Professional Documents
Culture Documents
INTRODUCTION
Minutes after the town mayor Braulio Lumayno, with former congressman
Armando Gustilo and their armed bodyguards left the town hall, a volley of gunfire
from automatic rifles and a caliber .60 machinegun suddenly burst. A few minutes
after, the streets were littered with blood and scores of terrified protesters were
moaning as they lay on the ground.
The shooting claimed 20 lives – their bodies found sprawled at the rally site and
in nearby sugarcane fields. Thirty others lay wounded. A bank, concrete walls,
and some houses in front of the town hall had bullet holes.
1985 was the year before strongman Ferdinand Marcos, who had ruled the
country for 19 years, was toppled in February 1986. Nineteen years later, not a
single victim or the surviving kin of “Escam” (short for Escalante Massacre, also
known as “Bloody Thursday”) has been indemnified.
Three low-rank policemen who were put behind bars later for their role in the
massacre were released on parole last year. A ranking police officer in command
of the RSAF unit was reportedly redeployed in other provinces and was recently
promoted to the rank of senior superintendent. No local officials and other
dignitaries present in the Bloody Thursday of September 1985 were ever
summoned for investigation or trial.
Escalante became a city in February 2001, after 143 years as a town. Hosting
some 80,000 Cebuano- and Ilonggo-speaking people, it faces the island province
of Cebu and most parts of the Cebuano-speaking Negros Oriental.
Apart from its scenery, the other side of Escalante is a portrait of poverty and
stagnant economy. Huge mansions of hacienda landowners are ringed by
workers barracks and shanties. Small and decrepit makeshift huts appear like
small canopies on hill farms and coastal villages.
Sugar is still the No. 1 contributor to the city’s treasury. Sixty percent of the city’s
population relies on sugar farms as their source of income while the rest
especially those in the old poblacion depend on fishing. A small section of the
population depends on “remedyo heneral” – doing odd jobs for daily survival -
and small merchant trading.
The Escalante Massacre was one of the last major atrocities of the Marcos Regime.
It was part of a dictator’s swan song, a bookend to nearly two decades of rampant
human rights abuses. His absolute reign also allowed the siphoning of the country’s
riches to favor a select few at the expense of struggling Filipinos. This may be no more
apparent anywhere else than it was in Negros. Children were starving, workers were
spent, and families were drowning in debt, while paramilitary forces exercised unbridled
authority, cronies amassed wealth, and politicians consolidated control.
The mayor said that the people should not blame the government troops for
what happened because they are not the perpetrators who were already brought to
justice. He urged his constituents not to allow the issue of Escalante Massacre to be
used by “the other side”, but encouraged them instead to remember the sacrifices of the
victims that have brought changes for the better. (We cannot achieve freedom and
peace if there is hatred in our hearts),” Yap said in his message relating to the theme
“Towards a New Decade of Healing and Moving Forward”.
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
The condition of Negros, even after the end of Martial Law, remained largely the
same. According to Escalante Massacre survivor Toto Patigas, tracts of lands, beaches
and sugar farms are still with the same old families, the poor still bear the brunt of
gentrified modernization, and paramilitary groups still roam the area, many deployed for
surveillance and peacekeeping. Patigas had been the secretary-general of the Northern
Negros Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (NNAHRA), an organization formed and
staffed by the families of the victims. They also formed the Negros chapter of Mothers
and Relatives Against Tyranny (MARTYR). As part of their efforts to honor the
Escalante Martyrs, the Negrense mark the anniversary of the massacre every year with
activities. Adolfo Maguate, a BAYAN member and massacre survivor, rose to the
position of vice mayor of Escalante and declared September 20 as an annual day of
mourning and prayer for the townspeople. Every September 19, the Negrenses hold a
vigil and torch parade. A mass and a caravan are held on September 20, followed by a
reenactment of the Escalante Massacre at noon.[56] They have not yet forgotten about
the horrors that unfolded on that day, but perhaps they chose not to forget. Human
rights defenders like Patigas have also laid their lives on the line to prevent Negros from
relapsing back into how it was some 40 years ago.
Though many of the victims have been recognized and provided remuneration, the
people have not yet forgotten about the horrors that unfolded on that day. After
investigations and fact-finding missions were conducted, labor groups KMU and IUF
reached out to the International Labor Organization (ILO)’s Committee on Freedom of
Association with the facts of the case and asked for assistance. The committee
submitted its report to the Philippine government and received a reply on April 28, 1986,
two months after the People Power Revolution and the ouster of Marcos. In it, the newly
installed Corazon Aquino administration expressed its commitment to pursue the case
against the perpetrators, having mobilized the Ministry of Defense’s Fact-Finding
Committee and the office of the Ombudsman to investigate and file charges. It also
expressed its commitment to improve the working and living conditions in labor and
employment.
CONCLUSION
The Escalante Massacre was one of the last major atrocities of the Marcos
Regime. It was part of a dictator’s swan song, a bookend to nearly two decades of
rampant human rights abuses. His absolute reign also allowed the siphoning of the
country’s riches to favor a select few at the expense of struggling Filipinos. This may be
no more apparent anywhere else than it was in Negros. Children were starving, workers
were spent, and families were drowning in debt, while paramilitary forces exercised
unbridled authority, cronies amassed wealth, and politicians consolidated control.
The Escalante Martyrs’ monument has a marker with words that perfectly
encapsulate the lives they have led: “Ang magbuhos ng dugo para sa bayan, ay
kagitingang hindi malilimutan. Ang buhay na inalay sa lupang mahal, mayaman sa aral
at kadakilaan (Ang magula ug dugo alang sa katawhan, usa ka kabayanihon nga dili
makalimtan. Ang kinabuhi nga gihalad alang sa pinanggang nasud bahandianon nga
pagtulon-an ug dungganon).
Our cultural heritage determines who we are, giving us both identity and the values
that will guide our lives in a changing world. Cultural heritage is central to protecting our
sense of who we are. It gives us an irrefutable connection to the past – to certain social
values, beliefs, customs and traditions, that allows us to identify ourselves with others
and deepen our sense of unity, belonging and national pride. We can preserve our
cultural heritage by reading literature and poem on the culture of out place and
Imparting cultural knowledge to the next generation.
Lynchie C. Rosales
Arlene J. Padayogdog
Junlyn Gantalao