ule fan vll- apatite tae eat te 1 mlb ge fit lr aT gue 2 ie aban i cera Srsti mde . ilhogj now ful. more roalhfr- pr oils g nov Bork = hs Agoninu-ab femblan 01 ay qronar;, | NE code Pi is «among co saya foe guia ¢ eto: query € pe a cerns a epee wae 1608 thay corn LA bel wae fom a Guasave lo fut ote Fen. -chtomy.eno frp wat erty fiat Gee foe eo co gaan eves ema roms veo, HOB eames ely parla Lauine Gnd efor cr * een i (ean caeaen ina 9 ar fea esate eeghas mae oe ot ae Laetha x eee qeino pants rat pani no fay chai. @ Tie putye amor no FO ea. lace. np tap Feeftornry-zofaut' et cred amewions ABA mI amoze pre barztt-ab Diible th coamendled % aia. ches hoy 2 sires gum 0o § Rea facing Lon0n8 c& mor te mal aui-wope tomes among ’ fe ce ear no feo a Bs etter. 4 fol nofaM pir tualtiene oo engl aod asm msene aga ewpued yee glow ta eis ete sls, Gen m6 conta. == fiir oloert om RS epi) pit Fiat emote pue gen nee are curl snmoc gta engeman ¢ 6 Lina g Omer an em cc ok eek ne ace pera ae Oe cn aol caine fort entonfa eftorart+ mabienmnin wos enh dng nor * feut toro tas asic e Sheds extn ee ely ma dithaps ate ame tockanys nae Bg fof lap. 6 lasfematy ay V @nker wero teu fall fue ‘Fen Dia Ding.een Fars is hs srcmg malo ‘Marcabru, Dire vas vielh ses duptansa (reading 14), Paris, Bibliothique Nationale de France, fonds francais 22543 (ms. 2), fol. «: Reproduced by permission, B.VANCE AN INTRODUCTION TO Old Occitan William D. Paden THE MODERN LANGUAGE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA NEW YORK 1998— Introduction NAME OF THE LANGUAGE Occitan refers to a Romance language spoken in southern France since the Middle Ages in which the affirmative particle yes is ex- pressed by the word oc.! The troubadours, who flourished during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and remain the most re- nowned users of this language, did not call it Occitan. It was known at the time by several names. It was called proensal, “the language) of Provence,’ especially in the region of that name east of the Rhone and among Italians who were interested in the trouba- dours. West of the Rhéne and in Catalonia, where troubadours from the western area were particularly admired, it was called Jemozin, ‘(the language) of Limoges.’ The first troubadour called it simply romans, ‘vernacular (language) (see reading 10.24). In the Latin of administrative documents composed in the 1290s, the expression tiwova os o¢ referred not to the language but to the people of the region where the language was spoken.! The Latin form txcua ocerraxa appeared in 1302, modeled on tincua "The major Romance languages include Italian, Spanish (Castilian), Portu- truese, French, and Romanian: less familiar are Catalan (spoken inthe region Sround Bareclona and as far north as Perpignan, in southern France), Franco-Provengal (around Lyon), Sardinian, Rheto-Romansh in Switzerland, and the extinet Dalmatian, formerly spoken along the eastern Adriatic coast. Although Occitan regionaists sometimes consider Catalan a form of Occitan, “from the standpoint of the linguist there can be no doubt concerning is sta- tue" as an independent language (Eleock 448) 2"The notation "10.24" refers tothe reading in chapter 10, line 24 See also Bec, Langue oceitane 64-67; Gonfroy; Barthés 17-78; Paterson 3 " Soe the articles “Oe,” “Occitan” in the Tiésor de la langue francaise 12: 377, 1385-86, For umcvs in the sense ‘nation, see Du Cange 5: 116.4 Twrodction sovirana ‘the region of Aquitaine.’ Dante applied the concept to the language itself in his treatise De vulgari eloquentia (c. 1305). in which he distinguished among three interrelated languages ac- cording to the affirmative particle, o¢ in Occitan, off in French (Modern French oui), and si in Italian (L.viii.6)- It is unclear whether the Occitan term lenga d’oe, first attested in 1323, re- ferred to the region or to the language The noun occitan was introduced into both Occitan and French by the poet Frédéric Mistral (see ch. 32) in 1886 and was first recorded in English as late as 1940 (OED). Despite its air of ne- ologism, Occitan is clearly superior to the traditional but mislead- ing term Provengal, attested in English since 1642, since Provengal unavoidably suggests a language specific to Provence, the region, Iving to the east of the Rhéne. Occitan enjoys increasing accep- tance in all the languages of scholarship on the subject (despite the resistance of Provencal partisans)’ and will be adopted here. OCCITAN IN THE MIDDLE AGES Old Occitan (OOc) refers to the stage of this language during the Middle Ages—that fs, from the earliest traces around A.D. 1000 down to about 1500. The language employed in the poetry of the troubadours does not represent the dialect specific to any one area of the broader linguistic domain. Instead, like the language of Ho- mer in the Hliad and the Odssey, it is a koine, or common lan- guage, incorporating features of various regional dialects yet identifiable with none (CGk. koine {dialektos) ‘common (dialect): Elcock 403-05). Such a koine was the goal Dante sought for Italian in De vulgari eloquentia, as he struggled to found a poetry that ‘would not be limited to local expression. Like Italian before Dante, Old French was strongly marked by dialectal features; stich fea- tures in French retained their currency throughout the medieval period and keep the reader of medieval French texts constantly alert (Kibler 3) In the more standardized language of the troubadours, the koine was already established by the time of Guilhem, seventh count of Poitou and ninth duke of Aquitaine to bear the name, the first troubadour whose works we have. It is a striking fact that Guithem was born and lived most of his life in Poitiers—which was probably not then part of the Occitan-speaking area, as it is not “Dante called Occitan i provencale in Convivio (1.8) ‘Only among specialists outside France has Occitan come 1o be the generally ‘accepted term for the language” (Feld 233). As outspoken a critic of the term as Barthes nevertheless employs i himself In the ttle of his book Enudes his- {oriques sur la “Tangue oecitane” (1987), wile enclosing it in ironie quotation now? If this is true, the first troubadour may have adopted a foreign language for the purpose of lyric expression, as other poets in Spain and Italy would adopt Occitan later on.? The Occitan koine became an international language for lyric expression, com- parable (o the Italian of Mozart’s Don Giovanni (in the libretto by Lorenzo Da Ponte), which was first performed in Prague, or to English as the language of lyric song around the globe at the end of the twentieth century (Paden, “Old Occitan’) STUDY OF OLD OCCITAN Serious study of 0Oc began in the early nineteenth century with the Publication of two collections of texts, the Choix des poésies origi nales des troubadours (1816-21), edited by Frangois-Just-Marie Raynouard, and Le Pamiasse occitanien (1819), by Henri-Pascal de Rochegude.* In an interview at Jena in 1818, Goethe, the poet and sage, recommended Raynouard’ collection to a young scholar named Friedrich Diez, who took the advice to heart and went on to found the modern study of Occitan and of the Romance languages in Die Poesie der Troubadours (1826). The concept that the Ro- ‘mance languages share a common descent from a form of Latin— the idea that gave rise to university departments of Romance Janguages—was not demonstrated systematically until the nine- teenth century. It did not occur to Dante, who had no concept of a historical evolution out of Latin and into what we now recognize as its eventual descendants, from Romanian to Portuguese. ‘Then and now, the strongest attraction of OOc lies in the poetry of the troubadours, who composed songs on the theme of love— fin’amors. in their own words—that is, ‘true love’: amour courtois, in the words of Gaston Paris (1883); courtly love for generations of English and American scholars.'® The word troubadour has a use- ful specificity, referring as it does to a lyric poet in Occitan during lc pas avoir beaucoup varie depuis le Moyen Age” ‘Some linguists, however, believe that during the Middle Ages the Occitan region extended as far north as the Loire, including Poitiers (Kremnitz 9), * Duby suggests that Guilhem did so out of a political m ingularity ofthe lands he hel france (“Mode court of Aragon (ruled 1162-96) to compose poet ‘win the sympathy of his Provengal subjects (Paterson 95), * For background, see Korner. * See Molk, Trobadoryrik 11-22 (allan trans. 13-23); Gumbrecht: Jeanroy, Pose lyrique 11-84, ive, o emphasize the Isof his suzerain, its believed, led Occitan in order to TroroducieThc two centuries, the twelfth and the thirteenth. The cognate rrouvére, in French, refers to those who wrote similar poetry, largely spired by the troubadours, in northern France, beginning some- ‘what later (about 1180). After about 1300, language and culture evolved in both northern and southern France so significantly as 10 suggest a new period, Students of French recognize a distinction between Old French, with literary texts dating from the ninth cen- tury through the thirteenth, and Middle French, which dates from the fourteenth through the sixteenth—that is, from Machaut to Montaigne. In Occitan, too, a similar discontinuity may be ob- served around 1300 (or perhaps 1350), suggesting that the OOc pe- riod may be considered as essentially the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, followed by Middle Occitan." Scholars of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries re- garded troubadour poetry as the earliest vernacular expression of the theme of love in Europe, subsequently imitated in French by the trouvéres, in Italian by the Sicilian school, and later by the poets of thedolee stil nuovo, in German and in English. C. S. Lewis's Allegory of Love (1936) was an influential expression ofthis powerful synthe- sis, Some, unaware of nonliterary texts such as the Strasbourg Oaths in both Old French and Old High German (A.D. 842), consid ered Occitan the oldest recorded Romance language, or even the first of the modern European languages to have left records—ignor- ing Old High German, Old English, and Gothic, with its records from as early as the fourth century. Raynouard regarded the lan- guage of the troubadours (which he called “la langue romane”) as the source of all other Romance languages. We know today that it \was not their source; rather, all the major vernaculars evolved from Vulgar Latin: Italian grew most slowly, French most rapidly, Occitan and Spanish at middling rates. Furthermore, we now know, since the discovery in 1948 of a body of love poetry written in Spain, in a form of Romance heavily influenced by Arabic, that Occitan was not the first Romance language to leave poetry of love. These kharjas, or Romance envois to Arabic love poems, typically in the voice of the beloved, were written from the tenth century onward.!? For today's student, Oc offersa brilliant and diverse body of po- ‘etry on love and other themes. The poetry includes some 2,500 lyric compositions, including about 1,000 cansos, or love songs; about 500 sirventes, or satires; about 500 dialogues of various kinds; and about 500 coblas, or isolated stanzas. Some ten percent of trouba- dour lyrics have come down to us with melodic transcriptions, and the remaining ninety percent are generally assumed to have been See Zultetey Bibliographie; eanrox. Pode vigue 2: 347-64. The Old Occitan jod extended to the middle of the fourteenth century. according to Bee, nue occitane 89. ° Suemn; see also Hitchcock ‘meant to be sung. There are also narrative and historical composi- tions and an extensive corpus of religious, scientific, and cultural texts." Ascritics of this literature become more cognizant of its vari- ety, the sometimes disproportionate emphasis on courtly love will yield toa fuller understanding of medieval Occitan culture. For someone beginning the study of OOc now, the time is op- portune. In recent years the field has been renewed by rapid prog- ress on several fronts. New editions and instruments for research have appeared at such a rate that a convenient bibliography of the subject, first published in 1977 (Taylor), became outdated in fifteen years and will soon appear in its second edition. Major trouba- ours have reappeared in editions that represent new readings, differing significantly from the older ones. More generally, the field ‘cannot [ail 1o be renewed, as it already has been to a significant de- ‘gree, as the effects of evolving attitudes about sexuality and gender make themselves increasingly felt. New methodologies in history have altered our perception of the situation of medieval women, and necessarily of the situation of men as well; and we are only be- ginning to understand better the distinctive nature of urbanization and feudalism in the south of France (Paterson, 1993). Musicolo- gists now understand more fully the nature of troubadour perfor- mance, and the complete corpus of troubadour melodies has been published in two independent editions—Fernandez. de la Cuesta ‘and Lafont (1979); van der Werf and Bond (1984). Precisely because the art of the troubadours is. Iyric art, it de ‘mands to be studied in the original language. The student who ap- proaches the subject having an acquaintance with modem Romance languages such as Italian, Spanish, or French (not to ‘mention the source of these vernaculars, in Latin) can extend his or her prior knowledge into a fascinating new domain. Anyone ‘who undertakes the study of OO¢ will ind in ita language of undis- puted cultural significance as well as linguistic interest. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Concise introductory treatments of troubadour poetry include Marrou; Riquer 1: 9-102; Malk, Trobadorlyrik (and Italian trans.); ‘and Di Girolamo. It is typical of the cosmopolitan quality in trou- badour scholarship that these works have appeared in French, Spanish, German, and Italian. For further bibliographical orientation, see chapter 31, “Re- search Tools.” "Brunel, Bibiographie. On individual troubadours and works, see the Diction- naive des lettres rancaises: Le Moven Age.‘(Millia ar Kn, G Y gz L/MousIN g Howler, Vntodou 9 ©Pdrigvevs °Delon © St.Cire d’Alzon AQUITAINE © Rocamadouy SPain Map of Occitania SCALE: se Approximate linguistic joundory320 Pans Research Tots ‘can be many reasons for uncertainty in the assignment of an ety- ‘mon toa word, the percentages in the table should not be taken as precise; nevertheless, they are significant enough to suggest some ‘observations. TABLE 30.1. Sou of the O0c Lexicon by Morpheme Types Places Bound Free Person Total Substratum 29% 1% 1% 0% 2% Latin 36% 91% 69% 27% + 67% Superstratum 18% 4% 5% 48% © 7% Other 6% 3% = 2% = 6% «= 2% 00e 11% 3% 24% 19% 22% Number (aaa 78 e724 Seer legs 94 The table shows that place-names are the most conservative sector of the OOc lexicon, since nearly a third of them preserve traces of the substratum, chiefly Celtic place-names that were ac- cepted by successive waves of later inhabitants. The bound mor- phemes in this book are almost all from Latin, as are the preponderance of free morphemes; there is no doubt, then, that 00 is primarily Latinate in its word stock (67% of the total sam- ple), and the near totality of bound morphemes from Latin shows that the productive elements of word formation were almost exclu- sively so. Personal names are the most innovative sector of the lex: icon; although they preserve an important element of names from Latin (with none, in this book, from the substratum), they show a strong preference for Germanic types, which implies that Ger: manic names enjoyed high prestige. Considering all the sources of words in each category, we see that place-names retain a relatively even distribution, representing the substratum, Latin, the Germanic superstratum, and names generated from within OOc. Bound morphemes are relatively re- stricted in derivation from Latin alone. Free morphemes draw sig nificantly on generation within OOc, as do personal names. All in all, two-thirds (674) of the words in this sample lexicon of O0c come from Latin; two-ninths (22%) come from within OOc; and the remaining one-ninth (11%) come from other sources, in- cluding the substratum and the superstratum, READING 30 Flamenca * See Grundriss 1972-, 4.2, 120, with reference tow. 1723-37. The outstanding example of narrative Flamenca seems to have been compos century, when the sole manuscript was been en Bernardet, whose patron, thel than the poet would have liked.* In the passage given here, the lover, «a priest, succeeds at last in whispering ‘menca, Her two-syllable response ant in units of two syllables, are closely m bby the twelfth-century troubadour Pei vers fallr” (P-C 356,4, ed. Nicholson, n The subject of the frst sentences G nied by his servant Vidal, by his chapl Flamenca, whom Guithem loves ard sionately in return, is married to Archi Al serven ques ac nom Vidal fes aportar aigae sal per aiga benezeita far, e quan rac pres al mas lavar fon reveillatz le capellas. De l'aiga-| donet a las mas et an lur prima comensada, e quant agron tersa cantada lur clas ricamen sonat aust con 16 acostumat, tota li gens venc a la messa Apres la preissa plus espessa ens Archimbaulz, aisi com sol, venc totz derrers, e per son vol non fora dimergues ni festa Diabol semblet de la testa, de cels ques hom irissatz pein; ‘ges non a tort si noqua's fein Flamenca per s'amor joiosa, quar mout pot esser angoissosa domna qu’aital diabol ve; ‘empero apres lui s'en ve et entra sen en son estug. Guillems o hac ben vist, so-m cug, caren re mais non atendia; qui d’aicest cujar no-m cresia eu non creiria lui fort be, si m’en plevia neis sa fe. Guillems saup mout ben sa fasenda Vofizi saup ben e l'uffrenda de cor, e la cominio. Le capellas non fes sermoThe outstanding example of narrative romance (novas) in Old Occitan Flamenca seems to have been composed near the end of the thirteenth ‘century, when the sole manuscript was compiled, The author may have ‘been en Bernardet, whose patron, the lard of Alga, proved less generous than the poet would have liked ® {In the passage given here, the lover, Guithem de Nevers, disguised as 4 priest, succeeds at last in whispering his first word to the heroine, Fla rmenca, Her two-syllable response and their subsequent exchange, always inunits of two syllables, ae closely modeled on a passage from a canso by the twelfth-century troubadour Peire Rogier, “Ges nom puesc en bon vers falir”(P-C 356,4, ed. Nicholson, no. 6), stanza 6. ‘The subject of the first sentence is Guilhem, the lover. He is accompa nied by his servant Vidal, by his chaplain, and by the innkeeper, his host. Flamenca, whom Guilhemt loves and who will in due time love him pas. sionately in return, is married to Archimbaut, a jealous husband. Alserven ques ac nom Vidal {es aportaraiga e sal per aiga benezeita far, quan n’ac pres al mas lavar fon revellatz e capellas De'’aiga41 donet a las mas etan lur prima comensada, ce quant agron tersa cantada e lur clas ricamen sonat aisi con fo acostumat, tota li gens vene a la messa, Apres la preissa plus espessa ens Archimbautz,aisi com sol, venc totz derrers,e person vol 20n fora dimergues ni festa Diabot semblet de latest, de cels ques hom irissatz pein; ges non a tort si noquiass fein Flamenca per s'amor joiosa ‘quar mout pot esser angoissosa domna qu’aital diabol ve; empero apres lui s‘en ve etentra sen en son estug. Guillems o hac ben vst, so-m cug, caren re mais non atendia; qui daicestcujar no-m cresia eu non creitia lui fort be, si m’en plevia neis safe. Guillems saup mout ben sa fasenda, Vofizi saup ben e 'uffrenda de cor, ela cominio. Le capellas non fes sermo Chapter 30. the LexiconResearch Tks ni mandet festa la semana, Guillems hac vos clara e sana canta ben apertamen al’Agnus Dei, et el pren as enaisi con far devia, et a son oste, que sezia e-l cor, desempre n’a donat. Vostes non ho a ges celat, siben s'era lains e-| cor, quar als borzes en dona for, el pas pel monasteir s‘esten. Guillems vai son libre queren, e per aiso demora tan qu’en Archimbaut ne prend’avan Qu’el sia lai defor vengutz on estai sos jois escundutz. Per nulla ren non vol baisar ’Archimbaut, neis sa pas donar; ab tan s'en eis, e Dieus Iajut! Car hanc mais per tan esperdut fho*s tenc per ren con el fai ara. Non levet sos oilz ni sa cara per so que sai ni lai gardes. Vaus Flamenca sen vai ades, e cuja ben certanamen ab sidons aia parlamen e+ pusca dir sivals u mot, mas sobr’ Amor o laissa tot dis, “S'Amors hui non m’aduz de mon desir a qualque luz, ja mais en leis no-m fisarai;, ‘mas, si Dieu plaz, be-i avenrai. ‘Amors non fail ges a la cocha, mas a mi par que trop i locha pel gran desir que: cor m’afflama.” Etaitals es totz homs ques ama. Guillems davan sidonz estet; quan il lo sauteri baiset, el lidis saavet, “Hai las!” Pero ges non o dis tam bas ques il fort be non o ausis Guillems s‘en vai humils e cis, e cujaver mout enansat; sel agues ara derochat en un tomnei cent cavalliers e gasainatz cinc cents destriers ‘non aia joia tan perfecha, car res e1 mon tan non delecha tot fin aman con cel jois fa aque ven de lai on son corha Le capellans no's bistenset, apres la messa comenset 0 mieijorn, aisi con solia Guillems lo sauter téia € fes parer los salmsi vis, mais avan que d'el si paris al fueil plus de cent ves basa, cel mot, “Ai as!” recordat. En Archimbautzs'en eis dese mena-n sa moiller ab se, que ges non la vol oblidar. Aitant com la poc endreisar Gauillems ab oils de cor endies, Lo vestr plega e l'adreiss, lo calicie la patena met en luc sal pois ne mena son hoste e son capella ‘Meter: Octosylabic couples Major edition: Gschwind, vv 3879-397 Manuscript: Carcassonne, Biblithéqu (68-70. “Ect au 13e s. en Proven Rejected readings in the manuscript: lars. (13) ens ems. (24 so-ml so, ‘om. (50) neisa pas. (54 leves. 71) cents] .V.C. (80) delechal dela. ( Selected variant: (79) aa] agra Gschwin Notes (2) alga e sal] On the tradition of mi naire d'archéologie chrétenne ede (4) al mas lavar] The definite artic hhand-washing), not fem. mas. Ct (32-33) The chaplain abbreviate th sired, (34-37) Guilhem de Nevers isa sil of the amorous priest, f."hende (36) Agnus Del) Liturgical formu, cial lamb of God. During the Ma “Agnus Dei, qui tolis peccata m who take away the sins ofthe wor as “Agnus Dei, dona nobis pacem tiormaire darchéologiechrtinnecares e mon tan non delecha totfin aman con cel jois fa {ue ven de lai on son cor ha. fonseen Le capellans no's bistenset, the Lesion apres la messa comenset so mieijorn, aisi con solia Guillems lo sauteri tenia e es parer los salmsi vis, mais avan que d’el si partis a1 fuel plus de cent ves baisat, col mot, “Ai las!” recordat, EnArchimbautz sen eis dese emena-n sa moiller ab se, {ue ges non la vol oblidar. Aitant com la poc endreissar Guillems ab oils de cor Vendreisa Lo vestir plega e 'adreissa, localiciela patena met en luc saly,e pois ne mena son hoste e son capella Meter: Octosyllabic couplets Major edition: Gschwind, wv. 3879-3977. Manuscript: Carcassonne, Bibliotheque Municipale 34 (anc, 2703), fols, 661-70. “Ecrit au 13e's. en Provence” (Brunel, Bibliographie, no, 78), Rejected readings in the manuscript: (7) comensadal cantada: cf. 8.9) clas} lars. 13) ens} ems. (24) som son. (27) ben (rhymes with e 28). 49} non} com (50) neisa pas. (54) leves. (71) hui: ef iv. 90, (77) cent. (78) cine ents] V.C. (80) delechal deleiga. (83) bitenset. (89) cent] C Selected variant: (79) aial agra Gschwind, Notes (@) aiga.e sal] On the tradition of mixing salt with holy water, see Dietion naire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie 4: 1687, (@) al mas lavar] The definite article introduces the infinitive lavar (or hand-washing’, not fem, mas, Cf. Gschwind 150, (32-33) The chaplain abbreviated the service, as Guilhem no doubt de- sired. (4-37) Guilhem de Nevers isa skillful impostor asa priest. For the figure ‘of the amorous priest, cf. "hende Nicolas” in Chaucer's Millers Tale (G6) Agnus Dei] Liturgical formula, an invocation to Cheist as the sacrif ial lamb of God. During the Mass the formula is first stated twice as “Agnus Dei, qui tolls peceata mundi, miserere nobis’ ‘Lamb of God, who take away the sins ofthe world, have pity on us’ then a third time ‘8 “Agnus Dei, dona nobis pacem” ‘Lamb of God, give us peace’ (Dic, tionnaire d'erchéologiechrétienne et deliturge 1: 965-69),324 esearch Tals (7) pas] The pax, or ‘Peace, an instrument in liturgy; a small tablet that was passed through the congregation during the communion service, as each worshiper kissed it, After Archimbaut and Flamenca enter their private box (estug 23), Guilhem performs the offertory (wfrenda 30) and communion (cominio 31), and sings the Agnus Del, ending ‘Give us peace"; he then passes the pas from the altar, where he is off CL Rudoanvn > Rozer, Fr, Rhone (Cte. Arverni + CL-in > CL Atvénsik > Alvernhe, Fr. Auvergne (Cte. “bracu ‘mud’ + *bani ‘region’ > Bralman ‘man from Brabant’ CL (from Gk.) seis > espaza ‘sword CL Aovivania > Guiana ‘Aquitaine (Guyenne)’ CChL tvisciruw > evesque ‘bishop ChL virus > papa pope’ ChL minictiuw > miracle ‘miracle’ cf. VL *winkcuton ‘mirror’ > rmiralh 9. Germ. Theud-rte‘People-powerful’ > Telrie ‘Theodoric the Great 10. Germ. “waka > gaita ‘watchman’ ‘To help the reader of this book scholarship in OOc, we shall r tools for research in the field. BIBLIOGRAPHIES OF TE) For the texts of 00c lyric poetry let and Carsten’s Bibliographie offers an alphabetical listing of listing (by incipit, or first line) Under the incipit, PC lists mam the folio on which it begins; n text; identifies its genre; records and adds references to critical sential for the editor of troubaé ally the abbreviations employes the literary reader, since many< cussions are superannuated? To bring these references u ing of editions by individual p and the listing by author in 18-33). About one-third of th again in the rich anthology by ond edition of which has been troubadours by name, withaw terials; see also Taylor's essay” 467-74). One may also work b umes in the annual bibliograpt * Still useful is the concise descrip (Bibliographie sommair For troubadour studies before thes586 Appendic Reading 30: Flamenca He had the servant, whose name was Vidal, bring water and salt to make holy water and when he had taken some to wash his hands, the chaplain was awakened. He gave him some water for his hands and they began their prime, and when they had sung tierce and heartily sounded their peal, all the people came to Mass. After the densest crowd ‘came Sir Archimbaut, as he usually did, last ofall, and according to his wish, it would not have been Sunday or a feast day. He looked like a devil with his head, fone of those that are painted with shaggy hair; if Flamenca never pretends {to be] joyful in is love, she is not at all wror fora lady who sees such a devil can be very frightened: nevertheless, after him she comes and enters his box Guilhem had seen it, believe, for he was thinking of nothing els; ifsomeone did not age would not agree with him very well, even if he pledged me his faith, Guithem knew his business very wel, knew the office well, and the offertory by heart, and the communion, The chaplain made no sermon, nor announced a feast for that week. Guillem had a clear, hearty voi and sang with full throat atthe Agnus Def, and he took the Peace just as he was supposed to do, and gave some at once to his landlord, who was siting in the choi ‘The innkeeper did not hide it away, although he was within the choir for he gave it out to the burghers, and the peace went its way through the church, Guilhem sought his book, and to do so he delayed until ‘Sir Archimbaut took some, before he had come outside the place here his joy was hidden, € with me about this opinion, 0 4“ For nothing on earth would he kiss Sir Archimbaut or give him his peat ‘with that he went on, and God help For never had he felt so distraught for any reason as he did now. He did not raise his eyes or his face to look to either side, Toward Flamenca he went a once, ‘and thoughe that he would certainly have a word with his lady and be able to say to her atleast one but he left it all up o Love and said, “If Love does not lad me from my desire to some light 1 shall never trust in but ifit please God, Love never fails in pressing need, ‘but it seems to me that it delays to on for the great desire that burns in my be And such is every man who loves. Guilhem stood before his lady: when she kissed the psalter, ha said to her softly, “Alas!” ‘But he surely did not say itso low that she could not hear it very well Guilhem went on, humble and bowed, and thought that he had made great [that] if he had just unhorsed ‘a hundred knights in tourney ‘and won five hundred chargers, he would not have such perfect joy for nothing in the world so delights ‘every true lover as does the joy that comes from the place where he has The chaplain did not hesitate, after Mass he began his sext, as he always did. Guilhern was holding the pslter and made it appear that he was lookin but before he left it, he kissed the page more than a hundred ‘and remembered that word “Als!” Sir Archimbaut went out at once and took his wife with him, for he certainly did not want to forget her As long as he could follow her, Guilhem followed her with eyes ofthe hea He folded the vestments and put them awa the chalice and the patenFor nothing on earth would he kiss 37 Sir Archimbaut or give him his peace; Translations \ith that he went on, and God help him! For never had he felt so distraught for any reason as he did nov. He did not raise his eyes or his face tolook to either side. Toward Flamenca he went at once, and thought that he would certainly have a word with his lady and be able to say to her a least one word, but he left it all up to Love and said, “If Love does not lead me today from my desire to some light, I shall never trust in it; but fit please God, I shall surely succeed Love never fails in pressing need, but it seems to me that it delays too long for the great desire that burns in my heart And such is every man who loves. Guither stood before his lady when she kissed the psalter he said to her sofly “Alas” But he surely did not say itso low that she could not hear it very well. Guilhem went on, humble and bowed, and thought that he had made great progress; that) if he had just unhorsed ‘hundred knights in a tourney and won five hundred chargers, hhe would not have such perfect jo, for nothing in the world so delights every true lover as does the joy that comes from the place where he has his heart ‘The chaplain did not hesitate, after Mass he began his sext, as he always did, Guilhem was holding the psalter and made it appear that he was looking atthe psalms; but before he left it he kissed the page more than a hundred times, and remembered that word “Alas!" ‘Sir Archimbaut went out at once and took his wife with him, for he certainly did not want to forget her. 4s long as he could follow her, Guilher followed her with eyes ofthe heart. He folded the vestments and put them awa the chalice and the patenhee put ina safe place, and then led away 558 hislandiord and his chaplain. Reading 31: Raimon de Cornet, “A San Marsel d’Albeges, prop de Salas” Friar Raimon de Cornet, “Trifle” 1 At Saint-Marcel d’Albigeois, near Salles, Twas lodged with a lord of a priest ‘where Iwas harmed by a very pretty girl ‘who played a trick on me, so that I wished she had been burned and I hanged, or I very well deserved it, s since I did not watch out for such bad business and I shall tell you the whole trick to make you laugh, Toved her sincerely, to tell the truth, and she me, as she mace appearance, so that all day we kissed with true love 0 bt then one day when she got the opportunity, she took excessive vengeance on me, T don't know why, but (in my opinion) just because she saw me kiss another girl, 3 ‘Aday later, with very joyful look 1s she came to me in a secret place, {in my room, which I had taken near her {home}; when I saw her, sent my clerk away, for Ihoped to do the order of Saint Macarius; but she said, “Tm a litle ashamed: » faith you owe me, don' touch me at this time.” a was aggrieved for a very disagreeable reason, for, kissing her and fondling her breasts, [fell asleep until the hour was late; and Il tell you what the wretched slut did to me. Bs With snip and snap, with a pair of scissors she shaved my whole head—see what a trick! ‘Then she went away with my hair in her purse. 5 Tawoke, then thought in haste Td do the deed, but I did not see or eatch her, x0 nor did I realize the loss of my hai bbut for great grief I hit myself on the cheek, and thanked God for not giving me a knife, for with it would have been put in damnation ‘Now I shall tell you what happened to me because of my head. 6 ‘Since the next day was the feas of Tintended to say High Masso the bbut when I had put on my cope, they all laughed, and said the pope should give pardon to a priest co since she had shaved me; then they who could have done it, who mana 7 He who walks away does well and thought, when I saw the tatress and the other people who rased such ‘that for grief Talmost tried to buy Reading 32: Marti, “Cridarai!” hall Cry Let the wind help me and its breath let the sea help me with its angry wan I shall ery! All along the road I shall cll upon the the thickets, the ditches, the tree andi 1 shall cry as long as Lave a voice and something I shall ery to crack the flesh of my throat, and to make my blood spurt ina mad {shall ery, shall ery, shall cry, shal like a man taking a stand to survey the ‘a man freed of the weight of his chains which the mad kings forged, and the and the monks reddened by the glare ft in which they burned alive my brothers who had sung of love and of human!