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Historically, most jurisdictions have favoured the protection of life, at the expense of
individual freedom and physical integrity. Be that as it may, due to the numerous
freedom-based challenges to restrictive laws, systems of laws have begun to favour
freedom of choice. Abortion is one of the most controversial topics having no
grounds of agreement and thus the issue cannot merely be reduced to the question
of whether the foetus is a person neither can it be a simple question of being wrong
or right. D Meyerson, ‘Abortion: the Constitutional Issue’ (1999) 116 SALJ 50 at 59
submits that constitutional arguments about abortion are not exhausted by a finding
that the foetus does not have a right to life under the constitution, there are
additional considerations stemming from the value of human dignity relevant to the
validity of legislation regulating access to abortion. However, the paper will illustrate
that the restrictive approach taken by Zimbabwe fails to balance competing interests
of female reproductive rights and foetal interests.
Firstly, the Act defeats the purpose, aim, objective and constitutional goals achieved
by the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No.20) Act, 2013 (henceforth referred
as ‘the Constitution’) by limiting constitutional rights relevant to female autonomy. C
Pickles, ‘Termination of Pregnancy Rights and Foetal Interests in Continued
Existence in South Africa: The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996 ’
argues that these rights play an important role in society. M O'Sullivan ‘ Reproductive
Rights’ submits that these rights grouped together are called female reproductive
rights inclusive of the right to life, human dignity, equality and non-discrimination,
privacy, personal security, access to information and health care. The Constitution
entrenches, respects, protects and provides that ‘every person has inherent dignity’.
In S v Makwanyane 1995 (3) SA 391 (CC), Chaskalson P submits that;
‘The right to life and dignity are the most important of all human rights, and the source of
all other personal rights in the Bill of Rights. By committing ourselves to a society founded
on the recognition of human rights we are required to value these 2 rights above others.’
This position was re-iterated by O’Regan J in the Makwanyane case and in National
Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality v Minister of Justice 1999 (1) SA 6 (CC) at
28D-E. O'Sullivan argues that ‘ denying a woman the freedom to make and to act
upon a decision concerning reproduction treats her as a means to an end and strips
her of her dignity’. Thus, the Act in our jurisdiction treats women as a mere objects
subject to the will of others therefore, such an approach undermines the ability of
women to act autonomously hence violating their constitutional rights to dignity
promulgated in section 51 which states that ‘ every person has inherent dignity in
their private and public life, and the right to have that dignity respected and
protected’. One should bear in mind that as per section 86 (3) (b) the right to
human dignity is absolute which is to say it must neither be infringed or limited
under any circumstances.
Furthermore, sentiments raised by colleagues speak to the effect that the Act
infringes section 57 of the constitution the right to privacy, which is translated to
mean to be left alone without interference from the state. It would be unjust to
examine this right without discussing the landmark American decision of Roe v Wade
410 US 113 (1975), which successfully challenged the law criminalising abortion on
privacy grounds. In Roe v Wade the US Supreme Court held that there must be a
balance reached between a woman's right to privacy and the state's interest in
potential human life. However, the restriction placed by the state upon women must
not be burdensome, in casu the Act is a classic example of burdensome restrictions.
The writer concurs to the observations made in Planned Parenthood of Southern
Pennsylvania v Casey 505 US 833 (1992), wherein it was found that the state has an
interest in foetal life throughout the pregnancy. Having said that, the writer is of the
view that the state must be able to balance interests of the unborn child and the
constitutional rights of a pregnant woman, women must be afforded the freedom to
choose abortion and thus the decision must be a personally protected choice.
At this stage, one must consider submissions made by Devlin in the Hart-Devlin
debate. Devlin appealed to the idea of society's ‘moral fabric’ he argued that society
is held together by shared morality and the law must respect and reinforce those
moral norms in order to keep social order from unravelling, the notion of shared
morality is necessary for the survival of a society;
‘Societies disintegrate from within more frequently than they are broken up by
external pressures. There is disintegration when no common morality is observed
and history shows that the loosening of moral bonds is often the first stage of
disintegration, so that society is justified in taking the same steps to preserve its
moral code as it does to preserve its government... the suppression of vice is as
much the law's business as the suppression of subversive activities’ .
However, the writer respectfully disagrees with the concept of a moral fabric as
submitted by Devlin in that morals change with time and the change does not
disintegrate society. Moreso, moral laws lead to uncertainty in the legal framework.
In RH v DE 2014 6 SA 436 (SCA) the court concluded ‘that in the light of the
changing mores of our society, (emphasis) the delictual action based on adultery…
has become outdated and can no longer be sustained; that the time for its abolition
has come.’ Furthermore, this position was cemented in the case of Zimnat Insurance
Company Limited v Chawanda 1990 (2) ZLR 143 to advocate that morals in society
are subject to change, Gubbay ACJ as he then stated that, ‘…law in a developing
country cannot afford to remain static…it must adapt itself to fluid economic and
social norms as and values and to altering views of justice .’ Into the bargain, the
famous case of Njodzi v Matione HH 37-16 is also evidence that our courts are of the
belief that morals do change as illustrated by Mwayera J”… the bonis mores or legal
convictions of our society have not changed (emphasis) so much that …’, the choice
of the words have not changed is an admission that morals in society are susceptible
to change.