Literary and Linguistic Perspectives on ORALITY, LITERACY AND GENDER STUDIES Ayo ‘Osisanwo Kazeem Adebiyi-Adelabu Adebayo MosobalajeSECTION D ORAL POETRY, NARRATIVES AND PERFORMANCE .. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. Yoruba Folktale as Literary Expression of Dissent against Repression Wale Adegbite & Adebayo Adegbite A Critique of the Cultural, Linguistic and Religious Symbolism of Oriki among the Yoritb of Nigeria Okéwéndé Olinvolé Tawggboye A Didactic Adaptation of Varying Tunes of Ere Olomoba and Yungba Chants Reuben Kehinde Akano ‘Transformative Themes in Hausa Lullabies: The Case of Hausa Speakers in Wukari, Taraba State ... Maryam Yusuf Magaji Oral Cultural Narratives and the Challenges Before Nigerian ‘Women Writers .. Rotimi Anne Olatunji ‘African Folklore: Cultural Heritage for Sustainable Development in the Contemporary Society .. Sikiru Adeyemi Ogundokun ‘The Folkloric Tradition and the Female Characters in Efua T. Sutherland's and Ama Ata Aidoo's Plays ‘Nureni Oyewole Fadare Oral Performance Techniques in the Works of D. O. Fégtinwa Olanike Olaleru Orature in the Digital World Joseph Bankola Ola-Koyi SECTION E SEXUALITY AND MASCULINITY .. 28. 29. 30. 31. K. Sello Duiker’s Thirteen Cents Sex, Sexuality and Power Relation in and the Quiet Violence of Dreams .. Kazeem Adebiyi-Adelabu Surveying Sexuality ies) Representation in African Writings: Version, Subversion, and Conversion . Saliou Dione The Portrayal of Homosexuality in Jude Dibia's Walking with Shadows Ebunoluwa Mobolanle Sotunsa & Festus Alabi Sexuality, Morality and Identity Construction in Jude Dibia’s walking with Shadows.. Aseez Akinwumi Sesan 24S 247 269 287 297 309 325 341 361 375 395 397 413 437 453CHAPTER 19 ya YORUBA FOLICTALE AS LIPEMARY EXPRE {NT AGAINST REPRESSION SION OF Wate Adegbite & Adebayo Adeghite Abstract rhys study recreates freratare of lissent ina chang world by describing Yoruba folktale aay expressing sen ais pression ang the wnt ia. i de rasa quate neti of texans ne dha derived from fotktdle in the writen medium heed fron different texts in Yoruba language, including a dranstation into English and the theoretical frame ork is based on Carl Jung's psyeloanalytical the ‘tecomypanied by concepts of narrative cements from) Thompson's ‘motif index’ T « stuuly identifies experiences of 7 sression as physical and payehotogtical; in the forms of poverty unger and famine for the physical; and fear, greed tad reduction int social status Jor {te PSY atogical, Repression cakes place in the socioy political domains of reigion, polite ath anu gender as well as ender downinnsr sical ateributes like sise and strengh Lastly, dissent agatnst repression IS achieved Hurl maint area ericster «Taree? and supernatural iterventions in forms of teal efennents ad rowers mie veates, forces of nature cand appear ener of hosts, The conclusion of the sty iS that the Yoruba fotktate uses wariowe narrative elements to express dissent as ist repression [nse yaad (0 ache compensation the repr sion, It recognises Ht complexity of comuneanicallr as, channel ced prone F ty fea cere perspec MC luding inthe fotktate and the unravelling of the complenity Jt0" the psycho-analytical perspecti" uifised in ths stacy rub fae, Expression ofrepression, Literature of Keywords: Yoruba lite taire, Yor dissent248 @ hiterary and Linguisgj Perspeey Pective The Folktale as a Genre of Co, The word folktale fs a combination op the describes a group of people who sing some con cultural, geographical or occupational While the wey which, coring 10 Kelly and Zak (1999) 4 ne fictional in order to illustrate that folktale is regarded asa major division expressive other forms of folk related activities like drama, ritual a. and dance, and may be contrasted with Practical culture inetugg ee Politics and social structure, Expressive cultune 4 a eling immediate empirical effect is the expression Participants. Prom the definition ofthe tenn, definition above, two things can be said about the fon fi CeDiction of a truth or create shared mean ‘ultuy Whi tal, Music, graph This work starts with the definition given by Fischer (1963) because itis the “expression” and “manipulation of emotions” that it intends to examine. Fischer’ assertion is similar to what Kawai Hayao, cited by Hiroshi (2003:242), states as the reason he decided to research the folktale: “in my mind, the contents of folktale and the collective mentality of people of the modern age are strongly connected”, The above quoteis also some rnaht with what Carthy (2013) labels as a function of folklore as compensation fg something lacking in realty. In other words, telling the tale may serve asan ego building device for both the teller and his/her listeners. Lester, in Rurangwa (2006), says that folktales are stories that give people a way of communicating with each other about cach other ~ their fears, their hopes, their dreams, thir fantasies, siving their explanations of why the world is the way i is. I isin stories like these that a child learns who his Pcats are and who he will become. Arbuthnot, as cited by Som (201 1:3), corroborates this idea by saying that... folktale has been the cement ‘of society. not only expresses butalso codifies and reinforces the way people think, fel, believe and behace ie Akinyemi (2012) describes the folktale genre as part of a general ‘oral tradition o the people who tell it. Acceptable definitions of stories in the oral tradition are 1g which the people formulate, pick up and earry along as part of their cultural freight. These stories are told habitually by the people. Folktale is said to be in the oral tradition. Pundes (1965) states that the most common criterion fy. a definition of folklore is its Means of transmission that is oral. He clar fies, however, that materials other than folklore are also orally conveyed. Therefore, oral transmission itself is not sufficient 10 distinguish folldore from non-folklore. on the contrary, ifa story is transmitted only in ‘on, it would be considered a literary production based Upon a folk model, but this is not the same as the folk model itself, Scholars Morking on the folktale blished that it has similarities in plot and structure, NO matter where they originate from (Sierra, 1992; Rosliana, 2012). However, in spite of these structural Similarities, folktale often has some symbols that can only be recognised "nthe context in which itis created and told, This makes it to beg valuable cultural —Yoruba Folktale as Literary Expression of Dissent against Repression ™@ 249 resource for understanding the dstinet ‘Thus, scholars (Som, 2011; Mak: aay culture should be exat ii because there isa tend ofother cultures. Patterns of communication of a specific group. 5 Makaudze, 2013 and Olarinmoye) suggest that folktale in rnined from the cultural standpoint of those people who created lency for misinterpretation if itis analysed from the perspectives Functions of the Folktale Folktale has many functions that have been well identified and discussed in the literature, including those of amusement during leisure time of both the people who tell it and those who listen to it (Thompson, 1932; Rurangwa, 2006). A second function of folktale isculture validation and maintenance of stability of culture (Dundes, 1965), inspiration of patriotism and nationalism in the listeners (Dorson, cited by Mathur, 2001, Ogbalu, 2011), education and directing the lives of children 1 when they become adults (Ogbalu, 2011). This explains why there have been calls to make fc folktale a part of formal education. Scholars like Kehinde (2010) and Makaudze (2013) have called fori to be included in the curriculum in order to help young students to develop the cultural grounding and spirit of nationalism that the folktale embodies Some scholars have also recognised the psychoanalytic function of folktale. According to Johnson (1998), folktale often reflects unconscious beliefs and attitudes of listeners who can tolerate anxiety-provoking images and messages and project these messages. alongside their unfulfilled wishes at a safe distance into the characters in the folktale. More often than not, these unfulfilled wishes are as a result of the existence of certain power forinations which prevent the fulfillment of the wishes. The process of projecting messages into the characters that Johnson describes above is to resist those power formations. This is the use of the folktale, according to Fanon (1963:193), as a “literature of combat which moulds the national consciousness, giving it form and contours and flinging before it new and boundless horizons”. In addition to the functions above, Penjore (2010) mentions that one particularly interesting characteristic of the Bhutanese folktale is the presence of thematic elements ofdissent, which are created with the aim of pitting small people against representatives of the ruling classes or elites, also known as ‘big people’. Statement of Research Probleni He (2000), Penjore (2010) and Nair (2014), based on examples from hearin Societies claim that every society has two discourses: one the dominant discourse, oF the ruling or aristocratic class and, another, the repressed discourse forthe common Class. The clashes ofthe two discourses often create tension forthe commoners who are tegarded as repressed. Thus, the commoners often use ee Le aestchc, Compensating against this tension, More than just injecting new me ftkate, as a form of oral literature, “acts asthe counter systenvagsinel legal, religious and political law. The tales try to fulfil eas 14:47). This sentiment that is duplicated and reduplicated as per the system” (Nain, 2perspectives Orally, biteracy 4 Cen i ‘c ng an 3) and Pandey and Panga. ie wi chological interpre (cp In, fort inant discourse. Thus the teller of fo : rere dom asset its own identities and po, Thay i OS ernst ‘These dominant discourses yy, : re este ses (Nai 4 (Nair, 2014), the western/Burop., Nem, 87 aye 2019) 0F He obsess yc 13 ay and Pace, 2014). f ig Pant the folktale challenges dominant Aiscousein in, ines | prs elements of the literature of repression and ds wo nt aking” ing society. cotwe by reused ina changing andbow te Stag setives and Questions Research Objectives ‘i and agents that perpetrate repression in Yoruba Theses rey agents play as symbol, inthe power forma jnes the roles that these agents pl ° ms snk cominhirneracions with the repressed, who serve asthe moutipiceaf hula Italso identifies and analyses the folktale for elements ti eer acguained andthe constrained? to express ditent against repression, a at the study examines how the narrators use folktale to achieve whats (2014) refers to as ‘Jouissance”, that is, “the feeling of satisfaction that both the creator site folate, alee, and whoever listens to or reads these tales, enjoy by full, though symbolically their desire to surpass the ‘Law of the Father’ and to posses ihe Forbidden” (Nat, 201453). ‘Law ofthe Father, in this case, represents the elementsof ‘epression that are projected in folktale, while the ‘Forbidden’ represents the desires the Tarotalsed characters intend toachieve. The following are the specific research qesins tobeansweredin the study: ‘Matar the experiences of repression that the Yoruba use the folktale as literature of dissent against? b apa the agen of repression thatthe Yoruba folktale express dissent ‘ a ‘heelements ofthe folktales that make them Useful as literature o How can th 1 folktal : A agents that comin ene _ Yoruba to achieve compensation against the The fot rete regarded as Se other f Part of expressive liter Cae deity MSOF odo suck Song anh tate Known as folklore, How longside og Sand dance. There is also a tendency © Brees att study coe casemate Such as ritual, myths and legends, bt Yor Woduction, The won under the description by Fischer (1963), ba will only co ee OP characters aid Symbonn” Ove flktale that originate fro: ktale as L Expressi yoruba Folktale as Literary Expression of pissony ‘against Repress m 251 is i sion sigifene€ ofthe Study i is a relic of the Yorub » fotktale #8 ba pre-coloni nat can help t0 provide a starting sae Past am prt rovide aa tie sit iorigg neces rere ne tat wuld POV 2 ty ay opment ofarea historical mains ens tl MOUS, tome ha ial, political and economic esha weld oficresing css abits and cultural patterns of the : tt {otalisation and social transformation de increasing hybridity, as ‘al interactions and mands re m "new dialogue and communication Tite | i ‘Ocal narratives parallel to the national Data Base of Study ‘The study adopted a survey method of te . present te features of the Yoruba eee and interpretation to observe and nev were gathered from different Yoruba text sighs ye aoe tative. The els rurale, (1949) (henceforth OONI, OjoOlagokes face eee ee ote (1973) (henceforth ITOY), J. F Odunjo's Alawiye i : ra 's Hapa Tiroko Oko Yannibo, already translated source in English, Amos Ttwla's Yona lle (1989), thenesoeh yp. Atranslation of the Yoruba texts i provided inthe Thseaeeotmcosde a ray four ters Were used for Busration inthe suuly Opostonlenoe themain source of data because it has the largest number of tales, Twelve txts vee in med ftom the thirty tales therein. The eleven other texts were selected sees tee other sources as follows all three tales rom each of Odinj and guna; and six rom ‘ula, The purposive sampling was employed to sclec the folktale texts, based on the stribute of magical realism that they share, whereby animal characters interact with human beings and physical characters interact with non-physical characters. In this espace samples were all homogenous in that al the stores followed the same plot andbad similar themes. The analysis of data presented features in terms of elements of ‘faents experience and agents of epresion; and meansof achieving compensition by the creators of the folktale. The analysis is carried out via theoretical concepts. adapted from the psychoanalytical theory by Jung’s (1948), Rosliana (2013) and Naie (2014) accompanied by concepts of narrative elements initiated by Thompson's (1932) ‘motif index. Theoretical Framework ' i i rework begins from the perspective The psychoanalytical dimension of the hort ae ng Tife into three agencies Or as the unconscious, the Pre> the interplay Jyip in relation revents the of Sigmund Freud's structural theory of. 80 6 Lapsley and Stey (2011), Sigmund Freud cies a Provinces: id, ego and superegoor what Pas 208 ees esos consousand the conscious ARES Tg defies te berween language and the unconscious Mr sarper Figure’ te one ma P to the Oedipus complex; languageiterary and Linguistic Perspectives on Orality, Literacy ana G, ° Gender 5, Sti 252 8 cious frm acini desires. However, because an individyay unconsci ter to be able to communierte with the other members of yon*4 tan st oe a jestes of hiser unconscious under th father p= sr nes s/he conscious CE The repressed unconscious bees cara entity har attempts to challenge tne donna father igure called language. Thee ort BY MBUAEE 8 nd unconscious desire are thus radially divide ‘carl Jung (1948), like Freud, believes that the mind has both conscig “s gung’s belief i thatthe most important pare the Js, But unlike Frew isnot from personal ; collective un nt past of human existence, & veneept called the collective unconscious. Through is observation of disturbed individuals, he notes that the contents of their dreams ang fantasies cannot be limited t0 their personal experience, but have entered into arealney ancient symbolism to which they have no conscious access. Their dreams and fantasies often contain mythological themes that have existed in the collective unconsciousness e.g. distant ancestor's expericnees with universal concepts such as God, mother, water and earth that are transmitted through generations, sO that people in every time have een influenced by their a ncostors’ experiences. Hung (1948) also posts that because of the ‘aforementioned universal concepts, the contents of the collective uncon scious are the same (more oF less) forall the peopleof the world, regardless of race or culture. Its this collective unconscious that influences people's myths, legends and, more pervasively religious practices. It isa human's innate Tendeney to react ina particular way whenever thei rrexperiences stimulate a biologically inherited response tendency (like a ‘mother’s unlearned or unlikely response’ of love toward her newborn). Initial contacts with these images are forms without content but, with practice, the content emerges and becomes relatively autonomou’ images that are knowt asarchetypes, The potential for countless numbers of archetypes exists within each person ‘and when a personal experience corresponds to the latent primordial image, 3 the archetype becomes activated. ; one Archetypes are expressed indirectly and, when activated, they are expressed through pa pee delusions. tis these fantasies that are expressed in folktale, which placemat picts ence to another. In his theory of self and the collective peri ns 981) ia about an important archetype called the shadow, which Isreprcted bythe ie of the 80. ‘The shadow is the negative or the dark side| has serual and thatthe a nas that the shadow’s repressed desires are not purely Saree influences the individual's dreams and fantasies doce nag Wena dominant discourse, which, for example, could be relisio¥ Thea Nei (2014), or politcal, as ciseussed by Penjore (2010), impose’ tosbje ise she group consciousness acces the discourse ‘and the ego has Various fokioe item pone ee ee eee pen Teves HENS Falko hus hopes and desires ofa society are exPressea soci y maine feelings, @ medium through which a folk ‘community its well-bei ‘¢ mechanism of the society through which Ng Pent up tensions, because we know thst experiences of the individual but from the unconscious level unconscious sprin} ade! ing by releasyoruba Folktale as Literary Expression Ff Dissent against Repression M253 essed desires and hopes are the root ofall evil rep g to Nair (2013), when h ith th cording to Na }» when humans with i identify wit ‘ y, the culture and its rules, thy the unconscious psyche identify with inesocengthe ore ane sul, lack that is formed already withthe denial of heing mother’s pha s 9 alack out of the denial of an equal life status with lass. The law of culture institutes the ne the high cl n " the high class and the low class in the society dee cote eae =. ay ofthe mother forthe child remould into the desire forthe lie ofthe “rhe, the Tee ecs®: The Oedipal Prohibition converts to cultural . Through such stories, the low class dete? norms, Through such st Class desire to live the life " ee fe of the ‘other ai exploitand penalise theit exploiters and, thus, go Against the law. They desire what hey veto sactifice (symbolic castration have to sacifice (sy ‘on in Lacanian concept discourse ofrepression, the essences that hereisatese ot dacoae ee ceate tothe inthe unconscious, while there is another dominant format he ts submerged has to subject to in order to be accepted : society has a discourse on death, which, suibject to. Most societies have a discour talks about God (or gods) who has 1 figures may also manifest as people in power and ¢ (2010:25). Also moving away from those fundem colonisation, for example, many societies have co: discourses of other societies, \unity. For example, every Tegardless of age or status, has to Which, according to Nair (2014), ntrol human destiny. The father tuthority, as attested to by Penjore ental beliefs, we see that through me to impose their discourse on the every human, se on religion: the power to cor Narrative Elements of Folktale ‘The earliest attempt to classify the narrative elements in folkt index came from Sitith Thompson in a book in 1932, Folklorists therecognisable and consistently repeated story elements (. actions, and events) that are used in the traditional plot structures, or tale types. In his index, Thompson lists in alphabetical order the narrative elements that can be found in folktale, regardless of origin, and uses alphanumeric labels to depict the ways the narrative clements are used. For example, in the motif index, the “Letter D” is for magical objects and from 800-899 are various forms of magical objects and how they may be obtained. ‘Thompson's motif index covers all the letters of the alphabet, from AO, whichis listedas the*creator of the Universe”, to 2-350, which is listed as “Other Unique exceptions”. Almost every oral tradition in the world has trickster figures and African-American, culture is no exception. Tricksters dominate the folk tradition that people of African descent have developed in the United States; especially those trickster figures that are Weak, often amoral characters who outsmart stronger opponents as obtained iets folktradition, landscape, and wildlife. By definition, tricksters are aint Ge = who, while ostensibly disadvantaged and weak in a contest of wil ore Tesources, succeed in getting the best of their larger and is pow ee pla Tiesters achieve thei objectives through indirection and mask wearing vows Paying upon the gullibility of their opponents. In other words, tricksters su ale through the ‘motif use the motif to refer to common characters, objects,istic Perspectives on Orality, Literacy ang dt Gende, ry and Linge! ” Stud 54m Litera! In executing their actions, they give no th | Mostly, they are pictured in co: hought NLESE OF quest ped Teh ons chy tt gx ont fea OF bring about a parte an tple, Brer Rabbit, the quintessential trickster figure in African American faslor ‘es that trickster tales in African American culture are olor source of ht oat they also betray the real reason for their exists ass coment of existence in a country where the promise”: seriontynere denied (0 BE POT ‘ofthe citizenry, pattern that become dee in he erry adaprations of trickster figures. As black people who were ensiag ced eracy and began 0 wile aDow their experiences, they incorporated figue, ee oa tradition into their Written creations. es ‘lana (2014) supports 1015) view in her own examination of repression in Africa and Carribean society from the perspective of colonisation and post-colonialism ‘That the whites who, even though have feft physically, still have their values dominating the Caribbean space and preventing the natives from realising their own identity. Inher Spinto, de folktale hat best challenges te Yominant values is trickster tales that relate oeipthicl conception of a world asa place “ofendless and ongoing struggle, of progress and regress”. This is in support of Taylor's: (1989) view: of both African. and Afro-Caribbean folktales. On his own part, Taylor | (1989) has delved into how ‘the Afro-Caribbean “trickster motif, like the use of religious rit al, is of particular interest because of the soc political significance of the trickster symbol in resistance against colonialism”, Slana (2014) adds that in works of literature in the West Indies, the trickster character exists oot tretlyeombat European slave masters in the plantation environment, but rather to wage a new war against the invisible colonist. Conte! smporary tricksters, not only 10 et neocolonialism, but also resist sexism, classism and other ‘major obstacles still present in Caribbean societies. The other element that enables the folkta fondinde Thompson motif index is supernatural in ee supernatural intervention may or thestory aed data by Trousdale Se ae el orden aha shecesdo rae Ca swt fl order ioesabloh heart seca do whatever she conse 0 do, is another example ieulihdodbeomenae en in folktales. Penjore (2010) also adds to ‘Trousdale an¢ Ce eee pear cleo: sean Teature of folktale thats cincavanacof he cst heroes to defeat the forces that dominate the™ tect rene therelementof folktale thai used 0 mock the dominant washes away hie ale Risers ee Gane the saviour in the folate. beeen pease: He (2000) points ny the King is defeated by a flastt S00 ee aoism establishes that every the importance of magic in the chines y creature is essentially the same, and animals fre through Breet tansform to cach other. Wi humans uough dams, othersare realised thmongh mane sare © Metamorphoses He ge trough magic spell, Of thee transfor en ) observes the application. Sg iferent forms © sroutthinking heir OPO loed, they are amoral Trudier’s (21 fe to be used as a literature of dissent tervention, which comes: in different me in form of magical elemen's creatures. In “arterhe ”, ine’s ability to change f gold and pearls itYoruba Folktale as Literary Expression of Dissent against Repression @ 255 sic such as duplication, petrification, substiturs magi such a P » Substitution, a z vony that He (2000) examines, which is enti eet es aa itled “Suited to a Fish’, a high rank official passes out for twenty days and decides to transform into a fish, It is aid that ce ‘nish his oy ina life without social roles is boundless. He i oithe deep and forsakes the illusion ofthe (Confucian) iri Wo SST of that story, Hstich Wei, for the Chinese folk who tells tales iy y 7 as les, itis th imerenton; thas the ability to transform no animals sadam ae move beyond the bounds of the oppressive social, order and ridicule and triumy oh over fia tenets of Confucianism that forms the basis of the s A ociety that oppresses them. The Experiences of Repression in Yoruba Folktales The experiences that the characters and, by extension, the tellers of the Yoruba folktale use the medium as dissension can be divided into two: physical and psychological experiences. In the texts analysed, itis found that the common experiences in the environment of the tales, which the characters in the fol : : Iktale try to overcome, is the physical experience of poverty and hunger, in the case ofthe individual; and famine, in the case of the community. In most of the tales from JTOY, itis poverty and hunger that most often drive the tortoise to do the things he does and to play the tricks that explain oa trickster character within the tales. The experience of poverty is illustrated yw Ex. 1: Bi ode yii ti mura sise to, o talaka, o si talakuta pelu nitori pe kii ta gbogbo eran to n pa. O maa n pin in fun awon alddugbo re ni. (TOY, 16) (As hardworking as this hunter is, he is poor and he experiences poverty because he does not sell all the meat of the animals that he kills. He only distributes them to his neighbours) ‘The psychological experience comes in the forms of fear and greed. The characters fear to die young, For example, in “The Immoderate Lion”, itis the fear of death for himself and the other animals that motivates the fox to trick the lion, the tiger, the wolf and the elephant to meet their death, as shown in Example 2: Ex. 2: He continued “near my house isa huge roko tree four animals just like you, a lion, a tiger and a wolf have been terrorizing those of us e aroun: {you come and eliminate them so that who live around that place. I suggest y' almiane en ost they will not scare us away when we come to your palace cy beer. Tere animals are as big as you are but they are as rong as YOU 21% come, you will conquer them with ease”. (OONI, in“T -, Elephant Another experience is reduction in social status. For insane’ cake aba and Hippopotamus", the Elephant and Hippopotamns we an hes are higher social status than the tortoise because wey Se he Fs e has the same status le of jre against reduction in regard pine feed ae to him, Another example of a desire 263 n256 @ Me and init Pepa ano, ‘ocial status is that in which the parents FAntere 7" the goddess of the river in yp, especially, as 1 fees ets that comes with being childless. 1 is the stigma woman in A Patient Person Milks the Lioness” go milk of the lioness for the medicine man. In animals, the wolf, the tiger and the elephant re, ‘ard the Status with the king, and higher in Status than the other a from obeying the king’s law in the story. At the eng ofthe ston: higher social status than the others are killed and the animals qual social status. Thus, the Wish of the weaker animals i ‘eller ofthe story is ulfitied, ees itd end prevenes her from having a happy life (VF 5). id of the ldess of the River”, the desire of Antere’s parents to 'S forno tangible reason. Ironically, the river ‘goddess, fetish yin tes to willingly give a child to the barren couple. 8S take 8 t0 kidnap a Child from the goddess's abode. At the kes Antere, her daughter, away rom hey earthly parents er, back fail. In “Tortoise and Deity of the arms”, the deity itionay JinietY £0 give or withhona ‘good crop yield, as he nitividual fares oes. This power enables him to ‘cultuy ¥ siving the tortoise a Supernatural calabash, iy SOY Dountivany Tegardless of the effort tortoise Aer in yy PUMA the tortoiee when the latter disobeys his h inca the Lord ofits River” has the powerto cal a Peat ral things, which provide food without materials Which are used to Punish their subjectsyoruba Folktale as Literary Expr. SION OF Dissony contrary to the laid down lay wher pare ofsowing that the aditional rey Asfaes and honour the tems ofthe si saps 8 YE 24, ODI esto keep ies Cee ethenscle ee hina xa py the superman ef Olbi 050, Ona peel With che avs laid do} Ga : pematce agents in th tin that whi hologicay set ot having goo life. it Feligion, ye YY ger yer they 8° Agents of Repression ents use their positions to make iene socal environment of the tales, ms that ace binding on rand social values because oftheir own selfish inne make arbitra aedhe weaker characters do not have the power rest and break the lve political agents also make religious laws, which =e them accountabine = aed ith agents of religious repression, The mre that they may work nee ietrsonare kings and other political leaders, traditions oo” Bent of velidea ye human beings or animals. ly regarded as chief, me Kings have the power to grantor limit the desires of their sub oe pet right o make final judgment on the confit in the ssbecsastey wih tay vo ay inaccordance with the wishes of the other charac les; and those orders are seein the cae of theft among the dog, tortoise and farmer Soar kins the fal ‘jefamto uphold the law, punish offenders and acquit the Tra He has the ath and bog (TOY, 50), the king gives a final order that grants the aes “Tortoise and the Suing and absolved ofthe crime iis accused o, limits the desire Of the dog to be seta stolen fom the farmer and checks the desire ofthe fameriogearnee en pushmnent meted out to the thieves. {0 get appropriate lite pits, who are religious agents of repression, the kings i Es War oopca te voices in which che net ae see for aoe ‘vers rather than out of love for the societies they govern orfor the weak aed aie the king in "Tortoise and the King’s Daughter” decides who will manyhis tii pee fa the esas who can make the biggest heaps in his own fem, while sine tnmoderae Lion” makes lw saying that al he animals scone fe eae Decanse he does nor want o labour and hunt before getting his bee ate tinal des. Furthermore, the kings inthe tens dono only make ane bes fear and wepidation, but also ofen fou er cwn Tawsat ‘he Lord ofthe Ri eat the weaker characters out of their just reward. In “Tortolse Ts solved the fet the king fails to fulfill his promise to the tortoise, after the Shing serve a problem affecting the community. Sine arecies otuee of repression, but personalities such as chiefs also do abate or epee AY Serve as the sole authority in the immediate tin lsat, gue ne 10a repressive law made by an agent ofrepression of ‘Ge elephant and oct king. For example, in the story of “The Immoderate wolf support the lion in his bid make sure that the animals political wit hws.reson Oralty Literacy and Geng Perspective ‘ cuistic Literary and Lingué volt as a chief even tries to get animats come fat aive ha mirrors what the lion does, », inal mo eaten 100, 258 m pe eat come to his house to b own house to be ea ize and Strength ssion by Size an Agents of Repre: hant, wolf, tiger and hippopotamus dominate weak elephant, wolf, trength or both. In“The Patient en i the fierceness of the lion is the the eats between the woman th None roca Or husband. Thus, the woman in the Ory spends seven sere siteoeite ‘ould fulfill her de he kn ttn “The mn rae ing ofthe animals in the story Nouns th Social rite eae hunt ther food; an instead makes his owes law in whieh demands that theotne acfen corme t him tobe eaten (OONI, 87) 14 the stony ho tiger, the elephant and the wolf Second, third and fourth in Command tothe kin respectively; so they are co-symbols of the king's Political authority, The lion is able tg seta the other animalsand make thematic names on his fi ‘ fe killed and eaten, thereby limiting theit dea cl 's . Sit larly, the tigor in “The Ungratefal Tiger’, not only va dest gscivation, but also tries to punish hin being kind to help someone need, irons TOro}se, Elephant and Hippopen ey Mts", the elephant and hippopotamus, {ends ofthe tortoise, but they do neu Bive the tortoise due regard avy eer be seuaively smaller size and lesser pore ‘Thus, they make fun of it. the two Ane ae teense af which fear lesire of the tortoise to be treated with Fespect and be given equal Status among his peers, Patriarchal Agents of Repression As many feminists have argued about the folktale in different cultures, there have also en arguments that the Yoruba culture is Patriarchal (Kabaji, 200s; Olarinmoye. 2013) and the agents ofrepression, both Teligious and Political, are often Male. The general Negative attributes, se fe c i "Ve Dercey tic female ‘Sive the JUStification for men to make laws to limit the desires o Women ae tient Person Milks the Lioness”, the heroine is snobbish of her hue band and lane an net and patience to reigns with him because she suspects Wat her husbang a ks an affair with another woman. In “Tortoise and Yannibo, his Wife tortie havingYoruba Folktale as biteyayy p 0 Of Disa, raking her elephant skin and yy py takig sing xs the power to compel 5 ' Woman i, eMC it man hi MN LO tna issent in F, ements of D: Yoruba Folktale jes examined, there are 1 way, etal , "5 ina gents that limit them from achieg id and a aroatuiral inter etes loming and supernatural interventie ae the characters ns, Nese ate hg ene "2h tickster Trickster Characters inthe Yoruba flkale, however the tekst does ny just Paes s/he breaks are laws that are unjust ang arbitrary, esata Most of weaker members ofthe society. S/he acts Predominantly ‘on favour of ominat the sionally, anthropomorphic animals. The most eg. one ang of aed isthe tortoise, but there are also other animale me found inthe = theft three animals are described here, tn “orgies, Elephan ands theelephant and the hippopotamus make the arbitrary re of mock tPPoPotamus, eerie a rend because ofhisstasasawenher anima te iy auiektogtthe bigger animals to pull eachother ina gates pie that he was the one at the other end of the rope. When the tw bigger: ae z ession oping each other without either of them emerging vicarious eee seit iatruce withthe tortoise and agree to give him the especthe dupa In“Trtoise and the roko Tee Sir, the pitt regards the trices eng and demands an unfair price for giving two tubers of yam tothe tone se ‘prt agrees to give him the yams but that, in exchange for the yam, he will give him two biows from his (the tree spirit’s) cudgel. The tortoise agrees to the deal |and he beseeches thetree sir to wait until after dinnertime to come and exact hisprie. They bathing 2del and the spirit gives Tortoise the two tubers of yam he has demanded, Lacs though some clandestine arrangements with some other animals, the ontise ges the ‘into kil the animals instead of him. In the end, the spirit comes to aecept thatthe ‘oroiseis invincible and is forced to sue for peace with him. Similarly, in “Tortoise and the Lord of the River’, after the tortoise has solved the raat Problem in the town, the king refuses to fulfill the promise made to im; so the res pies the calabash that has the spirit with a whip in it. Then he hides undera Ika the spirit whips the king and his courtiers. Another animal hat a testy ayaa the tales examined is the fox. The fox, in “The ba fe rl aly red fe tBer and to get the later back into the meal cage ay making thee Also, in “The Immoderate Lion”, the foxouwits i aie notte cen. deep well and drown tis the dog hat proms “elng ino nor *!€t in “Tortoise and the Dog”, using the trick of beings The ig him for stealing. “)20t punishin, te Sone of n ruthe tales are not just male; there are also female ti “Sr example, in “Tortoise and Yannibo”, the tortis rickster characters e covers up his—s~ & OY 008 Line as stinginess by Tequestin, the she could Cat out of jt, I OF the tortois, e's farm s disclose the name of th involuntar ily Mentioned h Person Milks the Lioness” thet, Dine, ayy, her wits to lure and milk the fierce loness ‘fete Meni, respons Supernatural Intervention The Supernatural intervenes inthe Natural World i fe Powers, magical creatures, forces Ff nature al n LOU forms, c Ind ay - Magiear irances hose ah Magical Elements and Powers The hero or trickster hero las So} o1 al po} ually an, amulet, t0 be able ro COntEOI the ag tof repression, ns Noise ang theattny Ver", for example, the lord of the rive Tonois sical calaast roti ‘provide food no Hy for the to, ‘Oise, but for ¢ Ody in the p isp Solution to the f € which has been ubling the en ides deal to Teward tortoise, the latter bri; » When the : retical whip tha bea the king st People of the town so that they no longer force the tortoise t "Provide food for, them, In “Ajantala the Noxi ‘US Guest is > itis throug! le aid lagic Spells ang ‘at the Baba}: fos Oivination Tests) are able drive the M, Ajantal put ofthe town, tn « Much Ce”, the g; PEL Olusoga, is Tepored Sight go ‘Spells that ¢- ange night to itis with this jOurd that he le defeat ‘pirit and it from ¢, ying the child, Olubi, away. And, fo Rise and Seller's Dau er’, itis through Magical spell renderedin = a ae = ° COrtoise is aby 0 steal the akara, Magical amulets are physical You cane or magical ang Mira i imPortant element of the © Used to ger OUt of awkward situations and fol fl oY Asaresuty itis Patt of the un, Pon oer in the folktale ne tts that drives the creator of immedi to fsubjcgating oreesantene Magica! Creatures es not res i ey 2PPear tea the Use oF no lv : cece him fom ely the hero) ns instruments, sometimes, magical animals Meee Heaven yi’ hs desire, In at o help him to defeat agents that y ean Ry 4 igh ois je the brothers si id th i, ule Three Brothers”, itis the eed in thes SPective professions. a to pPtead mari, “IPs the three licious ours about thers in tein tSYoruba jy 4 Folktale 5 Lit Ny by ques he bitd gives oe COCONUT tee With his pe Also enables hima o sevimiy abow and arrow capaiy, IN the are able t0 triumph oyey ot rescue the heroine jn uge, eit e dead by the boa, sie Forces of Nature Natural phenomena often we especially religious agents cee Ways, natural phenomena and often use ioe = demon uses sleep asa Weapon to defegs i i Mate th fiom carving the box, Ohi, ange Ce a= ae folktales, natural phenomena come oy eve defeat the agents who are Supposedly thie te wea natural order is disrupted and controls a given to weaker beings. For example, hme by towing down gourds hac bring dag and the Lord ofthe River” it isthe iver role that carries Tortoise him‘o the lord ofthe river who giveshim he cater Appearance of Ghosts In “The Hunter, the Heavenly Beings and the Tortoise”, the ghosts help the hunter to become a palm wine tapper from which he makes alvin and becomes vey wealthy Similarly, ghosts aid each of the brothers in “Tortoise and the Thre Brother intr chosen professions. When the tortoise maliciously givesa fls report aboutthe ates tothe king and makes the king to set seemingly possible tasks fr them, th 7 Mother returns in the guise of a bird to give them magical amulet that they we Perform the tasks given to them. 4 : sion Achievement of Compensation against Agents of Repr eathand major wayside {he Weaker characters in folktales achieve compensation i altri tts change. In “The Immoderate Lion’, the symbols a ol alspersied(OONTS)- 12% Wolfand elephant who seek to dominate al ther — aby the peor i a ngrateful Tiger”, the wicked tiger is trapped epoxess’ many oft (COWL, 6), tn “Antere, the Child ofthe River se they il cide nots are beaten to death by the townspeople Deca Ts an Meas thebeet the influence ofthe song of the river goddess. wer spit “BUSh", Aworiwo, the terror of the bush, a wicked and po"<02 m Literary ond Linguistic py \ OPectives \ lortoise and the other village, tortoise's house, Lastly, in “Tortoig, animals deceived py Tontoise, Tontojs, children and then Sneaks behind the cre i fire, ° PUSH hin ings eof Change in status from Feverence into dg ween in which characters in folktales ahieve co weaker characters become clevated, white the powe symbols of authority and wisdom are made 000 “The Immoderate Snail » the snail ig criticised by the : cruelty to Tonoise, while Tortoise is Vindicateq alter excess “ 's secret message and wing the staked prize ofeq, Tortoise is forced to look on hungrily and angrily, Lastly in “to = King orders Tortoise to be Duried and he thinks Tortoise? dead, butheis por While Tortoise survives and goes home without any harm, . in “Tortoise and wealthy young amen, when they get a shate of the king's ‘Properties. Also, in “Tort the Young Man”, Tortoise Starts the story poor but he rn. All ofthese king and the chiefs give him plenty of money for rescuing the young ma Penjore who stam ud in Yoruba tales ene Similar to the story of Olo Nyilo told Pa king when Starts the story as a Peasant but ends UP asa rich man and even Paaan oe is also the the original king's Palace is washed away ina flash aes ale ter” where the The agents of repressionYoruba Folktale as ty, Literary YE andthe hunter, the heaventy py, i 7 Ng: that Indian folktale and Chinese fon Hort, gods and SPH, ANU is Philo jimit their desires. political agents of repression, disc p sakaudze (2073) in the Zimbabwean ' patriarchal repression observed in the wees piswife, in “Tortoise and Yannibor ang yo yansomin “The Elephant Woman and ie th describes the ogre ina Maragoli folktale a er women are mostly divided into two categorie ea submissive women like Yannibo in the initia, Sin faj pad, wicked and authoritative women jie a pan n"Tortoise and the Terr ofthe pug ee He Boa Constrictor”. Segis sen ‘ne thing that is common to all the agents of eqarless of whether they ae religious orp rrscial stats, they are supposed tobe th pores ete characters who represent the masses or the common Paes Nn the common people in their wish to live more filing ee 4 ‘haracters often leave the weaker ones defenceless or even sry % the stone fun them for their own self interests. For instance, the nan Heavenly Beings and the Tortoise” remains poor despite the fares qees teste abservesall the social rules. lathes digo ang a Phies 2 ale be nthe te Discussion on Elements of Dissent ‘he trickster characters like the tortoise, the dog and the fox, which are found in th Yoruba tales, are similar in function to those in Carribean and Afican American tere asdeseribed by Taylor (1989) and Trudier (2015). The character of Oo Nyilo, the lazy boyin**The King and the Lazy Boy”, the Bhutanese tale by Penjore (2010) isalso consistent, with the characters of the tortoise and the dog in the stories in JTOY and the fox in OOM, inthat they use their wit and cunning to match the advantages that the more powerful opponents have over them in terms of physical strength, size, wealth an social stats The existence ofthe female trickster characters in texts like Yannibo in'Iiapaand Yeni” andthe woman in “The Patient Person Nik the Lioness ees ihe sett of Olainnoye (2013) that worsen have multifaceted wii on whe that they are capable of using intelligence to aciewetheirens He Te Women ng wt aserious challenge against the cultura ideals shan creofgnrtt Yoruba folktale tradition, Against the assumption hatin Mn omen ate qn Position to question their partners’, it has been revealed if oa sim active in decision making and do more within the soit ae “osof Rosana i ot alous women and evil spirits. Thisview SPE The views of hy 013) about the portrayal of women in Indonesian O™T Ty air (2013), Penjore (2010) and Mota (2009) about s¥P2intervention th, helps the hey Cokwe folktates ’spectivey, Superaturay intervention like ghoste Creatures also in the tna folktale, oy Uses (0 triumph neat the evil spirit tha Much of indulgences 'ssimilarto the CUP, hammer USCS to defeat the King and to cause the king's and the Lazy Boy» its Ur, customs ied ae ss lobalis we rds are scarce. As gI ee ‘ally where such recor: loos ion and ron fed dialogue and communi and social " wide and national narratives to pro’ cultures and modern souemparny the indigenous and the foreign, the literate and Wy, the inkora Folktale a Literary Exp ession of Di jirerte custodian’ of culture), always munication jn the socio-cultural Africa beating co! rican e¢ in mi . ommunigg the a preference Sources primar ; peg .0. 1949) Ogboju Ode Ninu Igbo Irunmot ‘ mole. dul” iE (2001) ‘Alawiye lwe Keta 4th edition, (200!) Alawar Ive eri ah ota, apes ee Lagos: Learn Afr aio : aussote (1973) Zar’ 5, (1980) Yoruba Folktale. Ibadan: Tbadan Uni fan University Press. Ibadan: Nelson a Tiroko Oko Yanibo. Lagos: Lean * Learn Africa, secondary Sources i “att inyeri, As 012) ‘Alt sy eos ‘Humanities (2003) ryprabs oral Literatur on Oi of African Cultural Studi ican Oral Tradition Then an y \d Now: A Ci ‘edition 14 (1) 27-51. ulture in Transition A Source of Indi genous E 5 16(2), 161-179 :ducation for Children”. ral Tradition, Fairytales, a ;, Fables ai k- - .w Haven Teachers Institute. ante JOSR Journal of Humanities and . J. (2013). iKlore in the cart hed Curriculum of the Yale-Ne\ unpubl ves, 2014) «psychoanalytical study of Folktale”. Moca lence cosR-JHSS) 19 (11), 13-18 pundes, & (1965) won computers and Folk Tales’, Western Folklore 24 (3), 185789 197) Ik Ideas aS units of Worldview". Journal of American Folklore 84 (331) 93-103. anon, F (1963) The Wretched of the Earth. Great Britain: Penguin. Fischer, J. L (1963) social psychological ‘Analysis of Folktales’ Current Anthropology 43) 235-295. He, S. (2000) «critical Fantasies: Structure of Chinese Folktales”. ‘An M.A thesis, ‘pepartment of English, astern linois Universioe cosh K. (2003) “Folktale esearch after Yanagita: evelopment and Related Issues" “sian Folklore Studies. 62 2)» 235-254 Johnson, A. (1998) “Repression: “a Re-examination of te onceptas Applied © polkales’ Ethos 26 (3), 295-313. wa CONE) “the Phenomenology of the spirit in Fairy TS" rhe Archers ‘e Collective Unconscious 9 (1+ 207-254. Gender through the Narrative Process of the "A PhD thesis Department is pe S ON) “The Construction © of ee A Case Study of the Mara; aren niversity of South Africa. Ree nh (1999) “Narrativity and nity Meaning”. Journal of Busines goli Folktale” professional and Technical ConCRITIQUE OF THE cULpy “SYMBOLISM OF ORTK; ame Ling Usp, C ThHp YorteaN Abstract ability to develop culture is one Of the uni jones in cultural pate cur fre ie Mey Thus, the understanding of cultural mame: of = g understanding the value system, Oriki ang Orly ove fe ita by which he YOR i diene ano ed world, However, as important as Oriki ang Orie. ee symbolism are yet to be fully comprehended, Therefore, the in mm en misconceptions about Orikt and Orile are Addressed by the study sti a bute scientific study of signs, is adopted. Itis found out that, the cultural Mayne 6 the i byond being used to praise an individual, place op thing bu it as encgnag deci orca events of individual, anima, pla or hg buted ye egmology of Oriki suggested in the study. he Keywords: Oriki, Orile, Name, Symbolism, Religion, Culture, Linguistics Introduction iba i : Wiki (panegyrics) is tall the Yoribé oral genres, the prominence of scholars’ wees on 0 pic) x in doubt. According to Qlatunji (2005), “Oriki is the most Pop of va al Poaic genres, a fact which is attested to by the several collections te gene (Mi tin i butressed by the fact that “Orit is the greatest and gan 1078, 78). Ths ‘eral materials for the composition of Yoriba oral poetry” o a parclar and és the importance of Oriki’ among other Yoribé oral ge oe e tothe Yoruba people in general. lished by tee titinshps between Orit and Ore (totem) have oe infact the ese vial ema Olajubui (1978) says that “Oriki, incuding ore oral pty i zeyant datinant element of the content ofall Forms ot er Te forms of Oriki such as Oriki Orie (totemic or lit 269270 Ww Literary an 1Y and Linguiseie Perspective of Ortki in various forms equayy other oral Yorba genres “TY shows {0 individuals in the Yoruba Society, Omo} ‘ai FBI ang fe in Yon inaeond KakanfS (the commande: Stitt OF the Yering 8 the al Nag the past Commanders.in Chiey of the Yoribs army — the agrilitay, Ty, ms ee roles in the society, {co Poltical influence the Yoring Ot KakangaM eg te crenned in the work. However. at rbd mo Thee cai he Fn th ee won ha xa 20 cries of Orit and Ordin tet sh any (1974: 60). He refers to the signified, ). anything which biecmlines Something else (tg interpretant) to refer to an obje it object) in the same way the interpretant becoming in turn a sign” (35). Thy mada CP'ed for this study. “thie is because the links between Signs and their meanings are made kn le. According to Geoffery and Short (1981), a code is “a means of Sonveying messages, a {chicle of communication” (124). The message may be realised in 2 multi-leve} coding. Code helps simplify Phenomena in order to make it easier to iting: *° Petience. Coder are realised in different forms ‘such as orally and in _nnestion with its object is a matter of convention, eEWeEN the users, zA CritiqUE Of the Cut ausive of one another. Por exampyg eMC» ext On gmt "Y Ace pethey f tf e Epaduyer” and fair in complexion jn rs, surname of a individual i oa in a name of a individual there ser aad an ndesical symbe, yey pa inte is commonly associated with Origa Petexical signification underlies other mao nay vo oF TEE MONS of spice anit mode, According to (Ogundgj, 1995), Frabols etc. and the nature of signs ultimately dominos Fs (41). This means thatthe semiotic gen fs posible t0 talk of a symbolic index or indexical may Ehtols, depending on where emphasis is taid wa” vn ies” (Ogtindéji, 2017: 269). with sti sy geocally and the Yoribd hen wsthout orality. Gunner (2007) says “orality was the me 87 be non wegence and its history long before the colonial and ini’) “4 Aba wa Srnifesed itself. In this sense, orality needs to be seen moe woh Mf he Hen jteracy’ but as something self-constitutes Sui generis” 67, singly ay the we Uepmodities whose cultural values are guaranteed and more vlog 2 onl of this, orality is a communal and generational cesise cit 83 Mahorship or individuality; it is “an utterance (that) connotes aroma y ‘tice whereas a text implies individual authorship, a singular concioues: (oes 80). Wye in some Yoru names such gy epresent some individuals on on | ane intertelationships among ye | cotout Mode Set sac, 1 and sym respect to eo hn Despite the fact that Oriki text is a culture bound genre, the data drawn upon inthis sudy ae translated into English for the benefit of a wider audience. The Yori data ae inerpreted as possible; but, in some cases they are un-interpreted in order to rein the couleur locale of the original texts, “‘since the indigenous language is more conducive to the interpretation of an indigenous genre” (Ilésanmi, 2004: 111). Overview of Oriki and Orile Foca proper understanding, Orile is incorporated with Orit intl the complementary relationships that exist between the to. 0 foriba oral gentes his study. This isinformel ikl and Ori have bes scribed as the dominant elements in all the Y (ol, 198) cede, 2018), according to Olin, 2005), san a te Fein fcr that oriki, especially oriki orile Bee dele eta (igs the competence cf an nrtiat” (67)_ OF! can be of differs OPS $86) assert chat “Oriel jg Gna pataki kan tf a fin deni th ODS Tg aes orlsrisi” (Orikd is a major way by which one identifies @ Yo one forms of Oriki) (164). ‘Africans i a Yo s represented with different symbols or objects. 70 Fe mo 00S shines, 2 Paticular, there are toremic objects and symbols TVS pos “A WA ly an grresented ‘and regarded as ancestral images aie yor force a "Wing, wien more rarely a plant, still more rarely @ 60° ued wit A Bives its name to a clan and may be otherwise riba in p272 Me end Pepe on yay 0 Me ay is therefore significant, especially fop the clan signifies disrespect to the forefathers, and an injuy relatives..." (Roy, 2003: 546). To thig elect, to the first image of ancestors of every grou There is no difference between the two elemen before an oral Yorba artist can be Proficient in hy master oriki’ and ori¢ including the history of j “has to learn the oriki (descriptive ny descriptive poems of major lineages in the commu Which he practices his art” (Qlajubu, the two genres is that of ic ten are no more and the me a These towns are with differ" and descendane pte ave & source HONS of the means oda. Th eas “spite the desertion of fis 'S why they are mother, ang Sone time or the othe, Beet 0 origin or one nation and fat Without ori ab; rile i ti ™? Cetsonat pre He 8 lke tea withou ‘ "aise names) have 208 oF HOUSE Withoug K : Orla in aise oe ance, all Oriké AM OF pillar oFA Critique oy thy Cutty “ra, post). Aji is ordi, white gn Alabi Erin, Alabi is Oriki, ae Orie Okin is Orile. There is a structural a the Orie’ (usually in symbols ney" inostly applied in specialised inde elderly or older persons use this form a °Y Of gree she symbol because it serves as a clue, pgOki Oni ea orig of a person or town. In other wont? OF 8 person can (10 some extent) be establishes Orile have related Oriki Orile. However, neo individyay alone; while the scopes of Oriki cover’ ar Festi human beings that are called by names, "85 ~ living The cultural value of Orik’ links the presen yi shared among the related people. That js, the nyt? € Past. Some rae Watt TINS Past living or dead ee Of the Orit are In the West, the ordi (praise poetry) ofthe Yori es history and provided poetic vehicle forthe powering follows as Oriki recreated the past in the present; the, I as the ordinary, Fone possible the crossing from the world of the dead tothe ese, sil gah past present again” (Gunner, 2007: 67-68) Of the living, making the Acollection of Oriki can sometimes be used as histor ht ical de community or town, Oriki has to do with profile or a biography rasan ca a family, thing, animal or place. ing tan individal ‘We must accept the authenticity of Oriki as a dependable historical source Oriki, then, can open windows simultaneously unto the past and the resent. They are the principal means by which a living relationship with the pas is daily comprehended and reconstructed in the present... This relationship with the past cannot be properly apprehended by treating Orik) as a rather problematic and incomplete historical ‘account’ (Barber, 1991:15-16). The relationships of Oriki and Orile is evinced in Olaniyi (2011: 142) that, “Oriki are essentially historical in the sense that they are one of the ways in which the relationship of the present with past is constituted. Orilé suggests idea of origi, custom, religion and taboos", One can establish from the interrelationship of Oriki and Ori thatthe scope of historical account of Orile is wider than Oriki. Orie is a form of the Orfk! by which large group of people are identified though referer © common origin in an ancient, named town...usually code around ®t selected themes felt to be characteristic of the place concermed: the Hy features of the area, the customs of the inhabitants, the ors wn Ta there, or memorable events in the town's ancien history (Barber 1991: Cut or v- t®! Confluence between Name, Oriki and Orilé ori ; an aot ftends to examine the cultural confluence becween 3 oct With individuale pS the foundation on which Oriki rests. Much valu cular. “Nobody exis "Afican sou’ it Africa generally and among the Yoribs in paric™ >. 2905: 37) "ety without a name and such names are often symbolic274M Literary and Linguistic Perspectives on o, On Oratity, 1 1 Litera, nd ¢ and associated with African culture and beliefs, + the people's beliefs, culture, season or circumstance "ates, names are easily idemitied; associated or linked tote ing Des and Langs,” lang bans tee 5). “The name, to the Yoriibé and to Africans in system. On the first plane, the name as an indent 1 a dg character (the signifier) when answered to. This plane en den one. On the second plane, the name is also believed to fe Seton sociological and psychological behavioural patterns of eines tilier of in other words, a name, in Yoribé tradition, has impact and te (Ontnds and attitudes of individuals. “Yorba be, won ni oruko ni } rane on hep Oniko eni si ni fidnu eni” (The name of a child influences 35 May *S the child's beg (Mustapha et al, 1986: 68). Name, or naming is one of the means to establish an individual's hig, OT in relay ng with family, religion, work or profession, chieftaincy or royalty among eth al (1986: 68) aver that “omo a maa fi Orisa (¢sin) iran tabi ebt bain, Eley ig nha {lig nile kdaaro Oodjiire yato gedegbe si onuiko ti awon eya miiran, pa funfun” (A name shows the religion of a family or lineage. This mak to be more appreciated among the Yoriibd than any other tribe). Name, been observed to be greatly influenced by religion. In Africa, naming a child is taken very seriously because it is believed that a name can make or mar a person. Thus 2 name that conveys no concrete meaning, no links to a spiritual source, and evokes neither narrative nor link to any historical events and landmarks is perceived as meaningless. To most Africans, a name represents an essential component of human. spiritual anatomy and could serve as an indicator of destiny. Names are often circumstantial, and historical narratives are woven around them. The symbolism, meaning, and power of naming, and several elements of the indigenous naming ritual have been transposed within indigenous and Christian worldviews in Africa and the African diaspora. In Africa and the diaspora, names not only give meaning but also serve as an identity marker 4 new multicultural context. Further, they connote personality and build ties to culture and ancestry (Adogame, 2009: 88). ipa von cy 5 the value of nan? aan identity, ie tay eae in Afi isa traceelement, a it has entra, historical and religious 7 indivi nea. ‘ “ Yoriibé people. ‘The spiritual essence of a name, like Oriki, is associated witht N ae : the Same of an individual is used to establish his Orki, This observation is fascinating (0 example, Osraaggninions about Orik? are expressed in the Nigeria national dailies. For iyemi, in The Nation of October 14, 2017, says: ‘everything that hay sPPeNS to a person hea Perhaps mystical or mythological (11), HS F€280n, routed in something, Some nam Orikd. K name (okPaMES, praise nay ive, ae OF a0 indvidal or place ogee among others, ith ons mere pons BAY be popular inuse in ae Used along wi s nickname of Orindetu then We According 7 s real name an eeAChitinns 5, when F asked what the n,. orkad'aran-n-pe-te-oba @n jroba, 0 naive bi oba, tire” © has a lifestyle fit for hin in the community A person known ag 4 matters of traditional heat know him as “Ojuimgkan 5 of the limit, the full name charms, amulets, CONCOCtiOns, ef x Other shortens forms of nan eral RS". The 5 but it te, e is “yi, SOF Oni “Ajomole- Ajo. Mole-ma.se.gei. practice the religion, IN” he Name such as “Ap. ‘ proverbs and totems mint hage of his surname was ‘Ojt-ba the im I name adopted by his forebears bu: family name for thei “Ajumobi” from meaning, common paren, help, will (11). Uccessors. Pro UMObi-k6-kan HARE iS no yardstick og Wy tho The above opinions about names show tha mane determinants of Oriki. According to Odyemi Jorn. family praise singing known as oriki". The full mo, ing an loaded in the associated Oriki. This shows thar ok symbols, as they provide and point tothe histry. inca individual, Most Yoribé names are social, behavioural and reli Yorkbé names not only personify the individual, but alsotel sur the family of the bearer, and, in a mote general sense, point ty he vi, which the individual is born...Yoriiba names provide the neces ink terms of the parents’ hopes and aspirations for the child, and to the connectedness of the name to the child's ancestors or idenicion ws pramunity. More often than not, a name is a repository of cw Practices, and beliefs, and a powerful linguistic means of asserting ides are ofthe view thatthe name given toa cid are vey poe Pofcund, and that they will eventually have strong influence cali “ Fanging from his behavior professionally and intellectully M6 or success in life (Adéniyi, 2017: 85-86). a vals of me 8 Te above opinion about Yoribé names show that the ee at withos ted in Oriki and Oril¢. This is why it is diff eas Se, nes Pune gf at Hdentifying the associated name(s) Teter ™ vases 28 1 Orkt and Orit inthe accumulation of SET gc its suggestion i further accounted for in te aco of sie Caton that esata Ord For ex ‘din incantation) as:a6 # Literal sinned conver, afl pega pet” oP. Avabiru-para; sabirur-gcinge. rr AGP hae oitneeenk: le ef nat mtg po ‘The one that forms a circle without breakin, 2, out bending, ; theone tha fights fiercely with head. The One that craw ono The one that feeds on the grasses... Men, It is you snake that bears all these nam the one thar Stretch, 8 (Fabtinm, 1972, 7), Te scion of aks names above produced th Ord ne cee ht Ort ecu by nomialiston. This is ath at by he . Gase and’0' or 9 and a clause as applied in the Oriki of snake above, Pei x Fh Yb pope put all things within their pone CONTE By teen eee bY their Tames iy Ge Ss 00 on 4S consumed by eyes above j i me is fhallenging. On one hand, the 2 Ae ien& $0 €5 to put the Power of i he One's desire, The names ler hay , once Something's or * control by its/hisher Oriki. ThisA Critique of the Cultura ral, 1 Ala-iwori, ma apa’ won Oka mi; i, Ela iver Day time is to asa barn; thy, : 0 thie Gun povrder is referred y no Gun is refers t0 a8 a thick iron An enemy is referred 10 a5 wh j Bat or club is referred toa re i Guts i referred to asthe one yng Blade is referred to as the one smal prt es bo With The day time, the nighttime; the ue aoe Su Elafwort let them all be powerless gn nt fun , incantation above, the names determ in the incantation above, the names determine the ¢-; wy the incantation ends with soliciting through eof things my ress over him/her because their names and gris that hon a ponlving things are also called by their appellation; se Wel In 1S ~ Oriki A Critique of the Cultural, Linguistic and Oriki and Orile Preamble se of indigenous symbols connotes cultural express; 7 ‘The us fe for means OF Ca ra! expressions or an idea, Therefore, its use must be seen as a form or me wnunicaton, especially in Aiea whee wing, system” is new. Africans have diferent forms of ancent st expressions. Symbolism has been the topic of several studies. is inded of te ws inpenane because these symbols are in close relation to speech: they ate produced witin nese communities and demand interpretation by these communities. They fall ono a essential functions of writing: recording information and enabling its retrievsl- Sone Objects elicit a verbal response and this encapsulates a text. The systemic use ofebecs can unction like writing (Alain, 2009: 9). Religious Symbolism of One of the Yortibé writing systems is expressed through Oriki. Some of the Yoribé itlgious and cultural belief systems are realised in the use of symbal. The syntlin f and Oril¢, as they relate to the Yoritba belief system in particular, have been subject of cultural scholarship for long. ‘fons Zn cultural exposition of Orit is desirable so as tobe able to aeons This pe Pecially in the present days of scientific, technological and gl lions ‘eg ‘tion was made by Abimbgla (1982: 78), as he notes ia i bier res of 8 Pound to be sterile, This is of particular imparance na ae be = Westernisation is eroding our cultural values and ae ed tat ace PS Mowe cet SO%P of Westerised children to whom most ofthe CoRMMNE k analyst Ae foreign .... One obviously cannot neglect the cultural te thism J me beposefl and meaningful. 2 Symbol ig att the use of cultural symbols is context Saher word ition 57 J4dged in accordance with the cultural contest. IPO ein whi ‘Mbol jg wate Meaning of a symbol, depending on the contest fn “sed. Oriki and Orile are verbal symbols expFesse'Literary and Linguistic Perspectives 3 278 nm Orality A perfomance. This i because “langugge Cm especialy when the vehicle is lone wes reification makes a symbol. 1 ‘on meaning” (Matterson Discussion Till the present time, there are Some mise 50 NCeptions of j ues af of such is the etymology Linguistic) ofthe wort Ord Some Sony the opinion that the word Oriké relates to Ory (heady and gp @thons Praised ot eulogised in Oritj’ For example, the opini Or and Oris that: Oriniobidari gbogbo ara n : Wa. ni oki on 9 ole a mi 80 Aksoy ef Sremudenu tha fi np4 !oriké opi Ninu ewi abaiaye it Kaaarg 0, 10 Je ahunpy at, 00 ewe: eye iw Oita f hun shown tort eda've lave si gee pr lidar’ apy Shosbo. Gbogbo eda’ ie ni oriki. = tei the controler of the ii the body because the VES to sy 2 to hear are ‘Ocated there, eh, way $0 that the xi People Y htmerating things dont by the head ‘uman has orjk;, er family, social and religious nected with On (head) as suggested by INS Such ay death, sickness, and river Carlier cited). Ag catlier mentioned, Ori of somebody or thing is ‘On ~ what he/she has done, the the religion of Social group he/she cia, Which is Words “that imitate the Fefer to» (Chomsky, 2007: 7). ExamplesACritique oS the Culturgy L inthe Yoruba words provided ty, : sounds. This ig done by the sounge a? Me me, examples). Ko in kekgrg’ Sugg the asl flock $0 25 10 produce souing pe padlock without sound Procluction, cia jts body with its two wings, This jg indicated ih words, Ki is an input for kp, wh his the oun th pe-goat before mating is by stirring gr p wi hee pu, However, in the second and third ex, ee = the third syllable kp is derived from aky (male) tne p (husband). In the fourth example, the a the sound Keke, which t produces wie mot ew eel). The name derived fr, gh Ot red on. However, compastion of Oris here sugges The verb ri (find or see) points to my earlier SUEgetion thax pe discourse must have been seen, imagined or experienced. Th rae eznples ied above in Orik as wall ret ind rns ch Yori cannot see, imagined or experienced either sun oct cuturally accounted for in their thought and belies. Thi my ar nane of omeody ot something is the satng pon frac win As explained earlier in this study, different definitions wns fOr Hee sme ofthe efintonsdemonsvate tht Orit ae isarase name of a family lineage, god or clan” Alporoba ed Oriki je {hon dre ef ion Yr yin re un gt Won ba dun Asa yit ni afi nd eniein Vara yaifn fu rere ben ont lati fain eniyain nigbamrain pe inu' wa dun si oluiva re Oriki are words of encouragement that the Yoribé people employ to entertain themselves or those that they are happy with. This culture isto entertain somebody for good things he or she has done or to demonstrate {0 someone that we are happy for what he or she has done (Daramgla and Jéjé, 1967: 67). ala (hunter's is Onin fa Yoon e, I ter’s chant) is often put uj worshipper celebration of Og eof OM and Hala is a form of poetry crag oe