12/18/22, 3:48 PM Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany

Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany

Sisir K. Majumdar

It was probably in Germany that Subhas Chandra Bose (1897-1945) was first known as ‘Netaji’, which literally
means ‘leader of leaders’ (‘Führer’ is the equivalent German expression). The period of his stay in Germany was
from April 1941 to February 1943. These 'Berlin Years' of Netaji are still a riddle for most of his objective and
biased biographers. It is still a puzzle how a self-respecting and dynamic personality could put up for two long
years with an inhuman fascist clique which desperately tried to submerge the whole of humanity in rivers of
blood. But it is beyond any shadow of doubt that he was solely and unequivocally guided by one desire– the
liberation of his mother India from the cruel clutches of British colonialism.

Germany and India: The prime idea which motivated Netaji was to explore all possible means for achieving
the cherished goal of India’s independence. It seems that he had adopted the concept that the ‘enemy’s enemy is
your friend’. He looked at Nazi Germany solely from that perspective. It followed the approach taken by Indian
revolutionaries towards German during the First World War. However, the Germany of the Second World War
was very different, even with respect to India. After the defeat of Germany in the First World war, the ambition
of Germany was to bring about a global redistribution of colonies with the goal of establishing German
supremacy on the world stage. Vis-à-vis India, a plan was hatched to form an ‘Afghan Army’ to invade India
after the possible defeat of the Soviet Union in order to snatch ‘the jewel of the British Empire’. The idea of
India’s independence was no where in German strategic consideration. Indeed, Germany had a long standing
covetous eye towards India, and its sympathy and support for India's struggle for independence was always
superficial, and fluctuated with the changing situations on the war front, especially on the Russian front. Netaji
was completely unaware of this behind the scene conspiracy. He did not seem to think about this seriously
enough initially, and remained blindly optimistic about the German attitude for quite some time.

Low-key Reception: When Netaji arrived in Germany in April 1941, he was received by a low-ranking official
of the Foreign Department. He was disappointed at this first encounter. Of course his hotel accommodation was
fairly luxurious, with an easy telephonic link to high officials. But he had to wait for more than a year to meet
the Führer personally. In the meantime, constant clashes of perceptions on the Indian situation between Netaji
and his German hosts became routine. He was confused and bewildered from time to time.

Meeting with Foreign Ministry: Netaji met the higher officials of the Foreign Department on April 3, 1941,
and expressed his desire to form an 'Indian Government in Exile' and expected its immediate diplomatic
recognition from the Axis Powers. He was keen to form an Indian Army with the Indian prisoners of war from
North Africa. As requested, he submitted a draft proposal on April 9, 1941. It contained the following (i) The
Axis Powers would sign a treaty with the ‘Free Indian Government in Exile’ guaranteeing India's independence
from British rule once the war was won; (ii) The Indian Army would consist of 50,000 soldiers of Indian origin;
(iii) After liberating India, Germany would hand over responsibility to the Government in Exile headed by Netaji
himself.

However, Netaji probably failed to realize that the Germans might have their own plans regarding India. The
German perception had to be different. Agreeing with Netaji’s plan virtually amounted to the declaration of
India’s independence as one of the aims of the war. Netaji was no longer a leader of the Indian National
Congress which was leading India’s independence movement on India’s soil. Forming an Indian government in
exile would antagonize the leaders and the people of India. This would not have offered any political dividend to
Germany. The Germans were reluctant to discuss any military plan with Netaji in advance of liberating India. He
did not have access to Germany’s war plans, and he provided an opportunity to be used for German expansionist
ambitions in India.

Netaji was considered merely a refugee leader who happened to be in exile in Berlin and not ‘the Leader of the
great Indian Nation’. He was more an object of sympathy rather than of authority to dictate terms or to influence
directions. He was at best treated as an honourable guest; and all guests have limitations in the host's place;
Netaji was no exception.
https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv7n1/Bose.htm 1/3
12/18/22, 3:48 PM Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany

The Turning Point: The invasion of Russia was being planned. Netaji probably came to know about it; he sent
a memorandum to the Germans pleading that the status quo be maintained with Russia in order to achieve total
destruction of the British in the Near and Middle East. He was completely against the invasion of the Soviet
Union. Netaji met the German Foreign Minister J. Von Ribbentrop, and is reported to have told him emphatically
that Indian public opinion was against German fascism, and was sympathetic to the socialist Soviet Union. He
insisted with Ribbentrop on a German declaration for India’s independence. Ribbentrop asked lots of intriguing
questions about the internal situation in India, and only made a verbal commitment to consider Netaji’s proposal,
and promised to arrange another meeting. This did not take place for another seven months. He could not
arrange to see Hitler, and did not get what he wanted from Ribbentrop, but he did not lose hope.

Netaji prepared and sent a draft declaration of India’s independence to the German authorities on May 13, 1941,
and wanted it published. The declaration envisioned that the people of India would themselves decide on the
future constitution of India after she was liberated, and Germany would accept this absolute right. Germany
would take full responsibility to liberate India, and after liberation, would recognize that government of
independent India. On May 24, he was informed that the time was not right for the publication of such a
document. Netaji was told that instead, he could set up the ‘Free India Centre’ in Berlin. Ten million Reichmarks
were allotted as a ‘loan’ for the centre, and a monthly allowance of 12,000 Reichmarks was sanctioned for his
personal expenses. In spite of this generous hospitality, he was feeling stifled. His movements were under
constant surveillance, his telephone was tapped, his letters were opened and censored. He seemed to be locked in
an iron cage, an unbearable condition for ‘the Springing Tiger’.

Holiday in Rome: Netaji went on a visit to Rome in May 1941, and stayed there for six weeks with his newly
married wife Emilie Schenkl. He also met the then Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano, and discussed with
him the draft declaration. Ciano took Netaji to the Duce Benito Mussolini on May 5, 1941. Italy at the time was
only a puppet of Germany, and too weak to take any independent decision on anything.

On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded Soviet Russia, and the whole political table was turned around. On August
15, 1941, he wrote a long letter to Ribbentrop and pointed out in the strongest possible words that the German
invasion of the Soviet Union would be viewed by Indians as the beginning of as invasion of the East, and
therefore Germany would be regarded as the enemy of India. he again insisted on the publication of the draft
declaration, and his request was again turned down. There was another meeting with Ribbentrop on November
29, 1941. Netaji requested him to arrange a meeting with Hitler, but Ribbentrop made no commitment. He also
pointed out the offensive comment made by Hitler in his book ‘Mein Kampf', and demanded its immediate
correction. Part of this particular comment reads as follows: ‘... Quite aside from the fact that I as a man of
Germanic blood, would in spite of everything, rather see India under English rule than any other.’(1) Netaji was
unable to persuade Hitler to amend this offensive comment.

Japan Enters the War: The Japanese declaration of war against Great Britain and the US on December 7, 1941,
coupled with the advance of the Japanese army towards the Indian frontier radically altered the war situation.
The German Foreign Minister prepared a draft declaration on India without any consultation with Netaji. Japan
also prepared one. There was an understandable difference in attitude towards India in Germany and Japan, and
Netaji tried to cash in on this rift by again insisting on the publication of his own draft declaration. Ribbentrop,
however, was interested in using him for Nazi propaganda, and for the invasion of Soviet Union. Netaji, as
clever as he was, surely realized that he was in the wrong company in Berlin to achieve the right objective, and
also that the world and future history would portray him as an ally of the hated fascist clique. He decided to
leave for the Far East. Many historians assign his decision to the failure of Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union in
1942. In fact, he wanted to be nearer home when Japan decided to invade India so that he could be physically
available to offer leadership to the people and the prisoners of war of Indian origin in South East Asia. He came
to know from the Italian Foreign Minister Ciano on May 4, 1942, that the publication of his draft declaration on
India had again been postponed. He was very disappointed. But he had to swallow this indifference silently and
with subdued anger.

Encounter with Hitler: It happened on May 29, 1942 at the Reich Chancellery. Though a few other ministers
like Ribbentrop were present, Hitler was the sole actor at the show. He seemed to have been reasonably briefed

https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv7n1/Bose.htm 2/3
12/18/22, 3:48 PM Subhas Chandra Bose in Nazi Germany

in advance by his military intelligence on the internal situation in India. After an exchange of initial formalities,
Hitler gave a long lecture on the world situation of the day. He spoke extensively on the Soviet threat to India
once she was freed from the British, and euphorically boasted that for Germany, it is only possible to reach India
over ‘the dead body of Russia’. It was more a ‘talking shop’ staged with racial hatred and national chauvinism,
banal boasting and empty threats. Netaji firmly drew attention to the comments in ‘Mein Kampf’, and advised
Hitler to make a public declaration on his stand and intentions about India. He noted that otherwise enemies
would use his comments in the book for anti-German propaganda. But Hitler was not interested in continuing on
this topic. He stated that it would take 1-2 years for Germany to spread its influence over India, and for India
herself it would take 100-200 years to put her house in order and for reconstruction to achieve Indian unity.
Instead of amending his stand on India, he proudly reiterated his well known ugly racist chauvinism against
India. In his talk with Netaji, Hitler gave sufficient indications about his expansionist intentions towards India. It
was not clear whether Netaji understood it and took it seriously. Possibly, at that juncture of history, there was no
other alternative for him but to depend on the devil. Hitler did reassure Netaji that if and when German forces
reached the Indian frontier, he would be invited to set foot on Indian soil in the company of German liberators to
trigger ‘the revolution’. It was an empty promise and a cruel joke.

It was not a meeting of two national leaders, rather it was a frosty encounter between Hitler the demon-genius
and Netaji, a nationalist giant. Netaji spoke very little to his colleagues in Berlin about his unpleasant meeting
with Hitler, except that it was not possible to continue a logical dialogue with him. After this episode, Netaji
seemed to awaken from his illusion about Hitler.

Within certain limitations he was allowed to pursue his organizational work, and he was able to mobilize Indians
living in Germany at the time under the banner of the Free India Centre (total members: 35) with an avowed
allegiance to Netaji personally and not to India. It was an granted diplomatic status with fabulous financial
grants. One important activity of his in Germany was the formation of the first unit of what he thought would be
the future Indian army recruited from the Indian prisoners of war from North Africa. In forming this he had the
idea that: it would not be a part of the German military; it would be self sufficient; it would only fight against the
British army on Indian soil and not on any other front or country; and, it could not be engaged at the German-
Soviet front. But recruitment was very slow. Only 3,500, less than one third of the total Indian prisoners of war
from North Africa, were recruited. They took an oath of allegiance to both Netaji and Hitler. This paved the way
for using this Indian legion in other war fronts. Contrary to his wishes, after Netaji left Germany this legion was
dispatched to Holland and France to perform various military duties.

The Final Departure: Even after deciding to leave Germany for the Far East, Netaji wasted one whole year in
Berlin only to meet Hitler. He was held up by the Germans because they wanted to use him in the event of a
German victory over Russia. He was allowed to leave only after the German surrender in Stalingrad, and Hitler's
secret plan for India fell apart. The long journey to the Far East was very dangerous. He boarded a German
submarine (U Boat) on February 8, 1943 from Kiel with another Indian colleague, Abid Hassan, leaving behind
his wife and only child, daughter Anita, and many well wishers in Germany.

1) Mein Kampf: The National Socialist Movement by A. Hitler, translated by Ralph Manheim; Hutchinson,
London, 1974, reprinted 1990; p.601.

Courtesy: ‘South Asia Forum Quarterly’, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1997, Chery Chase, Maryland, pp. 10-14.

Click here to return to the April 2001 index.

https://www.revolutionarydemocracy.org/rdv7n1/Bose.htm 3/3