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    PALEOAMERICAN OPYSSEY. Edited by Kelly E. Graf, Caroline V, Ketron, and Michael R. Waters ig Center for the Study SS of the First Americans Department of Anthropology & Texas A&M University PALEOAMERICAN ODYSSEY ©2013 Center for the Study of the First Americans. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, projected, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, for whatever purpose, in any form or by any means, Whether electronic, mechanical, magnetic, photographic, laser, or otherwise, withour the prior written permis- sion of the Center for the Study of the First Americans, Department of Anthropology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 7843-435; Design and typesetting by C&C Wordsmiths, Lenoir, North Carolina Cover art by Heather L. Smith Printed in the United States of America by Tops Printing, Inc., Bryan, Texas ISBN-13: 978-0615-82691-2 |ISBN-10; 0.615-82691-1 Contents Part | Part It 10. Part Ill 12, 13. 14, 15, Preface v.20 Kelly Graf Human Dispersals in the Old World and Beringia Occupying New Lands: Global Migrations and Cultural Diversification with Particular Reference to Australia Peer Hiscock Human Habitation in Artie Western Beringia Prior to the LGM. . Viodimir Pitulko, Fave Nikoskiy,AlesondrBasiye, and Elena Povova Human Technological and Behavioral Adaptation to Landscape Changes around the Last Glacial Maximum in Japan: A Focus on Hokkaido ren ‘Masami lzuho| Siberian Odyssey. Kelly Grp Technology and Economy among the Earliest Prehistoric Foragers in Interior Esstem Beringia en A, Potter, Chores E Holmes, and David R. Yesrer Biface Tadltions of Northern Alaska and Their Role inthe Peopling ofthe Americas ‘Heather L, Sith effiey Ras and Ted Goebel Dispersal Routes to the New World: Archaeology and Genetics ‘After Covi First Collapsed: Reimagining the Peopling ofthe Americas ‘Jon M.Erlondson Locating Peistocene-age Submerged Archaeological Sites onthe Northwest Coast Current Status of Research and Future Directions Quentin Mackie, Loren Davis, Daryl Fede, Duncan McLaren, and Amy Gusie Vectors, Vestiges and Valhallas—Rethinking the Corridor Jol Wives, Duane Frese, Kishe Superant, and Gabriel Yanick ‘Three-Stage Colonization Model for the Peopling ofthe Americas Coie. Mulligan and Andrew Kitchen ‘The Late Pleistocene Human Settlement of tnterior North Ame ‘The Role of Physiography and SeaLevel Change...» Dovid . Anderson, Thoddeus G. set, ond Stephen .Yrka Clovis-era Archaeology and Ecology Clovis across the Continent . '. Shane Mile. Vance. Holiday and Jordon Bright ‘The Clovis Landscape Vance Halliday and D. Skane Mier Imagining Clovis asa Cultural Revitalization Movement «««« ‘Bruce A ody and Micha! B. Coins Clovis Caches: Current Perspectives and Future Directions ‘J-Davi Klby and Bruce B. Huckel CComplexities ofthe Colonization Process A View from the North American West ‘Charlotte Beck ond George T Jones Clovis-era Subsistence: Regional Variability, Continental Patterning, Gary Haynes and Jarod M. Hutson 45 65 ar 105 127 133 149 ra 183 -21 a7 2s7 273 293 18, Part V 19. 20, a 2. 2. Part V 24, 25 26, 27, 28, 2, am Exinctions: The State of Evidence and the Seructure of Debave Nicole M. Wieguespack News from Latin America “The First Caves in the State of Quintana Roo (South Mexico). Human Settlers on the Yucatan Peninsula: Evidence from Drowned, Arturo Ht Gonziles, Alejandro Terrazas, Wolfgang Stinnesbeck, Martha. Benavente,Jrsnim Aviles, Carmen Rojas, José Manuel Padila, Adriana Velésquez, Eugenio Acevez, and Eberhard Frey ‘The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands: Brazilian ‘Archaeology Contributions to Settlement of America Models Rethinking Early Objects and Landscapes inthe Southern Con: Concentrations in the Pampas and Northern Patagonia ‘Adriana Schmidt Dias and Lucas Bueno Nora Flegenheimer Laura Mioti; ond Natalia Mazzia Entangled Roowlege: Old Mende and New Troughs in Fist South American Studies Early Hun Craniometrie Variation ofthe Inti Pre-Clo Fingerpri Human Ar ‘The Mammoth Steppe Hypoth Peopling The Late Pre-Clovi ToD. Dillehay . man Occupation of Lagoa Santa, Eastern Central Brazil Setters of South America. . Walter A. Deve, Mark Hubbe, Danilo Bernard, André Straws, Astolfo Arcuj, and Renato Kipnis wis Archaeology inting Flake Production and Damage Processes: Toward identifying fact Characteristics Wiliam Ande, ‘The Middle Wisconsin (Oxygen Isotope Stage 3) fof North America ‘Steven, Holen and Kathleen Holen Pleistocene Industries of Piaut, Brazil: New Data... ric Boéda, Antoine Lourdeau, Christelle Lahaye, Gisele Darn Flic, Sil Viana, Agnacio Clemente-Conte, Maro Pino, Michel Fontugn, Sirk Holt, ‘idde Guidon, Anne Marie Pesss, Amelie Da Costa, Marina Pegi is Megafauna Butchery Sites in the Western Great Lakes Region, USA, Daniel Joyce Geochronology, Archaeological Context, and DNA atthe Paisley Caves Dennis Jenkins, Loren G. Davis, Thomas W. Safford, J, Paula E Campos, Thoms. Connolly Linda Scott Cunmings, Michael Hofeter Bryan Hockett, Katelyn MeDonough, lan Lute, Pack W. O'Grady, Kel. Renbard, Mark ‘Swisher, France White, Bonnie Vtes, Robert M. Yokel, Chad Yer, Ese Wile Te Ones Ta il Won Go.way More Biased Thouhts nthe PreClovs Peopling ‘of the New World. J.M. Adovasi and Davi R. Peer North America before Clovis: Variance in TemporalSpatil Cultural Patterns, 27,900-1 The First Peopling Index 3,000 eal yr BP Michael. Coins, Dennis . Stanford, Darrin L. Lowery, and Bruce A. Bradley Americans: A Review of the Evidence for the Late Pleistocene of the Americas Michael R. Waters and Thomas W. Stafford, am 323 39 359 377 397 a5 29 45 467 485 si sa sa 361 The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands 339 Chapter 20 The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands: Brazilian Archaeology Contributions to Settlement of America Models Adriana Schmidt Dias' and Lucas Bueno? ‘ABSTRACT Brazilian archaeological data between 12,440 and 8000 '“C yr BP indicate that a pioneering phase of human colonization of South America was characterized by recurrent activities at salient landmarks or orientation points in a landscape that was still being explored. Large river valleys in northeastern and central Brazil, in the Amazon, and in the La Plata Basin seem to have played this key role during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, concentrating and directing an expansion that quickly reached new and distant areas without completely filling the vast-territory surrounding those early settlement points. Regarding rates of popula- tion expansion and regional cultural diversification in inner Brazil, an archaeological threshold seems to have been reached in all occupied regions at ca. 10,500 'C yr BP. The number of sites increased, there is evidence of settlement of all biomes, and, most importantly, there is clear evidence of inter-regional cultural «versity. In this sense, the 11th millennium '$C yr BP represents the establishment phase of the colonization process of Eastern South America, KEYWORDS: Settlement of South America , Brazilian hunter-gatherer archaeology, Colonization models Introduction The initial colonization of South American Lowlands was not a homogeneous process, and different regions were not oc- upied simultaneously or under the same dynamic (Borrero 2006; Bueno 2011; Dias 2004; Dillehay 2000, 2009; Gruhn and Bryan 2011; Miotti and Salemme 2003; Steele and Politis 2009; Lanata et al. 2008). Between 12,440 and 8000 ¥C yr BP, "Department of History, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. Campus do Vale —IFCH. Porto Alegre — Rio Grande do Sul, '91509.900. brazil ‘Department of History, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Campus Universtirio~ CFH, Floriandpolis - Santa Catarina, '88040-970, Brazil Corresponding author email 'dias.a@vol.com br ie Brazilian territory was occupied by a diversified hunter-gath- erer population. The predominance of generalist subsistence strategies allied to regional variability of the lithic assem- blages show the limits of traditional models to explain the processes of early colonization of this region. in chronolog- cal terms, such diversity implies an initial occupation earlier than assumed by traditional models. Radiocarbon dates sup- Porting this hypothesis were obtained for several archaeolog- ical sites in Brazil in the last four decades. Likewise, the geo- graphical distribution of Brazilian archaeological data for the Pleistocene-Holocene transition and early Holocene suggests colonization flows following inland passages along the main river basins with different routes, speeds, and direction These diverse modes of migration promoted a rapid move- 340 ment over long distances, which, in some cases, explains the ‘existence of almost contemporary sets of sites with similar cultural patterns separated by great distances (Bueno, Dias and Steele 2013; Dias and Bueno 2010), ‘At least three distinct early-Holocene colonization ‘events may have contributed to the original occupation of the eastern portion of South America. The fist, from 12,440 to 11,000 '“C yr BP, was the colonization ofthe savannahs in northeastern and central Brazil, whose river systems served as access routes to the continental interior. Interacting with these tropical landscape mosaics, huntergatherers from the Itaparica Tradition used mobile generalist strategies on large territories whose boundaries were marked by unique styles of rock art. After 11,000 '4C yr BP occurred the initial colo- nization of the tropical forests of the lower Amazon Basin. In the same period, a third colonization flow is recorded, in southeastern and southern Brazil associated with the Umbu Tradition. A moderate climate free of severe seasonal alterna- tion, coupled with the expansion of the Atlantic Forest biome, likely attracted these populations, which also used generalist strategies to exploit forest resources. Data confirm that the early colonization of Brazilian territory, although coeval with the Clovis horizon, manifested quite distinct cultural charac- teristics. The body of evidence affirms that the initial colon- zation of Brazil occurred earlier and was much more complex than traditional models suggest (ef. Faught 2008; Goebel et al. 2008), Environmental Setting Brazil, with an area of 8,514,876 km? occupies 473% of South America. Most of the Brazil lies between sea level and an altitude of 600 m, and only 3% of the country lies above 900 m.a.s.J. The plateaus occupy an area of 5,000,000 km? and are distributed primarily in two major areas separated by the Amazon Basin: the Guyana Plateau and the Brazilian Plateau. The Guyana Plateau is located in the northern re- sion, encompassing the Guyana Shield, and extends to Ver ezuela, Guyana, Suriname, and French Guyana. The Brazilian Plateau stretches across central Brazil, extending to the east and south, and comprises various regional divisions and is- tinct geological characteristics, such as the Central Plateau, the Northeast Plateau, and the Souther Plateau. The Brazil ian plains, which cover an area of over 3,000,000 km?, are divided into three major areas: the Amazon Plain in the north; the Pantanal Plain in the west, and the Coastal Plain, inter- rupted in some places by the Brazilian Plateau, noted by the presence of cliffs by the sea (Antunes 1993). Most Brazilian watercourses are plateau rivers that drain into the sea. The tropical climate produces regular summer floods. The major Brazilian watersheds are the Amazon, the “ocantins-Aragusia, the Sao Francisco, and the La Plata Basin (Figure 20.1). The Amazon Basin, the largest watershed in the world, oceupies more than half of Brazil's territory. It oc- cupies an area of 3,984,467 km* in the country and extends into Peru, Colombia, Guyana, Suriname, and French Guyana. ‘The Araguaia-Tocantins Basin has an area of 803,250 km? and Dias and Bueno is the largest inner hydrographical basin in the country. The ‘Tocantins is the main river, originating in the Central Plateau and flowing into the mouth of the Amazon, receiving in its ‘course the Araguaia river. The Sao Francisco Basin is formed by the Sao Francisco River and its tributaries, extending over an area of 631,133 km?. The S20 Francisco River also originates in the Central Plateau and flows north into the Atlantic Ocean, ‘The La Plata Basin is formed by the basins of the rivers Parand, Paraguay, and Uruguay and also extends into Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina, and Uruguay. The Parané Basin isthe largest; itis a plateau river with summer floods that covers 10% of Brazil, The Paraguay isa lowland river, over 2,000 km long, and also floods the summer. The Uruguay River is approximately 1,500 km Jong and forms the territorial boundaries of Southern Brazil ‘with Argentina and Uruguay (Antunes 1993). Brazilian biomes can be regionally divided into six mayor types. To the north, the Tropical Forest biome, which occu- pies the Amazon Basin, covers 49.29% of Brazil. The rain for- est is formed by distinct ecosystems, determined by equato- rial climate and variations in local relief. The Cerrado (tropical savannahs) is the second-largest biome and occupies 23.92% of Brazil. It forms the Central Plateau and extends to the northeast and southeast. The vegetation is varied and modu: lated by dry and rainy seasons. Some areas, devoid of woody vegetation and dense arboreal formations, are permeated by riparian forests along the main watercourses. The Caatinga biome covers 9.92% of Brazil and is located in the hinterlands Of the northeast (sertdo). It features a semi-arid climate and consists of dry savannahs (xerophytic formations). In turn, the Pantanal biome is located in the plains of cenctal-western Brazil, in the transition zone between the Cerrado (savan- nah) and Tropical Forest (rain forest) biomes, correspond: ing to an extension of the Bolivian chacos. It occupies 1.76% Of the country and consists mainly of dry savannahs, with a mosaic of ecosystems that result from flooding episodes and changes in relief. The Atlantic Forest biome is the third larg est inthe country, occupying 13.04% of Brazil. I lies along the Coastal Plain and extends inward to the southeast and south, along the border with Paraguay and Argentina. Its area en: ‘compasses widely variable climate and relief, for it contains several phytogeographic regions, mostly rain forests in the topical north and seasonal forests in the temperate south. Finally, the Pampa biome covers the extreme South of Brazil, accounting for 2.07% of the territory, and corresponds to an extension of the open areas dominated by grasses occupying Uruguay and south-central Argentina (Antunes 1993). Paleoenvironmental studies indicate that the Brazil: ian landscapes were affected in different ways by climate changes in the Holocene. Data on temperature fluctuations and precipitation rates for the Last Glacial Maximum (20,000 MC yr BP} in the Amazon Basin indicate that decrease in tem erature and rainfall was not severe enough to reduce veg: etation’cover and that Tropical Forests persisted during the late Pleistocene (Colinveaux et al. 1996, 2000). On the other hand, while in the northeast a wet cl mate prevailed during the late Pleistocene, data for central 7 ‘The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands 341 Brazil show a general trend toward very arid conditions. in the beginning of the Holocene these areas displayed differ ent patterns of climate change, but with strong seasonality and a general trend toward dry conditions, with savannah- like environments dominating the landscape. After 10,000 ‘C yr BP central Brazil became warmer and wetter, while in the northeast warmer and drier conditions prevailed. Finally, by the mid-Holocene both regions experienced dry condi- tions. Short chronological differences in time and duration across these two regions evoked specific responses at mic regional level that produced a mosaic of climatic conditions and vegetation profiles. One example of these significant lo- ‘al variations can be seen in the core area of the Caatinga bi- ‘ome, formed by the predominance of drier conditions toward Imid-Holocene. Another example is semi-decicuous forest | Francie Basin JLo Pita Bosh, patches in the karstic regions of the Central Plateau, located in a transition zone between the Cerrado and Atlantic For est biomes (Behiing 1998; Behling and Hooghiemstra 2001; Ledru and Mourguiart 2001; Behling et al. 2002; De Oliveira etal. 1999; Ledru etal 1998, 2006; Markgraf etal. 2000; Pes senda etal. 2004). Paleoenvironmental data from southeastern and southern Brazil indicate that the Atlantic Forest biome beyan to spread during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition. During the last slacal event grasslands ofthe Pampa biome predominated in this region, with forests restricted to river valleys and moun tain slopes owing to a drier climate and temperatures 5°-7°C lower than today. Between 12,300 and 9800 “Cyr BR, favoura- ble climatic concitions, along with a gradual increase in humid- ity, influenced the expansion of forests to higher altitudes. By Tocanine-Aragusin Basin Figure 20.1. the major Brziian watersheds (image Rogerio Link 342 imid-Holocene, the inward expansion of the Atlantic Forest was intensified by the reduction of the Polar mass and the increase of temperature and humidity. Grasslands were restricted t0 higher elevations of the Southern Plateau and to the south Brazilian border (Pampa biome). In the Coastal Plain, the def nite expansion of the Atiantic Forest only occurred after the last sea-level maximum event, around 5,000 '"C yr BP (Behling 2002: Behling and Negeelle 2001; Angulo et al. 2006; Hadler et al. 2012; Martin etal 1988) Chronological Setting Bueno, Dias, and Steele (2013) document the quantity, qual ity, and distribution of archaeological radiocarbon dates be- tween 12,440 and 8000 MC yr BP for Brazil. Analyzing a da- tabase of all known archaeological radiocarbon dates for this period, the authors have compiled 275 date samples drom 89 sites distributed throughout Brazil. The ¥C dates chosen were required to satisfy these criteria 1) known type of material dated, method of analysis, and sample lab numbers 2) known stratigraphic provenience of dated sani 3) known cultural associations (artifacts, features) with the dated sample; and 4) known statistical uncertainty of the date (with the ad- tional criterion that the standard error bars should be no greater than 300 years) ‘The authors analyzed the dynamics of population expan- sion and cultural diversification, and their cote hypothesis is that the colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands in- volved two phases: pioneering. and establishment. The phases may have been initiated at different times and left distinctive demographic and cultural signatures in the archaeological re- cord. The pioneering phase would have involved entering, ex- ploring, and gaining familiarity with the landscape, and specific places would have been selected as foci of recurrent activity preparatory to exploiting new uninhabited lands. This process is suggested by an archaeological record of low average popu- lation density, but concentrated in physically distinctive places that could have been frequently reoccupied (Borrero 1999; Kelly 2003; Meltzer 2003; Zedeio 1997; Borrero and Franco 1997; Zedefio and Anderson 2010; Zedefio and Stoffle 2003). This process is substantiated in Brazil by five sites with nine MC dates between 12,440 and 11,000 “fC yr BP (Tables 20.1 and 20.2}. The mainly occupied areas in the 13th millen- nium are the Serra da Capivara (northeastern Brazil) and the Peruagu River Valley (central Brazil) (Guidon 1986; Kipnis 1998, 2002; Guidon et al. 2000, 2009; Peyre et al. 2009: Prous et a 1996/1997) Both regions are associated with the Sao Francisco Basin, the main fluvial connection between the northeastem Atlantic Coast and central Brazil. It provides a perennial wa ter source and is rich in different kinds of resources to satisfy needs for technology tithe raw material and wood) and sub- sistence (ish, game, and edible plants). These sites may signify the importance of this river valley as one of the main entry and Dias and Bueno dispersion routes into the continental interior (Bueno 2011; Bueno, De Blasis and Steele in press) The lithic assemblage from the lower levels of these sites is associated with hearth features and consists of large utilized flakes, small cores, thick scrapers, end- and sidescrapers, and limaces, Although some bifacial flaking and fragments of projectile points are also found, ths is essentially an unifacial industry belonging to thé Itaparica Tradition (Figure 20.2) (Fogaca 2001; Kipnis 2002; Lordeau 2010; Schmitz 1980, 1981). Itis also important to mention for this earlier period the presence of Boqueirao da Pedra Furada rockshelter, located in Serra da Capivara, This site has more than 20 dates, analyzed by different methods, ranging from 13,000 to 50,000 “C yr BP, all of them reported as related to material culture assem- blages, especially lithic artifacts made on the same quartaite that composes the walls of the rockshelter. Inthe case of Bo- queirdo da Pedra Furada, both taphonomic conclusions and the anthropogenic origin of lithic remains and a hearth have been questioned; for this reason data from the rockshelter ‘were not included inthe analysis here presented (Parenti 1992; Prous 1997; Guidon et al. 1996; Meltzer et al. 1994). For the 12th millennium, the Peruacu valley yields evi- dence of the occupational continuity ofthe Itaparica Tradition at infand savannahs (Table 20.1) (Kipnis 1998, 2002; Prous et al, 1996/1997). Meanwhile, the first episode of exploitation of Brazilian tropical forests is identified at the lower Amazon basin (Table 20.2) (Roosevelt etal. 1996, 2002). ‘Around the onset of the early Holocene, climate seems to have been stabilizing in Brazil, and this process may be mirrored in the increasing frequency with which sites were occupied. The peak was reached by 10,500 '4C yr BP, with sites found all over the country. Therefore the period be- ‘tween 11,000 and 8500 'C yr BP exemplifies the establs- _ment phase of the colonization process, with regional cultural boundaries becoming more clearly defined. For the 11th millennia the archaeological visibility of ‘early human settlements improves drastically, represented by 29 sites with 55 dates between 10,905 and 10,000 “C yr BP ‘The location ofthe sites illustrates another important change While theresa continuing occupation of the lower Amazon and the Sao Francisco valley (Peruagu and Serra da Capivarare- sions), new evidence is found at widely dispersed locations in- cluding the other two main Brazilian river systems: Tocantins ‘Araguaia Basin in central Brazil, and La Plata Basin in southern Brazil Sites of this period in all regions contain evidence of @ broad-spectrum diet based on small and medium-size gaine with a substantial plant food component, even in areas where there is evidence that megafauna survived into the early Holo cone {jacobus 2003; Kipnis 2002). In this period there is also evidence of differentiation of rock-art styles throughout the Central Plateau (Ribeiro 2006; Prous and Ribeiro 1996/1997) Consequently, ca. 10,500 “C yr BP is not just a quantitative threshold in the evidence for the peopling of easter South ‘America, bur also the beginning of period of more intensive landscape familiarization and “marking.* Although only one site from the lower Amazon Basin ‘The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands 343 has been recorided for this period, it yields 15 dates between 10,905 and 10,250 '*Cyr BP associated with cultural evidence ‘of a consistent adaptation to the Tropical Forest biome, with broad variety of animal and plant remains (Table 20.2). Like- wise, it manifests a lithic assemblage that comprises scrap- cs, limaces, blade-lke flakes, gravers, and bifacial artifacts, besides stemmed projectile points with triangular shapes Roosevelt etal. 2002). Jn savannah areas of central and northeastern Brazil a mosaic of climatic conditions and vegetation profiles oc- curred after 11,000 ¥C yr BP. Ths is mirrored in the popu- lation expansion and in the colonization of new territories, a pattem that was maintained throughout the next millen- nium. Traditionally exploited areas, such as Serra da Capi- Figure 202 Unifaal anifacts linac) of the lapaiea Tadition fom the Lajeao se, central eal (Bueno 2007), vara, show a growing number of occupational episodes, with 11 MC dates distributed between 10,800 and 10,040 C yr BP recotded at eight sites (Table 20.1). The lithic assemblages are assigned to the Itaparica Tradition, and by the end of this period the oldest evidence of rock art hasalso been recorded in this region (Guidon 1985; Martin 1996; Pessis 1987, 1999; Guidon et al. 1996, 2009). Another traditional area occupied by Itaparica Tradition, such as the Peruacu valley has five °C dates distributed between 10,910 and 10,000 "°C yr BP re- corded at three sites (Table 20.1) (Fogaga 2001; Prous 1991; Prous etal. 1996/1997). Likewise, the ecological diversification in Sao Fran- cisco valley during this period is also signified by human exploitation of local mosaics of forest zones in the Cerrado 344 Dias and Bueno biome. This is the case of the semi-deciduous Forest in the middle Sao Francisco Basin, as noted by six dates as- sociated with five sites (Table 20.1 and Table 20.3). In this regional context there is evidence of the beginning of cul tural diversification seen in lithic assemblages, character- ized by informal tools made of local raw material, specially quartz and quartzite, and some fimaces and small bifacial projectile points (Araujo and Neves 2010; Bueno 2010; Is- nardis 2009; Pugliese 2007) It is also during the second half of the 11th “C mit- lennia that an increased number of new occupations were established on western and northern parts of the Central Plateau at considerable distances from the Séo Francisco valley. They are the first solid evidence of the intial cotoni- zation of the Tocantins-Araguaia Basin, another important river system that connects north and central Brazil, and gf the La Plata Basin that connects central and southern Brazil. Seven sites from the Araguaia-Tocantins Basin have yielded eight "'C dates between 10,750 and 10,050 “C yr BP, all assigned to the Itapatica Tradition and related to a savan- nah landscape (Cerrado biome) (Table 20.1), Itis noteworthy that similarities have been recognized jn lithic industries, in some cases from sites separated by ihore than 2,000 km; they are based on the composition of assemblages, means of procuring raw material, and techniques of producing limaces {Bueno 2005/2006, 2007, 2008; Lordeau 2010; Schmitz etal 1989, 2004), ‘The initial colonization of La Plata Basin shows a more complex picture. La Plata Basin is a main South American Lowlands internal fluvial corridor that intercofinects western and eastern parts of the subcontinent. It links the Bolivian ‘haco with the Amazon Basin through the Paraguay River Likewise, central South America is connected with the At- lantic Coast by the Parana River, and with the southernmost parts of the continent by the Uruguay River. Thus this fuvial network that cuts across a variety of ecological settings also played a key rote in human dispersal and cultural diversities tion in the early Holocene. ‘The oldest evidence of colonization of the Parana Basin has been obtained from one site with three dates between 10,480 arid 10,090 "C yr BP (Veroneze, 1992). The lithic as- semblage from this site is related to the Itaparica Tradition, which suggests a tendency to colonize new savannah terri tories, a tendency also suggested by evidence uncovered for this period in the Araguaia-Tocantins Basin (Table 20.1). Like- wise, the La Plata Basin in the same period probably served as a gateway to the east for other cultural traditions already Present in central South America. Unfortunately, there is a lack of evidence in Bolivia and northeastern Argentina for this, period, owing to the absence of archaeological research. initial colonization of Paraguay Basin is attested by dates of 10,120 and 10,080 “C yr BP from two sites that yielded lithic assemblages characterized by expedient unifa- ‘ial technologies (Vialoun 2005; Wiist 1990) (Table 20.5). It is interesting to note that another site in this region, Santa lina rockshelter, has produced late-Pleistocene dates of ‘able 20.1 ition sites oe Toeation Tasncarbon tee Tab codes References “Toca do Sto do Meio ‘Sto Fandiseo Basin 1240+ 230) ‘GF S403 uidon 1986 (Serra da Capra) 10530100 ees 32971 Guidon ts, 2008 9200 = 60 er 65856, “Toca do Gordo do Gatincho Sio Francisco Basin 12210240! eta 136206 ‘Guidon ts. 2000, 2008 (Sera da Capra) Payee eta 2009) Toca do odo Leite Sho Francisco Basin 10800:=70 era 220088 Guidon ta, 2009 (Sera da Capivara) Sito Tea dos Coqueros So Francisco Basin 10,640 = 508 ees 108571 {Guidon eta. 2008 (Serra da Caphara) 9870:=50 eta 109846 Boa Vital So Francisco Basin 10530110 eta 32971 uidon 1986 (Seer da Capivara) 9730-140 iF 4629 ipnis 1998 9650: 100 exa32972 9160 170 GF 3864 “Toca da Lagoa de Cima 1X Sho Rancisco Basin 10,480=50 eta 253909 (Guidon et st.2009 [Sera da Capivara) Hogueitio da Ped Furada Sio Francisco asin toasa- 114 Fea00 Parent 1992 (Sera da Capivara} 103400180 ca S862 Martin 1996 1.05050 car a352 1op10= 60 GF 8389 9800-60, a 8351 ‘95U6 139 F236 Toca de Cima do bo So Francisco Basin 10390:+80 Beta27345 [serra da Capivars) | Toca do His So Francisco Basin 0270235 1045 95865, uidon et. 2009 (Sera da Capiara) | Toca do 2é Luis S20 Francisco Basin ‘9920270 eta 159042 (uidon eta. 2009 {Serra da Capra). oa Vista So Francisco Basin 9850120 M2513 Ccuidon 1986 ‘The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands 345 Table 2041 Cont, we Toenton Radiocarbon dates Tabeodes Tefereneee (serra da Capivara) 9700 120, MC2481 Schnit 1987 “oer do Dojo Sio Pranceco Basin 9700:= 200 ar 3627 Guidon 1986 [serra da Capivara) 9080 170, ar a925 “oen da Janel da Bea do Antonio. S30 Francisco Basin 9670: 140 arsri2 Martin 1996 [sera da Capac) Baido do Perak Sa0 Francisco Basin 9540170, rss Guidon 1986 (sera da Caphara) 9250 160, MC-1056 Scie 1987 (aldeido do Rodrigues S20 Francseo Basin 980: 170 ar s6s0 Guidon 1986 (Serra da Capivara) “oes do Morceg So Franceco Basin s200=40 eta 200145 Guldon et a. 2008, = [Serra da Capivara) 91802 40 Beta 200148 = Lapa do Boqvete So Francisco Basin 12970 170 corn 2403 ions 2002, (Peruagu valley) 12,900 300, com 1084 1140= 240 CDT 1080, 11250 150, om 2697 1400 232 IN 1003 10310140 @mnsia 10,200 250, eomn7731 10300: 22. DIN 1004 9370:=260 (rn 107 935080, ea 98573 Lapa do Drago St Francisco Basin 11,000 300| or 1007 Prous eal 19961997 (Peruagu valley) 10000: 255, IW 1008 Kipnis 1998 Lipa dos Bichos Si Francisco Basin 10,450:=70 ‘Bera 100397 Kipnis 1998, 2002 (Perung valley) ‘9500 = 120 Beta 202775 . ‘9390 160 eta 100396 9140=90 Beta 100391 Lapa do Caboclo idle S20 Francisco isin 105560240 eta 199503, Isnaris 2009 10;380:=60, eta 223764 Lapa do Peixe Gordo Middle Sio Francisco Basin 10.210:260 eta 233762 Isnaris 2009 coo 10,750: 300 si2769 Seitz 1987 costes agua Basin 10;740:285 sist Sehnice 1987 conor ‘aguaia Basin woss0= 115, 13699 Schmit 1987 10,400" 130 N78 Schmitz etal. 1959, 2004 ‘9510= 60 13700 ‘60 = 65 13698 9020570 13697 B015=115 13695 ‘8605 = 100 13696 790290 Naa? conn Araguaia Basin 10,120:+80 si3i08 Sehmite 1987 9195-275 13107 cosas Araguaia Bain 9765270 si3ii0 Schmitz 1987 Sehmiz eal. 1989 cosas Aragusia Basin '8880:=90 sisses Schmit 1987 Miroceme do Tocantins 1 Tocantins Basin 10,5300 Beta 190080 Bueno 2007 9990 = 6 Beta 168605 9790570 Bets 148039 9670= 60 ‘Beta 190081 9456295 GF 11836 9397580 GF 11835 Lajeado 18 “canting asin 1030060 Beta 179198 ‘Bueno 2007 Copivaas “ocantine Basin 10,050 80 Beta 179196 veno 2007 9850-570 Bets 160595 910-260 Beta 179197 888070 Beta 160598 Mates2 “Tocantins Basin 9940-560 Beta 160599 ‘Bueno 2007 Miracema do Tocantins 2 “Tocantins Basin 9890-80 Beta 190082 Bueno 2007 spon Parand Basin 10,480 80 eta 47240, Veroneze 1992 103402 110 Bota 22645 10/090 70 Beta 22634 "Dated samples human remains bie 346 Dias and Bueno “Table 202. Dates for Amazon basin sites with expedient uifcial technology ie Toeation Radiocarbon dates Tab code References Pedra Fntadat Lower Amazon 1,15 135 cx 17813 Roosevel etal, 1996 101505 2295 cx 17407 103875295, cx i7ata 10,683 + 60 NZA9898 1o,6ss #285 ex 17420 10.360 = 60 5952 10,850= 60 876852 0370270 ox 19557 101060 x 19538 0292= 78 ‘cx 17400 1038070 x 19538 103360570 6x 19536 103052275, x 17422 102752275, x 17821 10261 62 NZA 9897 1025070 x19537 bona Stalls! Middle Amazon ‘9460250 ets 202678 costa 2009 Brew Branco 1 Serra dos Cais * 957070 Beta 215041 aldara et 2005 Brew Branco 2 Serra dos Carjés 951060 Beta 215082 Caldareli eta. 2005 Grats do Pequit Sera dos Carjés ‘9000-50 Beta 110659 ‘Magalies 2005 352060, Beta 110701 540-60 Beta 110702 8119560, Beta 110700 Nvw Serra dos Cariss 8850:+40, Beta 210858 ips ee a. 2005 80 540 ete 210857 Gents da Pequid sera dos Caras 247050 eta 110706 Magalies 2005 Newsor7 Sera dos Criss 1060 Beta 215050 ‘ips tal, 2005 Grats da Goats Sera dos Carjss 826050, eta 110708 Magalies 2005 Naws.o12 Sera dos Cacjss 240290 Beta 215053 Kipnis et al. 2005, ruta do Gavito Serra dos Carajés 140130 “Teledyne lntoptes Magalhes 2005, nasi Nas. 005 Serra dos arse su10=60 Bexa 215056 pis et al. 2005, 3050270 Beta 215057 "Abo press biacialtechnology with projectile points 23,000-27,000 Cyr BP associated with lithic debris and paleofauna remains (Glossotherium lettsomi). The unverified cultural origin of the dated charcoal and some taphonomic problems, however, cast doubts on these samples that need to be resolved (Vialou 2011). Sites in the Middle Uruguay Basin, dating to this same period, have yielded the first evidence of bifacial lithic as- semiblages containing stemmed projectile points of different shapes and sizes, (Figure 20.3). Two sites with live dates be- ‘ween 10,810 and 10,200 '*C yr BP were recorded in this area where the Pampa Biome predominates, on the southern Bra- zilian border with Argentina and Uruguay. ts lithic industries are associated with the Umbu Tradition (Table 20.4) (Miller 1987; Dias and Jacobus 2001: Meggers and Evans 197). ‘This general process of regional diversification in South ‘America Faster Lowlands continued between 10,000 and 8000 C yr BP In the Amazon Basin the occupations grow in num bers. Heven sites have been recorded with 16 dates between 19570 and 8050 '“C yr BP (Table 20.2), Geographical expansion enlarged, reaching the middle Amazon, near the confluence of the Negro and Solimées rivers, and the transition zone between the Tropical Forest and Savannahs biomes in the southwestern lower Amazon (Carajés) A tendency towards regional diversif- ‘ation on lithic industries can also be observed here. nthe mide dle Amazon the assemblage contains both unifacil and bifcial tools made of local raw materials. Inthe Carajis area the assem blages are dominated by informal artifacts made of quartz, with cadence of bipolar Making technique (Costa 2008; Magahes 1994, 2005; Hilbert 1993; Oliveira 2008; iveira 1994; Caldarelli etal. 2005; Kipnis etal. 2005), ‘Between 9000 and 8000 “C yr BP, the Itaparica Tradition reaches its greatest spatial extent, with 21 sites in the Araguaio: “Tocantins and Sio Francisco Basins (Bueno 2011, 2007; Dias, 1991; Fogaga 2001, 2003; Lordeau 2010; Menezes 2000; Ro det 2006; Schmitz 1987; Bryan and Gruhn 1993; Guidon eta. 2009). There are 42 dates between 9990 and 8740 C yr BR faily evenly distributed across that time range (lable 20.1). AF ter 8500 MC yr BR however, some regions of central and north ‘astent Bladii seem wy have been abandoned. accompanied by abrupt regional differentiation in styles of rock at and the character of lithic industries; the later chiefly use an expedient unifacial technology This process i recorded in at least 20 sites fiom several regions, with 51 dates between 9790 and 8050 "C yr BP (Table 20.5) (Martin 1996; Vialou 2005; Wist 11990; Guidon et al. 2008; Schmitz et al. 1996). ‘On the other hand, there is an increase in the number of his process wa The li nitial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands ‘occupational events in Semideciduous Forests in the middle ‘Sao Francisco valley, with 81 dates between 9900 and 8040 #C yt BP for 15 sites (Table 203) (Araujo and Neves 2010; Neves J. 2003, 2004). The most striking aspect of this record is the presence of human burials in several rockshelters at La- ‘goa Santa and at Santana do Riacho regions, making them the largest and bestpreserved samples of human remains found in Brazil for this period (Prous 1991, 1992/1993; Strauss 2010; Neves anel Hubbe 2005; Neves et al. 2003). Apart from this, the archaeological record maintains the same characteristics of the previous period. The lithic assemblages are characterized by small informal artifacts made of quartz and a few polished, tools (mostly axes}: the faunal remains are dominated by small, and medium-size game (Bueno 2010; Hurt 1960; Kipnis 2002; Prous 1991; Pugliese 2007; Araujo and Neves 2010). There is, no clear evidence of a marked cultural change in this region, contrasting with what was happening in other areas of central Brazil formerly characterized by the Itaparica Tradition. After 8000 C yr B, however, drastic changes did occur: most sites, were abandoned, and there is no more evidence of human. burials in rockshelters (Araujo etal 2003) Unlike the pattern recorded in central Brazil, the occupa tion of southeastern and southern Brazil in the early Holo- ene and especially toward the mid-Holocene witnessed a ‘growing number of sites from the Umbu Tradition. Ten sites, have been identified with 21 dates between 9855 and 8020 Cyr BP (Table 20.4). Their geographical distribution mainly follows the Parana and Uruguay basins. Although they attest to the continuous occupation of Pampa biomes in the lower Unuguay River, the newly colonized territories mostly corre- spond to the Atlantic Forest biome. Even though separated by great distances, in some cases more than 1,500 km, Umbu Tradition lithic assemblages in the Parané and Uruguay Basins, show a similar technological pattern, with predominant bi cial technologies and a variety of stemmed projectile points tnade on local raw materials. Moreover, subsistence studies ios. 37 Figure 20:3 ficial projectile points of the Umbu Tradition from the Sangdo ste, Southern Sra (Dias 2003), indicate a pattern that persisted throughout the Holocene, characterized by generalist hunting strategies with a primary focus on forest resources (Dias 2003, 2011, 2012; Jacobus 2003; Koole 2007; Miller 1987; Penin 2005; Plens 2007; Rosa 2010; Dias and Hoeltz 2010; Dias and Jacobus 2001; Dias and Neubauer 2010; Ribeiro and Ribeiro 1999; Rosa and Jacobus 2010; Hadler etal. 2012). Discussion Inthe 1940s Sauer was one of first to propose an inland route for the initial colonization of America. About South America, Sauer suggested that Early immigrants chose inland open environments in order to avoid the Tropical Forests to the North snd the Andean flanks to the West... A South westward displacement of the present borders of savannah climate in Northern Co- lombia would clear the route easily... Beginning with the Cauca Valley... . one set of routes ed eastward, flanking the Venezuelan Andes and diverging into the Tlanos of the Orie rnoco. Some of these early trails should have extended into the Northern Guyana highland .. [an southward from the Cauca Valley, the passageway lay within the Andes «. . well, into Bolivia... . About Santa Cruz de la Sierra attractive val- leys with open mesothermal vegetation lead fom interior Bolivia to phins at the east. Thence the whole of Brazil south of the Amazonian forest i freely accessibe,Southward lies also the hunting and seed gathering grounds of the Gran Chaco, which merge into the Pampas of the Argentine. Bolivia, therefore, fs thought as a center of dispersal for mi- grants from the North for all of Southern South America and fora large part of Brazil (Sauer 1944 558-59). Sauer's model was tested by Anderson and Gila (2000) using North and South America data on terrain conditions, site and arifac distribution, and demographic models. They aimed to suggest routes, rates, and reasons for the inital population dispersal. After performing a simulated least-cost, 348, analysis, taking into account the location of glacial ice sheets and lake margins at 12,000 yr BP, the authors concluded that the leastcost solution for migrating to South America from ‘the Isthmus of Panama was to move south, following Sauer’s ‘original proposal. The primary pathway followed the northern coastline at a short distance, moving south near Caracas, just ‘ast of Lake Maracaibo and the Cordillera de Merida, and pro- ‘ceeded through the central part of the continent well to the ‘ast of the Andean chain. The least-cost solution suggests a ‘movement through the interior of the continent into the vicin- ity of northern Bolivia; then it moved west and south, eventu- ally reaching to Atlantic Coast. The authors suggest that the presence of grassland and savannas in this period may have aided these movements, but this hypothesis is difficult to prove because of scarce archaeological studies inthis area. The presence of north-south ice sheets along major portions of the Dias and Bueno ‘Andes would have blocked eastavest travel across much of the Southern Cone and made it necessary for migration to follow the southern Pacific Coast. Finally, the authors suggest that the initial colonization of the Amazon Basin may have proceeded from the headwaters to the mouth, rather than the other way around, Demographic models, such as the one proposed by La- nata and colleagues (2008), point to the Amazon Forest as a “hot-spot” for the population growth of the early settlers, They also consider the Pacific Coast a possible route of en- try to the Southern Cone. The authors suggest that human populations crossing the Panama Isthmus would have en- countered a wide diversity of different ecosystems: the Pa- cific and Atlantic Oceans, two corridors along the Andean piedmont and the corridors that separate the semi-cesert, desert, and savannah ecosystems between the Andes and the Table 20.3._Detes for Lagoa Santa Complex sites with expedient unica technology. Te Toeation Radiocarbon dates Tab code References Coquernho Middle Sao Fandseo Basin 1046060. ‘eta 257386 Neves etl 2008 Lapa das Boteras Middle S30 Francisco Basin 10,150= 130 Beta 168451 Neves et 2004 9850-40, Beta 168429 Neves and Hubbe 2005, 9600: 60, Beta 159236 5210: 120, Beta 150233 8820-150, Beta 155242 Beta 183563 Beta 159245, Beta 155658 Seta 359248 Beta 185659 8240150 Beta 159232 Lapa do Santo Middle Sie Fandsco Basin —9800:240 Beta214130 Neves etal-2008 9520-60, Beta 256223 a 9150-40 Beta 214143 9100-540 Beta 216518 398040, Bera 214141 3930-40, Beta 214140 5530::40, Beta 218139 3900240 Beta 246246 38702 100, Beta 214138 5520-60 Beta 170723 5520-40, Beta 218137 ss10250 eta 216520 380040, Beta 216522 5790240, Beta 214132 57502140 Beta 214135 3730-60" Beta 271289 5710-80 Beta 214136 5710240, Beta 216524 3700240 Beta 214133 3690-40, Beta 216519 5690-90 Beta 216520 Beta 214131 Beta 253505 Beta 216523 00250 eta 207763 8600250 Bete 202763 3560 = 50" Beta 253507 553040 Beta 202767 ‘8480250! Beta 265182 480 50 Beta 253511, 3230250, Beta 183573 +5190 40" Beta 215195 Lapa do Braga Middle Sie Fancseo Basin 9790270" Beta 174736 Neves and Hubbe 2005, Laps Morita de Confios Middle Sio Francisco Basin 976070 Beta 221079 Neves and Hubbe 205, ‘The Initial Colonization of South America Eastern Lowlands 349, Table 203 Cone Tee Tacaon Taiacabon deeb ole Tete Cerca Grande 6 Mie Si Franco Basin ——

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