GOBIERNO DE LA CIUDAD DE BUENOS AIRES

INSTITUTO DE ENSEÑANZA SUPERIOR EN LENGUAS VIVAS

“JUAN RAMÓN FERNÁNDEZ”

Subject: Language IV

Teacher: Daniel Ferreyra Fernández

Selling shame: how feminine care

products contribute to the
perpetuation of the menstrual taboo.

Anabel Bronnimann
2015
Table Of Contents

Abstract 3

Introduction 4

Theoretical Framework

A history of menstruation across cultures and religions 5

Recycling the taboo 9

Euphemisms related to menstruation 10

The discourse of advertising 11

Chronology of advertisements 12

Analysis of advertisements

“Please, Dave” 14

“The other you” 15

“Your heavy days are going down” 18

‘Lightning” 19

“Leaks” 20

“Mother Nature” 21

“Soft Cup” 22

Is Kotex UK changing the paradigm? 24

Conclusion 28

Works cited 30

Works consulted 31

Annex 32

2
Abstract

Even though menstruation is a biological and natural event, culture-bound values

shape its meaning and management. Not only is it an individual and personal event
in any women’s life, but also an important experience that will not remain
impervious to social constructions. In spite of age differences and life conditions,
there are practices surrounding menstruation in different cultures which range from
severe social restriction to respect and celebration for menstruating women.
Definitions for menstruation can slightly vary, but most frequently all of them will
include the words “silence” “taboo” and “secret”.
In recent decades, menstrual products frequently appear in all kinds of mass
advertising portraying menstruating women and menstrual health in a determined
way. The aim of this academic paper is to prove that menstrual products
advertisements contribute to the perpetuation of the menstrual taboo. In order to
do so, a set of advertisements from different menstrual products will be analyzed
chronologically taking into account the biological, political, social and religious
implications surrounding the menstrual cycle. Some of the works that have been
consulted to shed light on this topic are The Second Sex by Simone De Beauvior
Describing Discourse: A Practical Guide to Discourse Analysis by Nicola Wood, and
Language and Power by Norman Fairclough

Key words: menstruation, menstrual taboo, feminism, religion, advertising.

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Introduction

“And when you deal in blood over and over again like we do, when
it keeps returning to you, well, that makes you a warrior.”
Dominique Christina, The period poem

Menstruation is the first period of the reproductive cycle and the most essential
biological function which distinguishes females from males. However, menstruation
is invested with many cultural meanings and contextualized socially and culturally.
Therefore, the development of experiences associated with menstruation is a
complex interplay of cultural beliefs, socializational factors, and actual experience
(Brooks-Gunn & Ruble, 1982; Koff & Rierdan, 1995b, 1996a; Malmberg, 1991;
Smithson, 1992)
Even though every girl’s menstrual experience is unique and a very personal event,
most young women soon learn that there is a set of unwritten rules and attitudes
towards menstruation which will make them feel ashamed of what is nothing but an
indicator of a healthy female body. At some point, some of them might perhaps
wonder how this obsessive interest in keeping menstruation secret originated, but in
most cases young women will just accept this tacit agreement between their bodies
and society.
In order to understand the origins of the taboo, it is necessary to explore the basic
tenets of different religions and their views on the feminine body, most specifically
the impurity of the menstrual subject.
In addition, special attention will be paid to the dynamics and structure of
advertising, and the way in which euphemisms, metaphors and a variety of
techniques are used by menstrual products campaigns in order to preserve society’s
last taboo.

4
A history of menstruation across cultures and religions.

All around the world, individuals held certain beliefs about menstruation. In spite of
differences among cultures and religions, it is not surprising that most of them agree
on something: menstrual blood is regarded as a sign of a polluted body instead of a
healthy and reproductive one. Menstrual practice is understood as taboo not only
within a gender-based social-structural system (Douglas, 1970; Nelson, 1983;
Buckley and Gottlieb, 1988), but also as a complex of ideas and behaviors concerning
behavioral restrictions in general, and the social and cosmic powers of bodily
substance and emanation in particular (Morrow, 2002).
In keeping with the conception of menstrual blood as dirty and polluting,
menstruating women are excluded from religious practices and rituals, and sexual
intercourse is also forbidden during menstruation.
All religions of the world have placed restrictions on menstruating women. Be it
Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Hinduism or Buddhism. Sikhism is the only religion
where the scriptures highlight the importance of gender equity and there are not
special restraints imposed on menstruating women:

Judaism
The Jewish code of law, Halakha, details strict rules governing every aspect of the
daily lives of Jews, including their sexual lives. It prohibits explicitly any physical
contact between males and females during the days of menstruation and for a week
thereafter.
The Book of Leviticus is the third book of the Hebrew Bible and the third of five
books of Torah. In the chapters on “Unclean discharges, Sexual behavior and Grave
Crimes” the following rules are described:

“If a woman has an emission, and her emission in her flesh is blood, she shall be seven days
in her (menstrual) separation, and anyone who touches her shall be tamei (unclean) until
evening. And if any man lie with her at all and her (menstrual) separation will be upon him,
he will be tamei for seven days...." (Leviticus 15:19)

"Also you shall not approach a woman in the tum'ah of her (menstrual) separation, to
uncover her nakedness." (Leviticus 18:19)

"And if a man lie with a menstruating woman and reveal her nakedness, and she revealed
the fountain of her blood, both of them will be cut off from among their people." (Leviticus
20:18)

There is also a mention of woman’s separation from others that occurs after giving
birth: for a daughter, the mother is separated from others for fourteen days, and
then is fully ‘clean’ after 66 days, she may then bring a sacrifice to the temple. For a
son, she is separated for seven days, and then waits thirty-three days to be fully
‘clean’ again.

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Christianity

A major reason to keep women from positions of authority in Christianity revolves

around the construction of the menstrual taboo. Just like in Judaism, it is the belief
of many Catholics that women should not have sexual intercourse during her
menses.
In the Eastern Orthodox Christian Church, menstruation is considered unclean and
menstruating women are not allowed to take part in sacraments, just like Holy
Communion, or to even touch The Bible or sacred icons.
Russian Orthodox Christians also believe in menstrual taboos. Menstruating women
are separated from their communities and have to live in secluded huts during this
time. They cannot attend church services, cannot have any contact with men, and
may not touch raw or fresh food. A menstruating woman’s gaze is also thought to
have a negative effect on weather conditions.
While western Christian denominations are less extreme, some negative attitudes
still remain.

Islam
In the Quran, 2:222 reads, “They ask you about menstruation. Say, ‘It is an impurity,
so keep away from women during it and do not approach them until they are
cleansed; when they are cleansed you may approach them as God has ordained...”
This clearly shows that Quran only stipulates one prohibition for menstruating
women, which is abstinence from sexual activity. Some interpreters have expanded
upon this concept to state that, menstruating women have to stay away from their
male family members. Also, menstruating women are not allowed to read the Arab
Quran but can read from the translations in other languages. In addition, they
cannot enter the mosque and they are exempted from rituals such as daily prayers
and fasting, although they are not given the option of performing these rituals even
if she wants to.

Buddhism
From a Buddhist point of view menstruation is “a natural physical excretion that
women have to go through on a monthly basis, nothing more or less.” However in
practice this is not followed. Due to the influence Hinduism has had on Buddhism
many temples do not allow women to circumambulate around the Stupas. There is
clear evidence of this rule in Thailand.
During menstruation women are thought to lose Qi (commonly spelled as chi, is
believed to be part of everything that exists, as in ‘life force’, or spiritual energy.)
There’s a Buddhist belief that ghosts eat blood. A menstruating woman is then
thought to attract ghosts, and therefore becomes a threat not only for herself but
also for the community.

Sikhism
Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism, condemned the practice of treating women as
impure while menstruating. Menstruating women are allowed to visit Gurudwaras
(Religious place of Sikhs) and offer prayer. There is no restriction to movement in the
house or outside. Guru Granth Sahib (Sikh scripture) boldly rejects sexism and it
condemns the taboos surrounding menstruation and post-partum pollution. Rather,
menstruation is regarded as an essential and natural process in which women
6
regenerate and let the past go. Guru Nanak openly chides those who attribute
pollution to women because of menstruation and asserts that pollution lies in the
heart and mind of the person and not in the cosmic process of birth.

Hinduism

In Hindu mythology it is believed that women got ‘Rajaswala Dosha’ (menstruation)

when Lord Indra (the king of gods) severed the head of Vishwaroopacharya (the
second teacher of the gods). Since Lord Indra killed a Brahmin he got ‘Brahmahatya
dosha’. He got rid of it by distributing it amongst the prithvy (land),
samudra(water),vriksha( tree )and stree (women folk). The women from that day on
started menstruating every 28-30 days and got the ability to give birth. Hence it is
believed that menstruation is a dosha.
In Indian yogic philosophy there are three gunas (or qualities). These are tamas
(black), rajas(red) and sattva (white). Anything that is an excretion from the body -
sweat, blood, tears etc.- are toxic and are hence classified under Tamas, which
represent darknessa and obscurity. Hence for traditional Hindus touching a
menstruating woman is considered a ‘Tamasic’ (inappropriate) act.
During menstruation some women are not allowed to enter the kitchen and temples,
sleep during the day, bathe, wear flowers, have sex, touch other males or females,
talk loudly, and touch pickle. According to mythology a pickle touched by a
menstruating woman rots away. The basil plant is considered to be holy in Hinduism;
hence menstruating girls are not allowed to touch it either. In some extreme cases
they cannot let even their shadow fall on it or it is believed the plant will die.
According to Hindu culture, menstruating women cannot enter the temples. The
boards outside the sacred places for worship read: ‘Ladies in monthly period are not
allowed’.
It is also important to highlight that in India the menstrual taboo is still as present as
it is for orthodox believers from any other religions. Superstition and ignorance still
surround Indian women even in urban areas. The restraints imposed on young
women make them feel ashamed and to even dread their own bodies, which only
impedes the menstrual cycle to take place in a more relaxed way. Because of the
silence around the topic, most young women lack enough information about hygiene
and menstrual products. This way, the taboo does not only hinders women from
social practices but also interferes with their health.

Even though religions hold such strong beliefs about menstruation, history shows
that menstruation has been conceived differently according to the role of women in
a certain time and place and what society expected of them. Hence, menstruation
has not always been “the curse”, as most Americans call it. What factors are thought
to have affected the sign of fertility in women?
In spite of the many anthropological studies about primitive ways of organization of
human life, there are contradictions about the roles given to women. In some cases,
researchers claim that they were always relegated to domestic chores while men
were in charge of hunting and war, keeping from the very beginning their position as
providers and marking what was thought to be biological superiority.
However, according to Greek historian Heredotus, women in primitive societies were
given arduous work and they also took active part in war. This was the case of the
traditional way in which Dahomey Amazons attacked their opponents and
constituted a fundamental part of the community workforce.
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But even if their bodies were as strong and robust as men and allowed them to
participate in violent fighting, women could not escape biological functions such as
menstruation. For women warriors the possibility of motherhood represented
nothing but a threat, and for those who did not participate in combats, pregnancy,
childbirth and even menstruation became a burden, which affected and diminished
their working capacity. Since birth control was inexistent, women would not only
cease to help increase resources together with men, but they would also create new
necessities when babies were born. At the time in which tribes were nomads,
children could be nothing but a heavy load. It should not be surprising then, that
fecundity in women started to be considered a sign of weakness and inferiority. As
Simone De Beauvior states, “ (Women) were needed to perpetuate the species and
yet they did it excessively. Then, it was man the one in charge of finding balance
between production and reproduction”
But once clans settled down, the need for newborns appeared. It is in times of war or
revolutions that a woman’s fertility ceases, at least temporarily, to be absurd.
Menstruation is no longer a misfortune but a demonstration of power, albeit never a
long lasting one. There is no denying the fact that in patriarchal societies women
would not be allotted permanent power, and it was necessary to maintain the taboo
if women were to remain subordinate to men. Whenever society demanded it,
menstruation could be regarded a pathology or as a sign of good reproductive
health. It is then when the conceptions about menstruation that had originated from
superstition and lack of scientific knowledge were reformulated and endorsed by
modern medicine. With the advent of scientific thinking, it became more difficult to
uphold religious views of menstruation since mythological elements became easier
to dismiss on the light of more observable and experimental evidence.

As Foucault (1978) argued in The History of Sexuality, Volume I, contemporary

medical surveillance of the reproductive body transforms the taboos and rituals
which positioned the menstruating woman as polluted, dangerous and abject, into
medical, legal or scientific truths. The process starts at menarche, and negative
conditions such as difficulty concentrating, confusion, forgetfulness, lack of
coordination and decreased efficiency are attributed to all menstruating women
alike. An important factor that contributed to the spread of these beliefs is the fact
that not so many years ago, only men were well read and educated. Women had no
access to a proper education or books that could help them understand what their
bodies were actually experiencing. Hence, mothers were the ones in charge of
transmitting the knowledge they had to their daughters even though it could be little
or non-existent.
Doctors believed that the regularity of a woman's period was related to her mental
health - her body controlled her mind. English lecturer and cultural researcher Sally
Shuttleworth describes the perceived relationship between women's circulation,
menstrual cycles and mental health:

“A woman's period was believed to play a uniquely causative role in the unified
circulating system of body and mind. The physiological, mental and emotional
economies of womanhood were all regarded as interdependent. Any aberration in
the menstrual flow - must inevitably create an equivalent form of mental disorder.
Similarly, strong emotions could cause menstrual obstructions leading in turn to
insanity and death. If the menstrual flow were obstructed, and thence denied its
usual exit, it would, Doctors warned be forced to flood the brain and thus lead to

8
 irreparable psychological breakdown.” (Shuttleworth in Jacobus et al. 1990, pp.47-
48)

Of course there will be symptoms most women will experience since periods involve
hormonal changes and it is true, up to a certain point, that some women might
suffer severe pain when menstruating. However, more emphasis seems to be given
to the emotional and psychological effects of menstruation, rather than the physical
ones. This is by no means accidental. By stating that women are emotionally and
rationally incapacitated when menstruating, they are systematically disposed of
power and seriousness. As women were not seen as able to control their health it
was therefore the responsibility of the father or oldest male as the dominant figure
in every household, to ensure that a woman's 'menses' are regular and that there is
no cause for obstruction to the menstrual flow (Shuttleworth in Jacobus et al. 1990,
p.57).
It could be said that the taboo originated by lack of information on the female body,
but was recycled and reinforced –first by medicine and then by advertising-when
reliable information became available, and with it its dangers.

Recycling the taboo

Anthropologist, Mary Douglas (2004), defined taboo as:

“[A] spontaneous coding practice which sets up a vocabulary of spatial limits and
physical and verbal signals to hedge around vulnerable relations. It threatens specific
dangers if the code is not respected. Some of the dangers which follow on taboo-
breaking spread harm indiscriminately on contact. Feared contagion extends the
danger of a broken taboo to the whole community”
(p.xiii)

Menstruation is a biological event per se, but society can act upon its conception
turning it into pathology for economic and power-related reasons. As Buckley and
Gottlieb (1988) state “ Premenstrual tension is not a women’s disease but a social
one”
Feminist anthropologists believe that menstrual taboos and rules are designed by
men attempting to subdue women’s equal capacities. Menstruation is a factor by
which men control women not only in ancient and primitive societies, but also in our
post-industrial world. Because women are physically and emotionally handicapped
by menstruation they cannot and may not compete with men (Delaney, Lupton, and
Toth, 1974). Thus, menstrual taboos are mere cultural constructions carefully
designed to restrict menstruating women’s behavior or activities and so protect men
and justify patriarchy. The purpose being the same, the taboo is recycled to ensure
domination.
In contemporary societies, the practices and meanings of menstruation can be
grouped into three types of taboo: concealment, communication, and activity
(Williams, 1983). Concealment refers to the belief that menstruation must be kept
hidden. All around the world, girls are told that menstruation must be concealed at
all costs. Most menstrual products reinforce this taboo by using blue liquid instead of
blood-like, not showing women using them or even not showing the product in a
bathroom.
Communication taboos mean that menstruation must be concealed verbally and
physically; that is, menstruation should not be talked about publicly. Numerous
9
communication rules enforce the communication taboo, although these rules have
also spawned various strategies of resistance, such as the creative use of euphemism
by teenage girls (Kissling, 1996). Many menstrual products advertisements call
menstruation as “those uncomfortable days” or “suffering days”.
Activity taboos are restrictions on the behavior of menstruating women and girls.
Most girls will soon learn after their menarche that they cannot swim, take long
baths, do exercise, or be near certain types of food lest it rots. And even though
there is a lack of scientific evidence to support these restrictions, most girls will take
them as universal truths transmitted to them from older women, peers and even
teachers. Activity taboos appear to be based on concepts of menstruation as a
disability or illness, which limit women and their abilities. It is a rational excuse for
some shortcoming of a woman such as not concentrating on study, weakly doing
something and being inferior to males. These taboos unquestionable indicate a
struggle for power – an urge to control both female fertility and spirituality (Lhamo,
2003).

The communication taboo implies that women are not expected to discuss anything
connected to menstruation in public places. For all purposes, if some of them decide
to actually talk about them they are most likely inclined to the use of euphemistic
expressions and metaphors to avoid explicit mentions.

Euphemisms for menstruation

A euphemism is a polite expression used

in place of words or phrases that
otherwise might be considered harsh or
unpleasant to hear. Everyday language is
rife with euphemistic expressions which
people might not even be aware of.
Language is a flexible tool, and by means
of euphemistic expressions, individuals
believe they are –at least slightly-
violating the communication taboo.
However, if a topic needs to be disguised
to be discussed, then that is not so different from silence.

The following list contains the most frequent euphemisms used in the English
language:

 To be riding the red river

 Fallen to the communists
 Closed for Maintenance
 Shark Week
 The red mist
 To surf the crimson tide
 To have the painters in
 The Communists are in the funhouset
 Hostile work environment

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  High Tide
 Japanese flag week
 To be on the rag
 Riding the cotton pony
 To have visit from Aunt Flo
 Reverse dracula
 Werewolf time
 Predator time predator time

It is acceptable to discuss menstruation only in highly limited and circumscribed

ways, such as complaining about menstrual symptoms, mocking menstruating
women, or helping to sell something related to menstruation. In these contexts,
menstruation is either an illness to be managed or a hygienic crisis to be cleaned up
and hidden. As can be seen from the list, the euphemistic expressions chosen in
most cases have a more shocking effect than speaking about menstruation
straightforwardly. All around the world, different expressions are used, but all of
them seem to agree on something: the positive aspect of menstruation, this is to say
a sign of reproductive good health, is hardly ever emphasized. On the contrary, the
euphemisms found focus on negative aspects such as pain, discomfort and stains.
But the use of euphemisms, metaphors and other literary resources are not
circumscribed only to daily conversation. Social media exploits the creative nature of
language in order to convey a determined message. Based on the menstrual taboo,
the industry of menstrual products has designed advertisements in which the
concepts of silence and shame are emphasized and perpetuated.

The Discourse of Advertising.

In “Describing Discourse”, Nicola Woods states that the main goal of advertising is
selling goods or services. This can be done by hard-sell techniques or in more subtle
ways, but of course none of them is accidental and advertisers are completely aware
of the product they are trying to sell, the medium they will use, the most beneficial
and effective techniques and the target audience. It is also important to mention
that the message must not only reach the target audience, but it must remain with it
even after the product has been purchased. Selling a product is also selling ideology.
There is an underlying idea or representation of the product and the person who will
acquire it, and by constructing a certain image of the product advertisers also
construct their customers. In other words, advertisers sell to current customers and
create new ones, and they must keep both by all means.
There is no denying the fact that the words chosen for slogans and campaigns are
not accidental and have been carefully chosen to trigger a certain reaction in the
audience. The desirable outcome is always identification and approval on the side of
the consumer.
In every communicative act we engage in, there is always a purpose, although we
might not be aware of it. When we talk to others, we assume a certain position,
respond in a determined way, provide information or ask for it. Advertising is not
immune to this characteristic feature of language, and advertisers know exactly how
to exploit these resources.

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As the main purpose of advertising is precisely selling a good or service, it should not
be surprising that creating a need is tantamount to persuading customers. But in
order to create that need, consumers must believe that the need is nothing but
natural. In “Language and Power”, Norman Faiclough states “ideologies are
embedded in features of discourse which are taken for granted as matters of
common sense.”
In other words, if a certain set of assumptions is naturalized they become
“commonsensical” to people and their ideological power is no longer easy to
perceive. In the case of menstrual products, the idea that menstruation must be
hidden at all costs seems to be natural to most women. Thus, consumers are not
likely to challenge the idea that it is necessary to be discreet when it comes to the
menstrual cycle. To prevent embarrassment, the adolescent girl learns that she must
be diligent to prevent discovery of her status as a menstruating woman. This need
for diligence against exposure contributes to the maintenance and perpetuation of
the negative social views of menstruation.
However, the process of naturalizing is by no means blatant. Certain assumptions
are foregrounded whereas others are backgrounded allowing the latter to look as if
they were mere common sense.
The construction of menstruation as either a malady or a mess creates the discursive
possibility of, and perhaps more importantly, a consumer market for solutions. By
accepting the social definitions of menstruation, and concealing her menstrual status
as prescribed in menstrual product advertisements, the adolescent girl begins to
practice the socially constructed menstrual etiquette (Laws, 1990).
Some feminist scholars examine cultural attitudes toward menstruation and analyze
the discourses around it. They recount that alterity – or “Otherness” just as Simone
de Beauvior states in “The Second Sex” 1- is not inherently attached to women, but is
an artifact of a male-dominated society in which the structures of law, economics,
and social life work against women’s ability to claim authentic subjectivity (Rienner,
2005). For example, Rienner claims that menstrual products advertisements are not
responsible for the conception of menstruation as dirty and meant to be hidden, the
pervasive societal definitions of menstruation do this and the advertisements simply
reinforce and maintain these definitions. Curiously, the public nature of advertising
menstrual products which would seem to be a positive step in breaking the silence
surrounding menstruation turns out to contribute to the perpetuation of the shame
and silence which govern women’s lives. And of course, the feelings of
embarrassment and shame are necessary if companies want their sales to increase.
In our postmodern era, a woman’s relationship to her menstrual cycle is mediated
through consumerism.

Chronology and analysis of advertisements.

The use of hand made sanitary pads, tampons and cleansing liquids has its roots in
ancient societies. However, the first comercial sanitary pad was “Lister’s Towels” in
1896. There is also evidence of the first advertisments posters from 1900.

1
The social construction of menstruation as a woman’s curse is explicitly implicated in the
evolution of woman as Other: “the blood, indeed, does not make woman impure; it is rather a sign
of her impurity” (p. 169). That is to say, menstruation does not make woman the Other; it is
because she is Other that menstruation is a curse.

12
The following timeline revises briefly the history of the sanitary products and their
eventual commercial use.

13
“Please, Dave…”

Lysol was one of the first brands to commercialize a cleansing liquid aimed at helping
women have complete control of their feminine hygiene. In “Please, Dave…” it could
be noticed that the size of the ad is quite considerable. Even though there is not so
much text, the image is powerful enough so as to attract the reader’s attention.

14
This advertisement reflects the beliefs of the time, and there is a clear addressee to
whom this message could have been seemed nothing but natural. The image shows
a middle age woman, probably wealthy, fighting against a door which represents her
own limitations. The words “IGNORANCE” “INHIBITIONS” and “DOUBTS” written in
lock pads are a clear example of the symptoms women were believed to have when
menstruating. Medical opinion and surveillance at this time were crucial for this kind
of advertisement, since the image depicts women as vulnerable and having a mental
condition which might affect their “love life”.
The advertisement is loaded with the 1950s clear commonsensical ideology of the
time: a middle age wealthy woman needs to be able to control the “disease” which
might cause her marriage to fail. This way, this ad must have been taken as the
natural or expected solution for the problem posed. The relevance given to the
patriarchal relationship is undeniable: the symptoms are mentioned as something
which could influence nothing but her love relationship. There are no mentions to
physical manifestations of menstruation since the focus is placed on the woman’s
mental state.
The choice of words is not as strong as the image. However, there are a few
elements which are by no means accidental. First, looking at the headline “PLEASE,
DAVE…PLEASE DON’T LET ME BE LOCKED OUT FROM YOU” shows an interesting
grammatical structure. It is not Dave the one who is shutting her wife out, it is she.
The headline does not make Dave responsible for their married life’s problems. (As
the headline “Dave, don’t lock me out” would suggest) The headline is also a cry for
help since it is the husband (and the product advertised) the ones that can prevent
this woman from ruining her married life. The subtext is a declarative sentence
which gives information with the purpose of stating a point of view. The addressee,
in this case the readers, is nothing but a receiver of that information. There are no
instances of modality in the text since this is taken to be a general truth which is not
expected to be challenged. In addition, the subtext introduces the participant “a
wife” which is a generic way of referring to all married women (“any wife”) especially
the ones with access to the advertisement. The choice of words “FAILS” “ NEGLECT”
“SHUT OUT” place the emphasis once again on women’s responsibility in disturbing
the peace of marriage.
The use of lexical words such as “INTIMATE NEGLECT” “HYGIENE” and “GERM
KILLER” all over the ad reflects the concern with cleanliness. Moreover, these words
could easily be found in medical discourse, which we might not forget, was
predominant at that time in menstrual matters.

“The other you…”

“The other you” is another Lysol advertisement from 1950. This time, however, the
ad contains pictures and a long text divided into several parts like in a story.
The ad contains the already mentioned context of the middle age wife struggling
with her mental condition, but also medical information and advice.

15
The headline “The other you could end your marriage” has several aspects to take
into consideration. First, the concept of the “other you” reflects Simone De
Beauvior’s ideas on women’s alterity. Not only were women considered “the other”,
but they also had another self, which caused conflict. It should also be noticed that a

16
different font was chosen to bring “THE OTHER YOU” into focus and make it the
more prominent element in the headline. The sentence is declarative; it gives
information to the receiver on the possible outcome of the “other you” crisis. There
is also expressive modality in the phrase (the modality of the speaker/writer’s
evaluation of the truth) by means of the modal verb “COULD” which expresses
probability. What the headline is actually saying is that there is a possibility that
some undesirable outcome could result from women’s emotional instability.
However, that possibility can be easily reverted through the purchase of the product.
The subtext is an imperative sentence that indicates what the consumer is expected
to do. Once again, the brand reinforces the idea that women can be badly affected
by menstruation and that this can influence their mental condition making them
vulnerable and turning them into “another” self, which will effectively damage
married love.
In the body of the advertisement, the lexical string “cleanses” “soap, salt or soda”
“disinfectant” “germ-life” places the focus on the aspect of hygiene. However, even
though the meaning of the words chosen is rather strong, the ad also makes it clear
that the product is efficient without harming delicate tissue. The words
“DAINTINESS” and “DELICATE” are used to refer to the characteristics of the
addressee. In addition, there is a pattern of three in “soap, salt and soda” and
alliteration.
All throughout the body of the ad there are medical references. For example “ Lysol
cleanses the vaginal canal even in presence of medical matter” and “ Many doctors
advise patients to douche regularly…”
In addition, there is personification of the alleged menstrual symptoms. Neglect,
doubts, misgivings and inhibitions can put women in unwanted situations. In
“Describing Discourse”, Nicola Woods states: “For advertisers, the process of
personification offers further opportunities to embellish the properties of the
products they are marketing”
In contrast with the previous ad, this one includes a reworded form for women to fill
in. In this case, consumers are encouraged to write asking for a free booklet with
information but this time it is referred to as “EXPERT MODERN ADVICE”.
The second column offers a story divided into two opposite parts “OHH, DOMESTIC
CRISIS” and “AH, DOMESTIC BLISS”. The main participant, named Sue, is said to be
furious. This is written in italics in the text, so as to highlight that the cause of her
anger lies in her poor emotional condition. Then, the doctor is once again mentioned
to add seriousness to the problem and his words are reported directly as a figure of
authority. Regarding the choice of words, the lexical words “BLAME” “STRANGER”
“NEGLECTFUL” “CARELESS” and “FOOLISH” have a negative connotation, and they all
refer to the woman as an evaluation of her behavior.
In contrast, the second part of the story depicts Sue as “wise” because she bought
the product and started using it daily. In this second part, the benefits and
characteristic of Lysol are mentioned again, and Sue’s words are also reported
directly adding new advantages of the product: “it’s easy to use – economical too!”
Last, although it cannot be appreciated fully the last part of the ad consists of a
detailed explanation of the product in scientific term. The way in which operates is
explained, and women are also encouraged to discuss its use with doctors.

17
‘’Your heavy days are going down”

“Always” launched a campaign in the 90s in which the representation of periods as a

natural disaster was exploited. In this case, the image takes most of the
advertisement and there is little text. In the image, a tornado twists on top of a
feminine pad. The phrase “Your heavy days are going down” introduces the use of a
euphemism to refer to periods, which is reinforced by the image of the tornado,
which is in turn a visual euphemism. The grammatical structure chosen expresses a
prediction, in keeping with both the product’s promise and a typical weather
forecast.
Another euphemistic resource is the color chosen. Always advertisements used the
color blue for some years, and it is still a predominant color in recent campaigns. The
color blue has also been used by other brands when showing their products’
absorbency by pouring blue liquid into a feminine pad. The choice of color is by no

18
means accidental, and it could be said that has an opposite effect to color red, and it
also transmits a sense of freshness and cleanliness. Whereas red is the color of
blood, and it is also used to depict hell and pain, blue tends to be the color chosen to
represent heaven and peacefulness.
There is personification in the first line of the body: “Heavy days meet new Always
Infinity”. The language used is informal (“crazy absorbent material”) since it is most
probably addressed to teenage girls. Unlike advertisements from 1950, the
sentences are simple and short, meant to be read fast to facilitate understanding.
Towards the end of the last sentence we find the phrase “your heavy days won’t spin
you out of control”. In this case, periods are compared again to natural disasters (in
this case, the tornado)
Finally, the slogan, "Have a Happy Period," seems to indicate that without Always
products women will have an 'unhappy' period, or that the tornado-like symptoms of
menstruation will be uncontrollable.

“Lightning”

Another ad by “Always” in which periods are depicted as natural disasters. This time,
the visual euphemism is a lightning. As with the previous ad, the image takes up
most of the page and there is little text with rather simple sentences.

19
The line “Fast absorbing” next to the lightning refers to the characteristic of the
product. However, the choice of the word “FAST” also reflects the nature of lightning
when they strike. The euphemistic nature of the ad is reinforced in the very first line
of the body. “When it strikes…” Since euphemisms and metaphors are used daily to
refer to menstruation there is no need to clarify and consumers would not ask
themselves what “it” means in the context of the ad. The first sentence is imperative
and it urges consumers to trust Always when having their periods.
The lexical choices are coherent with the euphemism: “fast” “unexpected”
“protection”. The first two adjectives could be easily attributed to a lightning.
The very term feminine protection, used only in advertising, implies menstruation is
something that women (or their clothing) must be saved from, as one would wish to
be saved from a fast, unexpected lightning.

“A leak can attract unwanted attention”

20
This advertisement has very little text but the message lies on the powerful image
chosen. Again, the color blue is the one chosen for a “Tampax” ad. A woman can be
seen swimming and a shark seems to be approaching her. There are interesting
aspects of the line “A leak can attract unwanted attention”.
To begin with, the sentence has no animate agent but there is nominalization
instead to refer to the problem. Then, the use of expressive modality through the
modal verb “can” represents probability; the chances of leaking and attracting the
shark’s attention are reduced or eliminated by purchasing the appropriate product.
The sentences that refer to the product’s characteristics are short and simple, and
there are only a few verbs used: “expands” and “help”. Frequently an advertisement
will emphasize a key quality of the product (“smooth”, “unique”, “absorbent”)
without any intervening grammar such as ‘our product is...’ and simply add a few
clever words to emphasize that quality further.
Last, the slogan “The One. The Only” is an example of repetition of sounds.
According to Nicola Woods:

“Advertisers construct their messages by making particular plays on sound: aesthetic

and poetic strategies of sound-play catch our attention and make the messages more
memorable. It is also common to find sound repetition employed as a device in
advertising discourse: replication of both vowels and consonants helps to embed
products in our memory”

“Mother Nature”

21
In 2009, Tampax launched a campaign featuring the famous tennis player Serena
Williams. The central theme was “Outsmart mother nature” and a number of TV
commercials and printed ads showed Mother Nature being defeated countless times
by smarter young ladies.
The ad below shows Serena smacking down Mother Nature’s gift. Visually, both
women are represented in very different ways: whereas Mother Nature is a middle
age, elegant woman with a motherly look, the young woman that smacks the gift
down is a professional athlete. She is dressed in white to embody not only
cleanliness but also delicacy, and yet she is fit and strong. It should also be noticed
that the type of tampons is called “Pearl” which might also imply femininity and
gracefulness.
The euphemistic expression “Mother Nature” is a very famous one. In addition, the
advertising refers to menstruation as the monthly gift. Here, the gift is an unpleasant
one which needs to be destroyed by a smart, confident woman. In addition, chosing
a celebrity as the advertisement star invites consumers to feel identified.
There is a short description of the product with declarative sentences explaining
why the celebrity chose the product. The lexical words “champion” “interrupt”
“game” could easily be found in the semantic field of sports. In this context, it also
suggests that women need to defeat menstruation. Periods are conceived as
opponents or enemies, and the product presents itself as the appropriate tool to win
that match.

“Soft Cup”

22
The ultimate innovation in menstrual products is the menstrual cup. Its benefits
notwithstanding, they are not a mainstream product and TV commercials are non-
existent even though they were created around 1930 (like tampons) The menstrual
cup is an ecological alternative, and is more economical than pads and tampons
since it needs to be renewed only every four years.
Menstrual cups companies are struggling to bring the product into focus, and they
have chosen to advertise it very differently from other pads and tampons ads.
The ad belongs to a campaign aimed at breaking the silence around menstruation
and menstrual sex. The text reads, “Do everything you would if you didn’t have your
period”. The use of the pronoun “you” invites consumers to feel identified and
included. It is an imperative sentence, which also contains a conditional to refer to
the frequently not fulfilled intentions most women have when menstruating. The
second sentence reads, “We are not just talking about swimming”. Apart from the
fact that this is a very straightforward, yet elegant, way to refer to having sex there
are interesting elements in the sentence. First, there is presupposition. In Nicola
Woods’ words: “Many forms of utterance allow the listener to infer semantically, as
facts, propositions that are not mentioned explicitly in the utterance itself”
In this case, the ad presupposes that women on their periods do want to have sex. It
also assumes that this topic is not openly talked about.
In addition, the second sentence is an instance of intertextuality. Most consumers
will read the ad and will not ask themselves why the act of swimming is mentioned.
Firstly, ads showing women doing sport became very popular around the world in
the 80s. In contrast to 1950s ads in which women’s mental condition was
emphasized, newer ads put more attention to physical condition and menstrual
symptoms interfering with sports and athletic activities. Secondly, the myth about
women not being able to bathe was (and unfortunately) still is very popular around
the world. So, if asked what kind of activities they believe they cannot do, most
women would probably list swimming before sex.
The body of the ad describes the product in a very straightforward and simple way.
There are not extreme adjectives to embellish the effect of words. Instead, a
description of the cup’s function including an average of hours of use is given to
consumers.

23
Is Kotex UK changing trends?

Kotex had been a well-known brand in the feminine products industries for almost a
hundred years now. Recently, they have started a campaign with the clear purpose
of breaking the silence and shame surrounding menstruation. With the slogan
“Break the cycle”, Kotex UK ventures into an arduous yet necessary mission: ending
the menstrual taboo.
With a series of inventive and unambiguous advertisements and the complete
renovation of their website, Kotex is offering information to young girls, giving them
room to ask questions which are answered by other users of the webpage and
experts, and finally talking openly about menstruation and calling women’s attention
to the fact that periods are natural, and hence there is nothing to be ashamed about.
“Fem-care advertising is so sterilized and so removed from what a period is,” said
Elissa Stein, co-author (with Susan Kim) of the book “Flow: The Cultural Story of
Menstruation.” “You never see a bathroom, you never see a woman using a product.
They never show someone having cramps or her face breaking out or tearful — it’s
always happy, playful, sporty women.”
The U by Kotex campaign aims to both parody such conventions, and to make an
impression with marketing that is more frank. But that approach turns out to be a bit
too frank for some networks.
Together with the campaign, Kotex released a TV commercial 2 to parody traditional
tampons ads. opens with an actress in her early 20s who says, “How do I feel about
my period? I love it.” She continues, “Sometimes I just want to run on a beach,” as
footage shows a woman running along the shore. “Usually, by the third day, I really
just want to dance,” she says, to footage of women dancing ecstatically. As blue
liquid is poured on a pad in another clip, she concludes, “The ads on TV are really
helpful because they use that blue liquid, and I’m like, ‘Oh, that’s what’s supposed to
happen.’ ”The spot closes with the text, “Why are tampon ads so ridiculous?” along
with the campaign tagline, “Break the cycle,” before finally showing the new line of
tampons, pads and liners. The clips mocked in the spot are actually from Kotex
commercials, some shown within the last year in the United States or Europe.
This way, the company admits they also took part in the perpetuation of the
menstrual taboo, which makes the campaign even more honest.

2
“Apology” – U by Kotex https://www.youtube.com/watch?
v=FRf35wCmzWw&list=PL19628E5B1FBBC2F0
24
With just a few lines, the ad mocks men’s reluctance to talk about menstruation. It
also shows that most men believe it is not only a disgusting event, but also a
dangerous one and thus decide not to get involved.
But the campaign goes further. It is impossible to break the taboo if women are not
encouraged to talk about their periods openly. Kotex also mocks the use of
euphemisms to refer to periods, and just states exactly what women should say.

25
Like the previous ad, this one brings the topic of the menstrual taboo into focus. This
time, it refers to women’s tendency to hide their feminine care products. It states,
very straightforwardly, that there is absolutely nothing to conceal. The image is even
more powerful given the fact that the product is not described. Instead, emphasis is
placed on the taboo and nothing else.
This kind of advertising contrasts openly with 1940s secrecy forms which women
could fill in to avoid asking for feminine pads out loud in pharmacies.3
Even though it took too long, it is a huge step on the path of finally breaking the
menstrual taboo and helping millions of women to reconcile with their own bodies
and to understand, without myths and rumors, their bodily functions, capacities and
power.

3
See Annex
26
Conclusion

How often does a girl ask herself why she has to hide her period or why she cannot
talk about it? Of course answers may vary, but most girls will take their menstrual
expericence as a negative one and unless action is taken to reverse that view, they
will continue to perpetuate the taboo without even being aware of it. They will
become mothers to girls who will also continue with the secrecy mandate. Or not.
Having analised the historical and religious aspects that surround menstruation, it
should not be surprising that companies decide to use their power to perpetrate the
feeling of shame and silence.
It is not only hunger for new consumers what keeps them along that line, but also
political and power related interests. Patriarchal discourses lead women to believe
they are inferior and fragile by means of constant bombarding by the media, among
the most mainstream means. There is no way women can be empowered if they
even get to hate their own bodies. If they are led to believe their natural, bodily
funcions interfere with their physical and mental state, how can they actually break
the barrier between them and the rest of the world?
Women need to take control and to contribute to the change. New generations need
to grow and develop in confidence and harmony with their bodies, having access to
reliable and scientifically proven information and not to myths and rumors
transmitted reservedly.
With the new campaigns started by some companies, we are left to hope that the
next generation of girls and women will laugh when they hear about how “old
fashioned” we were when talking about a normal, healthy part of the female
experience.

27
Works consulted

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problems in doing feminist research. In Fonow, Mary M., & Cook, Judith A.
ed., Beyound Methodology: feminist scholarship as lived research.
Bloomington And Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
 Beausang, Carol C. & Razor, Anita G. (2000). Young Western’s Women’s
Experiences of Menarche and Menstruation. Health Care for Women
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 Brooks-Gunn, J., & Ruble, D. N. (1982). The development of menstrual-related
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Resources from Website

 http://www.icddrb.org/images/SP91_lavels_knowledge.pdf. Knowledge and

sexual behaviour Adolescent knowledge about STDs and RTIs

 https://www.ubykotex.com

28
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  The Tampax report: Summary of survey results on a study of attitudes towards
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Analysis. HODDER ARNOLDS.

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Annex

31