INTERGROUP RELATIONS AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

IN JUKUN SOCIETY 1900 – 2000

BY

DANIEL, NYAJO MAKAI

B.A HISTORY

AHMADU BELLO UNIVERSITY, ZARIA

MATRIC NO: 169053

A RESEARCH DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE INSTITUTE OF AFRICAN

STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ART (M.A) IN
AFRICAN HISTORY.

APRIL, 2014

1
 DEDICATION

This research work is dedicated to the Love of the Father God, the Grace of His Son Jesus Christ
and the Communion of the Holy Spirit. To the ONE WHO IS, WHO WAS AND WHO IS TO
COME.

2
CERTIFICATION

I certify that this research work was carried out by DANIEL MAKAI with matric no. 169053 in
the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan under my supervision.

------------------------------------------------------------------
O.B OLAOBA, B.A, M.A, Ph.D. (Ibadan) Date
Associate Professor
University of Ibadan,
Ibadan.

3
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To the Most High God and the Father of all Spirits, to His Son Jesus the Christ and to the Holy
Spirit I extend my deep appreciation.

This dissertation will not have been possible without the significant contribution of my
project supervisor Dr. O.B Olaoba. His vigor, critical analysis and intellectual prowess coupled
with his invested time have given this work shape and value. All the sacrificial input of which I
cannot all mention is well appreciated. I am also indebted to all my lecturers at the Institute of
African studies, University of Ibadan for their immeasurable contributions and brilliant efforts
which have nurtured my academic development.

Specially, I like to appreciate Dr. Sola Olorunyomi for his immeasurable kindness and
support from the start of my programme to this point. His sacrifice has found a place in my heart.
I was privileged to serve as the Coordinator and later Vice President of the African Studies
Students Association (A.S.S.A). It was indeed a learning experience. My thanks also go to Dr.
Adeduntan for his timely advice and contributions. I also want to acknowledge Dr. V.E. Edo the
Head of Department, History and Dr. S.A Ajayi for believing in me even for the short period I
was priviledged to learn under them and for their encouragement and moral support. I appreciate
the efforts of Mr. Jegede the Librarian, Miss Imoh, Miss Ibidun of the Post Graduate School
Reports Office, Mrs. Akinbowale, Dr. Samuel and Dr. Jegede.

I am also grateful to my parents Mr. and Mrs. Daniel Nyajo for their spiritual, financial
and moral support, my siblings Mayindi, Chouma and Blessing and my aunties Mrs. Shawulu,
Mrs. Istifanus and Mrs. Sambo. I would like to also acknowledge my classmates OlaoluAwolola,
Lukman, Margaret and Maryann my friends Ernest Salami, ZacksMshelia, J.J Otene, Charles
Arawo, Janet Puke Omoniwa, Dr. Namrata, Dr. Barth Hcc, PrincewillNwosu and
NwannekaNwozor.

Finally, my thanks go to Prof. and Prof. Mrs. Ogbebor, Prof. Kaze and the house of
IVCU post graduate fellowship. To those individuals that I have not mentioned their names and
who had in one way or the other contributed to the completion of this study, I say thank you.

4
 Abstract

This research examined Intergroup Relations and Social Developments in Jukun Society 1900 – 2000,
substantiating the fact that intergroup relations had been a vital part of the relationship between the
Jukun-speaking peoples of Nigeria and her neighbours. Significantly, the period 1900 marked the
eventual conquest of Nigeria and the area referred to as the Middle Benue Valley where the Jukun and
her immediate neighbours settled. The study focused on the origin and migration of the Jukun. It
established the fact that the Jukun migrated from Yemen to their present location in Wukari were they
had interactions with different groups such as the Tiv, Kuteb, Hausa, Chamba and a host of others. The
nature of these relationships though was both mutual and conflictual. The most violent were those of
the Tiv and Kuteb, especially the Tiv which had been reoccurring. The colonial administration and the
policies that shaped the relationships between the indigenous people and other groups within the area
of study have been enumerated. The study unraveled the question of the Jukun identity how vital it
was in stabilizing them in their present location. Cultural fusion and the exchange of ideas, traditions,
trade and wars are major factors of intergroup relations; hence they have been spotted to have
characterized Jukun relations right from pre-colonial times till present.
The series of contacts the Jukun people had with their neighbours resulted in cultural
transformations and social developments at various stages from the period of independence to the
civilian, military and democratic era in Nigeria. These developments though, resulted from conflicts
over farmlands; fears of political domination and the indigene settler question which were responsible
in shaping the nature of intergroup relations between the Jukun and her neighbours.

5
 Abbreviations

SNP - Secretariat, Northern Province

NAK - National Archives Kaduna

MAKPROF - Makurdi Province

CON - Commander of the Order of the Niger

CAN - Christian Association of Nigeria

NTA - Nigerian Television Authority

NPC - Northern Peoples' Congress

AG - Action Group

UMBC - United Middle Belt Congress

NEPU - Northern Elements Progressive Union

NCNC - National Congress of Nigeria and the Cameroon

GOC - General Officer Commanding

HSN - Historical Society on Nigeria

ASSA - African Studies Students Association
IVCU - Ibadan Varsity Christian Union
N. D - No date (of publication is given)
FIG. - Figure
VOL. - Volume

6
 Glossary of Jukun, Hausa and Tiv words

AkuUka - King of Wukari: Jukun paramount ruler.

Wukari- ‘Ukari’ literally means ‘You are greater’ or ‘excel’.

ApaJukun- People

Ataje - Wooden huts

Abakwariga - those who weave clothes

Sarauta - A Hausa word for Kingship

Wapan - Temple worshippers

Hakimi - A Hausa term for the intermediary between the government and the king

Akyatse - Weaved wrapper

Adire - Dyed Jukun traditional wear usually of blue and white colour

Apo - Head rest worn by a typical Jukun in Wukari especially those in the palace

Nyipo - AkuUka’s traditional regalia

Pa sehe - One who brews trees and woods

Pa shiko - Witch

Tor Tiv- Tiv paramount ruler

AtemTyo - A Tiv word for head breaking: a phenomenon associated with the Tiv
political uprising of 1964.

Munshi - A nick name for the Tiv by the Jukun

Mam - Creator or god

Bichi/Mbichi - Settled down

7
TudunJukun - Jukun Hill

Kwararafa - Hausa word for the Jukun

Abo Acio - Jukun prime minister

KindaAcio - King’s Adviser

KindaZike - King’s Adviser

KindaByi - King’s Adviser

KindaKuvyo - King Maker

KuruChacha - A Tiv term,literally means “clear all”.

Yakassai - Go and comeback

8
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page i

Dedication ii

Certification iii

Acknowledgement iv

Abstract v

Abbreviations vi

Glossary of Jukun, Hausa and Tiv words vii

Table of contents ix

Bibliography xi

Appendices xi

List of Figures xii

List of Plates xiii

CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem 4
1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study 5
1.4 Scope and Limitation of the Study 5
1.5 Rationale of the Study 10
1.6 Definition of Terms 11

CHAPTER TWO
2.0 HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Historical Framework 13
2.2 Origin of the Jukun and Migration 15
2.3 The Jukun Factor in Nigerian History 18

9
2.4 Nature of Intergroup Relations in Jukun Society 24
2.5 Social and Political Culture in Jukun Society 26
2.6 Gaps in Scholarly Writing 38

CHAPTER THREE
3.0 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Study Population 43
3.2 Instrument of Study 43
3.3 Method of Data Collection 44
3.4 Method of Data Analysis 45
3.5 Problems of Data Collection 45

CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 INTERGROUP RELATIONS AND COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION IN JUKUN
SOCIETY 1900 – 1960
4.1 Introductory Background 47
4.2 Intergroup Relations and Local Administration 49
4.3 Intergroup Relations and Colonial Administration 52
4.4 Intergroup Relations and Identity Question in Jukun Society 55

CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 INTERGROUP RELATIONS AND CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION
5.1 Cultural Transformation and Social Developments in JukunSociety since
Independence 59
5.2 Cultural Transformation in Jukun Society at Independence 64
5.3 Cultural Transformation and Social Development during the Civilian Era 68
5.4 Cultural Transformation and Social Development during the Military Regime 71
5.5 Cultural Transformation and Democratic Dispensation in Jukun Society 78

CHAPTER SIX
6.0 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

10
6.1 Summary 82
6.2 Research Findings 84
6.3 Conclusions 90

Bibliography 92

Appendices 99

11
 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Map of the study area showing the various states affiliated 7
Figure 2: Map of Kwararafa showing Wukari and axis settlements 8
Figure 3: Map of Nigeria showing the study area 9

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 LIST OF PLATES

Plate: 1 Marmara Crocodile Pond of the Jukun 109

Plate: 2 Apo Head – rest of the Jukun 109

Plate 3: Aku Uka’s Royal Regalia 110

Plate 4: Adama - A Jukun Elder and Informant 110

Plate 5: JibrinAmfani (A Former District Officer) 111

Plate 6: Hakimi Jolly A. MasaIbi and a Guide 111

Plate 7: HakimiJolly MasaIbi’s Royal Seat 112

Plate 8: SarkinDogarai – Palace Guard Chief 112

Plate 9: Dogarai – Palace Guards 113

Plate 10: Traditional Council Secretariat Wukari 113

Plate 11: AkuUka’s Palace Wukari 114

Plate: 12 Jukun Temple Wukari 114

Plate 13: Adire- Loin cloth Jukun Traditional outfit 115

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 CHAPTER ONE

1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
There is no gainsaying the fact that no group of people can live in isolation of the other.
No state or region can completely ignore her neighbours. The political and economic survival of
any state depends on the type of relationship she maintains with her neighbours. The group
relation implies series of contacts between different states or peoples, usually in form of trade,
diplomatic ties,management of trade routes, boundaries and water resources among others. The
need for such inter group relations in the early times was to ensure good relations with one
another. To ensure this, a state would have to recognize the territorial integrity of other states in
its neighbourhood. Also, it would have to promote peaceful relations through trade, inter-state
tours by the rulers or their representatives, inter-marriages and the establishment of diplomatic
relations.

Societies across the world, especially in Africa, have had very transformatory phases in
their history. Such phases are characterized by inter group relations and developments which
were factors of their culture and social affiliation with other cultures. In some societies, the
levels of cultural transformations and social developments have reached alarming proportions
that it seems hardly possible to imagine that such societies ever enjoyed any indigenous cultural
relationship.

The rising tide of instability and the issue of modernity and cultural differences are
essential in the study of societies and their historic relations. The significance of the issue of
peace and security has to do with a shift of emphasis from the study of societies in isolation, to
the study of societies in thelight of their relationships with one another. Recently, this scenario
seems to dominate most research work in the social sciences. The purpose is to establish areas of
agreement and disagreement between societies, and with greater focus on the causes of such
conflicts and compromise.

14
 Along this line, this study focuses on Intergroup Relations and Social Development in
Jukun Society 1900-2000. The origin of the Jukun and migration, the Jukun factor in Nigerian
history, the nature of intergroup relations in Jukun society and the social and political culture in
Jukun society has been elaborately enumerated.

Beginning with background knowledge on the problematic issues the study raises, the
aim and objectives of the study has been outlined and discussed fully. It examines in whole the
area of study and the period, stating the various influences of both internal and external forces.
This involves the effects of both local and colonial administration on intergroup relations and the
identity question in Jukun society.

Available historical sources have revealed that the people that are referred to today as the
Jukun are made up of ten different but closely related groups who speak a common language
whose parental root has been traced to Proto-Jukunoid, a branch of the Benue-Congo sub-family
of the Niger-Kordofanian mega language family. Linguistic sources have named these groups as
Jukun (which was initially a common reference to the Wapan group based presently in Wukari)
Kporo, Ashuku, Kentu, Kpan, Kuteb, Yukuben, Bandawa/Minda, Chomo and Jiru, in terms of
the language names adopted in linguistic studies anchored initially by Joseph Greenberg in his
Classification of African Languages published in 1963 and Kiyoshi Shimizu’s ‘Comparative
Jukunoid: A Preliminary Survey’, unpublished 1971 thesis at the University of Ibadan. All the
speakers of these languages are located in the Benue Valley.

The Wapan, Kpanzon, Yukuben, Ichen and the Kuteb, fall within the area of our present
geo-political interest. While the Bandawa/Minda, Chomo and Jiru are presently located in Lau
LGA in Taraba North Senatorial Zone. The Kporo, on the other hand, which is a Cross River
group, falls completely outside our present geo-political bias.

We must hasten however, to point out the fact that ethnic boundaries are not usually
congruent with geo-political boundaries because while the demarcation of the former is
determined by natural and socio-cultural factors; geo-political boundaries are usually determined
by purely political considerations. The second reason is that because colonial conquest has often
resulted in the creation of artificial boundaries all over the former colonial territories, which were
not only arbitrary, but also a distortion of the pre-colonial African traditional boundaries; geo-

15
political boundaries that were created after the achievement of self-government also seemed to
have been based mostly on this arbitrariness and distortion. This is why today we find the Jukun
and several other African groups being split into different countries, states, local government and
different geo-political zones.

It has been found out that the Jukun had interacted with different groups from the time of
Kwararafa Kingdom till the new found capital at Wukari. These ethnic groups co-habited with
the Jukun in the Middle Benue Valley and shared culture, fought wars, intermarried, traded and
exchanged cults.

This study specifically examines Jukun's historic relations with such other ethnic groups
as the Tiv, the Hausa-Fulani, the Chamba, the Kuteb, the Nupe and Igala. The remarkable focus
on the dynamics of Jukun intergroup relations emanates from the compelling need to
accommodate, understand and prevent intergroup conflagrations so that feuding ethnic groups
will not continue to tear themselves apart. The emphasis thus, is on the need to understand the
Jukun and their neigbours in terms of their history, interests, objectives, leadership and strategies
as necessary preconditions for building bridges of solidarity and peaceful coexistence in the
Middle Belt region of Nigeria

The scope of the study falls within the period 1900 and 2000 which is historically
significant to the understanding of the fusion of states and people within the Middle Belt region.
This period showcased pre-colonial indigenous cultural affilations, colonial domination and post-
colonialism or the independence era which saw the rise of states, societies and large empires in
Africa. It tries to bring out a clear cut pattern of inter group relations that existed among the
Jukun and their neighbours.

The phases of intergroup relations and cultural transformation in Jukun society will be
discussed in detail. This deals with the cultural rejuvenation and social changes brought about by
development from independence and during the independence period extending to the civilian
era. It further discusses the cultural transformation witnessed during the military regime and the
democratic dispensation in Jukun society.

16
1.2 Statement of the Research Problem

It is a fact that some common features of the colonial and post-colonial states in Africa
include their multi-ethnic composition, disagreements and conflicts among the groups and
sometimes armed conflicts. Unfortunately for Nigeria it fits into the above hue. Considering the
above antagonism among the ethnic groups in Wukari, the subject of how best to manage their
relationships remains topical. Among other things this study examines the nature of intergroup
relations and social developments in Nigeria focusing on the Jukun society, how it has affected
and negated reconciliation among the groups and re-emphasizes some steps that must be adopted
to continuously address the problem.

Crisis and conflicts though, do not dominate the whole period of human existence. Inter
communal conflicts however, have become widespread throughout Nigeria. This growing
attitude results from the spirit of intolerance among societies. Intergroup relations in Wukari
Local government Area, particularly between the Tiv and the Jukun have assumed the same
disturbing dimensions over the years. This ethnic disharmony that punctuated the relations
between the Jukun and her neighbours has been attributed to claims of land ownership, the
growing population of the Tiv which created the need for more and more farmlands and the deep
fears of political marginalization.

The major challenge of this study, therefore, is to find ways of diffusing tension and
minimizing divisive and diversionary effects of group differences since intergroup rivalries and
conflicts are inevitable features of human societies.

Thus, this study interrogates with the following research questions:

i. What has been the nature of intergroup relations among the Jukun?
ii. What impact did local and colonial administration exercise over the Jukun society?
iii. Has indigenous cultural traditions changed with the changing times?
iv. How have ethnic crises or clashes with other communities helped in resolving
conflicts or fostered developments in Jukun society?

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1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study
The main aim of the study is to examine intergroup relations and social development in
Jukun society from 1900-2000.The study is also aimed at documenting the series of intergroup
relations, cultural affiliations and social developments that characterized the Jukun kingdom and
her neighbours.
The specific objectives of this study however, include:
i. Establishing the nature of inter-group relations, social and political culture in
Jukun society.
ii. Analyzing colonial administration and its influence over the Jukun Society.
iii. Assessing the main remote and immediate causes of ethnic conflagrations and other
developments in Jukun Society.
iv. Highlighting the major ethnic affiliations and conflicts in Jukun society and its relations
to its neigbours thus, proffering a workable solution for the purpose of building a healthy
relationship between societies.
v. Contributing to our general understanding of the causes of emerging societal relations
and conflicts among societies.

1.4 Scope and Limitation of the Study

The former Wukari Federation comprised of three districts, namely: Wukari, Takum and
Donga. The dominant ethnic groups in the Federation were the Tiv, Kuteb, Jukun, Ichen, Hausa
and Chamba. Today, these districts have been reorganized into Local Government Areas. While
the present Donga Local Government Area represents the former Donga District, both Wukari
and Takum Districts have each been split into two local government areas, namely Wukari, Ibi,
Takum and Ussa, respectively.
 This study is limited to the Jukun-speaking people and their immediate neighbours. The
Jukun people are found in the present Benue, Plateau, Nassarawa, Gombe, Bauchi, Cross
River and Taraba States. (Fig. 1)
 The study examines the cumbersome nature of intergroup relations on the Jukun and its
neighbours in Wukari Local Government Area. (Fig. 2)
 The study spans across the colonial and post-colonial periods, which falls within circa
1900-2000.

18
In an attempt to address the problems associated with the study, one decided to adopt a
multifaceted approach. This involved the use of many source materials for the purpose of
corroborating information derived from each of the sources.

19
Fig. 1 Map of the study area showing the various states affiliated.

20
Fig. 2 Map of Kwararafa showing Wukari and axis settlements.

21
Fig. 3 Map of Nigeria showing the study area.

22
1.5 Rationale of the Study
Nigeria is composed of various ethnic groups which were in meaningful contact before
the advent of British colonial rule. The lack of documentary evidence has tended to hamper in-
depth studies of these pre-colonial relations from a historical perspective. The contributions of
other disciplines like linguistics, archaeology and anthropology, with oral traditions of the
various groups, however have gone a long way in contributing to our attempt at historical
reconstruction of inter-group relations in Nigeria. The relevance of intergroup relations lies in the
history of any group of people which will be incomplete without knowledge of their interactions
with their neigbours. Secondly, such studies help to highlight the underlying unity of the people
that eventually formed the Nigerian state, thus reducing adherence to the notion of Nigeria being
an artificial creation of the British (Oguagha, 1990).
This study of intergroup relations and social development in Jukun Society fromthe
colonial era to the post-colonial period was prompted by the quest to understand the Jukun and
the purpose of their historic cavalry and conflagratory relations with her neighbours. In the peak
of the Kwararafa Kingdom (Fig. 3), the Jukun were said to have matched unaided and conquered
her neighbours to as far as Kano and Zaria (Meek, 1931). The warlike nature and history of the
Jukun tends to paint a picture of the Jukun as prone to conflict with her neighbours at the
slightest provocation. This and other factors propelled the study on Jukun’s intergroup relations.
The colonial and post-colonial phases are for clarity and convenience of analysis. The early
phases were marked by relatively peaceful coexistence.
Ikime and Obayemi (Ogbogbo, et al 2012:2) noted that intergroup relations among pre-
colonial groups included economic, social and political contacts. Pre-colonial groups were fully
aware of their neigbours with whom they fought wars, brokered peace, intermarried, traded and
exchanged ideas. This therefore, underscores the need for a proper examination and assessment
of the remote causes of contacts and conflicts for the purpose of building peaceful relationships
and historical scholarship. The latter phase was characteristics of colonial conspiracy which
witnessed the spirit of suspicion, growing hostility and aggression.

The choice of the Jukun society, widely known as Wukari was informed by the fact that the
Jukun people have had several contacts with other polities in the Middle Benue valley right from
the time of their migration or settlement in the area. Thus this study:

23
  States the need for the documentation of inter-group relations between the Jukun of
Wukari and her neighbours.
 The State Government will find the work useful in handling ethnic conflagrations more
easily.
 Future researchers will locate this material for further study and understanding of
intergroup relations.

1.6 DEFINITION OF TERMS

For the purpose of this study, the following terms or concepts are clarified: Development,
Civilization, Society, Social Engineering, Intergroup, Political Culture, Neighbourliness, Culture
and Identity.

DEVELOPMENT: This is the process of progressive change in thought pattern and ways of
living such that it reflects in a people’s culture, polity and economy.

CIVILIZATION: It involves when a nation, culture, or group of people has been brought out of a
primitive stage or lifestyle into an enlightened and advanced state.

CULTURE: This is the customary beliefs, material traits and social organization evolved by a
group of people which guides the totality of living in that given society.

SOCIETY: It involves a group of people identified by a set of characteristic values, norms,

mutual interests, shared institutions and a common culture.

INTER-GROUP: It is a relationship that exists between two or more social groups.

SOCIAL ENGINEERING: This is the management of people in accordance with their place and
function in society.

POLITICAL CULTURE: It includes a set of attitudes, sentiments and thought pattern that
governs a political process.

24
NEIGHBOURLINESS: This is an attitude of friendliness or an attitude characteristic of
congenial neighbours.

IDENTITY: Identity is a person’s sense of belonging, membership and commitment to a group

or society which influences his social, political, material, aesthetic and cultural behavior.

CHAPTER TWO

25
2.0 HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Historical Framework

The study covers between year 1900 and 2000 which encompasses major events not only
in Jukun society but in Nigeria and the African continent as a whole. The significance of the
period is the formal proclamation of a Protectorate over Northern Nigeria on the 1 st of January
1900 by Lugard in Lokoja (Ikime, 1977:76). This period also marked the eventual conquest and
administration of Wukari and the whole of Northern Nigeria by the British. When the British
incorporated the traditional State (Wukari) into the Protectorate of Nigeria around 1900, it was
multi-ethnic, including Tiv and Moslem Hausa-Fulani people as well as the original Jukun. To
buttress the impact of the period, Ikime remarked that,
British occupation of the Tiv country was spread over
many years. Although the first clash between the two
parties occurred as early as 1900, it cannot be said that
British occupation was complete or effective until about
1914. The explanation for this lies in the fact that the Tiv
are a decentralized or fragmented society organized on a
lineage or clan basis. There were thus very many Tiv
groups and villages each of which was independent of the
next and each of which had to protect itself against any
possible encroachment by the next group (Ikime,
1977:169).

The contact the Tiv had with the Jukun however came when the Tiv migrated into Jukun
land from Cameroon and were hired by the Jukun to work in their farmlands as my informant
Jibrin observed, the first place they settled in 1835 from Cameroon was Kashim Bila. The Jukun
taught them farming, how to tie wrapper and the sarauta system. The Tiv population grew
rapidly over the years which saw the increased demand for farmlands and political recognition
and became a major factor in the cause of the ethnic conflagrations in Tiv-Jukun relations (Jibrin,
2013).This began the continuous intergroup relations between the Jukun and Tiv.

The British delegated much authority to traditional rulers in the Northern Region. In 1958
the Aku Uka of Wukari was one of four such rulers serving as a minister without portfolio in the

26
Executive Council of the region, the others being the Sultan of Sokoto, Emir of Katsina and Emir
of Kano(Sklar, 2004). Traditional Jukun beliefs and rituals are complex, with unique elements.
For example, they thought that in their migration from Yemen to Kwararafa around 596 AD they
were assisted by giant crocodiles who were therefore protected, and still have a shrine in the
Marmara pond (Plate 1) at Wukari (Mac-Leva, 2009). The Jukun religion includes belief in the
divine right of kingship, with the Aku Uka being considered son of a god. Of several gods, the
sun god is paramount. The religion includes belief in communicating with the souls of the dead.
The Kuteb people, who speak a related language and live just to the south of the Jukun, have a
tradition that they migrated from Egypt about a thousand years ago, but their religion is very
different. Though, it is important here to note the statements of my informant Jibrin Amfani in
relation to the Kuteb. He noted that the Kuteb are Jukun’s brother and have been since the
Kwararafa confederacy. In addition, he mentioned that there King sought leave from the Jukun
for Sarauta (Jibrin, 2013).The Chamba were said to have come through Cameroon also as told
by my informant Hakimi Jolly Allahnanan Masa Ibi and got warlike materials from Kashim Bila.
In the process, they had contacts with the Kutebs who were on top of the mountain and refused
to come down. Zikenyu Tsokwa one of the earliest Aku Uka settled the Chamba in Lafia, came
back to Akwana and looked for where to seat Wukari (Jibrin, 2013) before our period of study.
The Chamba were later said to have challenged Jukun authority of the Aku Uka.
The period 2000 marked fourty years after Nigeria got independence from the British.
Significantly, having been free from the yoke of colonialism, has colonialism been freed from
us? How has colonialism affected our traditions and what were the transformations witnessed by
democracy since independence? These are the questions the study raises and an attempt has been
made to tackle these challenges.

The theme of inter-group relations however, focuses on ethnic pluralism and competition
and examining ways in which social and cultural cleavages were transformed into positions of
struggle over identity, power and resources. Thus, a composite history of any community in
Nigeria can hardly be written without reference to another group either within or outside the
community’s cultural area.
2.2 Origin of the Jukun and Migration

27
 The Nigerian history is generally characterized by events of migration of peoples who
occupy the country today. There are such cumulative evidence of contacts between the peoples
in the northern part of the Sahara Desert and Nigerians. These can be found in the legends of
some ethnic groups. The Hausas, for example, have a legend which traces their ancestry of
migration to the near East. So also does a Yoruba legend. One can assume that as the Sahara
began to desiccate some of the groups who lived in what was changing into an inhospitable
region moved out. The few who probably moved south into what became Nigeria would in turn
displace those already living there, forcing the latter to repeat the process elsewhere (Danjuma,
1983:3).
It is a fact of history that the Jukun and their neighbours have traditions of movements
and migrations at various times between about the twelfth and the nineteenth centuries. While
some migrated over long distances, others merely moved from the not-too-distant outlying
geographical regions of the Upper Benue Basin and the Bauchi Plateau. These waves of
migrations naturally led to cultural fusion as well as the endemic struggles for socio-economic,
political and military dominance, which in turn further led to secondary or “internal” migrations.
Thus the prolonged contact between these various groups, especially the Jukun, Chamba, Tiv,
Kuteb, Hausa, Borgu, Igala, Nupe and so on resulted in the spread of ideas and institutions from
one group to another. Indeed, inspite of the heterogeneous nature of the society of the middle belt
region of Nigeria, different peoples possess so many common socio-cultural traits (Ogen,
2008:190).
Sa’ad Abubakar argues that,
…the present Jukun have forgotten the past deeds of their
ancestors because of the time involved. In fact, what is
known about their external activities comes from non-
Jukun sources. Thus, today, the whole Jukun history is
quite obscure, only tentative speculations can be made…
(Abubakar, 1999)

Looking at the circumstances surrounding the preservation and transmission of the Jukun
history, it is obvious that even though Sa’ad’s view seems too sweeping, it introduces very vital
issues in the study of Jukun history. While, we cannot completely accept that the present Jukun
have forgotten all the past deeds of their ancestors, and that the Jukun history is quite obscure, we

28
agree that, due to the acute dearth of information on some vital aspects of the Jukun history,
historians like Meek (1931)and Mahdiseem to fall back on tentative speculations as Sa’ad
contended. This gives credit to Mahdi’s remark that “… the details of every aspects of the early
history of the Jukun are not available”(Mahdi, et al 1989:46).
Mahdi’s contention bothered mostly on the origin and migration of the Jukun into their
present location. Sa’ad, on the other hand, believes that, so far, no concrete evidence has emerged
to convincingly substantiate the military and political achievements credited to the Jukun when he
stated that, “the traditions of the various Jukun groups do not give any indications that an
extensive, fairly centralized empire existed in the past” (Abubakar, 1999).
The foregoing explains why Sa’ad argued that much of the sources about early Jukun
history are of foreign origin. This equally explains why most of the sources lack internal and
external consistencies in their approach, hence basing their conclusions on mere speculations. The
phenomenon of Jukun origin is one of the thorny areas of Jukun history in which even Jukun
sholars always seem to meander in between non-Jukun sources particularly those of Meek (1931),
Keates(Keates, nd) and Buxton(Buxton, et al 1965) to anchor their claims. Of all these colonial
sources, the Jukun use Meek’s account as their major referral document.
According to Meek, reinforced by the Jukun, the Jukun origin is associated with Egypt.
This account employs comparative analysis of the Egyptian and Jukun religious worldviews. The
Jukun people are believed to have migrated from Yemen in the Arabian peninsula around 350 AD
and first settled near Lake Chad and by the 16 th century A.D they moved southwards and founded
the Kwararafa Empire. According to Grace Atoshi “when the power of the Jukun began to wane
as a result of constant attacks from the Fulani, the then Aku Katakpa moved the headquarters
from Kwararafa to the present Wukari in 1560 A.D” (Stephen, 2002:6). Meek noted that the
original Kwararafa was a loosely-knit confederacy which began to fall to pieces in the eighteenth
century and was finally disrupted by the Hausa Fulani incursions at the beginning of the 19 th
century (Meek, 1931:22).
The Wukari, Pindiga and Kona traditions appear to be that the Jukun came from the east,
the Yemen in particular in company of Kanuri with whom they travelled via Wadari to
Ngazargamu, a former capital of Borno. There was quarrel on the subject of succession to the
kingship which led to a partition of the tribe; the Kanuri remained in Borno, while the Jukun
passed on to Pindiga in present Gombe state and Kona, Kwararafa and Wukari in present Taraba

29
state. Subsequently, at the peak of the power of the Kwararafa empire, there influence extended to
Cross River, Kano and substantial part of Northern Nigeria. There are other varying accounts of
the Jukun establishment as well as the powers of the Kwararafa empire. For instance, Argungu
manuscripts buttress the fact that the Jukun travelled together with the Kanuri from Yemen and
established themselves at Ngazargamu, the former Kanuri capital of Borno state empire. A quarel
relating to the royal succession led to widespread dispersion of these immigrants, some to
Bagirmi, some to the Mandara hills, Pabir country, Gombe and Daniski. Others went to Biyiri and
Kalam and some crossed over to Wukari.
In any case, it is worthy to note that the Kwararafa empire established in 596 A.D was a
powerful empire that flourished in the 14th century and was very popular in what is to be called
Nigeria today. It was from Kwararafa that the Jukun were said to have undertaken wars and
expeditions to places as far as Kano, Katsina and Zaria. The term Kwararafa is a description of a
country that has now fallen into disuse, but it was still in existence in the first sixty years of the
19th century (Meek, 1931:28).
The modern Jukun are today concentrated in Taraba State with their headquarters in
Wukari, the seat of the Aku Uka. A great number of them are found in towns of Abinsi and
Makurdi along the banks of the River Benue where fishing is their main occupation. There are
also some Jukunic tribes in Biu, Borno State, in Gombe and Pindiga, Bauchi State, as well as in
Wase in Plateau State. In addition, there are ethnic groups throughout Nigeria such as the Idoma,
Agatu, Etolu, Alago, Battas, Koro (Migili), Igala, Ankwe (Goemai), Kakanda, Igbirra, and Nupe
who claim affinity with the Jukun.(Appendix 1)
Wukari was founded by Aku Katakpa in 1660 when he moved the capital there because
of threats from the Fulani rulers. It was he who founded the ruling dynasty in Wukari, which
today remains the focus of unity and pride of the Jukun people.
The end of the Jukun Empire came in 1884-5 when Africa was partitioned by the
European imperialists and the subsequent amalgamation of the separate administrations of the
Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914 by British colonialists. They set up political units
which reduced the Jukun influence to their present habitat.

The Jukun people are a politically conscious ethnic group in the Middle Belt part of
Nigeria. They have shared political, economic and social tiers with other ethnic groups in Benue

30
State (Tiv and Idoma), Plateau State (the Angas, Suras, Goemai, Tarok, Berom etc). Currently
they are sharing similar experiences with the Battas, Fulani, Bachama, Mumuye, Kilba and
Margi in Taraba and Adamawa States. They are known to be the most tolerant ethnic group in
the area because tolerance is the greatest virtue every Jukun man strives to achieve in himself
and to encourage in others (Danjuma, 1983).

2.3 The Jukun Factor in Nigerian History

On arrival in the area of Wukari, and other parts of the former Wukari Federation, the
Jukun co-existed with other satellite communities. Among these communities, who were later
assimilated into the Jukun system, were the Itchen, Tigon, Ndoro, Nyivu (Kumbo), Chamba,
Kuteb, Abakwariga, etc.
The phenomenon of the assimilation of the Chamba in the area is more amazing. This
bothers mostly on how a very distinct political and linguistic group was later completely
overwhelmed by a group it over ran initially. There are records that indicate that the Chamba
once effectively challenged Jukun authority. Sa’ad Abubakar observed that, “the position of the
Jukun in the Upper Benue Valley was taken by the Chamba who, in turn, were also to migrate to
the south following the advent of the Bata... [Who] remained in the Upper Benue Valley till in
the beginning of the 19thcentury.”Sa'ad had earlier stated that, “... the Upper Benue Valley...
received three migrant successive waves of immigrants (the Jukun, Chamba and Bata) each
which had consecutively established its hegemony over the region” (Abubakar, 1999:166).
Anene reinforces Sa'ad's views, arguing that “...the political effectiveness of the Jukun was
seriously disrupted by the next conquering immigrants (the Chamba)... who were effectively well
organised to impose their rule on the former subjects of the Jukun empire” (Anene, 1970:101).

Anene's contention presupposes that the Chamba were able to effectively challenge the
Jukun and their entire imperial possessions. The Chamba assault on the Jukun hegemony
intensified as they moved south of the Benue Valley. Anene further argued, in this connection,
that some Chamba groups,

…moved into Donga Basin where they devastated the whole of

the territory south of the line drawn between Yola and
Katsina-Ala. It was here that the Chamba subjected the
Jukun centre of Wukari to deadly raids from new

31
 Chamba strongholds established at Takum, Suntai and
Donga (Anene, 1970:101).

It is important to stress that even in the area of Wukari, Chamba elements either founded
some settlements like Nyankwala or were dominant in settlements like Rafin Kada, etc. In all
these places, they remained a distinct group from the Jukun until the wave of Jukun assimilation
caught up with them.

Our analysis of the early Chamba-Jukun relations indicates that no matter what have
become of the later relationship, the two groups were distinct from one another historically and
politically. The same story applies to the Abakwariga, who are believed to be a breakaway Hausa
group from Kano. Both Meek and Erim give primacy to the Abakwariga for the foundation of
some Jukun towns. Meek maintains that they were the first to settle in Jukun settlements like
Api, Puje and Wukari (Meek, 1931:44). Similarly, Erim argues that the Jukun were neither the
founders of the Kororofa kingdom nor its early rulers (Erim, 1987). Erim believes that the
Abakwariga were the founders of Kwararafa, especially its next phase at Puje.Mahdi noted that
the Hausa inhabitants of Kwararafa before it broke up were mainly descendants of Hausa traders,
malams, and craftsmen who came and settled in the town at different times. A few of the Hausa
traders married Jukun women and settled in the city permanently, and in this way, the
community of settled Hausa people gradually grew up. The Jukun gave the name Abakwariga to
all the children of such marriages, for though they spoke more Jukun than Hausa, they claimed
Hausa descent and constantly wore the riga, Hausa gown to assert this claim. Abakwawas the
Jukun name for the original Hausa settlers, and Abakwariga was used for their descendants, all
over the Benue valley to date. The Hausa malams in Kwararafa, and later in Wukari, cultivated
very close relations with the palace, as there were certain magical services which they provided
to the king. These duties have since been integrated into the traditional palace ceremonies of
Wukari(Adamu, 1978:39).

The Jukun were unable to survive the aggression of the Fulani in the 19 th century at a
time when they were also subject to military pressure from the advance into their homeland by
the Chamba and the Tiv(Stride G.T 1971:107).This aggression of the Hausa-Fulani was
conveyed by means of a holy war or what is widely known as the Jihad. Owing to the numerous
fronts on which the Jihad had to be fought to preserve their emirates, Gombe, Bauchi and

32
Adamawa gave full expression to a policy of delegating authority to surbodinates to conquer and
superintend their various districts and tribes. Buba Yero, with a large number of Fulani clans in
his emirate, appointed no less than thirteen deputies besides his immediate relations and close
companions. His battles and raids were numerous, extending from Jukun land across the
Gongola tobeyond Shellen in the north and from towns in Biu and Fika districts to towns now in
Bauchi emirate (Adeleye, 1971:31).

The problem of expansion and consolidation of Dar al-Islam(i.e. the caliphate) against its
enemies was, perhaps the most outstanding single problem which the Caliphate had to face
throughout its existence. Another vital aspect of this problem was the existence of ethnic groups
within the perimeter of certain emirates, notably Bauchi, Gombe, Adamawa and South of Zaria,
who rejected political integration with those emirates. The problem of internal consolidation
varied from one emirate to another (Adeleye, 1971:53).

On the peripheral frontiers of the Caliphate, there were other sources of opposition
resulting from the initial conquests. To the West were Borgu, Gurma, Dendi, Zaberma, Arewa,
Kebbi and Gobir, which could either not be conquered or had persisted as undigested and
rebellious conquests and regular sources of vexatious attacks on the Caliphate. Borno, which
apart from direct assaults on its power had lost territory to the Caliphate at the beginning of the
Jihad, also remained an immessurable enemy on the eastern frontier of the Caliphate. Mandara,
between Borno and Adamawa, was a hotly contested no-man’s-land throughout the century,
while numerous heathen tribes on the banks of the Benue, particularly the Jukun and the Tiv
constituted other sources of opposition on the Southern frontiers of the Caliphate (Adeleye,
1971:54).

D.M Last has shown that the distribution of jurisdiction over land in the Sokoto
hinterland reflected the role played by the dominant Fulani families and local leaders of the
Jihad(Adeleye, 1971:55). It is however, important to note that the relationship between the Jukun
and Hausa-Fulani predated our study period.

Hausa–Fulani is a term used to refer collectively to the Hausa and Fulani people of West Africa.
The two are grouped together because since the Fulani War their histories have been largely
intertwined within Nigeria. For example, when the Fulani took over Hausa city-state of Kano

33
during the expansion of the Sokoto Caliphate, the new emirs ended up speaking the Hausa
language instead of Fulfulde over the years. It must be noted though, that a significant portion of
Fulani society are opposed to the use of this term, which has been made popular most especially
in recent times by its increased use in mass media.

A turning point in Nigerian history came in 1804 when a Fulani preacher, Uthman dan Fodio,
began a holy war that resulted in the subjugation of the old Hausa city states of northern Nigeria.
Having conquered the Hausa, the Fulani adopted their language and merged with their ruling
classes to create a Hausa-Fulani ethnic group under the rule of what was now the Sokoto
Caliphate.They have intermarried with the Hausa, and have mostly adopted the latter's customs
and language, although some Fulani decided to stay pure by retaining a nomadic life.
The Hausa-Fulani ruling coalition is still dominant in northern Nigeria. This coalition had its
beginnings much earlier, because the Fulani governed by simply assuming the highest hereditary
positions in the well-organized Hausa political system. Many of the ruling Fulani have become
culturally and linguistically Hausa.

At the top of the political hierarchy the Fulani are organized into states, or emirates, ruled by the
emir. Emirs are selected from the ruling lineages by a council of clerics (Mallamai). After British
intervention, the selection of an emir had to be approved by the British government. Emirs have
the ultimate power in administrative and judicial functions of the state, and delegate lesser
officials to carry out these functions. Emirs had somewhat more power in the past than they do
today.

The purely Fulani-speaking groups are made up of the Muslim population of Northern Nigeria
and the adjacent areas of Niger, which have traditionally been organized into large, centralized
states. The Fulani of Northern Nigeria speak a number of dialects, they can be grouped into four
basic language groups:Adamawa (on the east of Nigeria, extending into Cameroon),Sokoto
(most of whom speak Hausa, in the northern part of Nigeria, extending into Niger), Sokoto (was
once a major Fulbe geo-political state, a center for famous Pullo (singular for Fulbe) Usman dan
Fodio )  Now the Fulbe of the Sokoto area speak mostly Hausa Borgu: on Nageria western
border, spilling over from Benin and Togo.

34
North Central Nigerian Fulani, with estimate population figures of 12-15 million, have many
names and variations in speech, but basically the Kano-Katsina, Mbororo, Western Fulani,
Bauchi Fulani, Toroove, etc. speak dialects closely related to each other, readily understood by
other Fulani people of the region.
The modern Fulani of Nigeria are mainly concentrated in the provincesof Kano, Katsina, Sokoto,
and Zaria.

Meek and Erim's arguments stress the fact that both the Chamba and the Abakwariga were
distinct groups from the Jukun, and that their impact on the political history of the area cannot be
contested, even bythe Jukun. The big question is, therefore, how the Jukun were able to
assimilate these once very powerful groups.

Sa'ad Abubakar (1999:170) proves that by the close of the nineteenth century,the Jukun
were able to revive their political power and institutions. This later development availed them
with the opportunity to play overlord over existing communities in the Middle Benue Valley.
Indeed, between 1750-1820, their influence had spread across the Niger-Benue Confluence
societies like the Idoma, Igala, Igbirra, etc. In view of this, Obaro Ikime remarked that, "...there
is little doubt that the Jukun were the most powerful group in the Middle Benue Region"
(Abubakar, 1999:173)

This second phase of their political history was very peculiar. At this time, their primary
concern was not merely political domination, but rather very concerted efforts to culturally
assimilate weaker and smaller groups. This was the time the Chamba entered into a session of
drastic political and military decline. Sa'ad testified that it was through this process that the
Chamba religious institutions were gradually replaced by those of the Jukun. For instance, Jukun
religious institutions adopted by the Chamba included the Abo, Voma cult in charge of rain
similar to the Jukun’s Buhor, and the Mwa-Lebsa with similar functions with the Jukun Achu-
nyanda (Meek, 1931:174). Today, almost all the virtues of the Chamba culture, including their
language, have been replaced by the Jukun institutions among the Chamba in places like
Nyankwala, Rafin Kada, Tunari; in present Wukari Local Government Area.

Many believed that the process of the spread of Jukun influence in the Middle Benue
Valley in the 19th century was accompanied with military raids. On the contrary, Sa'ad maintains

35
that, "Jukun influence seems to have spread over non-Jukun within our area of study (Benue
Basin) not by conquest, but through mutual contact and the subsequent adoption of Jukun
institutions" (Abubakar, 1999:170).

A number of reasons have been advanced in support of this mutual phenomenon. It is

argued that most of these weaker and smaller groups like the Itchen, Nyivu, Tigon, Chamba, etc,
totally submitted to the Jukun in anticipation for protection and the quest to identify with what
appeared to be the superior culture in the area.

The cultural aspects of these societies that suffered total submission was language. This
made the Jukun language to become a lingua franca in the whole of what later became known as
Wukari Federation. Other groups like the Kuteb who retained their language still used Jukun
language as the official language of communication. Similarly, the Ndoro at Wana and the Tigon
at Ashaku adopted a language similar to the Jukun.
Consequently, through deliberate efforts by the Jukun, even before the entrenchment of
colonialism in the area, the Jukun Factor had become evident, however, the process from the
official entrenchment of the Jukun factor started with the advent of colonial rule in the area.
Towards the end of the regime, the Jukun Factor no doubt became the official instrument used by
the colonial regime to actualise objectives. Colonial officials like Freemantle for instance, claim
that the Jukun religion and government provided the basis for the accomplishment of British
colonial interest in the area. His claim was, indeed, in the spirit of the colonial philosophy which
used local authorities in its indirect rule policy to govern over vast territories (Akombo, 2005).
The phenomenon of the emergence of the Jukun Factor produced an obvious result in the
Benue Valley politics. This was the emergence of what the Jukun like to refer to as the "Tiv
Factor in our fatherland" (Atohinko, 1992:15). At the wake of the twentieth century, almost all
the smaller groups in former Wukari Federation were assimilated into the Jukun culture. The
fusion was so strong that even for distinct larger groups like the Kuteb and the Chamba,anyone
would hardly believe that they ever once existed as independent groups from the Jukun.
Uprightly, the Tiv, challenged the attempt by both the Jukun and the forces of Islam to cause
them to suffer similar fate. Since then, there has been deliberate struggle between the two groups
in the area either to participate in governance or to control the instrument of governance. This

36
struggle has kept recycling over the years due to the interwoven nature of the two groups in the
area (Akombo, 2005:25).

2.4 Nature of Intergroup Relations in Jukun Society

The history of the southern part of the present Taraba has shown that the Jukun were the
first group to settle here and it was later that other group such as the Tikari, Tiv and Abakwariga,
to mention only a few, moved into the area to settle. These are the immediate neigbours of the
Jukun.

Sa’ad Abubakar observes that, the nature of Jukun influence seems to have spread over
non-Jukun not by military conquest but through mutual contact and the subsequent adoption of
Jukun institutions. In fact, the Jukun chieftaincies were pinnacles of religious authorities and
centres for the distribution of cults (Abubakar, 1999:172).

Indeed, the history of Jukun’s inter-group relations is replete with instances of violent
confrontations between the Jukun and her neighbours (Ogen, 2008:195). Olukoya Ogen however
opined that these continuous struggle and competing interests by the Jukun and her neighbours
over the natural and human resources of the region led to inter-ethnic conflicts. It has been also
suggested that Jukun’s raids and military engagements were primarily motivated by economic
reasons rather than empire building (Abubakar, 1999:169).

Contemporary Jukun inter-group relations are primarily characterized by the historic

rivalry between the Tiv and the Jukun. Naturally, the Jukun equally suffered series of attacks
from the neighboring Tiv, Chamba and Fulani peoples at various times (Abubakar, 1999:169).
The perennial conflicts between the two groups have often been violent with serious
consequences for both sides. Understandably, this spate of violence often erupts from conflicting
claims to farmlands, villages and the fear of domination by one group over the other as well as
the struggles for political and economic advantages (Ahiante, 2000).

Conflicts inevitably arise from the unequal distribution of natural resources, power and
prestige. Applied to our context, it could be said that the violent conflicts that often characterized
inter-ethnic relations in the Middle Belt Area primarily arose from the continuous struggle and

37
competition among various ethnic groups for a greater share of the available resources in the
region.

Politically, the year 1959 marked the victory of a Tiv, Charles Tangul Gaza, over a Pro
Jukun, Ibrahim Sangari Usman, into the Federal House of Representatives. This victory resulted
from the NEPU/United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) Alliance against the Northern People’s
Congress (NPC) which presented Gaza and Usman as candidates respectively. The victory was
seen by the Jukun as the beginning of a very dangerous trend in their political history.
Consequently, apart from the personal threats to Gaza's life which led to his leaving his home in
Wukari to sojourn in present Jootar, in Benue State, there were clear indications of the beginning
of general rivalry between the Tiv and the Jukun in the area. This was born out of the fear by the
Jukun that the Tiv may eventually eclipse them politically.

Furthermore, the year 1964 marked the year of "Atem Tyo" (head breaking) in Tivland.
This incident spilled over into the area of Wukari. The "Atem Tyo" was basically an attack on all
Tiv NPC supporters. When this episode spilled over into Wukari, it was misconstrued to be a
Tiv-Jukun political rivalry, since the Tiv were predominantly UMBC supporters, the Jukun were
predominantly NPC followers. Indeed, activities of some mischievous elements from both sides
added more force on the crack already created between the two groups following the 1959
Federal Elections.

Again, 1977 witnessed an attack on Ayu and Ikyogbolun by the Jukun youths. In the
same year, other Tiv villages were under threats of attack from the Jukun youths (Akombo,
1976:120).

Also, 1990/92 marked another bloody attack as a result of Tiv-Jukun aggression in

Wukari. Many Tiv villages were destroyed in the crisis. Even after the crisis, Tiv villages
between Wukari and Gidan Idi were forcefully ejected, and in the place of their villages Jukun
and Pro-Jukun villages sprang up. This was seen by many Tiv political analysts as a deliberate
political agenda by the Jukun to systematically deal with the "Tiv Factor" in what they consider
to be their "Fatherland".

The 2001/2002 aggression is considered by many Tiv people as the continuation of the
Jukun process to completely get rid of the Tiv in Wukari Local Government Area in particular,

38
and Taraba State. Ironically, this conflict started between the Tiv peasant farmers and the Fulani
grazers. The Jukun, however, took advantage to complete their age long campaign against the
Tiv, since they envisaged that only a combined force against the latter will successfully carry out
their campaign to the end (Akombo, 2005:150).

As noted earlier, there are several occasions where respect, mutual tolerance, cultural
intermingling and peaceful relations seem to be the norm rather than the exception in Jukun’s
relations with her neigbours. Indeed, ethnic conflagrations are just mere manifestations of inter-
group relations by violent means (Ogen, 2008:190).

2.5 Social and Political Culture in Jukun Society

Culture and language are inseparable. Language holds a central place in the affairs of
man. It is among the very first forms of behavior that we learn as children, and later when we
learn other skills and acquire more knowledge, much of this reaches us only through the medium
of language. In short, language is the primary vehicle through which culture is shared and
transmitted.
It is noteworthy, that Jukun ancestral fathers had painstakingly sowed the seeds of Jukun
culture which blossomed to the admiration and envy of both their neigbours and foreigners. They
have, therefore, been bequeathed with a very rich cultural heritage. Indeed, some of them had not
appreciated this heritage which is rich in various religious liturgies, incantations, and festivals.
Keen foreigners however, such as H. R Palmer, then Acting Lieutenant Governor of Northern
Nigeria, said in 1921 that apart from reasons of “sentiment and justice” he considered Wukari
(Jukun culture) “worth preserving because of its very richness.” From then, he set for himself the
task of preserving the culture in a book form. He indeed made good his words when he
commissioned the writing and publication of a monumental work on the Jukun people titled The
Sudanese Kingdom. This has remained the best and major (ethnographical) historical
documentation on the Jukun till present.
The Jukun speak a language that belongs to the Benue-Congo sub-group of the Niger-
Congo family of African languages according to Greenberg's classification (1966). As a result of
many centuries of centralised administration the Jukun exhibit a much more complex social and
political structure than all the ethnic groups described so far. Clans do not necessarily form the

39
basis of settlements. Families belonging to different clans, lineages and of different social status
often live in one village. Even within the same settlement, wards may exhibit a complex
admixture of people. A typical Jukun compound for an extended family would house a man, his
wives, his sons and unmarried daughters, and other relatives and their dependents. The
compound, in addition to being the basic unit of society, is also a small religious organisation
with the head of the family officiating as the chief priest. He controls several family cults and
takes charge of all rituals pertaining to the family and its ancestors. The head of the compound
communicates directly with the ancestors. As a result of these religious functions, a typical Jukun
compound would contain a number of huts and spaces consecrated to ancestral cults. Every
elementary family within the extended family occupies a section of the compound and is headed
by the household head. The overall leadership of the compound rests on the eldest male member
of the family. On the demise of an existing head the new leader inherits all the religious
paraphernalia of the deceased and assumes both the political and spiritual headship of the
compound. A typical Jukun compound would have a male reception hut sunkpa near the
entrance. Beyond the sunkpa we reach sleeping huts belonging to male members of the
compound. Deeper into the compound we find the female domain where huts for women and
their daughters are located. Cooking huts are also found within this zone of the compound. A
large compound would have a special hut where grown up male members of the compound take
their main meals. The Jukun take one major meal in the day, which is accompanied by rituals.
This is usually the supper which is preceded by prayers and pouring of libations to the ancestors
conducted by the head of the compound. One special feature of the traditional Jukun compound
which is not found in the dwellings of their neighbours was the existence of a special section for
women during their period. The ataje or quarantine huts where such women live are taboo to
men, and so are the women that live in them. During her period a woman does not prepare meals
for the consumption of the members of the family, such meal would be impure. This feature is
missing in the compound, since it is such a small compound.
Jukun construct round huts with conical thatch roofs like their neigbours. However,
details of construction vary with, say, Rukuba, Bachama or Taroh huts.
For the conical roofs, rafters are made of bamboo or wood and the spaces between are
filled with sorghum stalks. Four main rafters may protrude beyond the apex of the cone to form
an "X" which is then surmounted by a pot. This feature of roof construction the Jukun shares

40
with their neighbours, the Tiv and the Idoma. The head of the thatch of Jukun huts point
downwards, unlike that of the Bachama and the Marghi or Burra. This technique is more
efficient in the use of grass but gives the roof a rather shabby appearance. The traditional Jukun
bed is a raised earthen platform with a fire-place beneath. An additional raised platform is often
provided as shelves for storage. A mud screen erected within the hut between the door and the
bed renders the latter more private. Women's huts contain water pots, pots for grains, pots for
beer, and various sizes of calabash for drinking, eating and storage. A man's hut may contain
horns for cupping and medicine storage. An antelope or cow horn stuck in the thatch is often
used for hanging items (Saad, 1991).

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I. Agbu Tsoken's extended family schematic structure II. Agbu Tsoken's extended family compound; schematic
layout

A. Agbu Tsoken's household within the extended family B. Wunuji's (first son of Agbu) household/ sub- compound
C. Tsoken's (second son of Agbu) household/house D. Adi's (third son of Agbu) household/house E. Agye's
(nephew of Agbu) household/house

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1. Agbu Tsoken - head of extended family 2. Anyenaba - Agbu's senior wife 3.Wapuke - Agbu's second and junior
wife 4.Wunuji - eldest surviving son of Agbu 5. Tsoken - second surviving son of Agbu 6. Tola - unmarried
daughter of Agbu and Anyenaba 7. Adi - third surviving son of Agbu 8. Watsaji-wifeofAdi(7) 9. Agye - Agbu's
deceased brother's son 10. Waze - wife of Agye (9) 11. Nyanyu - the wife of Tsoken (5) 12.Ajuma - the first wife of
Wunuji (4) 13. Tasalla - second and junior wife of Wunuji (4) 14. Danji - first son of Wunuji (4) and Ajuma (12) 15.
Abe - second son of Wunuji (4) and Ajuma (12) 16. Wabuji - third son of Wunuji (4) and Ajuma (12) 17. Wandu -
daughter of Wunuji (4) and Tasalla (13) 18. Wahubo - second daughter of Wunuji (4) and Tasalla (13) 19. Agyo -
son of Wunuji (4) and Tasalla (13) 20. Aiko - first son of Tsoken (5) and Nyanyu (11) 21. Adda - second son of
Tsoken (5) and Nyanyu (11) 22. Anya - daughter of Tsoken (5) and Nyanyu (1 1) 23. Wakaku - daughter of Adi (7)
and Watsaji (8) 24. Ajiduku - son of Adi (7) and Watsaji (8) 25. Watsaji - son of Agye (9) and Waze (10) 26. Angya
- son of Agye (9) and Waze (10) (Saad, 1991)

Fig. II: Jukun family structure and compound layout (after B.D. Angyu, 1984)

The Jukun respected mode of dressing put them upright as disciplined people. The men
put on loin cloth (Akyatse) round their waist or tied above their chest. The title holders wear
head-rest or what they call Apo (plate 2)while the other men and women use loin dress called
Adire (plate 13). They tie it around their breast with well plaited hair. The women wear beads
around their neck. Ladies stay clear of men except when they are married.The Jukun are
extremely conservative and are very proud of their historical past. Their once powerful and
eventful Kwarrarafa empire flourished within the Sudanic belt between 17th and 18th centuries.
Commenting on the Jukun history, the Premier of Northern Region, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna
of Sokoto, in His autobiography titled MY LIFE, stated that:

“Curiously enough the Jukun of Wukari are so much part

of the North that they, in a period of extra ordinary
activity three times raided the far North and once
captured the massive fortress of Kano itself and swept on
and nearly took Katsina before their attack lost its
impetus. If that does not imply close association with rest
of the Region. I do not know what does”.

This Jukun Empire collapsed in the 18th century. Yet, the Jukun are still today “a slave to
their historical past”, as General Theophilus Yakubu Danjuma once observed.
In Nigeria today, ethnic groups that were part of the Jukun empire are Alago, Goemai (Ankwe)
Idoma, Igala, Migili (Koros) Igbirra, etc all of who still maintain fraternal relationship.

43
The Aku Uka is the traditional, as well as the Spiritual leader of the Jukun. He is the focus of the
Jukun unity, whose authority is feared and respected(The Analyst, 1992).

In descrbing the Jukun polictical system, Meek noted that:

The government of the Jukun could be described as a
theocracy, that is, a state governed directly by god or through
a sacredetal class, where the Aku (king) served as head of the
priestly class. He was not therefore a supreme political
authority, but merely a representative of the gods, as well as a
divine personale. The Aku’s person, it was believed was
magically charmed to secure the invincibility of the native
country inhabited by the Jukun. He has the power of life and
death over all citizens and his decisions were final because
they had the divine sanctions (Meek, 1931).

The reverend throne of the Aku Uka which emerged after the disintegration of the
powerful Kwararafa kingdom in the late 16th century has existed for over 400 years, hence the
oldest in the entire Northern Nigeria. Two dynasties, namely Ba Gya and Ba Ma, have ruled the
kingdom which has remained the symbol of the Jukun race in the country.

Agbu Kenjo, the 40th King of Kwararafa Kingdom, was the father of Angyu Katakpa who
was the 1st Aku Uka (1596-1615). Katakpa was the father of Ndewi, the 4th Aku Uka (1633-
1646). Ndewi was the father of Nanito, the 6 th Aku Uka (1656-1667). Nanito was the father of
Kuvyo I, the 7th Aku Uka (1667-1670). Kuvyo I was the father of Awudu Kaapan who did not
rule the Kingdom. Awudu Kaapan was the father of Tsokwa the 12 th Aku Uka (1883-1845),
whose mother was from Takum the present Ussa. Tsokwa was the father of Jibo, the 13 th Aku
Uka (1845-1860). Jibo was the father of Agbunshu, Agbumanu II, the 16 th Aku Uka (1903-
1915). Agbunshu was the father of Angyu Masa-Ibi, the 19 th Aku Uka (1940-1946). Angyu was
the father of Shekarau, Kuvyo II, the current Aku Uka (1976-date). He is the father of prince
Yavini who repeated history by marrying from Ussa (Jukun Calendar, 2013).

The Jukun people are unique beings in the universe in the area of communication. They
communicate in signs, symbols and with voice. One of such is the unique traditional

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regalia(plate3) worn by the Aku Uka, the supreme head and representative of god on earth. The
traditional outfit is designed and made of three colours – red, black and white. These are the
most important colours in the life of the Jukun, though the most valuable is blue and white.

RED is interpreted in Jukun as “abukhan”. The colour is a symbol that speaks and signifies
danger. It shows the brave nature of the Jukun nation and also the symbol of authority of the
Aku-Uka to terminate the life of any citizen that is convicted of murder in his kingdom. It also
represents a symbol of war and the King’s council responsible for declaring war.

BLACK, as known by many and also interpreted in Jukun as “abu pe” or “apepe” signifies the
dark or hey days in Jukun history. Black and blue are equal or the same. Black is mostly used in
connection with the ORDER of the mysticism in the installation of the AKU-UKA or the five
traditional king makers or high chiefs in the kingdom. In the absence of blue, the colour black
also represents the power to make rain fall or rain makers.

WHITE is a colour that speaks for itself and is loved by very sincere and few people. The colour
represents peace and it is interpreted in Jukun as “abufyen”. This colour is, strictly speaking, the
true nature of a Jukun man. Since the creation till eternity, Jukun people remain peaceful in
nature.

BLUE colour makes things happen by listening to the ORDER of our forefathers. It is
traditionally called in Jukun as “abu mayi” or “mayiyi”. This colour is a living colour that
respects command and depicts the true power of the Jukun. It is with this colour that the Jukun
nation can command rain to drop heavily notwithstanding the season. And this is the colour that
speaks well of the Jukun in their traditional wrapper with white and blue stripes depicting the
rain maker and the peace maker.

SIGNS are also one of the major avenues that Jukun people communicate. The very common but
special signs that need elaboration here are those which are mostly done mostly before the public
at any given special traditional function. These are on the regalia or traditional outfit worn by the
Aku-Uka which is called “Nyipo” (Plate3) in Jukun without any correspondent alternative
interpretation; this is because it is only worn by the Aku-Uka. The way it is made and kept is also
a mystery. The researcher shall attempt to briefly narrate in short stories the signs included in the
outfit worn by Aku-Uka.

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 The Bird, a special specie. This small riverine bird is describd and called in Jukun as
“Nanabi” and interpreted in Hausa language as “Lading-Kogi”. This unique bird has an odd
feeding behavior on the soil different from that of other birds. As other birds scratch the sand
backwards, the Nanabi scratches the sand forward while looking for what to feed on. The place
and importance attached to it is that the Aku-Uka is always forward-looking. “That means
forward ever backward never”. The Aku-Uka never turns back whatever the circumstances.

The Scorpion is common specie in the bush and it is also called “Aneh” in Jukun. It
depicts the Aku-Uka as a scorpion which lurks inside the bark of a tree and becomes only
harmful when you try to expose it by splitting the bark of the tree with your hands. Therefore, the
AKU-UKA only stings when he is deliberately tormented.

The Half-moon, when you talk about light, you cannot do without mentioning the
shinning moon. This is interpreted in Jukun as “Ason”. The moon as it’s attractive to everyone,
so also the Aku-Uka who is the centre of attraction for the whole world.

The Morning Star is one of the brighter and very creative attractions of God’s handwork.
It is called “Atswi” in Jukun. The Aku-Uka is equal to the morning star. The morning star is a
very important star which appears during the early morning period. The definition here is that, it
is the period the revered Aku-Uka receives reports and complaints from all his subjects about
activities going on in his domain through the title holders. It is also the time the Aku Uka holds a
special daily session called “a kyon ma”.

The Tripod, the inseparable three stones that support each other particularly in the olden
days, our foremothers used it in the kitchen to support their cooking pots. The name in Jukun is
called “tisem”. It balances the pot while cooking. The interpretation of this sign is that it
represents God’s power on earth and that without the tripod many things will go wrong. The first
stone represents God, the second Aku Uka and the third speaks of the religious elders. Without
the three classes in the circle the world would have been without morality.

The Compass – It is imperative to note that a kingdom cannot succeed without knowing
its focus or direction. The compass depicts that Aku-Uka’s authority and mantle permeates all
round: the NORTH, the EAST, the SOUTH and the WEST. This is the beauty and nature of the
Kingdom of Aku Uka.

46
 Sword – Jukun people call it “kahwa”. In history only three kings had the authority to
terminate the life of a guilty citizen who committed manslaughter in their kingdom- the Aku
Uka, the king of Kanem Borno and the Sultan of Sokoto. Out of these, the Aku Uka has a special
sword that is kept for the purpose of execution. It is like the hangman’s noose and it is only used
during execution and returned to its base. But with the coming of western type of justice
administration, the judiciary manned by professional lawyers, has assumed their role of
protecting the innocent and punishing the guilty citizens according to the rule of law.

The War Spear – This was used in fighting wars in the olden days. This spear is a special
and unique type which is called “Atsoshi” in Jukun. It has some mysteries attached to it.
Comparable and comfortable, it is equated with the weapons of mass destruction in modern
warfare. The Jukun used the Atsoshi in advancing and conquering many kingdoms during the
early 15th, 16th and 17th centuries. Kano, Zaria, Katsina and Gobir were victims of the same
exploits. The special thing about the spear is that only the Aku-Uka has the authority to launch
the “Atsoshi” either through an ORDER or personally being the Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed forces of the Kwararafa civilization (Association, 2012:18).

Jukun Masquerades

Masquerades are an important mode of cultural expression for several ethnic groups in
Africa. They also perform some special purposes in the life of an average traditional man’s ways
of living. In Jukun religion there are special masquerades that feature and operate at different
frequencies. Some of the purposes the masquerades serve range from entertainment, mourning of
the dead, receiving of a new born baby to gracing of ceremonial occasions such as installation of
title holders, wedding ceremonies, and the list goes on and on.

To this end, their elaborately created physical presence evokes a great range of classified
feelings - from approbation and appreciation to fear and awe. Masquerades have admirable
human and animal features, and are great dancers. Traditionally, Jukun people accord the highest
level of freedom to masquerades in the kingdom. These masquerades are sacred and
unchallengeable. In ancient Jukun religion, masquerades are adored and protected.

Masquerades are classified into several categories in Jukun religion. There is the social,
ceremonial and sacred. Masquerades that are within these categorizations are royal masquerades

47
which are referred to as “Agbakeke”, “Adashan”, “Agashi” “Ashama”, “Nyadodo”,
“Anuwashenki”, “Ashanga wazu”, “Akuwason”, “Anabwanki”, “Nariko”, “Akumaga”, “Akudi”,
“Atunkun”, “Akuma”, “Yododo”, and “Akwahwan”.

Amongst the royal masquerades, an attempt to expatiate a few will be made for a clearer
understanding.

AGASHI – “Agashi” is Aku’s dear royal masquerade. The origin of Agashi dates back to
creation according to Jukun history. This masquerade is accorded all the respect that befits
culture. The purpose of Agashi ranges from the festivals of the royalty to the transition of the
royalty. It has the flexibility of belonging to any senior family in the Jukun kingdom.

ASHAMA – “Ashama” is one of the Aku’s favourite masquerades because of its multifunction in
ceremonies. It could perform on happy occasions as well as traditional installations. “Ashama” is
a mysterious and powerful masquerade that never travels by vehicles or cross a river through a
canoe or boat (Association, 2012:21).

Ethnomedicine in Jukun Culture

Ethno-medicine is a traditional form of medical practice, which evolved among cultures

where orthodox medical facilities were non-existent. It involves the use of plant and animal parts
by members of an indigenous culture and usually does not feature an organized medical system
or formal training, though its practice may be passed on through generations by means of a
closely guarded apprenticeship programme.

World-wide, its practice has gained acceptance and its popularity is growing. Particularly,
spectacular episodes of its growth are the often-cited cases of Chinese and Indian Ethno-
medicine. In Nigeria, (as is the case with many African cultures) there is a rapidly expanding
market for traditional medicines, which claim a wide range of efficacies for diseases and
ailments ranging from the common cold to HIV/AIDS.

The Jukun people have a well-established and generally revered trado-medical culture,
which shares some loose similarities with those from other parts of the world, including regions

48
of the Middle East, the maintenance and propagation of this practice is usually closely guarded,
just as it happens in other African cultures. In Jukun culture, traditional medical practice is
within the preview of the medicine-man the pa-sehe (literally “one who brews trees and wood”),
who are the custodians of the recipes required for the various charms and medical remedies.
These people are distinguishable from the witches (Pa-shiko), seers (pa-zo), and sorcerers (pa-
shibu), although there could occur certain level of commonality in the premises and procedures
they employ. A pa-sehe is essentially a doctor, who may use magic in addition to other means of
direct therapeutic action, but does not employ his knowledge for the purposes of sorcery or
witchcraft. He treats diseases and issue charms, which are purely protective in nature. Such
protection is usually against the mischiefs of witches and sorcerers.

Like in many other African cultures, the Jukun believes that, diseases may involve human
or non-human agent. Diseases involving human actions are mostly caused by witches and/or
sorcerers, who are capable of injuring a man’s soul by capturing it directly; or indirectly, through
the use of parts of the victims body (e.g. nail clippings, hair, excrement), or articles associated
with his body; or by projecting into his soul some foreign body (e.g. needles, arrows, spears,
piece of bone etc.). Diseases involving non-human action on the other hand, can be caused by
deities who control the advent of special diseases (e.g. small pox), deities who are not object of
regular worship, and deities who need regular worship, evil spirit and ancestors.

Aetiology (a branch of knowledge concerned with causes; specifically a branch of

medical science concerned with the causes and origin of diseases) are strong factors, which
determine the nature of treatment applicable to a particular disease. Quite often, the doctor would
have to employ some form of divination to determine the cause and nature of the disease. This he
may do directly by his own power, or he may employ the service of a diviner. Once this is
ascertained, the doctor proceeds to cure his patient by removing from his body, the needle, the
arrow or piece of bone which has been projected by the witch or sorcerer. He mainly relies on his
own magical powers for this. He may also cure his patient by some form of exorcism, where
invading evil spirit are diagnosed. If some taboo has been refracted, treatment may not be by
magical means, but purely by pacifying the offended deity and/or ancestors.

There are also remedies, which are essentially medical in nature. These remedies are
often employed in conjunction with religious rite. Religion here serves basically the same role as

49
suggestion does in modern medicine. Most of these remedies involve the processing of a diverse
assemblage of plant roots, leaves, barks, stems, fruits, juices, tissues of animal origin, including
animal fats (commonly from python and chicken), blood and milk. These are concocted and
orally administered or used as body washes and lotions. In many instances, the administration of
these remedies comes along with a set of taboos and/or restriction, either on the patient, the
doctor, or both. This is strictly observed for a prescribed period, which may last as long as the
duration of the treatment.

For the treatment of many common medical conditions, the remedies are so well known
that their use need not involve a pa-sehe. For more serious disease and conditions however, the
services of an experienced doctor are required. There is usually an initial deposit payment or a
gesture/promise of such, before treatment commences. After successful treatment, the patient is
required to complete payment, or (as is believed) the doctor is capable of restoring the disease
condition to the body of the defaulting patient. This system encourages both compliance by the
patient, as well as, performance by the doctor (Bako, 2002:10).

2.6 Gaps in Scholarly Writing

Scholars such as Meek, Palmer, Charles Temple, Sa’ad Abubakar, Erim O. Erim, Elijah
Akombo, Obaro Ikime, Adi Atohinko, Danjuma Adamu, Olukoya Ogen and a host of others
have written a lot on Jukun history but the focus on the various intergroup relations and social
developments that accrued from these relationships to present time has been lacking and hence
the significance of the study. The factors that propelled intergroup relations between the Jukun
and her neighbours such as ethnic conflagrations, cultural harmony, politics and the ways of
maintaining such group integration makes the study unique.
The quest to undertake a study of inter-group relations in Nigeria therefore, focusing on
the Jukun society has been premised on a number of historical thought. History as a discipline is
an unending debate or interaction between the past and the present as posited by Carr (Carr,
1961). The historian has to consult the past to understand the present and interprete the future.
This is in consonance with Soyinka’s statement “Forget the past forfeit the future” (Soyinka,
2006).

50
 According to Okibe, inter-group relations imply “co-operation between different groups
which take the form of trade, diplomatic ties, wars, mutual borrowing of techniques,
management of trade and boundaries” (Okibe, 1995:1).
The period of trading activities and political affiliations and other socio-economic renderings fall
within the confines of historical study. This includes, the colonial and post-colonial epochs.
An attempt has been made in this study to unravel the trends of Jukun relations with her
neigbours, starting from the events of migrations of people into the area known as the Middle
Benue Valley and subsequently to their present location Wukari. The study revealed the Jukun
factor in Nigerian history which showed the prowess of the people over their immediate
neigbours that generated the adoption of Jukunic cultures and some ways of life both politically
and socio-economically. It has been pointed out in the study that, the nature of intergroup
relations in Jukun society took the form of trade, mutual relations, cultural affiliations and war.

The social and political culture in Jukun society portrayed the Jukun system of
government as that of divine kingship in which the Aku is referred to as the representative of the
gods and whose words had the power of life and death. The culture of the Jukun is thus woven
around the Aku who is the supreme head of the Jukun empire. It has also been noted that the
social life of the Jukun separate them as peaceful people and a well-respected people who regard
the institution of the Aku.

The study of intergroup relations is one of changes brought about by the different modes
of contact between the groups. The Jukun and its relations with neighbours was however not
different. Several transformations took place in the cultural and social organization of the people
from the period Nigeria gained independence to the civilian, military and democratic era.

Inter-group relations are a multifaceted human phenomenon which does not reflect only
areas of co-operation, but also the negative indices in the interactive process. In other words, as
groups interact, there is continuous interplay of the incidents of compromise and conflicts,
depending on which serves as the best alternative at any given time.

The growing need for man's interdependence and, of course, the widespread phenomenon
of violence associated with inter-group contacts and interactions have captured the interest of
many scholars in recent times. Both conscious and unconscious efforts are therefore being made

51
to address the phenomenon of inter-group relations. The researcher have made attempts to unveil
the areas of compromise and conflicts in the interactive process and what produces same as these
are lacking in some of the texts reviewed.

As elsewhere in Nigeria, oral traditions concerning the different ethnic groups in Wukari
District only started to be documented at the beginning of the colonial period. Most of these were
written by colonial officers posted to the area. These included government anthropologist like
Meek. A Sudanese Kingdom, his major study of the Jukun-speaking peoples, the major occupants
of Wukari were carried out at the instance of the Lieutanant-Governor of the Northern Province
of Nigeria during our period of study.

These studies by Meek of the inhabitants of Wukari were confined to a period of less than
five months, and became one of the most ethnographical studies ever to be undertaken about the
Jukun-speaking peoples of Wukari. Meek in his work did a thorough compilation of the social,
political, economic, aesthetic and religious life of the Jukun people. He posited that the Jukun
political system of government might be described as a theocracy, based on the conception that
the King is the representative of the gods and the divinely appointed intermediary between them
and the people. In obeying the King the people believe that they are obeying the gods. By the
King the favours of the ancestors and superior deities are obtained, a sufficient rainfall is secured
and a bountiful harvest. He is himself the food of the people, and his person is a magical charm
which secures the invincibility of the country. He is, in fact, not merely the symbol, but the
source of the national existence. Meek in his studies however, failed to associate his work with
adequate periodization which is a major component of historical study. History is progressive
and as such Meek’s studies were limited to the period he undertook such studies. In this study,
the researcher has adopted Jukun study from the colonial to the post-colonial era.

Sa’ad Abubakar (1999) observed that Jukun’s intergroup relations with her neighbours
were characterized mainly by mutual contacts and not simply by military conquests. Looking at
Sa’ad’s view, it actually reflects pre-colonial and to a lesser extent colonial period but the most
part of colonial and post colonial Jukun-neighbour relations had been one of successive ethnic
conflagrations and less mutual relations. The study has therefore, highlighted points of
disagreement and harmony between the Jukun and her neighbours and ways of combating future
occurrences of ethnic conflagrations.

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 James Agbu Danjuma observed that, the purpose of the various military conquests by the
Jukun was solely a fight against injustice and not to dominate other groups. The Jukun does not
see any kingdom or town to be better than his own and that’s why they always resort back home
and will do all to protect it. In addition, Jibrin Amfani mentioned that Gboko rulers were even
enacted by the Jukun and all other Tiv presence in Benue was where the Jukun settled them.

53
 CHAPTER THREE

3.0 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

In the course of this research, a vast array of sources was consulted in reconstructing the
history of intergroup relations among the Jukun people and their neigbours. For the convenience
of analysis, these are divided into two main categories: primary and secondary sources.
Primary sources constituted one of the most important source materials used by the
researcher in the study. The sources used here were oral interviews, unstructured questionnaires
(Appendix 2) archival materials and Gazetteers. Oral data or traditions which are the testimonies
concerning past events in Jukun cultural history was collected. This was in the form of oral
interviews which were of particular importance to the pre-colonial and colonial period; this is
due to the lack or shortage of written materials for the period. Elders from the ages of forty-five
years and above were interviewed from the community on a variety of issues.
The Aku Uka, palace wards, elders and non-literate members of the community from the
ages of forty-five years and above were interviewed. The questionnaire provided a variety of
useful information. Numerous problems encountered in the process were tackled by patience,
critical analysis of responses, including the use of other source materials for the purpose of cross-
examination.
Archival materials were also of great importance in this study. The materials provided the
researcher with wide range of colonial policies in the area, clearly showing how the policies
sowed the seed of discord between the Tiv and the Jukun and other neigbours.
The secondary sources consulted included books and journals, including unpublished
thesis. These materials provided useful information on issues of origins, migrations, contacts and
interactions between societies. They also provided useful materials on the areas of conflict and
compromise in the process of inter-group contacts and interaction over the years. In as much as
these materials were useful, they had inherent shortcomings which were addressed by careful
analysis of issues raised.
Other sources like documented culture-history in the form of videos, magazines and
pamphlets were also employed.

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3.1 Study Population

The researcher was motivated to embark on this research work in order to draw attention
of the significance of inter-group relations in the fusion and formation of states and societies. It
is also to point out the aspects of social developments that can be attained if cultures are shared
through inter-group contacts both through peaceful and conflictual means can be quite
interesting. To achieve these, a population sample of the informants was taken.

Palace staff (5)

Dogarai (5)

Makada (3)

Council officials (2)

District heads (5)

Village heads (5)

Ward heads (5)

3.2 Instrument of Study

The major instrument used by the researcher in the collection of needed information and
data was oral data which is the primary source of data. This entails the researcher conducting
interview with the parties concerned with the institution of the Aku Uka of Wukari and Jukun
history of intergroup relations.

Two main primary materials constituted a significant part of the sources for this work:
oral tradition and colonial accounts from the informants and national archives. As elsewhere in
Nigeria, oral traditions concerning the different ethnic groups in Wukari District only started to
be documented at the beginning of the colonial period. Most of these were written by colonial
officers posted to the area, these included government anthropologists like Meek. While most of
Meek’s works have been published, those of the colonial officers are now deposited in the
National Archives, Kaduna. Also within this category of sources are Government Gazetteers
which were compiled largely by information derived from the colonial materials. Of great

55
relevance to this is the one compiled by Freamantle, Gazatteers of Muri Province and Gazatteers
of Adamawa Province. Since the colonial period the collection of oral tradition by scholars has
continued up to the present time. After going through the colonial materials, scholars have
always found it necessary to undertake field work for the purpose of collecting oral accounts to
supplement and compliment the archival sources. In this study, both archival and oral accounts
collected during the fieldwork are documented as the researcher got oral sources from the Aku
Uka, palace guards and elders of the palace.
Secondary sources were derived mostly from the primary materials. There are two main
types of these sources: published and unpublished works. Information from these sources may
not necessarily be related directly to the area of study, but have provided very useful hints to the
overall theme of intergroup relations. The published literature exists in the form of books, and
articles in books, journals and magazines. Within the body of unpublished works are
undergraduate projects by scholars, papers presented at seminars and conferences, Masters
Dissertations and Doctoral Theses.
The use of unstructured questionnaire (Appendix 2) which was outlined was used to
collect oral data from the informants most of whom were old knowledgeable traditional
stakeholders in Wukari. Some of the unstructured questionnaires were developed during the
course of the interview. In all, the background and experience of the respondents were taken into
cognizance. The questions are well arranged, concise and unambiguous statements which allows
for prompt and direct responses from the various respondents interviewed.

The researcher had audience with the paramount ruler of the Jukun kingdom Aku Uka
Mallam Shekarau Masa Ibi Kuvyon II. This was used to authenticate the administrative
proceedings and political and social relations within the palace of the Aku Uka and Jukun
relations with her neighbours in and around Wukari at large.

3.3 Method of Data Collection

The method the researcher employed in the collection of data was undertaken through
interview. Sixty – two (62) unstructured questions were prepared by the researcher to the field.
These questions were directed at the Aku Uka and classified traditional elders whom the
researcher visited at their places of abode. Traditional council officials were also interrogated.

56
During the course of interview other questions were also raised to buttress other points raised.
Oral data was also collected with the use of a voice recorder device. In addition, photographs of
various locations and elders, chiefs, palace guards, Wukari traditional Council Secretariat and the
palace(plates 4-10) were taken.

3.4 Method of Data Analysis

The method used by the researcher in the collection of data was through the conduct of
interview. The total population sampled cuts across all the relevant stakeholders involved in the
institution of the Aku Uka and the history of Wukari.

The data collected explored the relationship Jukun society enjoyed with its neighbours
such as the Tiv, Chamba and the Kuteb when it welcomed them from their migratory expeditions
from the Cameroon, settled them and incorporated them into the Jukun culture. One of the ways
these was carried out was through educating these groups on the farming culture in the land
especially, making of yam ridges, tying of wrapper and kingship institution. Such information
was subjected to available written sources.

3.4 Problems of Data Collection

The collection of data by the researcher was not at all easy as some problems were
encountered in the course of the field research. These include;

I Accessibility to the Aku Uka the incumbent king on the throne of the Jukun kingdom was
challenging. It took days and cancellation of booked appointments after which the researcher was
allowed audience with the king for just an hour and few minutes.

II A lot of problems were encountered in the use of oral interviews. Among the problems
was lack of co-operation from some informants due to suspicion. For instance, though the Aku’s
protocol officer allowed me audience with the Aku some materials like documentaries in the
palace were withdrawn with the information that they were not available. The information
gathered from the palace however, was useful in drawing evidence for the researcher.

III Identification of resourceful elders was another problem. Some of them have passed
away or were not ready to discuss such matters at the time of visit. They made reference to

57
others; whom they believed were more elderly. In the face of these numerous problems, one
employed patience and critical analysis of all information received.

IV It was extremely difficult for the researcher in convincing his informants at revealing the
core administrative procedures and some sacred cults and institutions of the Jukun people. This
challenge was however, tackled with corroborating the few oral evidence with the available
archival and written materials.
V Another major problem associated with this study is the dearth of source materials. While
the pre-colonial period suffers from the acute dearth of recorded source materials, the colonial
period is dominated mostly by colonial records which do not properly address the subject matter.
Similarly, the post-colonial period is dominated by partisan source materials, which are full of
sentiments and emotions devoid of objectivity.

In an attempt to address the problems associated with the inadequate source materials, the
researcher adopted a multifaceted approach. This involved the use of many source materials for
the purpose of corroborating information derived from each of the sources.
These problems were also tackled by constant cross-examination of information received
from these sources.

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 CHAPTER FOUR

4.0 INTERGROUP RELATIONS AND COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION IN JUKUN

SOCIETY 1900 – 1960

4.1 Introductory Background

The earliest contacts the Europeans had with the inhabitants of Wukari and the peoples of
the Benue Valley were in the 1850s when European commerce was established along the two
main natural waterways that traverse the area – the Benue River and its tributary the Katsina –
Ala. The penetration by the British among the Jukun – speaking peoples was relatively peaceful,
that to the south of the area, particularly among the Tiv, it was characterized by open hostility. It
was in 1908 that the British, by a combination of force and negotiations penetrated the Middle
Benue area beyond the confines of the Sokoto Caliphate (Gbande, 1982). The takeover of
Tivland, a portion of the Middle Benue which had never been part of the Sokoto Caliphate,
marked the final phase of the British occupation of Nigeria. (Ikime, 1980). The importance for
this time lag for the occupation lies in some of the obvious benefits (early literacy and trade
expansion) to be reaped as a result of long acculturation with the Europeans. This
pronouncement should not be understood to mean that it is simply contact which brings
development, no, it is the nature of the relationship between an already developed or civilized
society and one which is less developed (Gbande, 1982).

The situation of Colonial administration, in the emirates of Lafia and Wase can be clearly
explained by the fact that the people, having come under the centralized authority of the emirs of
Sokoto Caliphate were dealt with through their leaders who were more amenable to accepting
trade with the Europeans and eventually European protection as well (Fremantle, 1920:45).

It is important to acknowledge the fact that the Wukari District falls within the area
popularly referred to as the Niger-Benue Confluence area, where other groups such as the Igala,
Idoma and Igbirra which have close affiliation with the Jukun also inhabit. These groups of
people among others later came to be referred to as the Peoples of the Northern Province.

British contact with the peoples of Northern Nigerian area dates back to the early
explorations across the Sahara desert. But it was not until the mid-19th century that the British

59
became particularly interested in developing close commercial links with the Niger-Benue
territory where their traders had been operating (Abubakar, 1980).

The earliest British contact with Wukari and its entire territory, came through the Benue
River as discussed above. With the ever increasing demand for raw materials by European
manufacturers been instigated by the period of the new imperialism, the British opened their
trade along the Benue in the 1880s. This resulted in the establishment of trading stations along
Niger and Benue Rivers. The nearest of this stations to Wukari was Loko which is situated on the
northern bank of the Benue. From this point the Royal Niger Constabulary controlled and
directed some commercial activities of the people of the area before 1900 (Ogbobo, 2008).

Unlike the situation in other parts of Nigeria where there were prolonged resistances, the
British colonizers in Jukun land fired no single shot when a protectorate over Northern Nigeria
was declared in 1900. The Jukun offered no resistance because they were (and still) a cultured
and law-abiding group who respect constituted authority. They therefore wholeheartedly
welcomed the British and embraced their colonising mission (Jibrin, 2001:16).

At the time of taking over from the Royal Niger Company the entire Jukun region formed
part of what was known as the Upper Benue Province and administered from the strategic station
at Ibi. The officials of the trading company seldom visited the interior where the vast country of
the Jukun and its seat of authority were located. They were mainly concerned with conducting
their commercial activities in the various trading stations along the bank of River Benue. For this
reason, little was known about the socio-political background of the people of the hinterland,
particularly the Jukun (Jibrin et al, 2001).

In this chapter intergroup relations and local administration in the kingdom of the Jukun
has been pointed out. It portrays absolute right vested in the King over his chiefs and loyal
groups, the nature of colonial administration and new policies they implemented and the question
of the identity of the Jukun has been elaborated.

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4.2 Intergroup Relations and Local Administration

The Jukun chieftaincies Pindiga, Gwana and Kona, as outposts of the great Kingdom of
the Jukun, were to a great degree independent, but bound to Kororofa (Wukari) in that they were
subject to their administration. The right to appoint and depose chiefs was a right reserved
exclusively for the King (Aku) of Wukari. Every newly appointed chief was under obligation to
travel to Wukari where he was officially installed in his office by the king. No new appointments
were made without the authorisation of the Aku. In Wukari every new chief was instructed by
the Aku in the practice of certain rites and ceremonies which had to be performed for the
duration of his stay in office. Certain magical practices are supposed to have insured the security
and well-being of the chieftaincies.
The Aku was informed immediately about the death of any chief. It was also within his
power to depose or even execute a chief who only disobeyed him. The death penalty was for
being guilty of some unforgivable breach of religious practice. Within the chieftaincies there
were also the so-called "king-makers" responsible for the first culling of possible candidates.
They had the right to depose the chief but not without the knowledge of the Aku in Wukari.
Special officials from the enclaves resided in Wukari where they attended to the administration,
and were responsible for continuous relations and the flow of information between the Aku and
the Jukun diaspora. They also oversaw the regular payment of tribute by the settlements to the
king of Wukari (Abubakar, 1986:13). The chieftaincies of the Jukun diaspora were used as bases
to launch further military campaigns and along with other strategic points in the Gongola Basin
they formed a network of enclaves within a wide radius of Wukari. Pindiga and Gwana were the
northernmost outposts of the Jukun settlements. It is most likely that from here contacts were
made with other Chadic-speaking peoples in the Bauchi region and the Muri Mountains: with the
Widala (Kode), Nyam, Pero and Tangale. In the name of the king of Wukari the Jukun of
Pindiga had also influence on parts of the Bolewa, Waja, Tera and the Tangale (of Biliri).
Carlyle (1919:365) writes: "They [i.e. the Wurkum], like the Tangale were subject to the Jukon
of Pindiga." The Jukun of Gwana dominated over much of the territory of the Wurkum. The
dominated groups mined the salt deposits in the Muri Mountains, whereby the Jukun pocketed
all the profit. Thus these groups formed the backbone of a flourishing Jukun salt trade
(Abubakar, 1986:13, 14). Not just economically but also spiritually and politically the Jukun
became the most influential ethnic group in the Benue Basin. Since the 14th century there had

61
been a constant influx of significantly large ethnic groups into the Benue Basin. These vast
extensive migrations resulted in multilevel interethnic contact which manifested itself in the
areas of linguistics, politics and spirituality. Institutions and ideas were passed on from one
group to another and culminated in cultural fusion. It is indispensable and of great value for the
reconstruction of African history that social anthropologists and linguists work together.
Especially in our research area which is characterized by multilevel interethnic contacts, high
cultural fusion and historical migrations the coherence of both disciplines is a basic need. Long-
term multidisciplinary cooperation can give an answer to complex historical questions and bring
evidence and proofs where authentic sources and written historical documents are missing.

Significantly, Jibrin Amfani observed the first saurata (kingship) of the Tiv was
inaugurated by the Jukun at Kado. The Tiv king during the ceremony was placed on a donkey
and taken around the town in honour. They were taught how to get house helps and messengers
and from then they began to spread to other parts of the area within and beyond Jukun territory.
It has been observed that they are expansionists – they came without permission, but began to
expand without permission.

The British colonial administration saw in the Jukun some worth and greatness which
made them appoint the Aku Uka Abite Awudumanu in 1903 as president of one of the native
courts established in the first nine provinces created in Northern Nigeria at that time, and headed
by duly appointed residents. These were the same values which the then colonial governor of
Northern Nigeria, on the recommendation of the premier of Northern Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello,
saw in Aku Uka Atoshi Agbumanu IV, and made him one of the four chiefs appointed as
ministers without portfolio in his cabinet. The others were the Sultan of Sokoto, the emir of Kano
and the emir of Katsina. He was also along with these other emirs appointed members of the
council of chiefs of governor. This council had responsibility for considering and recommending
chiefs in the North to the governor for appointment, upgrading or deposition.

The confidence reposed in the Jukun by the colonial administration and the subsequent
government of Northern Nigeria was borne out of their quality of loyalty and respect for
constituted authority, which quality they still demonstrate till date.

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The desire of the Jukun is to promote peace, unity and progress of their fatherland, as they have
no other place they can call their own, but Nigeria.

It is not in the character of the Jukun, to tell lies for material gains. They will rather die
than live to fabricate lies in order to gain advantage over their neighbours. It is a serious breach
of the Jukun custom and tradition for their leaders to lie. It was against this background that the
Aku Uka Atoshi Agbumanu told the resident of Benue province, who called him a liar in 1952
that he was prepared to abdicate his throne if the allegation made against him was proved.
That was the hallmark of a great man. The resident apologized to the Aku Uka when he
later discovered that the allegation was after all, untrue (Adamu, 2002)
It is significant to observe that the primary aims of the British occupation of the area was
nothing other than to suppress the inhabitants of this territory so as to collect commodities which
included among others groundnuts, millet, beniseed, yams, cocoyam, Bambara nuts etc their
entry into the area was also to delimit a defined boundary and also complete the process of
bringing all parts of Nigeria under effective British domination (Ode, 1981).
With the coming of the British, however, there were some basic modifications of the existing
system of government in the area, the British interfered to a little extent. The basic modifications
they made to the system were:
 The traditional ruler collected a consolidated tax, rather than a series of taxes, which was
shared between himself and the colonial government.
 The districts share of taxes, after 1907, was paid into a Beit-el-mal or Native Treasury.
 The District Heads, instead of staying in the capital under the watchful eye of the ruler or
Village Head, now had a home of residence in the districts they administered.
 The emir or traditional head was designated the Native Authority and was the chief
executive of his state and its supreme judicial authority. Provided his territory is
administered, he was left very much to his own devices.

Lugard and his successors developed a system of Indirect Rule in the Fulani emirates that
was applied throughout Northern Nigeria. By1903 the whole of Northern Nigeria had become a
set-up of British administration. They strengthened the chiefs in the far north and they gave the
Aku Uka a 2nd Class Honours. Meek an Anthropologist, British by nature, was sent from Kaduna,
the then headquarters of the Northern Nigeria protectorate by Governor Palmer to Wukari to

63
investigate the secret of the growing influence of the Aku Uka and the Jukun people. That was
when Meek stayed among the Jukun-speaking peoples for five months and then wrote A
Sudanese Kingdom, one of the greatest works ever to be written about the Jukun-speaking
peoples of Nigeria (Daniel, 2008:19).

4.3 Intergroup Relations and Colonial Administration

The first administrative experience under British rule in Jukun land i.e. the present
Wukari, Donga, Takum, Ussa and Ibi Local Government Areas, was to form it into Ibi Division
of Muri Province. This policy was to clearly subordinate the Jukun to the Fulani. It failed.

One issue that worried the colonial officers was the encroachment of the Tiv into Jukun
land. The Tiv had for some time encroached on Wukari territory and were gradually “swallowing
it up and making the whole atmosphere Munshi (Tiv) instead of Jukun”, observed Fremantle,
who was Resident of Muri Province in 1918. At this time opinions were sharply divided amongst
British political officers. There were those who favoured the Tiv and even encouraged their
expansion to the lands of their neigbours. Notable among the Tiv admirers was Ruxton, who was
credited with faithful and successful execution of British peaceful penetration of Tiv land. For
example when as Resident of Muri in 1913, he created a room for Tiv expansion, thus: “The
boundary between the Ibi and Lau Division will now be Rivers Donga and Suntai from the
German frontiers to the Benue. Plenty of space is thus allowed for the future expansion of the
Munshis and the gradual elimination by them of the old, futile and hopelessly decadent Jukun,
Tshamba and Tikarr tribes” (NAK/SP10/1/320P/1913)

Even in the third decade of the British rule in Northern Nigeria another rabid promoter of
Tiv land colonization, Captain Feasey in 1926 took “a party of district heads and Tiv elders some
260 strong led by Audu Dan-Afoda, Sarkin Markurdi, visited Kaduna to see the country with a
view to encouraging Tiv migration there” (Tseayo: 41). According to Tseayo, the idea was to
have a colony of Tiv farmers around Kaduna, who would supply the non-farming urban
population with their food needs.

On the other hand, it was for the reason of the Tiv expansionist policy, which threatened
the Jukun land that Jukun supporters consisting of Colonel Foulkes and Boyd led by J.M.
Fremantle, decided to adopt a policy that would preserve the Jukun. They therefore initiated the

64
resuscitation of the Jukun empire, through which it was possible for the whole of the Jukun –
speaking areas and the other ethnic groups to be included.

The first step toward the realization of this policy was to “make the Munshis return to
their proper sphere, with a view to leaving Jukun land open to Jukun development”
(NAK/SNP17/8/2441 Vol. 1). This policy was popularly known as ‘ring-fence policy’. In
consequence, in 1918 the Tiv were expelled wholesale from their houses and farms and the north
side of the Wukari – Akwana road which was also accepted as a rough boundary by Captain
Gordon, who was the then District Officer in Tiv.

The ring-fence policy which was applied also to the Tiv of Takum was a failure. This was
largely because of the absence of definite boundary on the ground. As a result the Tiv again
began to encroach, particularly in the Takum region. It was therefore concluded that the policy of
attempting to confine a rapidly “increasing tribe like the Munshis within a ring-fence is
impracticable”.

The Government of Northern Nigeria was however, determined to ensure the success of the
policy of checking the insubordination of the Tiv. In 1921, the Lieutenant-Governor Richard
Palmer undertook the tour of Wukari. At the end of it he stated that “I consider Wukari worth
preserving” (NAK/MAK PROF 4/31/AR/REP/W18).

The Government of Northern Nigeria introduced another far-reaching measure that in

view of the inability to check the expansion of Tiv into Jukun land the following should be
observed:

(a) “That no alteration in the provincial boundary should be made. Instead, the rough
boundary between Tiv and Jukun should be demarcated”. (This was done in 1923/24 )
(b) “That Munshis should be allowed to move into and farm unoccupied lands in Wukari
or Takum territory provided that it is clearly understood that it remains Wukari and
Takum territory and that the immigrants are administered through the chiefs of those
units”.
(c) “That the Munshis who were forcibly evicted in 1918 should be allowed to go back to
their old farms in the same understanding as in (b)”.

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 This unique decision was to be a watershed in the subsequent relations between the Tiv
and Jukun.

In the first place, when they responded to the directives to return to their former abode in
Wukari, the Tiv did so with reckless abandon. It was characterized by indiscipline and crudity.
They did this without consideration to their status as mere “guests” or “immigrants”. For
example, even new arrivals consulted neither the Aku Uka nor their own people, and with the
absence of natural barriers it was the easiest thing in the world for them to move to vacant land
in Wukari. Indeed, as in Takum and Donga, the Tiv immigrants choose their lands, worked out
the crop rotations and then moved on to new virgin lands.

The District Officer in charge of Wukari, I. G. Gunn testified to the Tiv mode of destructive and
wasteful expansion: “The latest trend I could observe was for new comers to leap-frog some of
the long established Tiv near the border to establish themselves along or near the Ibi-Wukari
road” (NAK/SNP 17/8/K4049)

This un-cooperative attitude displayed by the Tiv made it practically impossible for the
Aku-Uka to display his administrative function effectively.

Payment of tax by the Tiv became even difficult. Instead of paying tax in the area they
resided, they paid to their home authorities outside Wukari Division. This is another display of
selfish and irresponsible conduct by the Tiv in Jukun land. The cumulative effect of this negative
attitude on the part of the Tiv under the authority of the Aku Uka seemed to have set them on
collision course with the Jukun generally.

To further, exacerbate the already strained relations, in 1926 when Benue Province was
constituted, the Tiv “independent districts” were transferred to Ibi Division of Muri Province.
But the Tiv living within Aku’s domain, however, continued to be administered by him. Tiv
resentment to this continued unabated.

Then in 1933 when Tiv Division was formed, the “independent districts” were taken from
Ibi and placed under Tiv Division. It should be noted that despite these administrative changes,
the deluge of Tiv to Jukun land continued. They not only poured in great number unchecked, but
now threatened and claimed ownership of the land, and therefore refused to subordinate

66
themselves to the authority of Aku. Any time an attempt was made to apply sanction on them by
the Aku, the Tiv would frustrate this, and often responded with violent confrontation with the
authority.

Indeed, the Tiv presented a tiresome anomaly to the British. It is curious to note that in
1947 when Acting Secretary of Northern Province visited Benue Province, he was shocked and
disturbed to observe a complicated situation of the “Tiv imagining that their migrations put them
in the position of overlords of the lands into which they move and outnumber the original
inhabitants” [NAK/SNP 17/8/K 4049(b)]

From the foregoing it can observed that the Tiv are not indigenes of Wukari, Takum,
Ussa, Donga and Ibi. They are immigrant farmers who have moved to Jukun land in piece-meal
fashion.

In fact, even their considerable presence in Gassol, Bali and Gashaka Local Government
Areas is attributed to a recent phenomenon. They came as a result of the new road which was
constructed in 1976, connecting Wukari with Yola. Using the leap-frog style which they are well
known for, they established large settlements in the Local Government Areas mentioned above.
This does not confer on them the status of indigene ship of Taraba State.

4.4 Intergroup Relations and Identity Question in Jukun Society

In recent years, “the subject of identity has gained prominence […] as dominant
theoretical frameworks prove inadequate in explaining the crisis of development and the
complexities of present day conflicts” (Bangura, 1994, Jega, 1999).
As a socio-political concept, “identity” has both an individualist and a collective
meaning, it is a “process located in the core of the individual and yet in the core of his
community culture, a process which established, in fact, the identity of these two identities”
(Erickson, 1962). In other words, it can simply be defined as “a person’s sense of belonging to a
group if (it) influences his political behaviour” (Erickson, 1968). It is said to be “always
anchored both in physiological ‘givens’ and in social roles...”. Its attributes comprise
“commitment to a cause”, “love and trust for a group”, “emotional tie to a group”, as well as
“obligations and responsibilities” relating to membership of a group with which a person
identifies.

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Most studies of identity emphasize that identity implies sameness and difference at the same time
(Jenkins, 1996). Identity refers to the progress of construction of meaning on the basis of a
cultural attribute, or a related set of cultural attributes, which is given priority over other sources
of meaning. For an individual, or for a group, there may be a plurality of identities. Yet, such a
plurality is a source of stress and contradiction in both self-representation and social action. This
is because identity must be distinguished from role-sets. Roles are defined by norms structured
by the institutions and organization of society. Their relative weight in influencing people’s
behavior depends upon negotiations and arrangement between individuals and these institutions
and organizations. Identities are sources of meaning for themselves, and by themselves,
constructed through a process of individuation (Giddens, 1991).

Identities come into existence only when and if social actors internalize them, and
construct their meaning around internalization (Castells, 2004). Although some self-definition
can also coincide with social roles, identities are stronger sources of meaning than roles because
identities organize the meaning, while roles organize the function. For most social actors,
meaning is organized around a primary identity (that is an identity that frames the other), which
is self-sustaining across time and space (Lasch, 1980).

It is pertinent to ask, who are the Jukun? The word ‘Jukun’ is derived from the Wapan
expression “Apa Jukun” (people) and has grown to become the unifying name of that large
ethnic community. It is however, also necessary to take a backward look at the word
“Kwararrofa”. This word “Kwararrofa” is used interchangeably with the word “Jukun”. Rev.
James Danjuma one of my informant added that the Word Jukun is a compound word which
encompasses all other Jukunoid groups like the Kuteb, Chamba etc. he maintained that the actual
name is Wapan while the name Jukun was given by the Hausa people. Benjamin Agbu observed
that the name “Wapan” is carved out of the word “Pan” and Pan means Temple. The word
wapan means people who worship or respect the temple, (plate 12) those who recognize Aku
Uka as their supreme leader and are under or subject to his leadership.

“Kwararrofa” is obviously a Hausa term which is derived from the compound word
“kwararro”, which connotes the convergence of different people in a particular location. This
coming together of different nationalities may have taken place between 12th and 13th centuries in

68
the upper and middle Gongola river valleys. This period also coincided with the penetration of
Islamic influence in Northern Nigeria. Prior to this period, the main religious preoccupation of
these nationalities was idol worshipping. These nationalities might have comprised the following
people: Wapan, Pabir, Jibab (Kona), Mighili (Koro), Gwana, Mumuye, Niken (Kuteb), Iyala,
Idoma, Ichen, Alago, Warji, Jibu, Berom, Igala, Goemai, Kilba, Ndoro, Tigon, Igbirra, Kiyu
(Karimjo), Bandawa, Jessi, Minda, Kunini, Shomo, Winlau, among others.

With the Islamic activities finally entrenched in Hausa land, there was the urgent need to
encourage its development and spread into other areas that had not embraced it. Conversion
work, therefore, started in earnest. No doubt, the upper and middle Gongola river valley, which
has the concentration of idol worshippers, provided a fertile ground for the Islamic crusaders
from Hausa land. The “Kwararro” people were subjected to routine attack for forceful
conversion to the Islamic faith. Incidentally, since Islam did not abhor the taking of people into
slavery, the “Kwararro” people were captured and sold as slaves both at home and abroad,
especially in the Arab world.

Furthermore, the word “Kwararrofa” was first mentioned during the reign of Sarkin
Katsina, Korau, in AD 1220. By AD 1349, during the reign of Sarkin Kano, Yaji Tsamiya, it had
become a household name in Hausa land. According to an account in Kano Chronicles, Sarkin
Kano, Yaji, was said to have fought wars with Warji and in the same period, “all the pagan tribes
were subject to him, from Byiri to Fanda. Kwarrarrofa alone refused to follow him,” (Palmer-
Sudanese Memoir). Under the various Sarakunan Kano, ranging from Muhammadu Zaki (1582-
1618) to the reign of Dadi Bawa in the mid seventeenth century, “Kwararro” people suffered
great losses in the ethno-religious wars with Hausa States.

Piqued perhaps by the incessant ethno-religious persecution from Hausa rulers, the
“Kwararro” people decided to take immediate steps to bring an end to their predicament. Led by
the Wapan leadership, the clarion call of “People Unite” was declared to present a united front to
enable them face their common enemies from Hausa land. Apart from the “People Unite” call,
they decided also to relocate to a new base in the middle Benue river valley. Here, they
established their new capital at Wukari and set up a centralized political system of divine
kingship under the Wapan Aku Uka. It was from this new base that retaliatory wars were

69
planned and executed against Hausa City States of Zaria, Kano and Katsina, which were in the
vanguard of attacking “Kwararro” people in their old location.

It is significant to note that all the wars against the Hausa City States were for the
purpose of collective emancipation of the “Kwararro” people from the crude yoke of Hausa
rulers. The project was hugely successful. In most cases, the attacks from the “pagan” freedom
warriors were devastating. The enemies were shocked and frightened by the fighting ability of
the Benue valley (Wukari) “Kwararro” – based people. It was under this situation that the Hausa
demanded to know who really these fighters (who exhibited this exceptional fighting strength)
were. The response in Wapan to this query was “ichi Pa Jukun” (we are people). From that
moment, a new phrase was added to the Hausa lexicon. Since Wukari was the seat of power of
the “Pa Jukun” warriors, the people of the area became known to the Hausa as “Jukun”. The
name stuck till this day.

This is the historical background of the word “Jukun”, that is today known to everybody
in Nigeria and beyond. From the foregoing, the word Jukun can safely be defined thus: The
Jukun person is that person who belongs to any one of the dialect communities of the Jukun
language, which have a cultural relevance to the institution of the Aku Uka as the supreme
spiritual and administrative leader, speak a version of the Jukun language either as a mother
tongue or as his first language. Even though, the Chamba of Donga and Takum or Jukun -
Chamba as others call them, were not parts of the “Pa Jukun.” By this definition, they can now
conveniently fall under this description of Jukun persons. The Jukun are today found in Taraba,
Benue, Nassarawa, Plateau and Gombe States, but with concentration in Taraba State (Adamu,
2012:27).

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 CHAPTER FIVE

5.0 INTERGROUP RELATIONS AND CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION IN

JUKUN SOCIETY

5.1 Cultural Transformation and Social Development since Independence

Sa’ad Abubakar opined that the Jukun were politically and spiritually one of the most
dominant group on the middle belt. This is because a number of other ethnic groups in the region
preserve traditions of Jukun socio-cultural influences. Jukun’s remarkable cultural influence on
its neigbours however, seems to have been occasioned not simply by military conquests but
mainly through mutual contacts and spiritual assistance which eventually resulted in the adoption
of Jukun’s institutions. For instance, Jukun’s chieftaincies were pinnacles of religious authorities
and centres for the distribution cults. The Jukun creator god mam was widespread among the
people of the middle Benue region. The various non-Jukun groups were in the habit of sending
selected elders to the Jukun for training in the rituals of the cult. Interestingly, on getting home
these non-Jukun priests usually officiated in the Jukun language which they had picked during
their religious pilgrimages in Jukunland (Ikime, 1980:169).

It has also been claimed that in the past the Tiv usually sent their king, the Tor Tiv, to the
Jukun courts at Wukari and Katsina Ala for “spiritual reinforcement”. It is further reported that
for this service, the Tiv paid fees to their Jukun hosts, and did not consider themselves as
subjects (Alagoa, 1976:336). Perhaps, it was as a result of this development that the Tiv
acquired such Jukun titles like Apa ba ku which means Aku Uka’s loyalists (Danjuma, 2002:7).
The installation of the Tiv chieftancy of Tor Agbande, a borrowedtitle from the Jukun, was also
performed with the blessing of the Aku Uka (Usman, 1979:458).

Jukun’s vibrant socio-cultural relation with its neigbours is also closely reflected in the
political institutions of the Kanakuru of the lower Gongola which bear striking resemblance to
that of the Jukun. The Bachama people also adopted a number of Jukun kingship institutions.
Indeed, the rites connected with the installation of the Bachama chief resemble that of the Jukun.
Even the Lala to the north of the Bachama derived their religious institutions from the Jukun. It

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is also on record that the Lala acted as intermediaries between the Jukun and the Pabur (Ikime,
1980:169).

Similarly, the Ankwe of the northeast of the Bauchi Plateau derived their religious and
kingship institutions from the Jukun as a result of prolonged contacts and inter-marriages. The
Jukun influence was also widespread in the region east of Wukari. The political and religious
institution of the Kam, found in the north of the Taraba River, resemble those of the Jukun. The
Hwaye and the Kpwate also borrowed Jukun cults. The Tigong and Ndoro also speak a language
that is closely related to the Jukun language. The introduction of secular chieftaincies among the
Chamba of the Upper Benue and some of their religious institutions are also attributed to the
Jukun (Ikime, 1980:175).

The Jukun also maintained cordial relations with the Fulani rulers of Muri. Indeed, the
Aku Uka and the Emir of Muri entered into permanent friendship and even became military allies
between the 1860s and the 1870s in a bid to checkmate Tiv’s expansionism. It has also been
suggested that the first Igala queen, Princess Ebulejonu who was installed as the Ata of Igala
around the middle of the 17th century was biologically of Jukun extraction and that she, in fact,
belonged to the Jukun dynasty of Wukari (Falola:89).

Inspite of the recurring violent conflicts which characterized Borno-Jukun relations in the
18th century, there existed periods of peaceful contacts, exchange of ideas and cultural fusion as
well as exchange of ambassadors. In the same vein, during the pre-colonial period there were
occasions when the Tiv and the Jukun were almost seen as one people with only some few
discernible social differences. This, no doubt was because of the close inter-group relations that
existed between the two groups (Anifowose, n.d).

To many scholars, the Tiv people are a very intractable group that speaks and hears only
the language of violence. It is contended that this natural instinct makes it difficult for the group
to create and sustain any lasting peaceful relationships with its neighbours. This general
conception has been rationalised by the echoes of the violent experiences recorded between the
Tiv and their neighbours, and even among Tiv communities in recent times.

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 In Wukari Local Government Area, the events of 1959, 1964, 1977, 1990-92, and 2001-
2002 give the general impression that the Tiv-Jukun contact and interaction in the area has been
significantly characterised by confrontation, conflict and violence. Since this period, particularly
from 1990, Tiv-Jukun relation has gone to an alarming fragile level that one hardly believes that
the two groups ever lived peacefully with one another.
A very close look at the pre-colonial history of the relationship between the Tiv and the
Jukun does not support such a bleak picture. While it is true that the Tiv have a difficult nature,
particularly when it comes to attempt to assimilate and integrate them into a foreign tradition, it
is quite erroneous to associate the history of early Tiv-Jukun contact and interaction in Wukari
only in terms of stories of woes. Both the Tiv and Jukun sources are emphatic that they had
maintained amicable relations right from the early times. For instance, while the then secretary,
Wukari Traditional Council, Joseph Tahwa was quick to refute the claim that the two groups
started contact in the atmosphere of conflict, Yusuf Magaji, a onetime Sole Administrator of
Wukari Local Government Council remarked that "the two communities once co-existed
fantastically, wonderfully well" (Akombo, 2005:121).
Even long before Tahwa and Magaji's remarks, in 1854, at Ibi, when the leaders of
Second Royal Niger Company Expedition, Dr. Baikie and Crowther (Crowther, 1855:3)
demanded to know the Tiv-Jukun boundary line, and their relationship, their informant, a Jukun
elder, only interlaced his ten fingers to describe the nature of their boundary line and
relationship. This implied an indivisible union. In the same vein, a colonial official in the area
had no reservation when he remarked that the Tiv and the Jukun are complementary to one
another. Agbu, a Jukun, reinforced this point when he stated, in connection with the unending
Tiv influx into the area, particularly in the colonial years, that, Wukari Native Authority which
was scantly populated then found good companionship in their new settlers (Tiv).
Similarly, looking at one of the major effects of the perennial Tiv-Jukun aggression,
particularly the 1990-92 episodes, Agbu lamented that, "Two good friends have been torn apart.
It is the handwork of the devil." It is important to note that while the Tiv do not accept the status
of settlers in the context being used by the Jukuns, they cannot refute Agbu's remark that "two
good friends have been torn apart".

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 From the available sources, it is obvious that not even Agbu, Tahwa, Magaji nor the
colonial official were wrong in their conclusions. It is no doubt that the two communities
enjoyed very impressive symbiotic relationship before certain antecedents circumvented the
process of good neighbourhood. What is not yet certain about early Tiv-Jukun contact and
interaction in Wukari is the precise date the event occurred. Both the Tiv and the Jukun always
introduce this debate by claim over the ownership of the area, particularly Wukari town. The
energies always exerted on this debate, especially resulting from the current developments, no
doubt portrays the enterprise as a tug of war. While it is not one's intention to however, add
energy to this tug of war, one wish to use some variables in the phenomenon to establish a very
vital issue in the early Tiv-Jukun contact in Wukari. Claims of oral tradition from both
communities trace their presence in Wukari to many centuries before the incident of colonisation
in the area. Most early works on this subject point to the fact that Tiv-Jukun contact in the area
took place in the first half of the nineteenth century. In his contributions to this debate, Timothy
Tseror claims that Tiv-Jukun contact occurred after the nineteenth century Great Tiv
Dispersal(Tseror, 1990:69). Dr. Hassan goes on to argue that it may be possible to see early Tiv-
Jukun contact as an eighteenth century phenomenon (Newslink, 1991).
Meek earlier stated that modern Wukari was founded in the 1840s by the Jukuns who
crossed from Chinkai (Meek, 1931:24).Though the number of the Tiv at this time was not
known, Freemantle maintained that in the 1870's Aku Uka Awudu Manu Abiten (1871-1903)
was already at war with the growing Tiv factor in his domain (Freemantle, 1919:18).
Although it is not necessary to re-open the debate on the original founders of Wukari
town, Meek's contention that "Modern Wukari" was founded in the 1840s by the Jukun compels
us to reconsider the issue. It implies that before the Jukun founded what Meek refers to as
modern Wukari, the area was already inhabited. It also implies that the arrival of the Jukun might
have only changed the nomenclature of the area due to the domineering force the Jukun brought
to bear on the pre-existing societies. The Tiv could also claim to be one of such pre-existing
societies (Gbor, 1978:52). Meek also gives primacy to the Abakwariga over the Jukun as the
originators of Wukari Town (Meek, 1931:44).
The tripartite claim over the foundation of Wukari by the Jukun, Abakwariga and the Tiv
raise important historical points. First and foremost, it implies that the presence of the three
groups in the area is of remote origin. It also implies that Tiv-Jukun contact and interaction is not

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a recent phenomenon. Downes argues that it was in the course of this early contact that the Jukun
referred to the Tiv as Mbichi or Bichi(Dorwan:1). While some Jukun presently attached a
derogatory meaning to the term bichi, the original Jukun meaning for the term implied "stranger
settlers" or directly interpreted means "come and settle" (Gyoh, 2001).
In the context of Downes' contention two important issues are raised. By the time of the
report, the Jukun had already held claim over Wukari as their land, in defiance of whether other
groups like the Abakwariga or the Tiv had held similar claims. Secondly, it implies that if the
Bichi concept means "come and settle", it signifies that later Tiv influx into the area was a result
of warm invitation by the Jukun. Whether or not these assumptions are tenable, what is very
certain is that early Tiv-Jukun contact and interaction in Wukari, particularly between 1850 to
the dawn of the twentieth century, was very peaceful. The questions that come to mind, for this
period, therefore bother significantly on the areas of co-operation and conflict between the two
groups.
There is no doubt that the Jukun were very powerful in the middle belt region and their
influence, at one time, extended westwards to the Bauchi Plateau and eastward to the Mambilla
(Abubakar, 1999:173). This, however, is not to say that the flow of cultural influences was only
from the Jukun to the other groups. On the contrary, the available body of evidence suggests that
the Jukun were also scrupulous in respecting the traditional and customary institutions of their
neigbours. They even adopted some of their deities and religious practices from a number of
other neighbouring ethnic groups in the region (Bulus, n.d). For instance, they usually attended
the traditional festival of the Kuteb, Tiv, and other neighbouring groups. Jukun’s relatively
highly efficient cavalry also owed its development to Jukun’s contact with the Seifuwa dynasty
of Borno. The Jukun were equally influenced by the Pabur and Chamba immigrants from the
west and east respectively (Abubakar, 1999:175). Thus, the situation in the middle belt region of
Nigeria was one in which there was the spread of ideas and institutions from one group to
another, a development that paved way for cultural fusion over an extensive area.

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5.2 Cultural Transformation in Jukun Society at Independence

The end of the Second World War in 1945 saw the emergence of nationalist movements
throughout the length and breadth of Asia and Africa. In Nigeria the struggle for Independence
was peaceful; this was made possible by the skillful behind-the-scene activities of the nationalist
leaders. One of the many Nigerian leaders who contributed to the success of the struggles was
Aku Uka, Atoshi Agbumanu IV. Since this period is marked as the beginning of modern Nigeria,
and hence modern Jukun, it is proper that any attempt to write notes on cultural reforms in Jukun
society at independence should begin with Aku Atoshi Agbumanu IV who ruled from 1946 to
1960.

The period of Aku Atoshi’s reign saw the rapid growth of Wukari and of the prosperity of
the Jukun in general. This was largely due to the personal involvement of Aku Atoshi, a leader
with tremenduous foresight in communal activities of all kinds. The shape of Wukari as a well-
planned town, for example, was his brain work as he put his executive power into prudent use,
and odered the re-planning of the capital. During 1956 he personally supervised the demolition
of various structures under the new plan, and resettled all the people who were affected by this.
Because he was regarded as the father of the people they did not demand any compensation and
this saved the Native Authority a large sum of money (Adamu, 1983:16).These developments
however, were also accompanied by radical conflicts which brought about cultural
transformations within our area of study.

Having defined culture as the full range of learned human behavior patterns, it is easy to
see that when people with different cultural backgrounds live together or in close proximity as
neigbours, frictions are bound to occur from time to time. One behavioural pattern that may be
acceptable to one ethnic group may be totally unacceptable to the other ethnic group. Similarly,
certain cultural institutions which are considered sacred by one ethnic group may not be fully
understood, appreciated or revered by the other.

The notion of cultural superiority can lead to serious conflict. For example, in the history
of Kwararrafa wars with the Hausa/Fulani city states to the north, feelings of religious
superiority led to the desire on their part to forcibly convert the idol-worshipping ethnic
nationalities in the Middle belt of Nigeria to Islam or Mohammedanism. It is obvious that there

76
can be no harmony (or peace) between neigbours when one culture tries to penetrate and
dominate the other. Notions of superiority can manifest its sinister presence in terms of religious
beliefs, or in terms of demographic numerical superiority, leading to rapid competition for fast
diminishing natural resources such as arable land (Adamu, 2012:24).

Indeed the Jukun, who are probably the older settlers in Wukari, state that they came
from Yemen, along with the Kanuri, who settled in the Chad Basin. The Jukun established the
far-flung Kwararafa Kingdom, which reached its peak in the seventeenth century. The Jukun
state that they lived peacefully with their neighbours until the Tiv migrated from Cameroon into
the Benue Valley in the eighteenth century. The Tiv and Jukun appear to have coexisted
peacefully in pre-colonial times for several reasons: the Aku Uka (the Jukun king) was the only
paramount ruler, whom everyone respected; there was plenty of land; the Tiv were mainly rural
farmers who did not interfere with Jukun administration; and there were no party politics.
Things however, began to change in the early twentieth century, as the Tiv continued to expand
in population and the farmlands became more densely occupied. By the 1940s the Tiv were not
only the largest ethnic group in the Middle Belt, but also three times more numerous than the
Jukun in the Wukari Division, which the Jukun considered as their home. The British colonialists
were worried about the influx of Tiv farmers into what they considered Jukun territory and tried
to curtail it. An example is the establishment of the Wukari Federation Local Council, which
included all the other main ethnic groups, but excluded the Tiv as they were considered
immigrants.

Secondly, each ethnic group’s culture differs in some ways from others, and it is natural
for people to try to protect their culture. Traditional institutions and practices are particularly
sensitive hostility between neigbours who do not share a common cultural heritage. This is more
so with the Jukun who have a divine and highly revered kingship institution. They can never take
any attempts to dilute this aspect of their culture by the intrusion of elements that neither
comprehend nor respect these institutions which they hold as divine.

The agitation for inclusion by the Tiv started in the 1940s and remains a source of
conflict between the Jukun and the Tiv to this day. Nearly all of the Tiv and a section of the
Jukun trace the conflict back to the introduction of party politics in Nigeria. In various elections
since 1954, the Jukun and the Tiv have been in different political parties. Violent clashes, such as

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the Tiv riots of 1959-60 the 1964 'head breaking' during the First Republic and the Second
Republic fights of 1979-83, ceased during the military periods of 1966-79 and 1983-87. Trouble
resurfaced with the local government elections of 1987 when the Tiv gained powerful positions
at the local and state levels. This of course made the Jukun uncomfortable. After the fracas of
1990-92 in which most Tiv were chased out of Wukari, elections held in 1996 and 1997 were
peaceful primarily because the Tiv were not there to voice dissent. Deep fears of political
marginalization however, remain a major cause of the Tiv-Jukun conflict (Asuni, 1999).

The political dimensions of the conflict are two-fold: traditional and modern. The former
concerned control of the local government council and political appointments and other
resources. The latter centred around the Jukun's refusal to include any Tiv person on the Wukari
Traditional Council, where decisions are made that affect them.
Land is another issue which is frequently named as a cause of the conflict. While land is
frequently mentioned, it is however, in reality only a vent for political and other forms of
conflict. Although it is often said that the Tiv are encroaching on the farmlands owned by the
Jukun, it turned out that the real issue is that the Tiv do not follow the traditional laws of land
administration, which require them to obtain permission from the village head, ward head,
district head and paramount ruler before starting to farm on a piece of land. Instead the Tiv
would not accept that they are settlers and did not recognise the Jukun as the original indigenes.
Land is thus, not only a pragmatic need but also a symbol of prestige.
Another factor in the conflict is the high population growth of the Tiv, which creates a need for
more and more farmland. The Tiv also often invite relatives from neighbouring Benue State,
which increases the demand for land, as well as the numerical strength of the Tiv. The Jukun felt
that their culture, of which they are extremely proud, is being undermined by this influx of Tiv
and have embarked upon a ‘rejukunization’ process.

These various causes led to an extremely violent confrontation between the Tiv and the
Jukun in 1990-92. No one, including the government or the groups involved, can give exact
figures of casualties. There was massive burning of houses, business premises, and schools,
accompanied by looting of property. The methods of killing people were extremely brutal and
included beheading, setting victims ablaze, the killing of pregnant women and children. The

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government has failed to assist the victims in rebuilding their property and eight years later, the
destruction was still visible (Asuni, 1999).

Although the Jukun-Tiv conflict is found in many of the states in the Middle Belt Region,
the specific conflict of interest considered here is that in the Wukari Local Government Area of
Taraba State. There is scanty evidence of the nature of Jukun-Tiv relations in pre-colonial times
besides indications that relations were fairly cordial until the advent of colonial rule. There is
however, little doubt as to the impact of colonization, for by 1906 the process of othering
characteristic of colonization had begun manifesting in Tiv-Jukun relations. This became
increasingly obvious in the creation of difference through a deliberate construction of culturally
bounded and distinct areas termed “Jukun” and “Munshi” spheres by British colonial officials.
By 1918, Freemantle further deepened this process by ejecting and destroying the houses and
farms of all Tiv who had for years settled to the east of the Wukari-Akwana road, ordering them
to return to their ‘own’ munshi sphere. In furtherance of this policy, Richard palmer pushed for
the entrenchment of the imaginary colonial boundary between the Tiv and Jukun in 1923 which
sought to promote Jukun dominance over the Tiv with the wry comment, in reference to the Tiv
decentralized political system that “it was useless to preserve a governing caste unless it had
something to govern”.

This policy was vigorously pursued so much so that by the mid to late 1950s, intergroup
relations between the major cultural components of the Wukari division were determined in the
main by this policy. But by then, the population movements and pressures on farmlands had
influenced migratory pressures in the Middle Belt Region in such a way that there was a radical
re-composition of the demography of the division. Thus, by 1946 the Tiv constituted about 37%
(40,400) of its population; the Kuteb 19% (20,284); the Jukun 10% (10,574); the Ichen 6%
(6,775); the Hausa 5% (5,287) and the Chamba 4% (4,500). These have continued to influence
the conflicts and crises in the area throughout the colonial period and in recent times (Asuni,
1999).

All ethnic groups living in close proximity with another group must learn to tolerate,
understand and respect the practice and tenets of each other’s culture. Inter-cultural harmony
cannot be possible without mutual understanding and respect.

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5.3 Cultural Transformation in Jukun Society during the Civilian Era

In 1976, Malam Shekarau Angyu Masa-Ibi, Kuvyo II, and the incumbent Aku Uka
ascended the throne at age thirty-nine. From available evidences he is the youngest Aku ever
known in Wukari chieftaincy. During this period, modernity or mass public awareness had begun
to set in and people have become so enlightened that they do not want to regard the Aku Uka as a
sacred being anymore. It was a difficult period of juxtaposing traditional life and modernity in
Jukun society (Danjuma, 1983:23).

Malam Shekarau Angyu Masa-Ibi, Kuvyo II after he was appointed as Aku Uka on 24 th
November 1976 by the former Military Governor of Gongola State, Col. Muhammadu D. Jega,
he became the president of Wukari Traditional Council (plate 10) on 15th March 1977.

The Wukari Traditional Council came into existence following the Local Government
Reforms of 1976 and the recommendations and suggestions offered by the Dasuki Review
Committee of Local Government Administration. As at then, Major-General Muhammed Jega,
the Military administrator of the defunct Gongola State promulgated an edict (The Emirate and
Traditional Councils [Establishment] Order, 1984 which is deemed to have come into effect on
the 29th day of August, 1976) establishing the Wukari Traditional Council alongside the
Adamawa Emirate Council, Mubi Traditional Council, Muri Emirate Council, NumanTraditional
Council, Ganye Traditional Council and Sardauna Traditional Council. The structure of the
Traditional Council as at the initial stage consisted of “Kunvyi” that is the Chief Coronator, who
is in charge of the coronation of the “Aku Uka”, the King of Wukari. Thereafter, the Kunvyi and
the Aku Uka would cease to communicate verbally or see each other except through an
intermediary called “Kado”. This is strictly still observed till date. The Council of kingmakers
with the titles of “Abo-chio”, “Abo-ziken”, “Kinda- chio”, “Kinda-ziken”are also part of the
Traditional Council. They also serve as advisers to the King and mediators between the people
and the King who is thought to represent the gods of the land, which implies that seeing his face
is like seeing the face of the gods. The “Nene” also serves as the Minister of
Communication/Information to the Council. When it becomes necessary for the Aku Uka to
interact with the people (subjects/visitors), the “Nene” relays what the Aku Uka says to the
meeting. The Aku Uka does not speak directly to the people. At the moment, the Traditional
Council is structured slightly different from its customary setting. As a government parastatal,

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the Council has a Chairman, with the Secretary to the Council appointed by the Ministry for
Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs. The Secretary is responsible for handling all official
reports and correspondences of the Council which are documented, filed and minuted to the
Chairman. In other words, one could say that communication link between the traditional
Council and the Chairman or his members and district heads is via the office of the Secretary.
This places the administration of the traditional Council squarely on the Secretary. The Wukari
Traditonal Council comprises the following portfolios: - The Paramount Ruler in the area who is
the only First Class Chief and President of the Council - The Traditional Councillors from
neighbouring Wukari, Takum and Donga Local Government Areas bearing titles like Gara of
Donga, Yerima Donga and Gbana Donga. Abon-chio, Kinda-chio, Kinda- Ziken, Abon-Ziken
Wukari; Ukwe Takum, Kuru-kpante Takum, Madaki Takum, All Chairmen from Takum, Ibi and
Donga Local Government Councils - The fifteen (15) district heads in the following order:
Wukari, Avyi, Chunku, Assa, Nwoyo, Ginda-idi, Tsokundi, Akwana, Rafi-kada, Arufu, Kente,
Chinkai, Matar-fada, Jibu and Bantaje (Dar, 2013:36).

The Council was responsible for coordinating the affairs of the kingdom and pioneering
intergroup relations and conflict resolutions whenever it arises.

The Council membership which exempted the Tiv was one of the major factors that
instigated ethnic disharmony between the Jukun and the Tiv. They felt with their increasing
population they should have a place in the decision making that affect Wukari and the Jukun
kingdom at large.

Dr. Shekarau Angyu championed and experienced religious harmony amongst the diverse
religious groups in his kingdom, as a result many places of worship have sprung up. They
include the Jukun Supreme Temple (plate 12) redesigned in 1989 and located in the palace of the
Aku Uka, Christian Reformed Church of Christ in Nigeria (CRCN) Gu Puje built in 1995, Holy
Spirit Catholic Church built in 1998, the Izala sect mosque built in 1992 and Aku Uka’s Ultra-
modern palace (plate 11) reconstructed by the former civilian Governor of Taraba State Rev.
Jolly Nyame.

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 The Aku also was influential as the Vice Chairman Gongola State Council of Chiefs and
Emirs from as from 1977 to 1991. It was also during this period that the Jukun culture was
promoted and received national recognition, at the same time at the then Benue-Plateau State
government embarked on initiating a massive arts and cultural revolution in the state (Adamu,
1983:21).

The Tiv-Jukun conflict in Wukari was the most violent dispute since the Nigerian Civil
War, yet there was no international intervention and virtually nothing was done by the
government, apart from using state power and forces to stop the violence, without addressing the
underlying issues, according to the traditional system of administration. Steps taken up to 1997
included:

 A peace committee set up by the Wukari Local Government Council in 1990, which
consisted of half Jukun and half Tiv. The members attempted to calm the situation but
these efforts ended after a renewal of violence connected with the 1991 elections.
 The Gongola State Government (Gongola was later divided into Taraba and Adamawa
States) promised to set up a commission of inquiry, but nothing was done. Such
commissions are often established; submit a report to government and nothing further is
heard.
 The sultan of Sokoto and other top traditional rulers visited the area and appealed for
calm. This helped to stop the violence but did not address the underlying issues
 The two civilian governors of Benue and Taraba States in the Third Republic reported the
conflict to the presidency. Top Jukun and Tiv leaders were called to Lagos, where they
met with the vice-president Vice Admiral Augustus Ahiomu and discussed some of the
issues. However the effort was not sustained and no resolution was reached.
 The Taraba State house of assembly set up an ad-hoc committee to look into the conflict.
However, a coup soon ended the government and the investigation died there.
 The police, then the mobile police and finally the army were called in and brought the
fighting to a halt. However the army remained in Wukari long after the end of the
fighting and only served to exacerbate the problem by demanding bribes from the local
citizens (Asuni, 1999).

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 Malam Shekarau remained the bridge between the military regime and the civilian
administration in Jukun society. He has succeeded however in insulating himself from partisan
politics. Within his area of jurisdiction Aku Shekarau not only preaches peace, unity and
stability, but also ensures that his subjects maintain them. As a result he has become popular
among his subjects and gained recognition from both the Federal and Gongola State
governments. For example, the former president of Nigeria Alh. (Dr.) Shehu Shagari appointed
him Chancellor of the University of Illorin in 1982, while the Government of Gongola State
rewarded him by upgrading the Wukari throne to that of First Class status in the same year.
Through these awards Aku Shekarau has brought honours not only to himself and the institution,
but to the entire Jukun people and their immediate affiliates.

5.4 Cultural Transformation in Jukun Society during the Military Regime

The military regime in Nigeria were of two folds, the First Military Regime occurred
between 1966-1979 and the Second between 1983-1998.

The military regime that ousted the civilian regime in 1983 embarked on a number of
reforms. These reforms were more or less solutions to the yearnings of different communities in
respect to their inclusion or otherwise in Local administration within the Wukari area. For the
Tiv, the reforms were more or less the reincarnation of the Barde and Bamanga’s policies
towards their Socio-political emancipation. Apparently, the Jukun did not only see the military as
an instrument in the hands of the Tiv to actualize their objective, but also as trying to consolidate
the Barde and Bamanga’s pro-Tiv policies, especially in Wukari Local Government Area. For
instance, following Tiv protest for non-inclusion in the Local administration, a Tiv, John
Shimave, was appointed councillor in 1986 by Colonel Yohanna Madaki, the then Military
Governor of the former Gongola State.

Many interpretations were given by the Jukun to Shimave’s appointment. While some did
not see anything wrong in the appointment, others strongly condemned it; accusing Madaki of
trying to consolidate Tiv position in the area (Akombo, 2005:260).

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 The Jukun saw the appointment as opening an old wound created by the first appointment
of a Tiv as Council Chairman in 1981. The Tiv, on the contrary, did not interpret the
appointment in the light of Angyu and Agyo’s stand point. To them, it was a timely windfall,
arguing that they had come of age to be represented in all spheres of life in the area. This was
why as the Jukun did not feel comfortable with the reappointment of Emmanuel Yawe in 1987
by Governor Jonah David Jang as his Chief Press Secretary, the Tiv counted it as one of the
many opportunities that will begin to come their way (Akombo, 2005).

These developments under the zero-party arrangement had far-reaching consequences on

Jukun-Tiv relations in Wukari Local Government Area. The landmarks gave the Tiv the
confidence that they could consolidate their position, and eventually assume what they claimed
to be their rightful position both at state and Local Government levels. But the Jukun accused the
government of the day of patronizing Tiv interest and agenda. This development threw the two
groups farther asunder to the extent that politics, which used to be a superficial fusion between
them, could no longer perform same role. The same situation was reported in respect to the
Kuteb and the Chamba-Kpanzu (Jukun) in Takum Local Government Area.

In the case of Wukari, the sudden introduction of the zero-party system by the Babangida
regime in 1987 witnessed some efforts, particularly by the Tiv to realign with the Jukun.
Unfortunately, like in the case of Takum and elsewhere, the Tiv attempt failed as a result of the
crack that developed in their relationship. The crack became so deep that even efforts by the
Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Wukari Branch, to fuse the two into a political bloc
against the Muslim factor in the area failed (Akombo, 2005:262). In this way, none of the five
Jukun candidates for Chairmanship accepted to take any Tiv as his running mate (Atoshi,
1993:14). It could be recalled that the election came at a time Christian – Muslim religious
politics was almost at a conflict level.

The failure of the Jukun to accept any Tiv as running mate, as demanded by the Tiv, laid
the basis for the Tiv-Hausa political alliance in the area. It is relevant to state that the Jukun
refusal to align with the Tiv was effectively utilized by the only Hausa (Muslim) candidate,
Alhaji Shehu Danladi, who readily accepted a Tiv, Shinja Abako, as his running mate (Atoshi,
1993). Grace Atoshi also attributed the defeat of the five Jukun candidates to the strong political
fusion that emerged between the Tiv and the Hausa; arguing that,

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 When the ban was lifted the Federal Government declared Local
Government Council election on non-party basis in 1988 six
candidates emerged to contest the Chairmanship of Wukari Local
Government Council. They were Mr. Andrew Tsokwa, Mr. Samuel
T. Adda, Alhaji Danladi Shehu, Alhaji Yahaya Fari, Mr. James B.
Orume and Mr. Atoshi Zaku. Out of these contestants, it was only
Alhaji Shehu Danladi who promised the Tiv the post of Deputy
Chairmanship…. But the remaining five Jukun candidates decided
to go for it individually without the type of promise Alhaji Shehu
made. The Tiv voted en-mass for Alhaji Shehu who won… (Atoshi,
1993)

In the case of Wukari, the events proceeding Tiv-Hausa political alliance blotted any
remaining variables that bound the Tiv and the Jukun together. The alliance between the Tiv and
the Hausa sold out the peace that existed between the Tiv and the Jukun.The military regime in
Jukun society also coincided with the reign of Aku Adi Byewi Ashumanu who reigned from
1960 to 1970. Malam Adi Byewi, a highly intellectual Aku, came to power with great vision and
a commitment to transform Wukari into a model town: charity begins at home they say! Aku Adi
Byewi began his transformation programme by re-designing his palace on modern architectural
lines, much of the work being paid for from his personal fortune.His reign came at a time when
Nigeria was in the middle of reaping the fruits of her independence; his reign ran parallel with
four of the thirteen years of military rule. His reign was not without incidence.

It should also be noted that the introduction of party politics in Nigeria has a contributory
role in the popular Tiv/Jukun conflict. Due to their numerical strength in Wukari Division, a
Tiv, Charles Tamgur Gaza, contested under the United Middle Belt Congress (UMBC) for the
1956 Federal Elections against a Jukun, Ibrahim Sangari, of the Northern People’s Congress
(NPC); Gaza defeated Sangari and the already hostile relationship took a turn for the worse.

Thereafter, there began incessant clashes between the two, notably the “nandeior” of
1959 (burning down houses), the “atemtyo” and “kurachacha” 1964. Record exists of other
crises in 1900, 1906, 1929, 1939 1990 – 92 and more recent in 2001 (The News, 24:2001, 12:
2001).

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 When the Benue – Plateau State was created in 1967, both the Tiv and Jukun were
incorporated into it. When more states were to be created in 1976, by the General Murtala
Mohammed regime, the Tiv wanted Lafia, Nassarawa, Tiv, Otukpo and Wukari Divisions to
form Benue State, while the Jukun wanted to be merged with the former Benue province to form
Plateau State so that the Tiv would no longer dominate their politics and occupy lands they
believe were theirs. The Tiv in Wukari wanted to be merged with fellow Tivs in Benue but the
Justice Mamman Nasir boundary commission rejected their demands and they ended up in
Gongola state with the Jukun. In 1992, Gongola was split into Taraba and Adamawa states;
Taraba comprises such ethnic groups as Mumuye, Jukun, Kuteb, Tiv and a host of others. During
the 1996 state creation exercise however, the Tiv requested for: Katsina-Ala state while the
Jukun asked for the creation of Kwararafa state. None of these requests was granted; hence, the
Tiv and Jukun have remained in Taraba State. When it comes to political appointments in
Taraba States, the Tiv believe they are eligible but the Jukun regards Benue state as the
traditional sphere of the Tiv and so consider all appointment of Tiv people to be in Benue state
(The Tiv Story , 2014).
Another factor was the insurgence of the Tiv in 1964 during which hundreds of his
subjects were said to have been brutally murdered. He is best remembered however, for the
active role he played at this time in maintaining law and order inspite of overwhelming hostility
from the adversary. In one of the riotous spots at ‘Ndo Dazike or (Riti)’, for example, he and his
subjects were ambushed by the Tiv and several poisoned arrows were rained on them, but none
touched him, an event which lent support to his reputation for enforcing order and authority
(Adamu, 1983:19).

Aku Adi Byewi died in 1970 and his successor, Malam Abe Ali Awudumanu II, reigned
from 1970 to 1975. He came to power at a crucial time when the military authorities were
introducing those local government reforms which ruthlessly reduced the powers of traditional
rulers throughout the country and tended to “ridicule” them before their subjects. Added to these
challenges to his power was the problem of increasing poor state of the economy that was
developing as a result of the new system, and although Aku Abe Ali had fantastic plans for
continuing the development policy of his predecessors, he found himself grossly handicapped by
finance(Adamu, 1983:19).

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 The era of military rule in Nigeria witnessed some dramatic changes as regards
traditional institution and local government reforms. Lawal (1989: 78) noted in this regard that
the military rulers ushered in the gradual reduction in the participatory role of traditional rulers in
local government matters. Within two years of military rule, the Native Authority, police as well
as the court and prisons once used by traditional rulers as instruments of cohesion were taken
over by the state government.

With the destructions of parliamentary democracy and the removal of politicians from
participating in public affairs, a vacuum was created between government and the governed.A
major achievement of his reign however, was the educational advancement of his people
generally. Beign an educationist himself, Aku Abe Ali knew where priority should be given in
spreading educational facilities. He played important roles in the siting of the Universal Primary
Education (UPE) schools in many areas within his domain and also campaigned vigorously for
and actively encouraged his people to enroll in adult education classes. Malam Abe also
contributed immensely to the establishment of Saint Paul’s Secondary School (now government
Secondary School) and Atoshi Memorial Secondary School (now Marmara Government
Secondary School) both sited in Wukari (Danjuma, 1983).

An illustrious Jukun who had profound impact or was influential during the military
regime in Nigeria is General Theophilus Danjuma. Danjuma's career in the military between
1966-1979, saw him play major roles in the military rise to power but also witnessed a
discordant tone in the army and within the nation especially during events preceding the civil
war in 1967. Danjuma saw himself after the Nigerian civil war in the middle of a national debate
about the role of the military in governance the ensuing return to civil rule.

On July 29, 1966, Danjuma led a band of soldiers from the 4th battalion in Mokola area
of Ibadan to carry out the house arrest of Aguiyi Ironsiand Western Regional Governor,
Adekunle Fajuyi, while the former was visiting the region. Danjuma's grouse with Ironsi was the
concern that the army dissidents or the January rebels being held in prison were not facing trial
and his perceived view that Ironsi was part of the January, 1966 coup.

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 Prior to the commencement of the civil war when Igbos led by Ojukwu declared Nigeria
unsafe for them, Danjuma married his girlfriend, Grace and was on course in Britain along with
Major Abisoye. He was immediately called back and posted to Enugu. During the Nigerian Civil
War, he was a General Staff Officer in the 1st Division and was involved in the capture of Enugu
where fighting started from Nsukka.

In 1970, Danjuma attended the International Court Martial in Trinidad and Tobago as
Nigeria's representative, when he was appointed President of the Tribunal in a case brought
against members of a failed coup attempt in Trinidad and Tobago. Following his promotion to
Colonel in 1971, he spent next two years with responsibility for court-martialling Army officers
proven guilty of corruption and indiscipline. In 1975 he was promoted to Brigadier and the
position of General Officer Commanding (GOC) and in the following year he became the Chief
of Army Staff to the Head of State Olusegun Obasanjo. He played a prominent role in supporting
the president in resisting the Dimka Coup in 1976.

After the end of the Nigerian civil war, there were growing debates among the army
ranks about the role and nature of military governance in the county. While some military
governors were interested in seeing an elongation of military government others governing pro-
democracy states where reluctant to suggest prolonging military rule or civilian rule under a
retired general Yakubu Gowon. By 1974, Danjuma professed a desire to see the military return
to the barracks as a way to protect the reputation of the institution.

In 1975, he became the Chief of Staff (army) and later that year; his support would prove
crucial to the removal of General Gowon in a coup plot led by middle ranking soldiers and
divisional commanders such as Joseph Garba, Shehu Musa Yar'Adua, Abdullahi Mohammed and
Ibrahim Taiwo. The new regime led by Murtala Mohammed introduced a right to veto
government programs by the Supreme Military Council and gave the council decision making
powers on broad government programmes.

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 The new council included new entrants like the aforementioned plotters and other officers
such as Ibrahim Babangida, Muhammadu Buhari and Alfred Aduloju. Danjuma along with
Murtala Mohamemd and Olusegun Obasanjo became the key decision makers of the military
governement with Danjuma largely in control of the army. Although the new government had to
make steps to acquiesce themselves with the people, the old regime was already witnessing
eroding support from the people. He retired from the Nigerian army in 1979

The new administration made critical decisions such as a return to civil rule by 1979 to
increase their measure of legitimacy and gain support from the populace. Among the other
measures introduced were administrative and military purges and the re-organisation of the
army. The re-organization of the army included a proposed demobilisation exercise affecting
soldiers, many of whom were recruited during the civil war without adequate training but had
field and combat experience. The re-structuring also emphasized the need to have all soldiers in
the barracks by 1979 and to retrain army personnel.

Danjuuma then felt the army was immobile and the cost to train the soldiers was eating
up defense budget leaving room for equipping the men. He emphasized demobilisation and
proposed economic programs to cushion the economic blows to the retrenched soldiers. Along
with demobilisation came the promotion of 14 prominent officers to the position of general,
including Danjuma who rose to become a Lieutenant General rising over Defense Commissioner
and former superior, Bissala. Both the purges and promotions caused discontent within the
military. After an abortive coup in February 1976, the army council in charge of promotions was
re-constituted and further restructuring in the army went on such as the construction of barracks.

Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, an illustrious Jukun and Chief of Defence in Nigeria, whose
name has been mentioned several times by the Tiv as having a hand in the plan to eliminate
them, had said that the way out ‘… is not for public consumption.’ He however prescribed
dialogue in order to get to the root of the problems and then talk of the way out (The Tiv Story,
2014).

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5.5 Cultural Transformation and Democratic Dispensation in Jukun Society

Democracy has been defined as a government in which the supreme power is vested in
the people and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation
usually involving periodically held free elections (Merriam-Webster, 2012).
Therefore, a people solely committed to the institution of their culture cannot tolerate an
external government or culture creep in and eventually dominate or change its cultural principles
or beliefs.In Nigeria today, where democracy is the order of the day, all ethnic groups harbour
the fear of political and economic domination by neigbouring groups. For the Jukun who are
naturally reserved, modest and reticent, the activities of rapidly procreating, extroverted and
aggressive neighbours are bound to instill fears in them.

One of the noticeable achievements of this period is the development of the first
Community University in the whole of Africa, Kwararafa University Wukari, by the National
Universities Commission in 2005. It took off in March, 2006 with 61 students as the first and
only community owned University in Nigeria, the first University in Taraba State and the second
private University in the North East Geopolitical zone of Nigeria.

Located at Wukari an ancient city that was for a while the headquarters of the historically
famous Kwararafa Confederacy, the University officially changed its name from Wukari Jubilee
to Kwararafa in Febuary 2012 to reflect the cultural and historical roots of the confederacy which
at the zenith of its powers extended to modern Niger, Plateau, Kogi, Nasarawa and Benue states
and FCT in the north central geo-political zone, Edo and Cross River in the South-south zone,
Kogi Kaduna, Kano and Katsina states in the north west zone and Bauchi, Gombe, and
Adamawa States in the north east zone.

The Jukun kingdom formed the Kwararafa civilization, not empire, where leadership
skills flourished the world is yet to learn. The Jukun do not believe in oppressing any other group
as noted by James Agbu Danjuma, but in the enthronement of democracy, justice and
government. The various military expeditions by the Jukun which led to the take over of Kano,
Gobir, Katsina, Zaria and so on was for the sole purpose of establishing a democratic
government. The respect the Jukun accord those citizens inspired them to be on the watch out for
oppressors of these groups of people. Is the king of Kano or Katsina corrupt or high handed? Is

90
he oppressing his people? They would then send an expedition to go and knock down that king
and constitute another leadership. The new king or leadership however, would not be of Jukun
origin or from Wukari but a member of that community. This was because; they hated
colonisation, imperialism, oppression and injustice. Instead, they would say to the new king
“Now, you young man, you have succeeded that corrupt one, behave yourself and serve your
people. We are leaving one or two ambassadors here to advice you”. That was why the Jukun
constituted the second largest ethnic group in Kano, and you could still find some in Zaria
(there’s a place called Tudun Jukun: Jukun’s Hill in Zaria), Katsina, Misau, Yauri, Yobe
etc.They are Jukun people who have been hausanized. These places were Jukun people have
been found does not indicate their colonizing prowess but advisory role in the existing
government and at the same time, informing the home base at Wukari of the proceeding of
events whether positive or negative in the new democratic government. For instance, looking at
the case of America, the withdrawal of American troop from Iraq after it invaded the land in
1990 showed American interest in who is a good leader or not. Why are they preaching
democracy? The Jukun observed that America is learning democracy from their Kingdom. Yet,
the Jukun claimed Americans have not learnt perfectly, because they looted Iraq’s oil in the
process. This has however, never been an attribute of Jukun democracy. They would never take
booties back home from their expeditions. That was the method of Kwararafa civilization.

Until, probably, the Kwararafa civilization was de-emphasized by successive

developments and through the influence of external forces which de-emphasised the selfless
method of the Jukun civilization. By that time, most if not all other nationalities were under the
Jukun civilization. It was only by these disturbances by greedy persons who would want to create
empires and exploitative kingdoms that began to de-emphasize the power and influence of the
Jukun civilization finally truncating and disconnecting Kwararafa into a little kingdom. Jukun
nationalities in defunct Gongola, Anambra, Kano, Gombe, Nassarawa, Kogi, Benue etc could not
relate and connect efficiently. The imperialist brought about the divisive nature of inter-group
relations between the Jukun and her neigbours in the democratic process and that had been the
gradual contraction of the once powerful Kwararafa empire. When the British came, they came
as colonialists, the fame of Kwararafa kingdom would suggest that their first port of call would
have been Wukari. Rather, reverse was the case, because there were some internal colonial

91
powers on ground which the British found useful in their mission of exploiting Nigeria. These
brought about the promotion of wrong entities to the position of beign surrogates to the British
empire. Significantly, when the creation of states began one would expect that Wukari would be
created before Borno, which came third after Kwararafa as a centre for state creation but the
centre was forgotten.

When inaugurating a King Adama a Jukun informant and stakeholder noted that Jukun
elders usually select one of the King’s sons and when elected he is bathed in coloured water and
taken to the king’s house where he is made king. The procession is accompanied by several
people in front, some behind with the women making loud whistles with their mouth until he is
taken to the throne.

The political organization of modern Jukun society however, remained to some extent the
same as it was in the olden days. At the top is the Aku Uka. He is aided by his five king makers;
theAbo-Acio, whose principal role is the handling of the general administration of Wukari and
the subordinate districts when the Aku Uka is away as well as prior to the appointment of a new
Aku Uka. He also advises Aku Uka on civil matters, and settles matrimonial and other disputes
and is the second in comman to the Aku.

Abo-Acio has his own second-in-command, the Abo-Zike, who assists in the performance
of state functions, and is the Abo-Acio’s natural successor, while third-in-command is the Kinda-
Acio. He maintains close counsel with the Aku Uka, attends royal rites, and also supervises the
lesser kindas such as Kinda-Zike, Kinda-Byi, and Kinda-Kuvyo during traditional functions.
Although the power to appoint the four district heads (Katon-Bagha, Kun-Acio,Kinda-Byi, and
Kinda-Kuvyo) is still vested in the Aku Uka, their functions are now supervised by the local
government council (Adamu, 1983:28).

Earlier, it has been observed that other groups like the Kuteb and Tiv were settled in their
present location by the Jukun. For instance, Jibrin noted that the Kuteb had been part of the
Kwararafa kingdom until their king sought leave to establish the kingship institution (Niken).
The Tiv who in their migration had only segmented societies had their first kingship institution at
Kado. The first Tor Tiv was inaugurated by the Jukun and placed on a donkey. He was also
taught how to appoint messengers and househelps. It is for this reason; Alagoa (1976:336) noted

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that the Tiv in the past usually sent their king, the Tor Tiv, to the Jukun courts at Wukari and
Katsina Ala for spiritual reinforcement. It is further reported that for this service, the Tiv paid
fees to their Jukun hosts, and did not consider themselves as subjects. The Tiv as a result of this
development is believed to have acquired such Jukun titles as Apa ba ku which means Aku’s
loyalist. The installation of the tiv chieftancy of Tor Agbande, a borrowed title from the Jukun,
was also performed with the blessing of the Aku Uka (Danjuma, 2002:7).

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 CHAPTER SIX

6.0 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

6.1 Summary

The preceding study revealed cardinal horizons in Jukun contact and interactions with her
neighbours, particularly in what is today Wukari Local Government Area of Taraba State. The
study unraveled that intergroup relations between the Jukun-speaking people of Wukari
underpined interconnections and networks that overrode relations between states, empires,
political units and formations to relations that are communal, familial, social, economic and
cultural. While the study pointed out that the Jukun and the Tiv do not constitute the only ethnic
groups in the area, it clearly revealed the dominance of the two in the area.

Much detail had also been laid bare in the study to show that Jukun contacts with her
neighbours predated the study period. In other words, the Jukun people had been in contact with
the Tiv, Hausa-Fulani, Kuteb, Chamba and other tribes in the Benue valley before 1900. It had
been noted that, the Jukun were the earliest settlers among all the groups mentioned to have
settled in the Middle Benue Valley. Though, the history of their origin and migrations had been
one of speculations, this study had unfolded that the Jukun are of eastern origin from Yemen in
the Arabian peninsular as observed by Meek. It has also delimited the identity of the Jukun
people.

The political system of the Jukun has been observed to be one of divine kingship or a
theocratic government based on the conception that the king is the representative of the gods. In
obeying the king the Jukun people believe they are obeying the gods and so a Jukun man would
not take it lightly with any one that disregards the authority of the king. This system of
government was however, checkmated by the results of the leadership of the Aku or else he faced
tyranny from his people. The Aku Uka is the supreme spiritual and political head and the pride of
all Apa Jukun within and outside his sphere of domain.

The period after 1900 saw the emergence of nationalist movements that propelled the
process for African nations to gain independence and be free from the yoke of colonial influence.
The declaration of a protectorate over Northern Nigeria by the British in 1900 was welcomed by

94
the Jukun unlike the situation in other parts of Nigeria where there were prolonged resistances.
This was as a result of the nature of the Jukun people who are a cultured, law-abiding group that
respect constituted authority.

It has also been noted that the nature of intergroup relations between the Jukun and her
neighbours had been both mutual and conflictual. The most predominant violent relations have
been the Tiv-Jukun clashes that have resulted in bloodshed, loss of lives and properties which
were witnessed especially in 1959, 1964, 1977 and 1990-1992.

The causes of these violent relations in Jukun relations with her neighbours especially the
Tiv had been attributed to land, non-payment of tax, conflict of cultural values, change of village
names and fear of political domination which saw the Jukun refusal to include the Tiv in the
Wukari Traditional Council among others.

By and large, this study also emphasized the fact that before the introduction of colonial
rule, the Tiv and the Jukun had established a very significant fusion which informed a colonial
official to remark that the two groups are complementary to one another. It was also on this basis
that a Jukun elder had to only inter lace his fingers in response to a colonial official who
demanded to know the Jukun relationship with the Tiv.

Unfortunately, the study revealed that the colonial machinery truncated the peace process
sustained between the Tiv and the Jukun. As damaging as this phenomenon was to relationship,
it did not take the British by surprise, since their colonial system of indirect rule was at its best in
all their colonial territories, in dividing and setting communities against others. This explained
why even though this approach enabled the colonial administration to achieve its objectives, it
left very damaging legacies on inter-group relations, as was evident, also between the Tiv and
the Jukun.

Other areas of cultural admixture, as the study revealed, were brought about by the
impressive trade network that characterized another aspect of Jukun relationship with her
neighbours as kick started by the British in the establishment of trading locations in the
administration of the region. Through trade, both groups copied technology from one another,
exchanged cults, adopted languages, exchanged ideas and intermarried. The similarities in some
of their textile products were practical illustrations of the symbiotic intercourse for the purpose

95
of advancement. Other flash points were the use of common or identical tribal or ethnic facial
marks.

The study also revealed the influence of colonial policies in shaping inter-group relations
and social developments within the area of study. For instance, in checking the growing
influence of Tiv people in Jukun land, the government of Northern Nigeria introduced a policy in
1922 which however, curtailed the growing Tiv population.

In this study, an attempt had been made to buttress the cultural transformations that
characterized Jukun society since the independence period into the civilian and military regimes
and the democratic dispensation. These developments were influencial in shaping the traditional,
modern, political and social life of the Jukun-speaking people.

6.2 Research Findings

An in-depth fieldwork was carried out by the researcher on the inter-group relations and
social developments of the Jukun-speaking people of Wukari and her immediate neighbours.
This study has enabled the researcher to un-earth core issues associated with the nature of inter-
group relations. Obviously, culture has become one key factor worth preserving by any group
because series of cultural fusion has become rampant due to the encroachment of modernity and
globalization in what has become of today’s world which seem to sweep away some values that
has been practiced by the forefathers.

Attention focused on the proceedings of relations undertaken by the Jukun from earliest
times with the Tiv, Chamba, igala, Abakwariga and other ethnic groups within the study area has
given the researcher ample opportunity of consulting and ascertaining the various texts reviewed
thereby exposing the researcher to new findings.

One major discovery from the former first District Officer of Wukari Division Jibrin
Amfani was the development of the first community university in the whole of Africa evolved by
the Jukun people, which is the Kwararafa University. Kwararafa University Wukari is a private
University licensed in June 2005 as the first community promoted University in Nigeria. It has
its roots in the efforts by the Wukari Community to address the challenges of access to Higher

96
Education by indigenes of the Community. It opened its doors to first set of 61 students in March
2006. The promoter of the University is WUCOLEE Nigeria Limited (RC49909), an SPV that
was set up for the purpose of licensing the University. The Chairman of the Company is His
Majesty the Aku-Uka of Wukari, Shekarau Angyu Masa-Ibi, Kuvyo II (CON).

Kwararafa University Wukari, was licensed as Wukari Jubilee by the National

Universities Commission in 2005 as mentioned earlier. It took off in March, 2006 with 61
students as the first and only community owned University in Nigeria, the first University in
Taraba State and the second private University in the North East Geopo litical zone of Nigeria.

Located at Wukari an ancient city that was for a while the headquarters of the historically
famous Kwararafa Confederacy, the University officially changed its name from Wukari Jubilee
to Kwararafa in Febuary 2012 to reflect the cultural and historical roots of the confederacy which
at the zenith of its powers extended to modern Niger, Plateau, Kogi, Nasarawa and Benue states
and FCT in the north central geo-political zone, Edo and Cross River in the South-south zone,
Kogi Kaduna, Kano and Katsina states in the north west zone and Bauchi, Gombe, and
Adamawa States in the north east zone. Kwararafa University enjoys cordial relations with its
host community and attracts students from Taraba and 22 other states of the Federation.

As regards the process of relations with her neigbours the researcher gathered that the
Tiv, Chamba, Kuteb, Jukun etc had a common past, a common present and common aspirations
of the future. This means in every Jukun community there’s a considerable number of these
ethnic groups or nationalities represented.

Palace organization as observed by the researcher revealed that the Aku Uka Mallam
Shekarau Angyu Kuvyon II comes out every morning by ten o’clock to receive pleasantries and
homage paid to him from sons and subjects of the Kingdom. Any Jukun with special request or
challenges must go through his protocol officer and the secretary which all have offices in the
palace.

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 The salutation culture is very significant in portraying what the Jukun man believes and
it’s also synonymous with the three tribal marks on the face of any Jukun and the three hair lock
(Apo) (plate 2)woven on the head of a typical Jukun and the king’s officials. The salutation
requires the Jukun man or woman to squat or kneel before the king with the two hands waved
backwards over the head thrice before starting any discussion on any issue. The significance of
this is that the Jukun only have fears for three things on earth. The first is God; secondly the Aku
who has the power of life and death and finally the Jukun fears death. Any stranger who is not a
Wapan or Jukun is free to make salutations as he is accustomed to.

Wapan the name by which the Jukun call themselves has been observed to have been
carved out of the word “Pan” meaning Temple. The name Wapan therefore, means people who
worship the Temple, those who acknowledge Aku Uka as their supreme leader and are subject to
his leadership. The Wapan all over the world have no leader apart from the Aku Uka. Wherever
a Jukun is, he is subject to the Aku Uka and is required to pay allegiance to the Aku. In a
nutshell, Wapan is what is today referred to as the Jukun. The word Jukun is the Hausa version
attributed to the Wapan.

One of the findings the researcher unearthed also was the culture of marriage and inter-
marriage in Jukun land. It has been found out that marriage does not link the Jukun and Tiv this
is so, as not to truncate cultural traits. There are also points of similarities and disagreement. For
instance, both eat some particular food like beer and pork but the Jukun don’t take dog meat
which is accepted by the Tiv.

The researcher also found out that the Aku’s regalia portray Jukun and Hausa
relationship. (Plate 3) In fact, Jukun relationship with the Hausa led to the establishment of
places like Tudun Jukun in Zaria and Yakassai in Kano and the adoption of Hausa names.
Another thing discovered was that when a Jukun man wears his loin cloth (plate 13) as is the
custom he is at peace however, when he puts on his cloth it’s a sign of war.

98
 The observation gathered again by the researcher reveals that the national colour of the
Jukun is blue and white or black and white which can be in different patterns. The blue signifies
rain makers while the white signifies peace. The Aku’s colour however, is blue, black and white.
Red signifies the king’s council responsible for declaring war, while when he ties wrapper it
signifies peace which is synonymous of white.

It has also been observed that the imposition of the colonial state radically altered inter-
group relations in Nigeria in general and Northern Nigeria in particular. Such power then and
now is reproduced through the fragmentation of peoples and communities into separate entities
bearing different identities and then their forced unification into colonially constructed spatial
and cultural boundaries. On the basis of this fragmentation, discourses, ideologies and practices
of power through schools, laws, symbolic representations and policy decisions that serve to
produce and reproduce group boundaries are established. Such identities span a wide range of
issues and may be related, though not necessarily limited to ethnicity, religion and cultural
essentialism. At the same time, these were unified into larger units that constituted regions that
so many separate homelands formed a colonial imagery of ‘Northern’‘Southern’, ‘Western’ or
‘Eastern’ Nigeria. Conflict is embedded in the very process of the production of such power
itself. The reproduction of such form of power is itself problematic, particularly in the current
context of heightened global expansion of capital. From all indications, the reproduction of this
form of power is indispensable to the continuedexistence of the post-colonial state as currently
constituted. Therefore, an escalation and intensification of these types of conflicts is most likely
in the near future.

The relationship between the agrarian Tiv and the politically dominant Jukun was cordial.
There were no communal clashes, disputes or fear of any political domination. This was because
the Tiv lacked a central political authority and the two groups had no cause to fight over land as
the Tiv were working as rural farmers while the Jukun took up urban occupations. The Tiv
therefore, paid more attention to the demands of efficient agriculture than those of defence so
they lived in evenly scattered homes, occupying 60% of rural land in Taraba rather than compact
villages. The Jukun are said to have constantly claimed ownership of the lands as indigenes of
Kwararafa kingdom, hence the Jukun have always considered the Tiv in Taraba as tenants.

99
By the middle of the 20th century, when the population census of ethnic groups in Wukari was
conducted, it was noted that the Tiv officially outnumbered the Jukun as shown in the table
below - Hence, the Tiv were the single largest ethnic group in Wukari, Taraba State:

Tiv Kuteb Jukun Ichen Hausa Chamba Others

40,400 20,284 10,867 6,775 5,287 4,500 20,229

Source: National Archives Kaduna (NAK/MAK/Prof/4377)

Trade was another factor that facilitated inter-group harmony between the Jukun and her
neigbours. Salt and antimony were major items of Jukun’s pre-colonial inter-group relations and
the Jukun sought to monopolize their production. Whenever this monopoly became difficult,
attempts were made to exercise effective control over their production and trade. For instance,
the Hausa were only allowed to produce antimony at Arafu and Zurak with the special
permission of the Aku Uka who collected twenty percent of the output from antimony as tribute.
Indeed, the Jukun were able to exert a remarkable influence on their neigbours because of their
firm control of the salt trade. Salt production and trade was certainly in the hands of the Jukun.
Salt was essential to all the communities and the trade extended from Jukunland southward into
Igboland and northwards to Nupeland. Some other items like toseli, cloth and dyed materials,
adire, and weaving were commodities for sale as observed. In addition, farming also enhanced
the relationship between the Tiv and Jukun. The Jukun were responsible in coaching the Tiv on
making yam hips or ridges, while the Jukun can make up to two hundred hips the Tiv could only
make fourty to sixty hips.

The Jukun also developed mutually beneficial economic relations with the Alago, Nupe,
Eggon, Koro, Idoma, Igala and Kakanda to mention but a few. As a group they were involved in
international trade through the agency of the famous trans-Saharan trade. Jukun obtained horses
and cotton garments from the north in exchange for salts, antimony and slaves. Wukari became
the main commercial centre of the region. Katsina-Ala was also a great centre of commerce. The
Jukun also went into trade partnership with the Hausa in Takum. The Hausa exchanged products
such as metals, leather products and dyed materials with Jukun’s salt. It is on record that the
Jukun also played middlemen role between the Hausa and the Kuteb. They equally traded as far

100
as Tivland by exchanging their commodities for slaves, foodstuff and vegetable oils. As from the
beginning of the nineteenth century, the Hausa and the Jukun also became major suppliers of
slaves to the South-eastern emirate of the Sokoto caliphate. As major slave dealers, the Jukun
combined outright purchase with raiding and kidnapping in order to maximize the profits that
accrued from the trade in slaves.

The Traditional Council is deeply involved in promoting its cultural heritage through
publication of books, Calendars, as well as organizing cultural festivals and carnivals. The
coronation of the Aku Uka is another avenue of showcasing the cultural heritage of the people.
The Traditional Council also exchanges emissaries with other traditional Councils especially in
Northern Nigeria which is similar to the present day diplomatic relations among countries. The
Council relates well with both the federal and state governments. It helps in mobilizing and
enlightening its people on issues of national importance. The Council further relates with
organizations that do business in its domain by providing an enabling environment for the latter
to operate.

Wukari town has been a major centre of attraction for outsiders who come to market their
goods and services to the Jukun people. Major market days are Sundays, Mondays, Wednesdays
and Fridays. Chinkai market is held every Friday while Bantaje and Gindin-Dorowa are usually
held on Wednesdays. Ibi market is held every Sunday for the sales of fish and Monday for food
items as observed by Emmanuel Alose. The fish market was important in receiving a lot of
people from various places – for instance, the Ogoja people from the Cross River State, the Tiv
people from Gboko, Makurdi and Katsina-Ala come to buy fish from Ibi. Access roads linking
Abinsi to Wukari, Jos to Ibi even via waterways, Ogoja to Katsina-Ala, Wukari to Rafinkada and
then Takum, Wukari to Donga the Chamba town, Wukari to Mutum-Biyu, Jalingo and Yola etc
had established the fact that Wukari town is highly commercialized because of its central
position in the area being a road terminus and the first of cross roads.

The continuous struggle and competing interests of the Jukun and their neighbours over
the natural and human resources of the region led to inter-ethnic conflagrations. In fact, the

101
history of Jukun’s inter-group relations is filled with instances of violent confrontations between
the Jukun and their neighbours. It has been however, noted that Jukun’s raids and military
engagements were primarily motivated by economic reasons rather than empire expansion.

6.3 Conclusions

This study has examined inter-group relations and social developments among the Jukun
people. It showed that no group of people can exist successively on its own or live in isolation
without recognizing the distinct socio-political and cultural influence of its neighbours. These
involved series of contacts between the Jukun, Tiv, Kuteb, Chamba and other groups in the
Middle Benue Valley which took the forms of trade, diplomatic ties, wars and management of
trade routes long before colonial intervention in the area.

The findings from this study revealed the cordiality in transmission of cultural norms,
values and recognition of the aspects of disagreement in culture between different groups and the
Jukun in Wukari. The study observed the dominance of Jukun people over other polities in the
region, owed its strength to the fame of its cavalry and conquest of other groups which rebuffed
its sovereignty. In addition to this, they were politically and spiritually organized and well
established to command respect from their neigbours.

Notably, the pre-colonial period witnessed peaceful co-existence with the Tiv and her
other neigbours, while the colonial period saw the introduction of government policies by the
colonialists that apart from threatening the existing relations brought far reaching impacts on the
cultural, economic and social life of the people.

The post-colonial era revealed the various results of inter-group relations not only in
Jukun society but Nigeria as a whole. The new policies of colonial government were reflected in
both the local and national government since independence till date. For instance, Nigeria
continued to practice Britain’s mode of government, dressing, language and the adoption of
multi-national companies who are promoters of foreign cultures which is also a feature of inter-
group relations.

102
 The study also examined three factors, the land issue, the political factor and the indigene
settler factor, as the major causes of conflicts between the Tiv and the Jukun. The land issue for
instance, had the notion that, as much as other vital factors such as politics have often acted as a
stimulant of the crises between the Tiv and Jukun, land remained fundamental in the
understanding of the standoff. Both Tiv and Jukun are farmers. However, this is even more the
case for the Tiv as more than half of its population engaged in farming as an occupation. Thus as
professional farmers, land, more than any other thing, remained the most valuable resource to the
Tiv people. They were therefore often attracted to any fertile land within their region. The
tendency was that whenever there was scarcity of land in the area where Tiv were residing or if
the land became depleted and infertile; they were bound to migrate to a more spacious and fertile
place. This was the reason why they had to migrate to their present settlement in the Benue
Valley.

In subsequent decades, as observed, large percentage of the Tiv population migrated from
the Benue State to their present location in Taraba in search of fertile lands. This has ignited
conflicts between the Tiv and Jukun in the area and particularly in the Wukari Local Government
Area (LGA).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

(1) PRIMARY SOURCES

103
  Oral Data: List of Informants

No Name Place of Interview Status Age Date of Interview

.
1. Dr. Shekarau Angyu Aku Uka’s palace King of Wukari 77 13-07-2013
Masa Ibi Kuvyon II
2. Jibrin A. Amfani His House, Former Senior 80 11-07-13
Wukari District Officer, Tiv
Division.
3. Jolly A. Masa Ibi His House, Hakimi 70 11-07-2013
Wukari
4. Ada Ma His House, 80 17-07-2013
Wukari
5. Useni Aku Uka’s Palace 75 17-07-2013
6. Wunuken Emmanuel Aku Uka’s Palace Former Aku Uka’s 50 13-07-2013
chief Protocol
7. Bala Aku Uka’s Palace Aku Uka’s 45 13-07-2013
secretary
8. Dan Maigona Nyajon Aku Uka’s Palace Royal lineage 75 13-07-2013
9. Emmanuel Alose Jalingo Jukun Historian 55 10-08-2013
10. Dr. Saba Danjuma Jalingo Jukun Elder c. 65 10-08-2013
11. Tanko Danji Jalingo Jukun Elder c. 85 19-08-2013
12. Mr Bulus Bauka Wukari Elder statesman 80 27-08-2013
13. Justice Emmanuel Jalingo Legal Practitioner 70 28-08-2013
Dodo
14. Maza Hiko Wukari Jukun Elder c. 68 19-08-2013
15. Yamusa M. Akata Palace Wukari Jukun Elder c. 70 19-08-2013
16. Adi Bauka Wukari Elder statesman 67 20-08-2013
17. Stephen Apaki Jalingo Elder statesman c. 65 25-08-2013
18. Danjuma A. Adamu Jalingo Jukun 65 25-01-2014
Historian/Journalist
19. Daniel Nyajo Jalingo Land Surveyor 58 25-07-2013
20. Mairiga Vyonken Wukari Land Surveyor 59 20-08-2013
21. Mrs Bauka Wukari Housewife 63 27-08-2013
22. Mrs Ladi Vyonken Wukari Housewife 55 20-08-2013
23. Bujuje Danjuma Wukari Farmer c. 50 18-07-2013
24. Dogari (Palace Aku’s Palace Guards 50 18-07-2013
Guards)
25. Nuvalga Dan Habu Jalingo Jukun Elder 54 19-07-2013
26. Rev. James A. His house, Jukun Cleric 58 17/07/2013
Danjuma Jalingo
27. Mr. Benjamin Agbu Bureau for Land, Asst. Director Car 50 19/07/2013
28. Mr Gani Bayero Ibadan Director, Agric 53 27/03/2014
services, Jalingo.
29. Yusuf Madugu Jalingo Lecturer 55 27/09/2013

104
30. Emmanuel Nyaku Jalingo C.O.E Lecturer 53 27/10/2013
31. Zando Sule Gani Jalingo Cashier Donga 50 22/11/2013
LGA
32. Dantani Isa Rabo Jalingo Politician 53 20/11/2013
33. Jonah Agyo Jalingo Civil 60 22/05/2013
Servant/Politician
34. Bulus Gani Jalingo Legal Practioner 40 19/12/2013
35. Richard Bako Ago Jalingo Civil Servant 55 17/11/2013
36. Mrs Lami Zaria Nurse 50 25/01/2014
37. Sarkin Dogarai Palace, Wukari Chief Guard 54 27/07/2013
38. Adi Bauka Wukari Civil servant 59 23/12/2013
39. Iliya Haruna Wukari Civil Servant C. 50 15/01/2014
40. Adi Sule Gani Wukari Civil Sevant c. 55 17/01/2014
41. Gambo Adibyewi Wukari Farmer c. 60 20/01/2014

42. Umaru Sangari Wukari Legal Practitioner c. 54 11/01/2014

43. Zaku Ahmadu Jalingo Civil Servant c. 48 15/01/2014
44. Bulus Ashu Wukari Civil Servant c. 53 12/02/2014
45. Agya Angyu Wukari Civil Servant c. 50 11/01/2014
46. Danasabe Ahmadu Jalingo Civil Servant c. 56 13/01/2014
47. Uba Habu Jalingo Civil Servant c. 64 19/01/2014
48. Isa Maiulu Jalingo Civil Servant c. 60 19/01/2014
49. Dalhatu Sangari Wukari Civil Servant c.58 18/01/2014
50. Habu Haruna Wukari Civil Servant c. 60 14/01/2014

Archival Documents

105
 SNP7/13/2657/1912 Report No. 77 for the Quarter Ending March 31 st on Muri
Province.

 SNP 10/1/181P/1913 Annual Report No. 81 on Muri Province.

 SNP 10/1/310P/1913 Report No. 82 for the Quarter Ending 31 st March on Muri
Province.

 SNP 17/8/2441 VOL. 1(A) Historical and Anthropological Notes on Jukun of Wukari.

 SNP 17/8/2441 VOL. 1(B) Historical and Anthropological Notes on Jukun of Wukari.

 MAK PROF 4/31/AR/REP/W/8 Annual Reports on Wukari Division Benue Province.

 NAK/MAKPROF/4377

 (NAK/SP10/1/320P/1913)

 (NAK/SNP 17/8/K4049)

 [NAK/SNP 17/8/K 4049(b)]

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(Appendix 1):Roll Call of Kwararafa Ethnic Nationalities in Nigeria

110
S/ STATES ETHNIC NATIONALITIES LOCATION
No.
1. ABIA Arochukwu (Abiriba) Old Arochukwu Division
2. ABUJA (FCT) i. Egbirra (Ebirra), Abuja, Abaji,
ii. Koro (Mighili), Zuba, Bwari, Wuse
iii. Nupe Abuja
3. ADAMAWA i. Jukun Banu Yola, Numan
ii. Bachama Numan, Demsa
iii. Bondawa Numan
iv. Kanakuru (Dere) Shelleng, Gombi, Guyuk
v. Baban (Babar) Mayo- Belwa
vi. Kilba (Choba) Hong
vii. Bura, Gombi, Guyuk, Karkida
viii. Babur Mubi
ix. Yandang. Mayo Belwa
4. ANAMBRA i. Igala Onitsha
5. BAUCHI i. Jukun Gwaba Gwana, Fatuk, Pittuk
ii. Misau Waaji Misau
iii. Shira Misau, Bauchi
iv. Jukun Hone Gwana, Dasan, Dare, Dezi
v. Kare Kare Katagum, Misau
vi. Jarawa Dass
6. BENUE i. Idoma Oturkpo, Otukpa, Ado,
Adoka, Ichama, Ifokan,
Ogbadibo, Oju Okpokolo
ii. Igede Itu Worku, Oturkpo, Ado
iii. Jukun Wanu Makurdi, Abinsi, Agyou
iv. Etulo (Etilo) Katsina-Ala,Adi,Ambighir,
Nyam Atso
v. Agatu Ochekwu, Adoka
vi. Ebina (Egbirra) Musum
vii. Nyonyon (Nyifon) Buruku, Oga, Ukum
viii. Anyishi Katsina-Ala

111
 ix. Aho Apa, Bagaji
x. Iyala Oturpo
xi. Akpa Oturkpo
xii. Ufia Utonkon
7. BORNO i. Kalam (Jukun Kalam) Maiduguri
ii. Jukun Banu
iii. Kanakuru (Dere) Bama, Maiduguri
iv. Burra Shani, Biu
Biu, Babur, Gujba,
v. Koro Marama
vi. Babur Biu, babur, Miringa
Biu, Babur, Miringa
8. CROSS RIVER i. Iyala (Yala) Ogoja, Ikon, Obubura
ii. Dama (Idama) Egide, Ogaja
iii. Igede Ogoja
iv. Yache Yala
v. Bekwara Bekwara
vi. Bette Obudu
vii. Obanliku Obanliku
viii. Ukele Yala
9. DELTA i. Igala Agbor, Asaba, Illa, Ebu
10. EBONYI i. Okposi Onicha
ii. Afikpo Afikpo
11. EDO i. Igara Igara
ii. Ebira (Igbirra) Akoko Edo, Igara
iii. Afenma Fugar, Aganabode, Auchi,
Uzairue, Okpella
12. ENUGU i. Igala Nsukka, Obolafo
ii. Ette Igbo-Eze
13. GOMBE i. Jukun Pindiga Pindiga, Kashere, Tunnu,
Yelwa, Zabin Kani, Akko,
Gombe.
ii. Panda Kidda, Banda, Akko

112
 iii. Tera Yelmatu deba,Dadin Kowa
Gombe, Kaltungo
iv. Buta (Butawa) Pindiga, Kashere, Kwaya,
v. Hone Jukun Kaltungo
14. KADUNA i. Kanikon Jema’a
ii. Koro (Ache/Wachi, Ala/Ashe, Zeni Jema’a, Jaba, Kagarko,
Adong/Hang and Miamiya) Kachia, Katugal, Jere
iii. Jukun
iv. Nupe
v. Nenzim Zaria (Tudun Jukun)
Kaduna
Gwantu
15. KANO i. Koro (Kutumbawa) Kano
ii. Jukun Kano, Yakassai, Sengagi
iii. Warja (Warjawa) Gwaran
16. KOGI i. Igala Ida, Anyangba, Ankpa,
Dekina, Okuru, Biraidu
ii. Egbirra Okene, Kogi, Koton Karfe,
Oguri
iii. Nupe (Kakanda)
Dekina, Lokoja
iv. Bassa-Nge
Boloko, Bassa
v. Bassa-Komo
Boloko, Bassa

vi. Igarra
17. KWARA i. Nupe Lafiagi, Borgu, Igbomina-
Ekiti
18. NASSARWA i. Alago (Arago) Doma, Keana, Obi, Awe,
Lafia, Assakio, Kadarko,
Dedere, Alushi, Ribi, Keffi,
Alagye, Agaza, owena,
Aguwatashi, Odubu.
ii. Koro (Mighili/Nene) Obi, Lafia, Keffi, Kokona,
Doma, Assakio.
iii. Rindre Wamba, Keffi Akwanga,

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 iv. Jukun Akyekura Nunku, Agamati
Awe, Kyekura, Wuse, Akiri,
Nwota, Jangwa, Azara, Kenje.

v. Aho (Afo)
Nassarawa, Keffi, Edegye,
Kokona, Akwanga, Agwada,
Akum
Nassarawa Eggon, keffi,
vi. Eggon
Lafia, Akwanga, Assakio,
Akum, Kokona.
Assakio, Lip
vii. Goemai (Ankwe)
Gadabuke, Toto, Umaisha,
viii. Ebirra (Igbirra)
Openda
ix. Agatu
Iduku, Dedebe
x. Mada
Akwanga, Keffi, Andaha
xi. Kwalla
Obi
19. NIGER i. Nupe (Nupawa) Bida, Kontagora, Agai, Lapai,
Suleja, Minna
ii. Koro Minna, Kafin Koro
iii. Aho Suleja
20. ONDO i. Igbirra (Ebirra) Northern Borders
21. PLATEAU i. Goemai (Ankwe) Shendam, Langtang, Quan-
Pan, Kwande
ii. Wapan (Jukun Mavo, Wase Tafa) Mavo, Wase, Garkawa,
Kumbur, Jidibi, Wase, Tofa,
Shimankar
iii. Jukun Garkawa
Garkawa
iv. Gunishir
Kanam
v. Bashiri (Basharawa)
Langtang, Bashiri
vi. Namu
Shendam
vii. Kwalla
Quan-pan
viii. Jukun Amper
Amper, Pankshin, Kanke
ix. Koro-Ala (Ashe)
x. Ngas Pankshin, Kanke

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 xi. Mwaghavul Mangum, Kerang, Mangu,
Panyam
xii. Afizere Jos-North, Jos-East

xiii. Irigwe
Bassa
xiv. Mushere
Bokkos
xv. Boghom
Kanam
xvi. Jhar
Kanam
xvii. Rukuba
Bassa
22. SOKOTO i. Jukun Wurno
23. TARABA i. Wapan Wukari, Ibi, Dampar,
Akwana, Takum
ii. Kpanzon Takum, Donga, Wukari

iii. Jibu (Jibawa)

Bali, Gassol, Wukari,
Gashaka, Takum, Jibu
iv. Wurbo Ibi, Gassol, Donga, Wukari
v. Jukun Kona (Jibab) Kona, Jalingo, Lau, Sunkani
vi. Ndoro (Ndola) Kurmi, Bali, Gashaka, Takum
vii. Loo Karim Lamido
Gwomu “
Panya “
Zoo “
Buruk Karim Lamido, Lau
viii. Munga Karim Lamido, Jalingo, Lau
ix. Jukun- Tigo Busum, Ambwe
Nama, Abong, Asha, Batu,
Akwanto, Bugu, Kwoncha

x. Jenjo (Jonjo) Karim Lamido, Lau, Ibi,

Wukari Zing, Jalingo, Bali
xi. Shumo Wukari (Gindin Dorawa),
Lau, Gassol, Karim Lamido
xii. Ichen
Donga, Ibi, Wukari, Bali,

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 Takum, Kurmi
xiii. Kam
(Kamajin, Nyingwon, Bali,
Takum, Kumi Gassol
Nwiwon)
xiv. Jiru
Wukari, Jalingo
xv. Bakundi
Gassol, Bali, Wukari
xvi. Niken (Kuteb)
Takum, Ussa, Wukari
xvii. Betso (Bete)
Wukari, Takum
xviii. Kunini (Kunini-Yeh)
Lau, Jalingo, Kunini, Karim
Lamido
xix. Lau-Habe
Lau, Karim Lamido
xx. Bandawa
(Bandawa Shaboh) Lau,
Karim Lamido, Wukari, Yorro
xxi. Yukuben (Uhumkhegi)
Ussa, Takum
Karim-Lamido, Jalingo, Yorro
xxii. Minda (Minda-Mandu)
Takum, Wukari
xxiii. Lufu
Lau, Karim-Lamido, Jalingo
xxiv. Karinjo
Karim-Lamido, Jalingo, Yorro
xxv. Jessi (Jessi-Mbishi)
Ibi, Gassol, Lau, Wukari, Bali,
xxvi. Jukun Banu (Wanu)
Karim Lamido, Kurmi
Wukari, Donga, Takum
xxvii. Nyifuo (Nyonyon)
Karim Lamido, Wukari, Bali
xxviii. Jukun Wurkum
Zing, Yorro, Lau, Jalingo
xxix. Mumuye
Lau, Yorro, Gashaka
xxx. Yangdan

24. YOBE i. Karekare Potiskum, Gadaka, Fube, Fika

ii. Ngizim Fika, Fune, Potiskum
iii. Bolewa Fika, Potiskum
25. FRIENDS AND i. Yoruba
ALLIES ii. Edos (Benin)
iii. Itsekiris
iv. Kanuri (Beriberi)
v. Berom

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 vi. Taroh
vii. Chamba

Source: THE HERITAGE News Magazine No. 1 Vol. 4 October 2007.

Appendix2: Unstructured Questionnaire

117
1. What has prompted intergroup relations between the Jukun and her neighbouring
communities?
2. What has affected intergroup relations among the Jukun?
3. Has there been any social development in Jukun society since you came of age?
4. What form or type of intergroup relationship between the Jukun and other groups have
you witnessed?
5. What is the role of the Aku Uka in promoting intergroup relations and social
developments in Jukun society?
6. What role was played by palace guards in contributing to intergroup relations in Jukun
society?
7. What were the reasons for the breaks in relationships between the Jukun and her
neighbours?
8. How was the relationship between the Jukun and other groups sustained?
9. What are some historical hallmarks that can be traced to intergroup relations between the
Jukun and other groups?
10. Has there been any cultural diffusion between the Jukun and her neighbours?
11. Are there some old Jukun traditions that modernity has affected?
12. Is there any challenge in maintaining Jukun culture among younger generations dur to
cultura diffusion?
13. How has economic factors affected intergroup relations in Jukun society/
14. Are there technological developments witnessed as a result of intergroup relations?
15. How long has the Tiv and the Kuteb related with the Jukun?
16. How were communal conflicts managed in Jukun society?
17. How has migration patterns of the Jukun influenced them and other societies?
18. How has the divine kingship of the Jukun affected the Tiv, Kuteb, Chamba and other
communities?
19. How do Jukun masquerades operate?
20. What are the roles of palace guards in promoting Jukun cultural heritage?
21. How has cultural dances, arts and music influenced cultural concerns and relationships
with other societies?

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22. How many ethnic groups existed among the Jukun?
23. How did the groups interact with one another?
24. What problems did these groups encounter?
25. What were put in place to further check re-occurence of inter-ethnic problems?
26. What were the causes of ethnic conflicts?
27. How do you think ethnic clashes can be stopped or managed?
28. What started the Kuteb-Jukun crises?
29. What were the gains of independence in Jukun society?
30. Has colonialism helped in intergroup harmony between the Jukun and her neighbours?
31. How has the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorate encouraged
intergroup relations in Jukun society?
32. What cultural developments were witnessed during the military regime in Jukun society?
33. Who were the major players in Wukari politics during the military regime?
34. During the civilian era, what were the contributions of the Federal Government to local
administration within Wukari?
35. How were markets and market days important in intergroup relations in Jukun society?
36. What were the roles of District heads in intergroup relations?
37. Why do the Jukun call themselves Wapan?
38. Who were the king makers in Jukun society?
39. How were kings installed in Jukun society?
40. How was the authority of Jukun system of divine kingship checkmated?
41. How influential were Jukun kings in the colonial era?
42. Why was the post-colonial era characterized by ethnic conspiracy in Jukun society?
43. What was the nature of intergroup relations between the Jukun and her neigbours?
44. What were the cultural transformations witnessed as a result of contacts with other
groups?
45. What form of ethno-medcine did the Jukun practiced?
46. Do the various Jukun groups regard themselves as one entity?
47. What is the cultural link between the Jukun and the Kuteb?
48. What is the cultural affiliation between the Jukun and Chamba?
49. What are the interpretations of the three tribal marks on a typical Jukun?

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50. Does the colour on the Aku’s regalia portray any form of intergroup relations?
51. What has been the relationship between the Jukun and Hausa people?
52. What were the reasons for the respect accorded to the Aku Uka by Zaria and Borno?
53. Has there been any form of adulteration in Jukun language as a result of culture mixture?
54. What are the customary laws of inheritance in jukun society?
55. Why did the Tiv laid claims on Jukunland?
56. What was the Jukun farming practices?
57. What was the main occupation of the Jukun?
58. What major community development has been witnessed in Jukun society?
59. Is there any specific time the Aku receives pleasantries from his subjects?
60. What was the role of middlemen in trade relations?
61. How was the organization of the WukariTtraditional Council?
62. How has the relationship between the Jukun and the Hausa-Fulani been so far?

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Plate 1: Marmara Crocodile Pond of the Jukun

Plate 2: Apo Head – rest of the Jukun

121
Plate 3: Aku Uka Dr. Shekarau Angyu Masa Ibi in hisRoyal Regalia

fi

Plate 4:Adama - A Jukun Elder and Informant

122
ni

Plate 5: Jibrin Amfani (A Former District Officer)

Plate 6: Hakimi Jolly A. Masa Ibi and a Guide

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 Plate 7: Hakimi Jolly A. Masa Ibi’s Royal Seat

Plate 8: Sarkin Dogarai – Palace Guard Chief

Plate 9: Dogarai – Palace Guards

Plate 10:
Traditional
Council
Secretariat
Wukari

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Plate 11: Aku Uka’s Palace Wukari – Front View

Plate12: Jukun Temple Wukari

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Plate 13: Adire- Loin cloth: Jukun Traditional outfit

126