-
tive of a broader cultural trend towards bricolage and remix that is becoming
increasingly mainstream, or at least comfortably unusual: “if you dig deep
enough, you find more intimate correspondences between computer culture
and Paganism’s religion of the imagination. One link is science fiction and
fantasy fandom, a world whose role playing, nerd humour, and mythic enthu-
siasm has bred many a Pagan.”139
As far as postulating a cultural location for the Otherkin, this chapter has
gone some way towards articulating some of the broader secular tendencies
occurring around the nexus of fiction and media. It needs to be reiterated here
that I am absolutely not making the claim that individual Otherkin are neces-
sarily gamers, geeks or cultural pirates. Rather, the point is that this is the milieu
in which they exist, and that the concepts they explicitly and implicitly engage
with may be seen paralleled in other behaviours that manifest in the conjunct
locales of fiction and communication media.
For instance, although it would be a simple thing to draw a direct line from
individuals’ potential online experience as elves, magic users and so on, to the
beliefs evident within the Otherkin community, I am extremely reluctant to
do so. While the connection is clearly important, to attribute such beliefs to a
confusion of the boundaries of the self due to a lack of capacity to distinguish
between the various personas utilized online, or some kind of “fact–fiction
reversal”,140 for instance, seems unacceptably dismissive and completely misses
important aspects of the situation. To draw a causal link between the two
types of behaviour misrepresents the situation, whereas rather highlighting a
reciprocal connection allows both the creation of persona associated with the
internet and tertiary worlds, and the non-human constructions of self by the
Otherkin an equal, separate, and yet still potentially interrelated, existence. As
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128
CoNCLuSIoNS
The Otherkin exist, as do a number of other groups that engage in some com-
bination of fantasy narrative and digital cultures. The Otherkin appear to have
a reasonably significant constituency, across a number of countries. They are a
community, albeit one that exists primarily online in a variety of virtual locales.
Moreover, they utilize fantasy icons found in multiple sources and available
through a wide selection of media. Most importantly, these fantasy icons are
integral aspects of their metaphysic. In this, the Otherkin seem unusual insofar
as they tend to utilize the icons outside of the text rather than relying upon
specific textual manifestations.
It is also clear that the beliefs of the Otherkin show continuity with elements
of the occultural world. Ideas such as channelling, reincarnation, magic, oth-
erworlds and energy are apparent within the community, and hold a firm and
established location within occultural thought. Most particularly evident in the
context of Paganism, many of the ideologies of the Otherkin mirror or extend
re-enchanting notions of the world not just into this, but other realms as well.
On the other hand, the Otherkin also bear some resemblance to popular cul-
tural engagement, albeit with a difference of intention in terms of the attribution
of mundane and the metaphysical meaning. The particular fantasy icons, the
basis of community affiliation in terms of interest, and the depth and passion of
engagement with narrative are all shared between the two types of engagement,
and suggest a significant and perhaps formative relationship.
The Otherkin draw source material, as well as structural support, from
within contemporary popular culture as equally as they do occulture. Not only
are the fantasy icons just as, if not more, accessible through television shows,
movies, comics and games as they are through traditional literary formats,
but these various media provide far more graphically rich manifestations of
these icons. Fantasy icons in turn have become progressively more humanized,
and representations are more and more likely to depict fantastic creatures as
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130
conclusions
that this should lead to the assumption that we cannot distinguish between the
two. Rather, what I am proposing is a trajectory that encompasses the space
between communities of interest and communities of adherence, and treats
both as end points upon a continuum. In a context where religious themes and
popular culture are both significantly present, the degree to which a text has
been reworked or reinvented and then integrated into the participants lived
experience provides at least an indicator of the meaningfulness of the popular
culture object within participants’ lives.
Active participation in the text then assumes not just passive engagement,
but some form of contribution, recontextualization or creation: reappropria-
tion and personalization of some type. The world-mapping practices of the
Elenari, for instance, would certainly fall into this category. Alternatively, the
types of engagement with characters that the Otakukin practice would similarly
constitute active engagement. This element alone does not provide significant
clarity, however, as fan fiction also achieves precisely the same form of active
participation, as does many other secular behaviours. It is here that the element
of internalization becomes relevant. The degree to which the reappropriated
texts (or icons) are given personal significance is likely to reflect a significant
investment of personal time and meaning. Of course, this still does not success-
fully divide between behaviours that are grounded in metaphysical assertion
from the purely psychological. What it does achieve, however, is a framework
that establishes the types of engagement that may lead to metaphysical and
spiritual speculation. Once these factors are determined to be present, then the
distinction between metaphysical and mundane approaches may be determined
on the level of individual practice.
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AppENDIx: oThErkIN SurvEY rESuLTS
YSIS
These are the results of an online survey undertaken in the first half of 2011.
It consisted of a series of thirteen questions, aimed at gathering responses
around three main areas of interest: basic sociological data, respondents’ self-
understanding as Otherkin, and how participants relate this understanding
to broader notions of religion and spirituality. The survey was sent to three
Otherkin community sites online, and, via the site administrators, participants
were invited to respond. No identifying data were collected, nor was there any
contact between respondents and the researcher. It should also be pointed out
that the data do not claim to be a clear or totalizing articulation of the Otherkin
community, but rather are included so as to provide a more detailed illustration
of particular Otherkin positions.
Question 1
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4. Although I identify male above all else, I also identify as pretty much
anything and everything
5. Biologically female, I identify as androgyne
6. Androgynous
7. Gender neutral
8. Androgynous
9. Physical sex female, agender
10. Transgender
11. Gender fluid (female I Identifying as internally androgynous leaning
toasted male)
12. Androgyne/gender fluid
13. Transgender – FtM Pre-op
14. Gender-neutral
15. I range from genderless to slightly masculine
16. Female bodied, Male spirited
17. Female-leaning gender-fluid androgyne
18. Gender neutral
Question 2
Question 3
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appendix : otherkin survey results
Where respondents listed more than one occupation, the first occupation is
taken as primary. Unless specified, students are assumed to be at a university
level rather than secondary school. The categories provided in this table are
broad, and intended to be indicative only. Complete answers are offered below:
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appendix : otherkin survey results
Question 4
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fantasy and belief
Question 5
Respondents were able to select more than one option in this question.
Respondents were also offered the opportunity to further articulate their posi-
tions to “Other”. The 9 responses were as follows:
1. Theriankin
2. Myself
3. Shapeshifter
4. Starseed
138
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5. Leopard-therian
6. Classification unknown
7. Demon
8. I am not a big fan of labels, but so far I suppose one could call me an
otherkin
9. Therian
Question 6
1. Angelic
2. Gargoyle
3. Dragon
4. Domestic feline; symbolic wings
5. Fae/myself
6. Vampire, phoenix …
7. Bennu and western dragon
8. Polymorph
9. Angel
10. Dragonkin
139
fantasy and belief
140
appendix : otherkin survey results
38. A creature that combines wolf, snake, and human physical characteristics.
Looks kind of like a scaly Anubis with a lion tail.
39. Relate? … erm … a couple of spirits around my house, a few friends from
the astral plane, some other people who claim to be non-human … who
else … not sure.
40. Fallen angel
41. Polymorphic celestial
42. Dragon
43. Demon
44. Abrahamic angels
45. Sidhe/faery, occasionally dragon
46. Elven – not fae
47. Hawks, big cats, and the god Horus/Heru
48. Fae
49. European/Western type dragon
50. A creature that is a mixture between a harpy and phoenix. I do not know
the name of the species yet, if there is one coined for it in mythology or
otherwise.
51. Demons
52. Elves
53. Fae
54. Sidhe
55. Dragon
56. Demon
57. Angelic, but “Fallen”
58. Fox
59. Jaguar
60. Dog (but I’m still unsure.)
61. It’s a polymorph
62. Angel
63. I (Sachael) am of the cherubim (a type of angel) of the Abrahamic (Islam/
Judaism/Christianity) traditions. My headmate Kat is a human-seeming
eight-year-old female split from myself (an issue with childhood trauma).
Limbrethil is a male Tolkien elf walk-in (a soul originating outside the
body)
64. Abrahamic Angelic
Question 7
141
fantasy and belief
1. She is not only a part of me. We are 2 parts that belongs together. She is
very brave, strong and full of love and justice, but sometimes a little bit
stubborn. As I completely accepted her, she was no longer a separate part
of my identity and we became a unity.
2. I feel as if I was either intended to be a dragon, and was put in a human
body, or possibly was a dragon at some point and was reincarnated as a
human.
3. There is no “relationship”, the “entity” would be a part of my dynamic self.
4. I feel the connection through a heavy bond to nature, as well as the feeling
that this wasn’t the right world for me. I feel as though, as good as this
world can be, it is not my home. In terms of my Faeness, my love of nature
helps me define it, but also just a gut feeling that Fae is the “right fit” as
it were. The reason I put “myself ” was that, overall, that is who I am. No
one, can define me as anything else, and Fae is just a part of who I am.
5. Is my soul.
6. The dragon is the remnants of a past life while the Bennu is the makings
of a future life.
7. I’ve had angels that teach and guide me in my dreams since I was little.
Those have stopped for the most part now, but I’ve always believed I was
an angel. It’s mostly apart of my personality. I don’t understand the logic
of most people. Their decisions are just counter productive for their own
well being and others. Most seem to cause their own misery more than
they realize or will admit.
8. You mean the relationship with myself? Um … I have memories of myself
before this form.
142
appendix : otherkin survey results
143
fantasy and belief
26. We are one in the same. The angelic/kin side of me is still as me as the
human side of me.
27. Close relationship
28. Reincarnation, leftover scraps that probably shouldn’t be here
29. Spirit is entirely nonhuman, body is entirely human, mind is the meeting
point between the two.
30. I’m fairly certain it is a past-life dealie. Just have a lot of memories, some
positive and uplifting, most more on the negatives and depressing. Affects
my mood and personality heavily.
31. It is a state of being, a way of life, I have followed through multiple incarna-
tions and lifetimes. It is a more so a path and not a creature. It has forever
changed my mentally and physically, as it has always. It is what I have
always been and shall always be.
32. I am the non-human entity incarnated into human body.
33. I believe myself to be a demon incarnated in a human body. I am the non-
human entity inside a human body.
34. Most likely reincarnation.
35. It’s me. I consider my soul to be nonhuman-shaped, and my body to be
human-shaped.
36. Friendship generally.
37. I believe my otherkin identity to stem from a past life. I’ve always believed
in the idea of reincarnation, and despite the few years I tried to repress the
idea it asserted itself and I feel like I’ve learned more about myself because
of it.
38. I don’t have a relationship with a non-human entity. I believe instead of a
human soul the energy being that is me is inside of this human body.
39. I believe I was a dragon in a past life.
40. I am the non-human entity.
41. I believe myself to be an incarnated angel.
42. It’s not a “relationship with”; it’s me.
43. In past lives, I was incarnated as an elf, as opposed to being incarnated as
a human.
44. I share some of the characteristics and mindset of the entities listed. As far
as Heru goes, I think the Hindu term “amsha” (partial incarnation) seems
to describe it best. I’m not Him, but my spirit is part of Him.
45. I am.
46. Always felt a connection, even as a small child. When I got older the feeling
of having a non-human soul became stronger, and I accepted having a
Dragon soul long before I discovered the term and community; Otherkin.
I became quite surprised when I discovered I was not alone.
47. Mainly recalling past as said creature, no “communication” or conversa-
tions as it is obviously no longer living if its soul has been reincarnated
into the body/mentality of a human being.
144
appendix : otherkin survey results
145
fantasy and belief
Question 8
Question 9
This question allowed multiple answers. Percentages are of the total number of
responses. Respondents were offered the opportunity to further articulate their
responses to “Other”. The 10 responses were as follows.
1. Non denominational
2. Pagan
3. I believe any god can exist as long as someone wholeheartedly believes in
that god, thought I don’t worship any type of deities.
4. Pagan/wiccan
5. I am possibilitist … anything is possible, but not necessarily true.
6. Polytheist
7. I believe that the spiritual exists and that deities exist, but that one is not
required to include them in their lives in order to feel happy and fulfilled;
in other words, they are not absolutely necessary for us to continue on as
a species.
146
appendix : otherkin survey results
8. Open-minded
9. I (myself and Kat) am regularly religious and a member of a church.
Limbrethil is spiritual, and while polytheistic, his deity figures do not
demand strict worship, just recognition.
10. General spiritual beliefs are influenced by Christianity, Buddhism, Neo-
Paganism, as well as Absurdist and Existentialist philosophies.
Question 10
1. Wicca
2. None
3. Paganism
4. Paganism
5. Have a bit of pagan belief as well
6. Neo-Pagan
7. Witchcraft, Paganism, many different forms of spirituality
8. Some Wicca, mostly I’m agnostic though.
147
fantasy and belief
9. Druidry
10. Pagan beliefs
11. New Thought Movement, referring to the Conversations with God from
Neale Walsch
12. Goddess worship
13. Wicca
14. Paganism
15. Pagan
16. Wiccan
17. Paganism/witchcraft
18. Paganism, used to be Christian
19. N/A
20. Neo-Gnosticism
21. The truth behind all religions
22. N/A
23. Eclectic Neopaganism
24. None, too sheep-ish
25. Paganism
26. Paganism
27. Revival Druidry
28. None
29. Paganism (religious witchcraft)
30. Pagan
31. Currently studying Kemeticism
32. Paganism
33. Wicca
34. Calyr
35. Animist
36. Agree with certain tenets of Hermeticism
37. I don’t participate in Religious activities
38. Gnostic Luciferian
39. Shamanism/Paganism
40. Wicca
41. Kemeticism
42. Neo-Paganism
148
appendix : otherkin survey results
Question 11
This question allowed multiple answers. Percentages are of the total number of
responses. Specific responses to “Other” are listed below.
149
fantasy and belief
Question 12
Question 13
150
NoTES
intRoDuction
151
notes
15. See, for instance, Adam Possamai, Religion and Popular Culture (New York: Peter Lang,
2005).
16. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 141.
17. Campbell, “Cult, the Cultic Milieu, and Secularisation”.
18. C. Hewson, “Gathering Data on the Internet: Qualitative Approaches and Possibilities for
Mixed Methods Research”, in The Oxford Handbook of Internet Psychology, A. Joinson,
K. McKenna, T. Postmes & U.-D. Reips (eds) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007),
418–23.
19. Christopher Helland, “Online Religion as Lived Religion: Methodological Issues in the Study
of Religious Participation on the Internet”, Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 1(1)
(2005), http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/volltextserver/5823 (accessed November 2012).
20. Urban Dictionary, www.urbandictionary.com (accessed October 2012).
1. A. L. Greil & T. Robbins, “Introduction: Exploring the Boundaries of the Sacred”, in Between
Sacred and Secular: Research and Theory on Quasi-Religion, A. Greil & T. Robbins (eds)
(Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1994), 3.
2. Ibid.
3. Edward Burnett Tylor, Primitive Culture: Researches into the Development of Mythology,
Religion, Language, Art and Custom, 4th edn (London: Murray, 1903), 424.
4. Wouter Hanegraaff, “New Age Religion and Secularisation”, Numen 47(3) (2000), 295.
5. Ibid., 296.
6. Ibid., 300.
7. J. Gordon Melton, “An Introduction to New Religions”, in The Oxford Handbook of New
Religious Movements, James R. Lewis (ed.) (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 19.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid., 18–21.
10. James A. Beckford, Cult Controversies (London: Tavistock, 1985), 23.
11. Ibid.
12. J. Gordon Melton, “Perspective: Towards a Definition of ‘New Religion’”, Nova Religio 8(1)
(2004), 74.
13. Ibid., 75.
14. Ibid., 80.
15. Thomas Robbins, “New Religions and Alternative Religions”, Nova Religio 8(3) (2005),
104–11.
16. Ibid., 107.
17. Ibid., 106.
18. Melton, “Perspective: Towards a Definition of ‘New Religion”.
19. David Bromley, “Perspective: Whither New Religions Studies?”, Nova Religio 8(2) (2004),
83–97.
20. Robbins, “New Religions and Alternative Religions”, 107.
21. Ibid., 108.
22. Melton, “An Introduction to New Religions”, 30.
23. James R. Lewis, Legitimating New Religions (New York: Rutgers University Press, 2003), 79.
24. Ibid., 80; Ronald Hutton, “Modern Pagan Witchcraft”, in Witchcraft and Magic in Europe:
The Twentieth Century, W. Blecourt, R. Hutton & J. Fontaine (eds) (London: Athlone Press,
1999), 44–5.
25. Lynne Hume, Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University
Press, 1997), 95.
152
notes
153
notes
2007), 14–16. For an overview of different approaches to the esoteric traditions, see Wouter
Hanegraaff, “On the Construction of ‘Esoteric Traditions’”, in Western Esotericism and the
Science of Religion, Antoine Faivre & Wouter Hanegraaff (eds) (Leuven, Belgium: Peeters
Publishers, 1998).
56. Olav Hammer, “Esotericism in New Religious Movements”, in The Oxford Handbook of New
Religious Movements, Lewis (ed.), 445–9.
57. Faivre, “Questions of Terminology Proper to the Study of Esoteric Currents in Modern and
Contemporary Europe”, 2.
58. Wouter Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of
Secular Thought (New York: SUNY Press, 1998), 388–92.
59. Antoine Faivre, “What Is Occultism?”, in Hidden Truths: Magic, Alchemy and the Occult,
Lawrence E. Sullivan (ed.) (New York: Macmillan Collier, 1987), 5.
60. Ibid., 1.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid.
63. Antoine Faivre, Access to Western Esotericism (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1994), 10–15.
64. Ibid., 10.
65. Ibid., 11.
66. Ibid., 13.
67. Ibid., 12.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid., 13.
70. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience : A Study in Human Nature (London:
Penguin, 1982), 488, footnote.
71. M. von Franz, “The Process of Individuation”, in Man and his Symbols, Carl Jung (ed.)
(London: Picador, 1978), 164.
72. Faivre, “What Is Occultism?”, 3.
73. Hanegraaff, “New Age Religion and Secularisation”, 293–4.
74. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 407.
75. Tiryakian, “Towards the Sociology of Esoteric Culture”, 498.
76. T. M. Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch’s Craft : Ritual Magic in Contemporary England
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 192–5; Julia Phillips, “The Magical
Universe”, in Practising the Witch’s Craft: Real Magic under a Southern Sky, D. Ezzy (ed.)
(Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2003), 135–6.
77. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 422.
78. S. Reid & S. Rabinovitch, “Witches, Wiccans, and Neo-Pagans: A Review of Current
Academic Treatments of Neo-Paganism”, in Oxford Handbook of New Religious Movements,
Lewis (ed.), 523.
79. Some of these various forms of magic are addressed in more detail in Chapter 3. For summary
definitions of these terms, see N. Drury, The Watkins Dictionary of Magic (London: Watkins,
2005).
80. John Middleton, “Magic: Theories of Magic”, in Encyclopedia of Religion, Lindsay Jones (ed.)
(Detroit, MI: Macmillan Reference, 2005), 5562–3.
81. Ibid., 5566.
82. Ibid., 5562.
83. Luhrmann, Persuasions of the Witch’s Craft.
84. Ibid., 7.
85. John Gray, Black Mass (London: Penguin, 2007), 189.
86. Karen Armstrong, “Resisting Modernity: The Backlash against Secularism”, Harvard
International Review 25(4) (2004), 1.
87. This phrase was originally used in a lecture given by Weber in 1917. See Michael Saler,
154
notes
155
notes
156
notes
152. J. R. R. Tolkien, The Lord of the Rings (London: Allen & Unwin, 1954).
153. Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces, 2nd edn (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1968).
154. G. Slusser, “Reflections on Style in Science Fiction”, in Styles of Creation: Aesthetic Technique
and the Creation of Fictional Worlds, G. Slusser & E. Rabkin (eds) (Athens, GA: University
of Georgia Press, 1992), 3.
155. Stanislaw Lem, The Cyberiad: Fables for the Cybernetic Age (London: Secker & Warburg,
1974).
156. Adam Roberts, Science Fiction. (London: Routledge, 2006), 2–3.
157. Kroeber, Romantic Fantasy and Science Fiction, 9.
158. James Gunn, “Towards a Definition of Science Fiction”, in Speculations on Speculation:
Theories of Science Fiction, James Gunn & Matthew Candelaria (eds) (Lanham, MD:
Scarecrow Press, 2005), 8.
159. Ibid., 6.
160. A tertiary world is a narrative world completely discrete from the primary world, as opposed
to secondary worlds such as those viewable within fiction located within this world. This will
be discussed further in Chapter 4.
161. Gunn, “Towards a Definition of Science Fiction”, 9–10.
162. Gary K. Wolfe, “Coming to Terms”, in Speculations on Speculation, Gunn & Candelaria (eds),
15.
163. Damien Broderick, Reading by Starlight: Postmodern Science Fiction (London: Routledge,
1995), 155.
164. Kroeber, Romantic Fantasy and Science Fiction, 9.
165. Ibid., 71.
166. Ibid., 22.
167. Richard Mathews, Fantasy : The Liberation of Imagination (New York: Routledge, 2002), 4–5;
Eric S. Rabkin, The Fantastic in Literature (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976).
168. Kroeber, Romantic Fantasy and Science Fiction, 29–30.
169. Lauri Honko, “The Problem of Defining Myth”, in Sacred Narrative: Readings in the Theory
of Myth, Alan Dundes (ed.) (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1984), 44; Kees
Bolle, “Myth: An Overview”, in Encyclopedia of Religion, Lindsay Jones (ed.) (Detroit, MI:
Macmillan Reference, 2005), 6365.
170. There are nature theories, language theories, psychological theories, structural theories and
myth–ritualist approaches, which all in their own ways attempt to explain myths, but few
seem to view myth in its own right. See, for instance F. M. Muller, Natural Religion (London:
Longmans, Green, 1889); Ernst Cassirer, Language and Myth, Susanne K. Langer (trans.)
(Mineola, NY: Dover, 1953); S. Freud, Totem and Taboo: Some Points of Agreement between
the Mental Lives of Savages and Neurotics, James Strachey (trans.) (New York: Norton, 1950);
Claude Levi-Strauss, Myth and Meaning (New York: Schocken, 1979); Carl Jung, Symbols of
Transformation, Collected Works of C. G. Jung, R. F. C. Hull (trans), Michael Fordham, Sir
Herbert Read, Gerhard Adler & William McGuire (eds), vol. 5, 2nd edn (London: Routledge
& Kegan Paul, 1953–79); Emile Durkheim & Marcel Mauss, Primitive Classification (Chicago,
IL: University of Chicago Press, 1963); B. Malinowski, Myth in Primitive Psychology (New
York: Greenwood Press, 1971); J. G. Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion
(London: Macmillan, 1911–15); E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, 5th edn (London: Murray,
1913).
171. Robert A. Segal, Theorizing about Myth (Boston, MA: University of Massachusetts Press,
1999), 59–65.
172. William Bascom, “The Forms of Folklore”, in Sacred Narrative: Readings in the Theory of
Myth, Alan Dundes (ed.) (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1984), 8–9.
173. Alan Dundes (ed.), Sacred Narrative, 5.
157
notes
174. Mircea Eliade, The Myth of the Eternal Return, or, Cosmos and History (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1954), 67.
175. Dundes, Sacred Narrative, 5–6.
176. Ibid., 5.
177. Bascom, “The Forms of Folklore”, 29
178. Stableford, Historical Dictionary of Fantasy Literature, 297.
179. Faivre, “What Is Occultism?”, 7.
180. Kroeber, Romantic Fantasy and Science Fiction, 31.
181. Scott Masson, “Romanticism”, in The Oxford Handbook of English Literature and Theology,
David Jasper & Elisabeth Jay Andrew Hass (eds) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007),
124.
182. Ibid., 123.
183. Faivre, Access to Western Esotericism, 86.
184. R. Bromwich, “The Mabinogi and Lady Charlotte Guest”, in The Mabinogi: A Book of Essays,
Charles W. Sullivan (ed.) (New York: Garland, 1996), 6.
185. Elizabeth Holtze, “Grimm Brothers”, in Encyclopedia of Modern Europe: Europe 1789–1914:
Encyclopedia of the Age of Industry and Empire, John Merriman & Jay Winter (eds) (Detroit,
MI: Scribner, 2006).
186. R. C. Johnson, R. I. Maxwell & K. Trumpener, “The Arabian Nights, Arab-European Literary
Influence, and the Lineages of the Novel”, Modern Language Quarterly 68(2) (2007), 243–79.
187. Cornwell, The Literary Fantastic, 4–5.
188. Wolfe, Critical Terms for Science Fiction and Fantasy, xvii.
189. Cornwell, The Literary Fantastic, 215.
190. Lucie Armitt, Theorising the Fantastic (London: Arnold, 1996), 1.
191. Stableford, Historical Dictionary of Fantasy Literature, xxxv.
2. the otheRKin
1. Arhuaine The Crisses, Miaren Crowsdaughter, Thistle Kachunk, Golden Syrpent, Knight of
Ghosts and Shadows & Jarin Dreamsinger, “Otherkin FAQ v 4.0.1”, http://kinhost.org/res/
Otherfaq.php (accessed October 2012).
2. Tirl Windtree, “What are Otherkin?”, www.otherkin.net/articles/what.html (accessed
October 2012).
3. Kinjou Ten, “Temple of the Ota’kin”, http://otakukin.otherkin.net (accessed November 2012).
4. C. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, 67.
5. Michael York, The Emerging Network: A Sociology of the New Age and Neo-Pagan Movements
(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1995), 145.
6. Graham Harvey, “The Authority of Intimacy in Paganism and Goddess Spirituality”, Diskus
4(1) (1996), §1.2.
7. See Appendix.
8. For an earlier discussion of this issue, see Danielle Kirby, “Alternative Worlds: Metaphysical
Questing and Virtual Community amongst the Otherkin”, in Through a Glass Darkly:
Reflections on the Sacred, Frances Di Lauro (ed.) (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 2006).
9. See, for instance, The Elenari, www.elenari.net/index.shtml (accessed October 2012);
“Synesthesia Symbiosis”, www.rialian.com (accessed November 2012); http://silverelves.
angelfire.com (accessed November 2012); The Otherkin Community, www.otherkincom-
munity.org/wiki/Main_Page (accessed November 2012); “Harmony & Discord”, www.other-
kin.net/index.html (accessed November 2012); Otherkin.com, www.otherkin.com/phpBB3
(accessed November 2012).
158
notes
159
notes
160
notes
frame personal and/or spiritual growth in such terms. See, for instance, John Welwood,
Towards a Psychology of Awakening: Buddhism, Psychotherapy, and the Path of Personal
and Spiritual Transformation (Boston, MA: Shambhala, 2000); Walter Anderson, The Next
Enlightenment: Integrating East and West in a New Vision of Human Evolution (New York:
St Martin’s Press, 2003). Theoretically speaking, theories of conversion also offer an interest-
ing framework through which to view the Otherkin concept of awakening.
67. Miaren Crow’s Daughter, “So … You’re Awake?”, www.otherkin.net/articles/wakeup.html
(accessed November 2012).
68. Casidhe Adain, “Reflections on Waking”, www.otherkin.net/articles/reflections.html
(accessed November 2012).
69. Frank K. Flinn, “Conversion: The Pentecostal and Charismatic Experience”, in Religious
Conversion: Contemporary Practices and Controversies, Christopher Lamb & M. Darroll
Bryant (eds) (London: Cassell, 1999), 52–3.
70. Lupa, “Some Thoughts on Mediakin”.
71. See “The Psychologization of the Occult” in Chapter 3.
72. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 2, 6.
73. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 84–5.
74. Hime, “Soulbond”, www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=soulbonding (accessed
November 2012).
75. Stachelrochen, “Soulbond”, www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=soulbond (accessed
November 2012).
76. O’Dea, “Soulbonds”.
77. Gabriel Ragland, “Soulbond Sense”, www.karitas.net/pavilion/library/articles; now defunct.
78. It is interesting to note that the term “soulscape”’ has also appeared in an academic context.
In an impassioned discussion on the personhood of animals, Bekoff uses the term ”soulscape”
to denote the utopic ideal that the “awe-inspiring universe as a whole will become a better
place-a soulscape-in which to live in harmony with all of our kin, other life, and inanimate
landscapes.” Whether this understanding had any influence on the notion of soulbonding
is unclear. M. Bekoff, “The Evolution of Animal Play, Emotions, and Social Morality: On
Science, Theology, Spirituality, Personhood, and Love”, Zygon 36(4) (2001), 648.
79. Kinhost.org, “Brief FAQ”, www.kinhost.org/wiki/Main/BriefFAQ (accessed October 2012).
80. Kinhost.org, “Natural”, www.kinhost.org/wiki/Main/NaturalMultiple (accessed October
2012).
81. Shaytar, “The Gatefield”, http://bentspoons.com/Shaytar/gatefield.shtml (accessed 2008; the
page is no longer available).
82. Kinhost.org, “Dissociative Identity Disorder”, www.kinhost.org/wiki/Main/Dissociative
IdentityDisorder (accessed October 2012).
83. Robert A. Heinlein, Stranger in a Strange Land (New York: Putnam, 1961).
84. Possamai, Religion and Popular Culture, 72–3.
85. Michael Jindra, “Star Trek Fandom as a Religious Phenomenon”, Sociology of Religion 55(1)
(1994), 27–51.
86. The Jedi Resource Centre and Jedi Gatherings Group, www.jediresourcecenter.org/vb/index.
php (accessed 2008; the page is no longer available).
87. George Lucas (director), Star Wars: Episode 4, (Century City, CA: Twentieth Century Fox,
1977).
88. Ibid.
89. See, for instance, the 2001 census and the associated uproar. See Possamai, Religion and
Popular Culture, 72–5.
90. A central character in the Star Wars series.
91. Possamai, Religion and Popular Culture, 75.
92. See also pages 45–6.
161
notes
162
notes
163
notes
164
notes
69. Nancy K. Sandars, The Epic of Gilgamesh: An English Version, rev. edn (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1972).
70. Adam Douglas, The Beast Within (London: Orion, 1993), 39.
71. Ibid., 264.
72. Ibid., 131–4.
73. Stuart Walker (director), Werewolf in London (Universal City, CA: Universal Pictures, 1935).
74. Mark Rein-Hagen (creator), Werewolf: The Apocalypse (Stone Mountain, GA: White Wolf,
1992).
75. Mark Rein-Hagen (creator), Vampire: The Masquerade (Stone Mountain, GA: White Wolf,
1991).
76. Stewart Wieck et al. (creator), Mage: The Ascension (Stone Mountain, GA: White Wolf, 1993).
77. Alfonso Cuaron (director), Harry Potter and the Prisoner of Azkaban (Pyrmont, NSW:
Warner Home Video [distributor], 2004); J. K. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Prisoner of
Azkaban (London: Bloomsbury, 1999).
78. “Angels”, in Encyclopedia of Occultism and Parapsychology, Gordon Melton (ed.) (Detroit,
MI: Gale, 2001), 52.
79. Ibid.
80. Andrea Piras, “Angels”, in Encyclopedia of Religion, Jones (ed.), 343, 49.
81. Wouter Hanegraaff, “How Magic Survived the Disenchantment of the World”, Religion 33
(2003), 368; Drury, The Watkins Dictionary of Magic, 181, entry on “Magic, Enochian”.
82. C. Fanger, “Intermediary Beings II: Middle Ages”, in Dictionary of Gnosis and Western
Esotericism, Wouter Hanegraaff (ed.) (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 619.
83. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 198.
84. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 2, 276–8.
85. Lupa, A Field Guide to the Otherkin, 211.
86. Donald LoCicero, Superheroes and Gods: A Comparative Study from Babylonia to Batman
(Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2008), 4.
87. Possamai, Religion and Popular Culture, 90; Christopher Knowles, Our Gods Wear Spandex:
The Secret History of Comic Book Heroes (San Francisco, CA: Weiser Books, 2007), 3.
88. Knowles, Our Gods Wear Spandex, 13.
89. P. Coogan, Superhero: The Secret Origin of a Genre (Austin, TX: MonkeyBrain Books, 2006),
30–52.
90. Ibid., 48.
91. Adam Possamai, “Superheros and the Development of Latent Abilities: A Hyper-real
Re-enchantment?”, in Popular Spiritualities: The Politics of Contemporary Enchantment,
Lynne Hume & Katherine McPhillips (eds) (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), 57.
92. Adam Possamai, Religion and Popular Culture.
93. T. Andrae, “From Menace to Messiah: The History and Historicity of Superman”, in American
Media and Mass Culture: Left Perspectives, D. Lazere (ed.) (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1987), 125. Quoted in Possamai, Religion and Popular Culture, 90.
94. Adam Possamai, “Superheros and the Development of Latent Abilities”, 58.
95. Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra: A Book for All and None, Adrian Del
Caro & Robert B. Pippin (eds) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
96. Coogan, Superhero, 158.
97. Ibid., 159; Matthew Wolf-Meyer, “The World Ozymandias Made: Utopias in the Superhero
Comic, Subculture, and the Conservation of Difference”, Journal of Popular Culture 36(3)
(2003), 497.
98. Self-Spirituality is another term that is used to describe the modern phenomena of per-
sonal religiosity; see Paul Heelas, The New Age Movement: The Celebration of the Self and
the Sacralization of Modernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 18–36. Tested in relation to the
New Age Movement, Paul Heelas proposes the label as one that may cohesively enfold the
165
notes
variety of individual beliefs that fall under the rubric of the New Age. Heelas locates three
central characteristic paradigmatic statements, in addition to many more generally held
approaches. The first of these central propositions is that “your lives do not work”. This refers
to the tendency of New Agers to assert that an individual’s indoctrination into mainstream
society and its associated practices lead to a division of the self and a departure from the
“authentically human”. The second proposition, that “you are gods and goddesses in exile”,
highlights the assumption that humans are primarily spiritual creatures. The third common
premise is summarized as “let go/drop it”; see also Marcel Gauchet, The Disenchantment of
the World: A Political History of Religion (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997).
This refers to the need for New Age practitioners to shuck off their societal assumptions and
behaviours so as to experience life in its fullness, not through the lens of habitual approaches.
Beyond these three aspects, Heelas locates many other specific characteristics impor-
tant, if not so widely held, to self-spirituality. These include unmediated individualism,
where the individual is considered the last and best authority on the self; see also Peter W.
Williams, Popular Religion in America: Symbolic Change and the Modernization Process in
Historical Perspective (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980). A familiar theme by now,
this concept is particularly pervasive within contemporary alternative beliefs, and it seems
rare to find philosophies within the occultural world that hold to strict hierarchies.
99. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 48–50.
100. Ibid., 49.
101. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 28.
102. Michael Ostling, “Harry Potter and the Disenchantment of the World”, Journal of Contemp-
orary Religion 18(1) (2003), 4.
103. Tolkien, “On Fairy-Stories”, 31.
104. Lupa, A Field Guide to the Otherkin, 211.
105. Illuminism is the term used to refer to the period from 1750 to 1820, denoting the broad the-
osophical orientation of the time. Antoine Faivre, “Esotericism”, in Encyclopedia of Religion,
Jones (ed.), 2843.
106. Helen Sara Farley, “Tarot: An Evolutionary History” (PhD thesis, University of Queensland,
2007), chapter 4.
107. Katz, The Occult Tradition, 16.
108. Owen, The Place of Enchantment, 4.
109. Farley, “Tarot: An Evolutionary History”, chapter 4.
110. Owen, The Place of Enchantment, 18.
111. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 435.
112. John B. Buescher, “Spiritualism”, in Encyclopedia of Religion, Jones (ed.), 8715.
113. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 436.
114. Hume, Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia: 19; Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western
Culture, 437; Joscelyn Godwin, The Theosophical Enlightenment (Albany, NY: SUNY Press,
1994), 187–8.
115. Buescher, “Spiritualism”, 8716.
116. These devout Christians were often in conflict with the Church, however, while still aligning
themselves with Christian religion. See Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture,
439.
117 Buescher, “Spiritualism”, 8715.
118. Ibid.
119. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 439.
120. Ibid., 441.
121. Ibid., 441–2.
122. Drury, The Watkins Dictionary of Magic, 133.
123. Owen, The Place of Enchantment, 58.
166
notes
167
notes
with a Copious Glossary of General Theosophical Terms, rev. 2nd American edn (New York:
Theosophical Publishing Company, 1896).
136. Owen, The Place of Enchantment, 33.
137. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 471.
138. Heelas, The New Age Movement, 45.
139. Hutton, “Modern Pagan Witchcraft”, 11.
140. Owen, The Place of Enchantment, 46.
141. Hume, Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia, 22.
142. Ellwood, “Blavatsky, H. P.”, 978.
143. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 449.
144. Hutton, “Modern Pagan Witchcraft”, 10.
145. Hume, Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia,163.
146. Hanegraaff, New Age Religion and Western Culture, 433.
147. B. Meheust, “Animal Magnetism/Mesmerism”, in Dictionary of Gnosis and Western Eso-
tericism, Hanegraaff (ed.), 76.
148. Hanegraaff, “How Magic Survived the Disenchantment of the World”, 363.
149. Ibid., 368.
150. Ibid.
151. Ronald Hutton, The Triumph of the Moon: A History of Modern Pagan Witchcraft (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001), 66–7.
152. Hutton, “Modern Pagan Witchcraft”, 13.
153. Owen, The Place of Enchantment, 161.
154. Birgit Meyer & Peter Pels, Magic and Modernity: Interfaces of Revelation and Concealment
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), 11.
155. Hume, Witchcraft and Paganism in Australia, 44.
156. Hanegraaff, “How Magic Survived the Disenchantment of the World”, 371.
157. Campbell, “Cultural Sources of Support for Contemporary Occultism”, 47.
158. Harvey, Listening People, Speaking Earth.
159. Robert J. Wallis, Shamans/Neo-Shamans: Contested Ecstasies, Alternative Archaeologies, and
Contemporary Pagans (New York: Routledge, 2003), 33.
160. Reid & Rabinovitch, “Witches, Wiccans, and Neo-Pagans”, 514.
161. Hutton, “Modern Pagan Witchcraft”, 43.
162. Hutton, The Triumph of the Moon, 206.
163. Ibid., 207–12.
164. Joanne Pearson, “Wicca”, in Encyclopedia of Religion, Jones (ed.), 2729–30.
165. Katz, The Occult Tradition, 22–3.
166. Hanegraaff, “How Magic Survived the Disenchantment of the World”, 364.
167. Ibid., 364, fn.18.
168. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 2, 73.
169. Hutton, “Modern Pagan Witchcraft”, 18.
170. Harvey, Animism: Respecting the Living World, 87.
171. Kroeber, Romantic Fantasy and Science Fiction, 23.
172. Tolkien, “On Fairy-Stories”, 66.
173. Meyer & Pels, Magic and Modernity, 7.
174. Wallis, Shamans/Neo-Shamans, 30–31.
175. Graham Harvey, “General Introduction”, in Shamanism: A Reader, Graham Harvey (ed.)
(London: Routledge, 2003), 9.
176. Harvey, Listening People, Speaking Earth, 108.
177. Nevill Drury, The Shaman and the Magician: Journeys between the Worlds (London: Arkana,
1987), 1.
178. Harvey, “General Introduction”, 11.
168
notes
169
notes
213. Taylor Ellwood, Pop Culture Magic (Stafford: Immanion Press, 2004).
214. Ibid., 16.
215. Ibid., 142.
216. Faivre, Access to Western Esotericism, 88.
217. Tolkien, “On Fairy-Stories”, 28; Swinfen, In Defense of Fantasy, 6.
218. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 2, 6; Paul Heelas, The Spiritual Revolution:
Why Religion is Giving way to Spirituality (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2005), 77–128.
219. Windtree, “What are Otherkin?”.
170
notes
19. For a more detailed explaination of what constitutes the “true” self, see ibid., 207–8.
20. M. Garau, “Selective Fidelity: Investigating Priorities for the Creation of Expressive Avatars, ”
in Avatars and Work and Play: Collaboration and Interaction in Shared Virtual Environments,
R. Schroeder and A.-S. Axelsson (eds), Computer Supported Cooperative Work (New York:
Springer, 2006), 23.
21. Ibid., 22.
22. C. Haythornthwaite, “Social Networks and Online Community”, in The Oxford Handbook
of Internet Psychology, A. Joinson, K. McKenna, T. Postmes & U.-D. Reips (eds) (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2007), 122–3.
23. T. Rockwell, “Visual Technologies, Cosmographies, and our Sense of Place in the Universe”,
Zygon 37(3) (2002), 607–8.
24. Haythornthwaite, “Social Networks and Online Community”, 125.
25. S. Turkle, “Looking Towards Cyberspace: Beyond Grounded Sociology: Cyberspace and
Identity”, Contemporary Sociology 28(6) (1999), 646–7.
26. J. Dibbel, “Virtual Gold Could Draw Real Taxes: Congress is Investigating Whether the IRS
Should Tax Online Game Loot”, PC World 25(3) (2007), 30.
27. See, for instance, Adam Nash, Christopher Dodds & Justin Clemens, Babelswarm, 2008,
http://babelswarm.blogspot.com. It is worth mentioning that this artwork was part of a
secondlife residency – in itself a fascinating development.
28. Dawson, “Religion and the Internet”, 394.
29. Helland, “Online Religion as Lived Religion”, 12.
30. Nick Yee, “The Psychology of Massively Multi-User Online Role-Playing Games: Motivations,
Emotional Investment, Relationships and Problematic Usage”, in Avatars at Work and Play,
R. Schroeder & A-S Axelsson (eds), Computer Supported Cooperative Work (New York:
Springer, 2006), 203.
31. Ibid., 196.
32. Dawson, “Religion and the Internet”, 393.
33. J. R. R. Tolkien, “On Fairy-Stories”, in Tree and Leaf (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1965), 41.
34. Pierre Levy, Becoming Virtual: Reality in the Digital Age, Robert Bononno (trans.) (New York:
Plenum, 1998), 29–30.
35. William Gibson, Neuromancer (London: HarperCollins, 1984).
36. Sue Barnes, “Cyberspace: Creating Paradoxes for the Ecology of Self ”, in Communication and
Cyberspace: Social Interaction in an Electronic Environment, Ron L. Jacobson, Lance Strate &
Stephani Gibson (eds) (New York: Hampton Press, 2003), 230.
37. Charles U. Larson, “Dramatisiation and Virtual Reality: Implications and Predictions”, in
Commuication and Cyberspace: Social Interaction in an Electronic Environment, Jacobson et
al. (eds), 113.
38. G. Calleja, “Virtual Worlds Today: Gaming and Online Sociality”, Heidelberg Journal of
Religions on the Internet 3(1) (2008), 8; Levy, Becoming Virtual, 23, 27.
39. Calleja, “Virtual Worlds Today”, 8; Edward Castronova, Synthetic Worlds: The Business and
Culture of Online Games (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 294.
40. Bittarello, “Another Time, Another Space”, 256.
41. Gilles Deleuze, Difference and Repetition (London: Athlone Press, 1994).
42. Levy, Becoming Virtual.
43. Ibid., 23.
44. See, for instance, Jean Baudrillard, Simulacra and Simulation (Ann Arbor, MI: University of
Michigan Press, 1994).
45. Bittarello, “Another Time, Another Space”, 246.
46. Janet Horowitz Murray, Hamlet on the Holodeck: The Future of Narrative in Cyberspace (New
York: Free Press, 1997), 103.
47. Calleja, “Virtual Worlds Today”, 9.
171
notes
172
notes
80. The term “cult” here is used in its popular culture sense, to denote source material that evokes
a deeply passionate response within a specific audience. The implication of the category is
that of outsider value, but there exists what is effectively a cult canon, although it differs
between individuals and sub-cultures.
81. Matthew Hills, “Defining Cult TV: Texts, Inter-Texts and Fan Audiences”, in The Television
Studies Reader, Robert C. Allen & Annette Hill (eds) (London: Routledge, 2004), 511.
82. Matthew Hills, Fan Cultures (London: Routledge, 2002), 137.
83. Henry Jenkins, Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture (New York:
Routledge, 1992), 98–107.
84. Slash fiction is fan fiction written about sexual encounters, usually homoerotic, between
favourite characters.
85. Hills, Fan Cultures, 138.
86. Gary K. Wolfe, “Surfing the Multiverse”, Nature 448(5) (2007), 25.
87. Stableford, Historical Dictionary of Fantasy Literature, 292.
88. Most particularly, see Terry Pratchett, Jingo (London: Victor Gollancz, 1997) and Nightwatch
(London: Doubleday, 2002).
89. Stableford, Historical Dictionary of Fantasy Literature, 214.
90. Martin Roberts, “Notes on the Global Underground: Subcultures and Globalization” in The
Subcultures Reader, Ken Gelder (ed.) (London: Routledge, 2005), 578.
91. Jenkins, Convergence Culture, 12.
92. Hills, Fan Cultures, ix.
93. Henry Jenkins, Fans, Bloggers, and Gamers: Exploring Participatory Culture (New York: New
York University Press, 2006), 135.
94. Jenkins, Convergence Culture, 131–2.
95. Henry Jenkins, “Afterword:The Future of Fandom”, in Fandom: Identities and Communities
in a Mediated World, Cornel Sandvoss et al. (eds) (New York: New York University Press,
2007), 364.
96. Jindra, “Star Trek Fandom as a Religious Phenomenon”, 29.
97. Furries are a subculture that appreciate anthropomorphic animals. This may, for instance,
involve a variety of practices such as dressing up in costume, or denote particular sexual
behaviours.
98. See the definitional differences between the idea of the cult fan versus the fan discussed in
Hills, Fan Cultures, ix–xv.
99. John Frow, “Is Elvis a God? Cult, Culture, Questions of Method”, International Journal of
Cultural Studies 1(2) (1998), 201.
100. A. L. Greil & T. Robbins (eds), Between Sacred and Secular: Research and Theory on Quasi-
Religion (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1994).
101. Hills, Fan Cultures, 117.
102. Ibid., 117–29; Hills, “Media Fandom, Neoreligiosity, and Cult(ural) Studies”, The Velvet Light
Trap: A Critical Journal of Film and Television 46 (2000), 73–84.
103. Hills, Fan Cultures, 119.
104. Ibid., 121.
105. Ibid., 123.
106. Greil & Robbios, Between Sacred and Secular.
107. Hills, Fan Cultures, 129.
108. Ibid., 117.
109. Jenkins, Fans, Bloggers, and Gamers, 137.
110. Partridge, The Re-enchantment of the West, vol. 2, 149.
111. Edward Bailey, “Implicit Religion”, in Encyclopedia of New Religions, Christopher H. Partridge
(ed.) (Oxford: Lion, 2004), 397.
173
notes
112. John S. Rice, “The Theraputic God: Transcendence and Identity in Two Twelve-Step Quasi-
Religions”, in Between Sacred and Secular, Greil & Robbins (eds), 151–64.
113. Greil & Robbins, “Introduction: Exploring the Boundaries of the Sacred”, 3.
114. Eileen Barker, “But is it a Genuine Religion?”, in Between Sacred and Secular, Greil & Robbins
(eds), 97–110.
115. Greil & Robbins, Between Sacred and Secular.
116. Hills, “Media fandom, neoreligiosity, and cult(ural) studies”; Fan Cultures.
117. Hills, “Defining Cult TV: Texts, Inter-Texts and Fan Audiences”, 514.
118. Jenkins, Convergence Culture, 131.
119. Jenkins, “Afterword: The Future of Fandom”, 357–8.
120. Paul D. Miller, Rhythym Science (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004).
121. See for instance Matt Mason, The Pirate’s Dilemma: How Hackers, Punk Capitalists and
Graffiti Millionaires are Remixing our Culture and Changing the World (London: Allen Lane,
2008).
122. Dick Hebdige, “Subculture: The Meaning of Style [1979]”, in The SubCultures Reader, Ken
Gelder (ed.) (London: Routledge, 1997), 125.
123. Mason, The Pirate’s Dilemma, 71.
124. Square Co. Ltd, Final Fantasy VII (Europe: Sony, 1997).
125. For a wiccan example, see Amber Laine Fisher, Philosophy of Wicca (Toronto: ECW Press,
2002), 218–21.
126. Borges, The Book of Imaginary Beings, 25.
127. “Shiva”, in A Dictionary of World Mythology, Arthur Cotterell (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1997).
128. “Siren”, in Oxford Dictionary of Phrase and Fable, Elizabeth Knowles (ed.) (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2006), 661.
129. Ellwood, Pop Culture Magic, 153.
130. Daniel Chandler, Semiotics: The Basics, 2nd edn (London: Routledge, 2007), 99.
131. Hills, Fan Cultures, 44.
132. Pieter Boeder, “Habermas’ Heritage: The Future of the Public Sphere in the Network Society”,
First Monday 10(9) (2005).
133. Roberts, “Notes on the Global Underground”, 579.
134. Ibid.
135. Jenkins, “Afterword: The Future of Fandom”, 358.
136. P. Kornig, “The Internet as Illustrating the McDonaldisation of Occult Culture”, www.cesnur.
org/2001/london2001/koenig.htm (accessed November 2012).
137. Tom Beadoin, Virtual Faith: The Irreverent Spiritual Quest of Generation X (San Francisco,
CA: Jossey-Bass, 1998).
138. A. Droogers, “Enjoying an Emerging Alternative World: Ritual in its Own Ludic Right”, Social
Analysis 48(2) (2004), 138.
139. Erik Davies, “Technopagans”, Wired 3.07 www.wired.com/wired/archive/3.07/technopagans_
pr.html (accessed November 2012).
140. Michael Barkun, A Culture of Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2003), 29–33. See also Partridge, The Re-
enchantment of the West, vol. 1, 126.
141. Turkle, “Looking Towards Cyberspace”, 647.
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