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Some caveats
• Countries enter the WTO with their own tariff profiles and they can keep tariffs
once member; tariff elimination is a long-term aim of the WTO members.
• MFN tariffs are what countries promise to impose on imports from other
members of the WTO, unless the country is part of a preferential trade agreement
(such as an FTA). Thus, MFN tariffs are the highest that WTO members charge, by
default, one another.
• The tariffs that country A adopts against import from country B is, in majority of
cases, different from the tariffs country B adopt against import. Reciprocity has
more a ‘dynamic’ understanding (thus about the change) rather than the absolute
value of respective tariffs.
MFN: bound vs. applied tariff
• When countries join the WTO, or when WTO members negotiate tariffs with each
other during trade rounds, it is about MFN bound tariffs.
• The bound tariff is the maximum MFN tariff level for a given product.
• However, bound tariffs are not necessarily the rate that a WTO member applies in
practice to other WTO members' products.
• Members have the flexibility to increase or decrease their tariffs (on a non-
discriminatory basis) as long as they don't raise them above their bound levels (this
is the MFN applied tariff).
• If one WTO member raises applied tariffs above their bound level, other WTO
members can take the country to dispute settlement.
?
Binding in %: the percentage of tariff lines
or products based for which a WTO
member has bound duty commitments.
Generalised System
of preferences Reduced
C.E.T.
Common
C.E.T.
Commercial/Trade Policy
The “GSP+” enhanced preferences implies deep cuts or full removal of tariffs for
tGSP+ the same product categories as in standard GSP. This can be granted to countries
which implement international agreements on human rights, labor rules,
environmental issues and good governance. This applies to e.g. Bolivia,
Mongolia, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka.
tEBA The ‘Everything but Arms’ initiative is a special exemption granting to the least
developed countries (LDCs) a zero-tariff access to the EU for all their products
but arms. This applies to e.g. Bangladesh, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Haiti, Nepal,
Senegal.
EU Bilateral agreements
2 main dimensions:
1. the neighbourhood dimension, or “proximity
policy”, which concerns the countries close to
Europe, and aims at strengthening the EU trade
and political relations with the “ring of friends” i.e.
countries surrounding the EU from Ukraine to
Morocco.
=> Mostly via Association Agreements
Since 1996
EU Agreements
• centrala
So far we have depicted a “hub-and-spoke” system: the EU is the
hub for a number of trade deals. Exporters in partner countries
depend heavily on the EU as an export market, while each partner
is negligible for the EU as a whole.
• Turkey adopts the EU CET, so it is essentially in customs union
with the EU (except for agricultural goods), although it has no say
in the determination of the CET.
• EFTA nations have been following the EU in signing similar FTAs
(e.g. with the Med countries), and Turkey is doing the same lately.
EU Agreements
Balkans: the EU has granted preferential trade access on asymmetric basis over time. In
particular, several “Stabilization and Association Agreements” have been signed, involving
cooperation in view of future membership of the Union, as for Croatia. Albania, North
Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia are already candidates.
EU Agreements
• Several Partnership and Cooperation Agreements are in place with CIS countries, eg. Moldova.
• Association Agreement ratified with Ukraine (2014)
EU trade policy with former colonies
• Colonial ties almost always involved important trade relations. To avoid imposing
the CET on imports from former colonies, starting from the Sixties, the EU (then
EEC-6) signed agreements with many of them: asymmetric deals where EU tariffs
were set to zero (at least on industrial goods) but the poor nations did not remove
theirs.
• These agreements have been renegotiated various times and in 2000 the EU and
the ACP (African, Caribbean, Pacific) nations agreed to modernize the deal (also
because it was inconsistent with the WTO as it distinguished among developing
nations on the basis of colonial ties).
• With the Cotonou Agreement, ACP nations commit to eventually removing their
tariffs against EU exports by negotiating bilateral Economic Partnership Agreements
(EPAs) with the EU and among themselves.
• Underlying idea: opening up to competition is essential for fostering development,
besides simple preferential access to EU markets.
EU as Global Partner: non-regional FTAs
The EU is always open to Deep and Comprehensive FTAs involving FDI, services,
protection of intellectual property rights etc.
In recent years, the EU has signed a number of these deals (via cooperation or
association agreements), e.g. Mexico, Chile, South Africa, South Korea, Japan. FTA
with Canada (CETA) under ratification.
Current focus: Work on FTAs with Australia, Philippines and Indonesia… Asia-Pacific
region identified as crucial.
EU-Korea FTA
• Korea was designated a priority FTA partner for the EU in its trade policy strategy and
negotiations were launched in 2007. The Agreement has been provisionally applied
since July 2011 and is fully operational since 2014.
obiman
• The EU-Korea FTA is the most comprehensive free trade agreement ever negotiated
by the EU:
• Import duties are to be eliminated on nearly all products; 98.7% of duties in terms of
trade value will be eliminated within five years (for a limited number of highly sensitive
agricultural and fisheries products the transitional periods will be longer than seven
years).
• There is far reaching liberalisation of trade in services including in
telecommunications, environmental services, shipping, financial and legal services.
• Specific rules on a common jurisdiction for the protection of foreign direct
investments have also been negotiated.
Different interests within the EU
• Fiat-Chrysler Group CEO Sergio Marchionne called on the EU to change the direction
of trade negotiations and to help strengthen domestic producers.
• Marchionne opposed the free trade agreement between Europe and Korea.
? the high potential for abuse of this provision as for some countries, every country
must be the judge in the last resort on questions relating to its own security.
• A totally self-judging provision means that any Member could unilaterally suspend
its WTO obligations by invoking this provision, leaving the affected Members
unprotected. pozivanjem
• The danger is indeed that national security exceptions can be used by countries to
give themselves ‘carte blanche’ freedom to flout their obligations under the WTO
agreements.
Steel and aluminium:
a case of national security in the U.S.
• US is imposing tariffs on foreign steel (25%) and aluminium
(10%) justifying them on national security grounds.
• US President argued that global oversupply of steel and aluminium, driven mainly by China,
threatens American steel and aluminium producers, which are vital to the US
preti
• What about US trade partners’ reactions? China, Canada, Mexico and the EU adopted retaliatory
measures; for example EU’s reaction and Harley-Davidson’s reduction of manufacturing in the U.S.).
• In June 2018 the EU requested consultations with the U.S. and in October 2018 the establishment
of a panel (case DS548).
• The U.S.: “there is no basis for a WTO panel to review the claims of breach raised by the EU. Nor is
there any basis for a WTO panel to review the invocation of Article XXI by the U.S. We therefore do
not see any reason for this matter to proceed further. … it is simply not the role of the WTO to
review a sovereign nation's judgment of its essential security interests”.
Steel and aluminium: a case of national security in the U.S.
• By raising domestic prices the tariffs distorted incentives. The extra cash,
combined with an apparent rise in demand, induced steel companies to splash ?
out on new capacity.
• Domestic demand? Some American manufacturers have delayed steel-heavy
projects or switched to alternative materials.
• Extra supply, where to? Overseas, America’s high-cost producers cannot
compete with cheap alloys from places like China.
• Joe Biden’s commerce secretary has warned that protecting U.S. steel is a matter
of national security, adopting predecessor Donald Trump’s position.
• Favouring an input industry means disadvantaging downstream customers.
Manufacturers such as General Motors have complained about prices and
shortages for semiconductors and raw materials such as steel. But, so far, makers
have passed on costs to their end-consumers.
primirje
20% 0% 0%
H P H P H P
40%
40% Max 40% Max 20% Max 30%*
20%
Before any bilateral Free Trade Area H-P Customs Union H-P
agreement between * A simple average assuming that H and P
country H and were importing the same quantities
country P from abroad.
Source: WTO
A spaghetti bowl*of bilateral agreements
62
Traditional trade and GVCs
67
Towards a new EU’s trade strategy
Four drivers that triggered a new phase in the EU:
1) The WTO got stuck: the Doha Round is not progressing and the Appellate Body is ?
not working (the U.S. is preventing the appointment of its members).
nasledio
2) Former President Trump thought that he inherited “a significantly flawed
trading system” that justified a more confrontational and mercantilist U.S.
approach, imposing tariffs also on EU export.
3) In 2001 China joined the WTO but the expectations of deep liberalization did not
materialize: China ranks first in EU’s antidumping tariffs and is purchasing
businesses abroad through its State-controlled enterprises that are allegedly
subsidized by the State.
4) With Covid-19 trade is not flowing like it used to be. Lockdowns stopped
manufacturing and shipping, national security concerns stopped the export of
essential/critical products such as personal protective equipment and vaccines.
Global value chains are as strong as the weakest link.
The new EU’s trade strategy
In 2020 the European Commission coined “Open strategic autonomy”. In the
communication you read (emphasis and comments added):
(…)The crisis has revealed a number of areas where Europe needs to be more
otporna
Open resilient to prevent, protect and withstand future shocks. We will always be
committed to open and fair trade but must be aware of the need to reduce
dependency and strengthen security of supply, notably for things like
Strategic pharmaceutical ingredients or raw materials.
Open strategic autonomy will mean shaping the new system of global economic
Autonomy governance and developing mutually beneficial bilateral relations, while protecting
ourselves from unfair and abusive practices. This will also help us diversify and
solidify global supply chains to protect us from future crises and will help
strengthen the international role of the euro (…)
Alan Beattie (Financial Times) made fun of this new slogan that sounds like an oxymoron to
appease the free-traders (especially after Brexit), those who think they are sufficiently
powerful to do the cherry picking, and those who love sovereignty and protectionism. He also
invites to create your own slogan by choosing one word in each of three columns here
The new EU’s trade strategy
In February 2021 the Commission published the communication “Trade Policy Review - An Open,
Sustainable and Assertive Trade Policy” listing six policy areas:
1. Reform the WTO: eg, restoring a fully-functioning WTO dispute settlement with a reformed Appellate
Body.
2. Support the green transition and promote responsible and sustainable value chains: eg, the Carbon
Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as an autonomous measure.
3. Support the digital transition and trade in services: eg, pushing WTO agreement on digital trade
including rules on data flow and privacy.
4. Strengthen the EU’s regulatory impact by ‘exporting’ EU standard at an international level.
5. Strengthen the EU's partnerships with neighbouring, enlargement countries (Western Balkans) and
Africa.
6. Strengthen the EU’s focus on implementation and enforcement of trade agreements, and ensure a
level playing field. It is therefore important to create the conditions for the ratification of agreements
with Mercosur and Mexico, and to conclude ongoing negotiations, in particular with Chile, Australia, and
New Zealand, which are well on track.
Global value chains in the post Covid
• GVCs have brought many benefits by allowing firms to source their inputs more efficiently,
to access knowledge and capital beyond the domestic economy and to expand their activities
into new markets (perfectly consistent with Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage).
• GVCs have also played a pivotal role in reducing poverty and offering an opportunity for
developing countries to grow and catch up with richer countries.
• Enter Covid-19. The closure of factories in China at the end of January 2020 drew attention
to the reliance of many manufacturing value chains on inputs from China.
• The subsequent lockdowns implemented all over the world have re-ignited the debate on
the risks associated with international production. This is why in countries like the U.S. and
the EU you can read about “re-shoring” and “industrial policy” : ie, reducing imports and
revamping domestic manufacturing: resilience now seems more important than efficiency
(this also encompasses revisiting the just-in-time)..
• But don’t forget, no country is self-sufficient and a chain is only as strong as its weakest link.
Enjoying
national
sovereignty
…..
but don’t forget
that size matters