Asceticism, Identity and Pedagogy in

Manna Traditions

Edited by

Graham M. Schweig
Christopher Newport University

Jeffery D. Long
Eli:abethtolvn College

Ramdas Lamb
University qf Hawaii at Manoa

Adarsh Deepak
Dharma ,4 ssociation of North A m erica (DA N A 14)

Contemporary Issues in Constructive Dharma Vol. 3

Proceedings of Sessions at the Third DANAM Conference
Held on site at 2005 American Academy of Religion Annual Meeting
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 18-20 November 2005

2006

Deepak Heritage Books

Hampton, Virginia, USA
w ww .deepakheritage.com
88 RAMDAS LAMB

Ramananda Sampraday, the largest order of renunciants in

contemporary India. The second is the Ramnami Samaj, a Harijan
religious movement centered in Chhattisgarh, India. At the end,
there will be a brief discussion of the Hinduism of the Diaspora. In
each case, I hope to show how each of these groups define who is a
Hindu and how this effects their understanding and practice of
the tradition.

Let me begin by stating a few important points. First, that

the caste system has had a tremendous influence on the
development and practice of Hinduism during the last several
millennia cannot be denied, and it continues to do so, more than
many would like. This said, what will be discussed here are
elements of the tradition that reveal in their presence that, not only
is the caste system not necessary for the survival of Hinduism, but
it has actually been counterproductive and harmful to its survival,
especially in contemporary times. Second, when referring to the
lowest caste or the avarna. I will use the term "Harijan." Although
"Dalit" has come into frequent use in recent years, the vast
majority of those within this caste group who remain Hindu do not
use "Dalit" as a self-identifier, primarily because of its political
and often anti-Hindu overtones. Instead, they refer to themselves
in several ways, the most common being by their
jati name or their sectarian affiliation. Prior to
Indian Independence, "Untouchable" was a commonly used term.
More recently, on government forms, the option they have is
"Scheduled Caste." If they have to use a term of caste identity
outside of this, the one most often chosen by them is "Harijan."
This is especially the case with respect to the Rarrmamis. For the
purpose of this paper, then, their preference and choice of identity
will be respected.
Cavieless Hinduism: A I iew from Top cilia' Bottom 89

Asceticism has been an integral part of the religious life

and traditions of India for more than three millennia. The practice
of austerities or tapasyd evolved long before the sectarian divisions
that now separate the major religious streams in India, and long
before the hierarchical divisions of the caste system. Asceticism
has its roots in the goal of a personal search for and attainment of
an ultimate and transcendent reality or state of existence,
depending upon the philosophical or theological view held.
Ideally, then, the ascetic seeks to go beyond any attachment or
limitation of the material world. This being the case, the social
divisions of sectarianism and caste have not been categories
considered as having any ultimate importance. Nevertheless,
sectarianism and caste did make their way in the ascetic traditions
as well, such as in the Dasnami sannydsa orders inspired by
Shankara. However, the largest order of Hindu renunciants in the
last several centuries has been the Ramananda Sampradaya, and
thus its approach to the issue of caste in deciding who can be a
Hindu ascetic is an important consideration for the present
discussion.

According to his hagiography, Swami Ramananda was

born in North India in the fourteenth century. As youth, he was
inspired by the ascetic life and this led him to taking initiation as a
renunciant in the lineage of Swami Ramanuja (10 th to 1 1 th
century). However, he eventually grew dissatisfied with the order
because of and rules instituted after the death of the
Founder that Ramananda came to view as discriminatory and
incompatible with the ascetic life and goals. Subsequently, he
developed a large following of lay Hindus and started his own
order as well. For both his lay and ascetic disciples, he rejected
any distinctions based or caste, creed, occupation, or background.
Ramananda is quoted as having said, "Let no one ask a man's caste
90 RAMDAS LAMB

or with whom he eats. if a man is devoted to Hari, he becomes

Hari's own." Ramananda sought to walk his talk and counted
among his disciple's men and women of many different
backgrounds, including the Muslim Kabir, a prince named Pipaji,
the butcher Dhanna, and the Untouchable Ravidas. While such an
approach has been common in the bhakti tradition, many
devotional movements have nevertheless allowed caste and
inherent prejudicial attitudes to infect them over time. For much of
its history, however, the Ramananda order has been able to follow
Ramananda's lead and function, for the most part, in a relatively
caste-free environment.

Typically, Hindu ascetic orders like that of Ramananda

function internally with a family-type social structure that replaces
the traditional caste hierarchy of the lay Hindu. While each ascetic
order may have its own variation, the manner adopted by the
Ramananda order is a good example of such a structure. Here,
one's guru is regarded as one's father (since nearly all are male).
One's gum's guru is called "dada guru," or "grandfather guru."
Other disciples of one's guru are referred to as 'guru badi" or
"guru bahin." The other male and female disciples of one's dada
guru are addressed as "chachi" or "chachd" ( "aunt" or "uncle"),
and the latter's disciples are referred to as "chachera bhai" or
"bahin," meaning "cousin." Finally, all those in the lineage of
one's dada guru are seen collectively as "pariwdr," or family.
Within the order, these filial relationships are highly important and
valued, and most Ramanandi-s typically show the deference and
respect due such relationships.

When new initiates are inducted into any of the various

ascetic branches or the Ramananda order, they are given the gotta
Cavieless Hinduism: A 1 lop from Top and Bolton! 91

name, achyuta, which means "unfallen" or "imperishable." They

are also told never to discuss past sectarian or caste affiliations,
since dik,s.ha, or initiation, represents a new birth into the family of
Ram, one of whose epithets is achvutam. Ironically, the name is
also phonetically close to the Hindi term "achoota," meaning
"untouchable," the caste from which many young Ramanandis
actually come.

Once individuals have taken full initiation into any of the

ascetic branches of the order, they are referred to as "Vairagi," and
they are all to be treated as equal members both of their respective
families as well as of the entire sampraddya Thus, a Vairagi who
comes from a Harijan background is ideally treated the same as
one from a Brahmin background, and both have equal rights with
respect to what they can learn and what forms of sc7dhana, or
religious practice, they can undertake. Additionally, both have
equal rights to serve, albeit with the proper training and any
subsequent initiations, any function in the order. These can
include cooking for and serving food to the guar or other members
of the family, acting as pt/jar in a Ramanandi temple or ashram,
becoming an assistant teacher, or upaguru, within the order, and so
forth. While many Ramanandi pariwArs strictly follow this, there
are some that do not and that restrict some of these duties to
members with Brahmin backgrounds. This fact does cause tension
from time to time within the order, and those families who do this
are known and are criticized, on occasion, by members of other
families. To the latter, such distinctions hurt the solidarity of the
order, and for Vairagi-s, the unity of the order is highly important,
for it provides not only teachings and guidance, but also strength,

"Gotra" is a sub-division of 7liti" and an important /dlc?,it,t,ertor both

ritual participation and maiTiage.
92 RAMDAS LAMB

security, and support. Thus, there are clear practical reasons to not
let caste prejudices permeate the Sampradow.

The sadhana taught to new initiates is, to a great extent,

solely at the discretion of their respective gurus. Thus, the actual
practices each Vairagi undertakes can be either rather similar or
quite individualized. As for the general beliefs that are taught and
the overall doctrines and rules that are to be followed, these are
based primarily on the sampradqyaS. accepted philosophical and
theological orientation. .However, they are often modified relative
to the experiences and individual beliefs and inclinations of the
guru. Thus, the Hinduism of most followers of a Ramanandi
teacher, especially his Vairagi disciples, is a combination of
Vaishnav, Ramanandi, and ascetic beliefs and practices as
understood, interpreted, modified, and taught by the guru. He not
only decides whom he will initiate as a disciple, but he also sets the
parameters of the beliefs followed and the practices undertaken. In
this manner, it is the guru who determines to a large degree what
constitutes Hinduism for his disciples and what forms of
expression it will take. More than any shruti or sinriti, more than
any sham-a, it is the teachings of the guru that define the beliefs
and practices of the disciple. This is especially the case within the
ascetic orders such as the Ramananda Sampradaya, and caste plays
little if any role for most.

In 1970, I had the first of several initiations into the

Ramananda order, and like most Vairagis, it was through my
primary teacher that I learned my own understanding of Hinduism.
The fact that I was not ethnically Indian caused him to hesitate, at
first, before accepting me as a disciple. Several years later, we
discussed his initial reticence, and he said it was simply that he did
not know if a foreigner would, or could, take the path seriously or
Coviefess Ilinchilsni: A riew from Top and Bottom 93

make the necessary commitment. During the years I spent as a

sadhu, /saw many teachers accept or reject various individuals
seeking to become disciples. While I did hear questions about
caste background on several occasions, the answers did not seem
to affect who was chosen for initiation and who was not. The
questions seemed more related to understanding the potential
initiate's background and upbringing. Moreover, the most common
reason I saw for rejection was the perception by a teacher that an
individual lacked the commitment and sincerity deemed necessary
for success. My own teacher's view was that anyone who pays too
much attention to external forms and categorizations, including
caste, is too caught in samsara to follow the ascetic path.

Over the years, I heard this view and approach to life and
practice expressed by many Ramanandi and other ascetic teachers
with whom I studied or spent time. They made it quite clear that
for a Hindu ascetic, focus on worldly differentiations such as caste,
class, name, fame, possessions, and so forth are great obstacles on
the spiritual path. Those are the externals that householders view
as important, but they should never be important to the renunciant.
Moreover, they are the First things that need to be renounced. For
this reason, initiates are expected to give up from the outset their
worldly possessions, as well as their old name, caste, career (if
any), and family affiliation and identity. In place, they are given a
new name, gotra, way of life, and family, all of which are
supposed to help the Vairagi find a new life focus and goal.
Because of this attitude toward caste, most Ramanandi teachers are
comfortable with having Harijan disciples, and thus the order has
become a door through which many Harijans have been integrated
with caste Hindus into the tradition. In the 1890s, this attitude and
openness in the case of one Ramanandi sddhu, by the name of
Ramdev,- led to the founding of the Ramnami Samaj.
94 RAMDAS LAMB

Parasuram, the founder of the ,s'amcrj, was born to an

impoverished Untouchable village family in Central India. His
father was an ardent devotee of the Ram bhakti tradition and
enjoyed relating to his family the various stories and tales found in
the Raincharitinanas and the Puranic literature that he had
memorized. At the time, most members of Parasuram's jati ("sub-
caste") were followers of the Satnamipanth, a religious movement
begun by a fellow chameir named Ghasidas in the early 1800s as a
reaction to the caste Hindu prejudice and oppression they faced.
Ghasidas had instituted for his followers a set of beliefs and
practices that mirrored many of those found in Vaishnav
Hinduism, including vegetarianism and the wearing of tulsi beads,
while rejecting completely the caste system and any of its allied
methods of division and hierarchy. In doing so. Ghasidas was
following in the footsteps of several earlier low caste devotional
movements in the region that had adopted and adapted various
Vaishnav elements in crafting their own traditions, such as the
Kabirpanth and the Ramsnehi-s. The Satnamis learned that they
could craft their own approach to spirituality and were not
confined by orthodox brahmanical restrictions. Parasuram was
raised in this environment.

By the late 1800s, the Satnami-s had become increasingly

political, and many Untouchables in the region began looking for a
more devotional vehicle through which to express their beliefs and
guide their practices. Parasuram was one of them, and a chance
meeting with a Vairagi named Ramdev, along with the latter's
inspiration, teachings, and some say a miracle attributed to him,
led Parasuram to found the Ramnami Samaj. The San? al began as
a simple expression of devotion to Ram through the chanting of
Rehnuchn and of verses from the Meinas, as Tulsidas's text is
commonly known. Eventually, however, the early Ramnamis'
Coyteless Hinduism: ,4 lieu/vin Top and &mom 95

outward use of the name of Ram in the form of tattoos and writing
on their clothing led to confrontations with some orthodox caste
Hindus in the region who felt the Name was defiled when used by
Untouchables. This subsequently led to a court case and a
surprising victory for the young samc.11. The result was that it
immediately came to be seen by many low castes in the region as
both a vehicle of protest against the caste system as well as a
religious community in which they could practice Ram bhakti
outside of caste Hindu restrictions.

Soon after the court case, the protest aspect of the samaj
died away. This was a conscious decision by its elders who had
seen how the Satnamis' political involvement had changed the
group's emphasis and, in the eyes of many Ramnamis, its focus on
a religious life. The Rarnnarnis sought instead a path and direction
that concentrated entirely on devotion to Ram through absorption
in his Name. The MailaS" quickly became the central scripture
through which the followers found inspiration and around which
they based their chanting. Since its beginning, the Ramnami
Samaj has essentially been an Untouchable movement, and it has
existed, for the most part, outside caste Hindu parameters and
restrictions on its religious beliefs and practices. This rather
unique situation has allowed the Ramnamis a great deal of
creativity in forming their group identity, their collective
understanding of what Hinduism is, and their interpretation of who
is a Hindu. Additionally, it has given them wide parameters in the
crafting of their individual roles and practices within the samaj.

In the evolution and development of the group, its elders

have been slow to place restrictions and prohibitions on the.
membership outside a few basic lifestyle guidelines they view as
fundamental. The Ramnamis have seen how such limitations
96 RAMDAS LAMB

within caste Hinduism have often led to division and oppression,

rather than encouragement and growth. To be a Ramnami, then,
one must commit to reciting the name of Ram whenever or as
much as possible. Additionally, vegetarianism and a renunciation
of alcohol consumption are seen as axiomatic. At one point,
having the Name tattooed somewhere on the body was also
mandatory, but it is no longer required. Any other decisions
regarding personal beliefs, practices, and lifestyle are seen as
essentially just that, personal. While members are encouraged and
expected to lead a life .of spiritual cleanliness, truthfulness, and
devotion, these are left up to the individual, and there is little if any
oversight in this regards. As a group. Ramnami-s eat and drink
together, male, female, child and adult, and have no hesitation
sharing plates and cups in the process. Not only will men and
women sit closely together when they chant, they will easily hug
each other on meeting and on departing. A woman's period does
not prevent her from sitting and chanting with the other members
of the Sanity., unless she chooses to separate herself. Some do, but
many do not.

When one asks a Ramnami if he or she is Hindu, the

answer will vary. This is because Ramnami-s understand that the
definition of Hinduism varies, both in the society at large as well
as in the order itself If one's understanding is circumscribed by
vama and Veda, by brahmanical injunctions and orthodox forms,
then the Ramnami-s are definitely not Hindu. However, if one
understands Hinduism as encompassing the wide diversity of
religious and devotional expressions that have long been part and
parcel of the fabric of Indian and its diverse cultural traditions,
then they are clearly Hindu. If one understands the Ram bhakti
tradition as an integral part of Hinduism, then they are Hindu. The
saincy. members with whom I have spoken about the issue feel, for
Castelesslitism: A View from Top and Bottom 97

the most part, that Hinduism is not owned or defined by the

orthodox, although the latter have sought to coopt it and use it for
their own benefit. In the process, they have corrupted it. For
Ramnamis, caste, class, creed, or place of origin have no meaning
for the spiritual life, for all these classifications are a part of the
external world. Those caste Hindus who focus on these, then, have
more interest in the physical than the spiritual realm and will likely
have to be reborn until they can get beyond these differences. I
once asked a Ramnami elder if he believed the view promoted by
orthodox Brahmins that birth in a high caste form is the result of
spiritual growth and attainment, while a low caste birth suggests
the opposite. He laughed and said that he felt that it was because
of good deeds and religious practice he must have done in his last
lifetime that he was born in hislati and able to become a
Ramnami. Additionally, he questioned whether being born as a
Brahmin today is actually beneficial to one's spiritual advancement
since "too many are more attached to their status and their
possessions than to their Lord."

Lastly, while groups like the Ramnami-s have been able to

fashion their own forms of Hinduism free of caste fetters within
India, many nineteenth century Untouchables who left India as
indentured servants of the British Empire were able to develop
their own versions of casteless Hinduism in the /ands of the
Diaspora. From the 1840s until the early part of the 1900s, nearly
a million low caste and Untouchable Hindus left India to work on
British plantations in the Caribbean, Fiji, South Africa, and
Mauritius. They took with them their regional beliefs and
practices, while they left behind the caste system and the
brahmanical orthodoxy. The consequence of this was that they
were able to develop cohesive communities in their new lands
based on the concept of bhalchara, or "brotherhood." Had they
98 RAMDAS LAMB

brought the divisions and inequities inherent in the caste system

with them, they would have had a much more difficult time
surviving in their new homes, especially because of the pressures
placed upon them. Not the least of these was the consistent
pressure by missionaries to convert them to Christianity. Today,
several million Hindus live in the Diaspora lands, and, with the
exception of some regions in the Caribbean, they have been able to
maintain a casteless Hinduism. Even in those places where some
aspects of caste were brought by immigrant Brahmins,
untouchability is non-existent.

In conclusion, Hinduism has a long history of antinomian

movements, not only within the ascetic orders and devotional
schools, but within the Tantric tradition as well. Many of these
have challenged brahmanical orthodoxy and its hierarchical
constructs and restrictions and provided their followers with a
caste-free approach to spirituality. Similarly, those groups
discussed herein, the Ramanandi-s, the Ramnami-s, and the Hindus
of the Diaspora, all developed their own forms of caste-free
Hinduism. Each group used its own particular historic situation,
temperament, and goal to craft a far more inclusive and far less
hierarchical than that practiced by most caste Hindus. In the
process, the three groups have all shown that a caste-free Hinduism
is not only possible, but that it can inspire a freedom and creativity
that caste Hinduism has often come to lack. For the Ramanandi-s,
solidarity of the group is very important, but at the same time
individualism is also seen as necessary and even fundamental. For
the ascetic, the spiritual path is a process of challenging one's own
preconceptions, prejudices, shortcomings, and ignorance. Since
each individual is different, each one's path should be as well, and
it must be free of many of the restrictions that inform the religious
approaches of the commoner.
Casteless Hinduism: A I" iew from Top tin(' B01,0111 99

Because of the caste oppression they had long faced, the

Ramnamis, like the Ramanandis, saw the need for both group
solidarity and individual freedom. As a consequence, they
developed an approach that mirrors, in many ways, the type of
antinomian bhakti that various Hindu devotional groups began
with and continue to discuss in their rhetoric but have difficulty
maintaining in practice. The samaj gives individual members the
leeway to believe and to put into practice these beliefs in ways that
suit their own needs and predilections, even when they run counter
to Ramnami tradition. This even extends to the point of allowing
members to cross out verses from the Manus that they find
offensive, while still revering the text as sacred. In the Diaspora
lands as well, the descendants of the indentured servants continue
to emphasize unity while permitting individual expression of
Hinduism. For the most part, they do not seek to enforce an
orthodox view of the tradition, but allowing and even encourage
creativity and innovation.

Being a Hindu continues to be, for many in and outside of

India, functioning within and being bound by the caste system, by
archaic law books and rules, and by traditions that may not have
contemporary relevance. However, for Ramanandi sadhus, for
many Harijan individuals and groups like the Ramnamis, and for
the several million Diaspora Hindus, being a Hindu means
something quite different. While group cohesiveness is very
important, its ultimate purpose is to serve as a support for the
individual in her or his search for a personal understanding and
experience of the Divine. For members of all these groups, one's
relationship with the divine is what should set the tenor of one's
Hinduism as well as one's relationship with other humans, not
external forms that bind the individual rather than free the spirit.