The

Ground of Wetness Through the Practice of Muslin Making

Bengali people did not settle, they weaved



Introduction:

As a resident of Bengal, it is quite hard to imagine that many years ago, a kind of cotton
fabric made by the local people of this place attracted the whole world. Its extreme delicacy
and transparency was incomparable. The belief among Europeans was that, the fabric was
made by mermaids, fairies and ghosts of Bengal (Descriptive and Historical, 1851)! According
to early legends, muslin was 'woven under water' (Islam, 2016; Ashmore, 2012). Indeed
there is a mystery here. This fabric once called ‘Bangla Kapor’ (Cloth of Bengal), ‘Dhakai’ or
‘Gangetiki’ is more commonly known as ‘Muslin’ (Karim, 1963; Eaton, 1993). The story of
this mysterious fabric taken a dramatic twist as this practice has become extinct along with
the particular plant species (behind the finest quality of muslin) about 150/160 years ago
during the colonial period (Islam, 2016). This paper investigates the colonial reading of
muslin making through different historical accounts and other sources in the first part of this
research. The second part explores the non-linear reading of the practice that begins with
the question - why was the practice unique to Bengal and followed by a series of drawing
investigations. These engender several other questions and directions: what was the role of
the landscape of this region and was there a connection between the practice of muslin
making and human habitation?


Literature Review:

‘A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Cotton Manufacture of Dacca’ published in
1851, thought to be the first book on the history of Dhaka’s muslin that has been used in this
research. The author name is not mentioned but it is assumed that James Taylor wrote that
book, who is also the author of ‘A Sketch of the Topography & Statistics of Dacca’ (Karim,
1963). The former was published during the time of Great Exhibition in Crystal Palace,
London, where muslin was exhibited. James Taylor was commissioned to gather the best
weavers of Bengal for the making of finest quality of muslin for the Great Exhibition and
during that time, he visited weaver’s villages and observed the process in detail (Karim,
1963). There are few etchings of the making process published in the former book are the
only drawings on the muslin making in Dacca (Dhaka) or in Bengal. This book also contained
a descriptive account of the different steps during its making process. Among the other
books on Dhaka’s muslin, ‘Dhakai Muslin’ by Abdul Karim (1961), Muntasir Mamun’s ‘Dhakar
Muslin’ (Muslin of Dhaka, 1993) and Saiful Islam’s ‘Muslin: Our Story’ (2016) are the notable
ones. These books referred the older book (Descriptive and Historical, 1851) in describing
the making process. The former two books by Abdul Karim and Muntasir Mamun added
some anecdotes, as they are both leading historian of Bengal and could connect different
moments in Bengal’s history to the history of muslin, but remained their discussion mostly
on the muslin as an object. Saiful Islam’s book is the most recent one, who has been

1
involved in muslin research from 2012 and travelled numerous places for gathering more
information for his book. Some images used in this paper are borrowed from this book. This
book tried to focus on the craftspeople behind the practice, their culture, the climate and
environment, which mark a shift in approach from the previous authors. However, it did not
go further to draw connection with the landscape.

The former book and the drawings (of the process) are used in the first part of this research
– the colonial reading of muslin. Different postcolonial readings like Ranajit Guha’s ‘A Rule of
Property for Bengal’, Richard Eaton’s ‘Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760’ and
Robert Traverse’s ‘Ideology and Empire in Eighteenth-Century India’ set the stage to criticize
the linear approach in describing the muslin making process and their (colonizers)
enterprises on Bengal’s landscape. In second part, to see the muslin making from different
angles, portable concepts of Critical Regionalism (Alan Colquhoun) or Post Colonialism (Homi
Bhabha, Gyatri Spivak, Esra Akcan) are imagined as the theoretical background to explore
the complex inter-relationship of the landscape and how the traditional practice embodied
this landscape.


Historical Accounts and Colonial reading of Muslin:

The earliest references to weaving cotton in Bengal is found in the Rig Veda (1500 BCE),
Asvalayana Srauta Sutra (800 BCE), Megasthenes’s Indika (300 BCE) or in Ptolemy’s
Geographia (1st century CE). In the Periplus of the Erythrian Sea (1st century CE), it is
mentioned that a lot of muslin was exported to Roman Empire, Persia and other places
along the silk route during that time in exchange of gold (Periplus, 1912). Muslin was on high
demand among the high rank people in Rome and Persia at that time. It is mentioned,
Cleopatra met Julius Caesar wearing muslin around 48 BCE (Islam, 2016). Also in Pliny’s
account there are mentions about Roman ladies of high rank wearing this cotton (Pliny,
1885). In 4th century, Fa Hian, a Chinese Buddhist monk and traveller mentioned about
muslin trading between Ceylon and Bengal (Historical and Descriptive, 1851). Another
Chinese traveller of 6th century (629-45 CE) Yuan Chwang referred this cloth as ‘the light
vapours of dawn’ because of its extreme transparency (Islam, 2016). Around 7th-8th century
the trade flourished with Middle East and the mention of muslin trade can be found in
number of Muslim traveller and scholar’s accounts. “Much cotton is grown in this country
and trade flourishes...” as mentioned by Marco Polo in 1272 (Descriptive and Historical,
1851). Portuguese replaced the Arab traders in early 16th century and succeeded in
establishing trade in different parts of the province around the end of 16th century (ibid,
119). The East India Company arrived and established a factory in 1666 at Dacca. French and
Dutch were also involved in muslin trading in 17th and part of 18th century (ibid, 129). But
following the operations of East India Company, the British finally took control and
established colonial power in Indian Sub continent by defeating Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula, the
last independent Nawab of Bengal in 1757. From then, the British were in the leading role of
muslin trade for the next century.

2
The book, ‘A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Cotton Manufacture of Dacca’ started
with the opinions of the press on muslins of Dacca being exhibited at the Great Exhibition
held in Crystal Palace, London in 1851.

“It is much to be doubted if we in England have anymore delicate and beautiful goods
than the muslin of Dacca” (‘Illustrated London News,’ August 2, 1851)

“The cotton gin for the cleaning the wool and preparing it for spinning, the spinning
wheel, and the looms there seen exhibit the rude, simple implements with which the
natives of India, by dint of manual dexterity, are able to manufacture fabrics more
delicately fine than can be produced by the aid of all our complicated mechanism,
ingeniously as it is contrived, and most skillfully executed. The muslins of Dacca, of which
specimens are exhibited, resemble a spider’s web in fineness of texture, for a whole
breadth may be drawn through a finger ring.” (‘Morning Post,’ June 13, 1851)

“The muslins of India, marvelous as they are in themselves, are still more so when we
consider the rude and simple-looking machinery with which they are produced by the
patient and finely-fingered Hindoos… these elegant and gauze-like tissues, which are
termed ‘woven air’.” (‘Morning Herald,’ July 3rd)

It is evident from these accounts, the visible and objective description of the muslin as a
product, where the ‘eye’ is privileged. With the ‘Imperial gaze’ the product has been
described, imported and celebrated in other parts of the world. In Bengal, both Europeans
and natives wore these muslins, their extreme lightness rendering them peculiarly adapted
to the hot and humid climate (Historical and Descriptive, 1851). However, for centuries,
these fabrics have been used in the Western countries for its extreme delicacy and fineness.
There is a satire painting by James Gillray capturing an English lady wearing muslin caught on
fire from the fireplace inside the house. Gillray captured the silliness of fashionable and rich
women for not being persuaded about the facts that not only the muslin is suitable for hot
climate but also it is easily susceptible to fire. The running cat depicted, ‘felines are smarter
than (these) ladies’ (Ardelie, 2013).

Figure 1: A Satire painting by James Gillray of an English lady wearing muslin on fire (1802)

3
The book (‘A Descriptive and Historical Account’) also detailed out the total making process
starting from the cotton plant. After the harvest in April-May, the karpas (Cotton with seed)
was collected and then combed (with the jawbone of boal fish), rolled and teased (‘dhun’).
The separated cotton was then preserved inside the skin of cuchia (Gangetic eel) fish
(Descriptive and Historical, 1851). After the preparation of the cotton, the rest of the
process is divided in two parts: spinning and weaving. During the spinning process, the finest
thread was spun early in the morning or late afternoon by the young females (ibid, 18). The
weaving part consisted of several steps named winding, preparing yarn, warping, reed to
warp, warp to loom and then weaving with the loom (ibid, 25). Male members of the family
were involved in most of the weaving steps. Following the detail description of the making
process and the drawings from the book, a linear drawing of muslin making process, starting
from the plant to the fabric is shown in figure 2.

Figure 2: Colonial reading of muslin making, starting from the plant (left) to the fabric (right), (above
sketches are from ‘Descriptive and Historical’, 1851; the bottom sketch is prepared by author, see
Appendix A for larger size)


Non-linear reading of muslin: A drawing Investigation

While the ‘transparency’ of muslin was celebrated all over the world, its making in Bengal -
starting with the plant through all the complex steps, involving the engagement of the body
and use of local materials - embodied the singular landscape of a particular place. Answering
the question, why a certain location of Bengal (12 miles south of present Dhaka city, along
the Megna and Sitalakhya river as mentioned by J. Taylor, figure 5), I found three possible
reasons: the plant, the atmosphere and the engagement of the human body. The plant
‘Phuti Karpas’ (Gossypium Arboreum var. neglacta) thrived
only along the Megna (and a segment of Sitalakhya)
(Descriptive and Historical, 1851; Islam, 2016). It was a
particular species that was dependent not only on the
seasonal inundations but on a number of other factors
including the proximity of the sea (Bay of Bengal), the rate of
temperature change between warmer river water and colder
sea water and the chemical composition of the sediments
deposited during the seasonal inundations (Islam, 2016). The
harvest time of the cotton plant is April-May, and the making
process started from May. June to September (Ashar-Srabon-
Figure 3: Phuti Karpas, Bhadro) is the monsoon time and the total making process –
Gossypium Arboreum
(Islam, 2016)

4
spinning and weaving was highly dependent on the monsoon-fed landscape. Bamboo and
wood was the most commonly used material and all the devices (spindle, heed, loom etc.)
were produced and prepared locally. The bone of Boale fish, skin of Cuchia fish, banana-
coconut fibre, coconut shell, dry wild-grass, reed etc. were also used during the process.

During the spinning process, the finest thread
was spun in intensely humid conditions, usually
in the early morning and evening, and only by
young women, whose agile fingers worked with
water bowls around them to moisten the air, or
else beside riverbanks or on moored boats
(Islam, 2016). 'Wetness in atmosphere' was one
of the reasons for the unique muslin practice in
Figure 4: women spinning (Islam, 2016) Bengal. This is evident in the naming of different
types of muslin, like ‘Abrawan’ (flowing water), ‘Shabnam’ (evening dew), ‘Samander Laher’
(wave of the sea), ‘Tanzeb’(the body), ‘Jamdani’ (floating flower) etc. - they captured
different forms of wetness. There are several sequences in the ‘weaving’ part that were
done mostly in outdoor areas, as these processes were highly dependent on the monsoon
atmosphere. The third reason as to why this location was important in the making of muslin
was the engagement of the human body. The spinning was done only (for the thinnest
thread) by women of under thirty. The precise tension and moisture imparted by their
fingers were unbeatable even by the machines introduced later by the Europeans
(Descriptive and Historical, 1851). The people of Bengal did not have much muscular
strength and power but were gifted with delicate precision in the use of hands, fingers, legs
and other body parts (ibid, 36).

Figure 5: Cotton growing areas in Bengal (Islam, 2016)

5
Taking the linear drawing (figure 2) as the base drawing, different other layers -
time/seasonal requirements, materiality, sensory and spatial features that are explained
above, juxtaposed on that to explore the complexities of the practice on this monsoon-fed
landscape (figure 6).

Figure 6: Development series non-linear reading of muslin making, time/seasonal requirements,
materiality, sensory and spatial features juxtaposed on the linear drawing (by author, see Appendix B)


On Permanent Settlement and Dwelling:

Bangladesh is a low-lying country located in the world’s largest Ganges delta. Here lies a
‘jon-jomi-jol’ (people-land-water) relationship that grew out of a unique, dynamic deltaic
physiognomy accrued over thousands of years. (Ghafur et al., 2015) Despite of influences in
different periods, ‘the ground’ is the unique feature of this delta, which is sometimes dry,
mostly wet, and sometimes submerged. For centuries, people have depended on this unique

6
landscape for transportation, trade, and generating livelihoods. It is evidenced from
different historical accounts that before colonial time, a sophisticated artisan economy
flourished in Bengal, based on water-based prosperity (van Schendel, 1993).

At this point it is noteworthy to mention Ranajit Guha’s work on the intellectual origin of the
permanent settlement in Bengal and the imported idea of physiocracy during the colonial
time. He shows that ‘British Administrators such as Lord Cornwallis and Phillip Francis were
far more considerably influenced by the French physiocrats than by Indian conditions on
ground’ (Guha, 1982). Richard Eaton and Robert Travers’s analysis on the historical political
landscape of colonial India are also relevant on this issue. Lahiri-Dutt mentioned the
difficulties faced by the British colonizers at first because of the transience nature of Bengal
landscape and their enterprises on controlling the major rivers for the sake of permanent
land to earn maximum revenues. (Lahiri-Dutt, 2013; da Cunha and Mathur, 2009)

Figure 7: Straightening operations on the major rivers during colonial time (from above: Ganges,
Brahmaputra and Megna). The bottom series of historical maps show the changing courses of these
rivers over time. (by author)

Looking at certain traditional practices like muslin making, in monsoon landscape can offer
an alternative reading of human habitation, one that challenges the dry and permanent
ground. Spinners often sang as they spun the cotton thread on boats and if the weather was
misty, passing travelers brought back tales of muslin being made by mermaids singing in the
mist. The weavers often flooded the pit beneath their looms originating the myth that the

7
muslin was 'woven under water’ (Islam, 2016). To Europeans the plant, atmosphere and the
engagement of the human body in the making of muslin were esoteric and difficult to
document and understand. But to the people of Bengal, they were parts of everyday
practice. Is it possible that this practice is a mode of habitation? There is a line by Dewey
about how by ‘inhabiting the world we learn to habituate ourselves to it’ (Dewey, 1934). Can
it be said, that the boat was an integral component of dwelling, given that the people of this
part of Bengal spent months on them (during spinning). Perhaps moored, perhaps in
movement, searching for the morning dew, for that extra humidity... Perhaps boats were
not a mere part of dwelling, floating extension of firm ground; rather boats together with
firm ground if there was any, were a part in the milieu of wetness. In this monsoon
landscape where much is submerged during the rain, when the lines of riverbanks are
erased, when towns established by the European colonizers are washed away by the
changing course of rivers, what is the point of reference? Does this open up a new
imagination that shifts us from a divided landscape of contained waters to a ‘ground of
wetness’, a ground that requires a new vocabulary of habitation?

Figure 8: Transient landscape of Bengal, Aeriel shot of the boat and chars on Megna (Islam, 2016)

8
References:

Anonymous, A Descriptive and Historical Account of the Cotton Manufacture of Dacca, in Bengal,
London: John Mortimer, 1851.

Anonymous, The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, Translated from the Greek and Annotated by William
H. Schoff, London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1912.

Ardelie S., The Advantages of Wearing Muslin Dresses, Lemonguide Blog, 2013. Retrieved from:
https://lifetakeslemons.wordpress.com/tag/satire/

Ashmore S., Muslin, London: V & A Publishing, 2012, p.14.

nd
Bernier F., Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656-1668, translated by Archibald Constable (1891), 2
ed., revised by Vincent A. Smith, London: Oxford University Press, 1916.

Dewey J., Art As Experience, ch. Having an Experience and The Expressive Object, New York : Minton,
Balch & Company, 1934

Eaton R., Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University
of California Press, 1993.

Guha R., A Rule of Property for Bengal, An Essay on the Idea of Permanent Settlement, New Delhi:
Orient Longman Ltd., 1982.

Islam S., Muslin: Our Story, Dhaka: Drik Picture Library Ltd., 2016.

Karim A., Dhakai Muslin, Bardhaman House/Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1965.

Lahiri-Dutt, K., Dancing With The River, People and Life on The Chars of South-East Asia, Yale
University Press, 2013.

Mathur A. and da Cunha D., SOAK: Mumbai in an estuary, New Delhi: Rupa & Co, 2009.

Novak, J., Bangladesh, Reflections on The Water, The University Press Limited, 1994.

Pliny, The Natural History of Pliny, trans. Late john Bostock and T. Riley, 10 vols., London: Henry G.
Bohn, 1855.

nd
Rashid H., Geography of Bangladesh, Dhaka: The University Press Limited, 2 rev. ed., 1991.

Rennell J., Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan; Or, the Mogul Empire: With an Introduction, Illustrative of
the Geography and Present Division of That Country: And a Map of the Countries Situated Between
the Head of the Indus, and the Caspian Sea, London, 1783.

Taylor J., A Sketch of the Topography & Statistics of Dhaka (1840), edited by Sirajul Islam, Dhaka:
Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 2010.

Travers R., Ideology and Empire in Eighteenth-Century India, The British in Bengal, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007.

van Schendel, W., Three Deltas: Accumulation and Poverty in rural Burma, Bengal and South India,
Indo-Dutch Studies on Development Alternatives, vol 8, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1991.

9
APPENDIX A:

Figure: Colonial reading of muslin making, starting from the plant (left) to the fabric (right),
source: above sketches are from ‘A Historical and Descriptive Account’, 1851, the bottom sketch is drawn by author

APPENDIX B:

Figure: Non-linear reading of muslin making, time/seasonal requirements, materiality, sensory and
spatial features juxtaposed on the linear drawing (by author)