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The Aesthetic and The Religious Rasasvada and Brahma Svada and Kashmir Saivism.
The Aesthetic and The Religious Rasasvada and Brahma Svada and Kashmir Saivism.
The Aesthetic (Rasāsvadā) and the Religious (Brahmāsvāda) in Abhinavagupta's Kashmir Śaivism
Author(s): Gerald James Larson
Source: Philosophy East and West, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Oct., 1976), pp. 371-387
Published by: University of Hawai'i Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1398282
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Gerald James Larson The aesthetic (rasasvada) and the religious
(brahmdsvada) in Abhinavagupta's Kashmir Saivism
INTRODUCTION
Unlike most ancient cultural traditions of India about which we know very
GeraldJames Larson is Professor and Chairmanof the Departmentof Religious Studies, Universityof
California, Santa Barbara. AUTHOR'S NOTE:This paper was first presented at the meeting of the
InternationalAssociation for the History of Religions in Lancaster, England, in August of 1975.
Philosophy East and West 26, no. 4, October 1976. ? by The University Press of Hawaii. All rights reserved.
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372 Larson
little, the culture and history of Kashmir is not completely opaque to the
intellectual historian. Especially in Kalhana's Rajatarahgint, written in the
twelfth century A.D., we have an important quasi-history or near-history of the
Kashmir area which provides a valuable and reasonably accurate picture of
the social-cultural life of the region from the eighth or ninth centuries onward.3
Prior to the eighth century, we know that Kashmir was a center for Buddhist
studies.4 Already in the reign of Asoka in the third century B.C.,some Buddhist
traditions had spread to the Kashmir region.5 Moreover, from the first few
centuries A.D., beginning with the reign of Kaniska and thereafter, Kashmir
became an important center for northern Buddhist developments including
traditions of Sarvastivada, the Graeco-Buddhist art of Gandhara, and early
Mahayana both in its popular manifestations and in its more intellectual
formulations of Madhyamika and Yogacara. Running parallel through these
Buddhist centuries in the Kashmir area there were also developing traditions
of an archaic Naga cult together with the emergence of the early texts of
Saivagama, although very little is known about these latter traditions prior
to the eighth or the ninth century.6 At any rate, there is enough evidence, even
for these earlier centuries, to suggest that, in spite of the geographical isolation
of the Kashmir valley, the region was unusually cosmopolitan, wherein tradi-
tions of Hindu, Buddhist, Jain, Central Asian and even Mediterranean culture
freely intermingled and cross-fertilized one another.
It was, however, the political expansion under the powerful king, Lalitaditya,
in the eighth century, and the cultural consolidation under King Avantivarman
in the ninth century that presumably provided the social reality requisite for
the emergence of what we now call Kashmir Saivism.7 Hindu culture in all
of its dimensions was patronized and encouraged, including poetry, drama,
music, dance, dars'ana,vydkarana, temple building, smrti, purdna, and tantra.
Well-known br5hmana-panditaswere brought from elsewhere in north India
to Kashmir, and Abhinavagupta, in a later text, comments that his ancestor,
Atrigupta, came to Kashmir by invitation of King Lalitaditya in this period.8
It should be noted, moreover, that even in this time of Hindu ascendancy,
Buddhist studies were also encouraged, and one can only wonder about and
perhaps envy the vigorous debates and intellectual exchange that must surely
have taken place in the period. It should also be noted that this was probably
the era of the great Sanikaracarya,and one is strongly tempted to believe the
tradition which asserts that Safikara visited Kashmir during his career both
to carry on his polemic against the Buddhists as well as to help reshape the
older dualistic Saiva traditions in the region.9
In any case, a reshaping of the older Saiva traditions was precisely what
took place, and the reshaping moved primarily in two distinct directions.
Vasugupta and Kallata are credited with the founding of spanda-sistra, a
collection of religious speculations focusing around the idea of consciousness
as "vibration;" and Somananda and Utpaladeva are generally credited with
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374 Larson
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375
At the same time, however, in many cultures there are at least a few seminal
minds who attempt to bridge or assimilate divisions like this. In the history of
European thought, for example, one thinks of Aristotle, Kant, Hegel, Heideg-
ger, and so forth. In the intellectual history of India, unfortunately, one finds
very few such minds, partly, I suppose, because patterns of education tended
to limit the scope of a pandita to a rather narrow cultural focus; partly because
caste restrictions limited learning largely to an elite priestly group, whose
preoccupations were primarily religious; and partly also because of what
Edgerton once called the "extraordinary norm" of moksa in Indian culture,
which encouraged a kind of religious imperialism that devoured all other
aspects of culture in a way unmatched in any but the most archaic of social
environments.22
Whatever the reasons, India has produced few minds that have attempted
to interpret the significance of the various aspects of culture in a balanced
manner, and, hence, one is rather amazed to find Abhinavagupta and others
in the Kashmir region in this period not only speaking about possible analogies
or homologies between the aesthetic and the religious, but even more than
that, writing extensive treatises on drama, poetry, music, language, religion,
and philosophy.
Regarding the specific problem of rasavadaand brahmasvada,it was evidently
Bhattanayaka, toward the end of the ninth century, who first called attention
to the issue.23 In an eleventh-century work of Mahimabhatta, Bhattanayaka
is quoted as follows:
Dramatic performances and the music accompanying them feed the Rasa
in all its fulness; hence the spectator, absorbed in the tasting of this, turning
inward, feels pleasure through the whole performance. Sunk into his own
being, he forgets everything (pertaining to practical life). There is manifested
in him that flow of inborn pleasure, from which the yogins draw their satis-
faction.24
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376 Larson
Rasa, revealed by this power, is then enjoyed (bhuj) with a kind of enjoyment
(bhoga), different from direct experience, memory, etc. This enjoyment, by
virtue of the different forms of contact between sattva and rajah and tamah ...
is characterized by a resting (visranti) on one's own consciousness (samvit),
which due to the emergent state of sattva, is pervaded by beatitude (ananda)
and light (prakisa), and is similar to the tasting (asvida) of the supreme
brahman.(... parabrahmisvadasavidhenabhogenaparam bhujyata iti.)25
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377
anvitibhidhina, or the doctrine that meaning resides in words alone and that
the relations between these words in a sentence provide the basis for a verbal
judgment.30 Kumarila and other Mimamsakas had argued for the theory of
abhihitinvaya or the doctrine that verbal meanings are more important than
the words themselves and that these verbal meanings come to be related to one
another in a verbal judgment by means of a secondary denotation or laksani.31
Various Naiyayikas had maintained a position, combining to some extent the
views of both Prabhakara and Kumarila, and added evidently yet a third
capacity of language known as titparyasakti or an "extradenotative function"
which provides the "motive-power" of the verbal judgment.32 In all of these
discussions, therefore, three primary functions of language were gradually
being isolated: a primary denotative function (abhidha); a secondary or meta-
phorical function (laksa.na);and an extra-denotative function or motive-power
(tatparyasakti). Moreover, Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta were also
familiar with the work of Bhartrhari and other grammarian philosophers who
had argued for the theory of akhan.da-vikya-sphotaor the doctrine that the
primary vehicle of meaning is the sentence as a whole (vikya); that the meaning
of words has to do with revealing the "integral linguistic symbol" or semantic
significance (sphota), which exists quite apart from but is related to the ideal
or actual pronunciation of the words; and that this meaning is grasped in the
mind by an "immediate intuitive realization" (pratibhi).33 Also, Abhinavagupta
was familiar with Bhartrhari's notion of sabda-brahmanand the related theory
that creation emerges from sabda-brahmanvia the pasyanti, the madhyama,
and the vaikhari(that is, the pure potency of all possible meaning, the pasyantT;
the intermediate phase of imagining specific meanings that might be uttered,
the madhyamii; and the actual utterance in natural speech, the vaikharT).34
Older theorists in poetics and drama had worked, to a large extent, within
the boundaries of these older discussions of the function of language, and, as
a result, it is probably no accident that discussions of poetry were largely
limited to such issues as figures of speech (alamkara)-that is to say, issues of
secondary denotation, various kinds of metaphor, and so on. Anandavardhana
and Abhinavagupta, however, argue persuasively for another function of
language, namely, vyahjani or "suggestion."35 This "suggestion" is referred
to as dhvani (which means, literally, "sound" or "resonance") and refers to
an evocative level of meaning which transcends the level of primary denotation
as well as the level of metaphor. It emerges in the context of primary and
secondary denotation, but it expresses an idea or a figure of speech or an emotion
over and above the actually expressed primary or secondary utterance. Dhvani,
manifested primarily in a medium such as poetry, is that dimension of meaning
responsible for and inextricably allied with the realization of rasa or aesthetic
tasting. For Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta the realization of rasa is
not the experience of an emotion (either sthiyi-bhava, vibhiva, anubhava, or
vyabhicdribhiva), although it occurs in these emotional environments. Rasa,
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378 Larson
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379
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380 Larson
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382 Larson
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383
concerned about the arbitrarywill of some deity, but rather with the very nature
of universal consciousness itself.54
(3) Interrelations between the linguistic-aesthetic and the theosophical and a
comparison with Advaita. If my exposition of Abhinavagupta's thought is in
any sense correct, it can be argued that Abhinavagupta's Kashmir Saivism
differs from Advaita monism in interesting and important ways. Although
both traditions are monistic and although the Kashmir Saivas have been
clearly influenced by Advaita thought, both traditions move finally in almost
opposite ways. Whereas Advaita characterizes the relation between brahman
and the manifest world as vivartavada(the theory of appearance), Abhinava-
gupta and the Kashmir Saivas speak rather of abhasavada (the theory of
reflection). Whereas Advaita suggests that miiy and avidya are finally anir-
vacaniya, Abhinavagupta and the Kashmir Saivas speak rather about apohana
or tirodhana-sakti (differentiation as negation). Whereas Advaita suggests
that error is finally anirvacanlyakhyati, Abhinavagupta and the Kashmir
Saivas speak rather about akhyati or svarupakhyiti (the nonrecognition of
nondistinction). Whereas Advaita characterizes the absolute in terms of sat,
cit, ananda, Abhinavagupta and the Kashmir Saivas refuse to exclude the
dimensions of vimarsa,svatantryasakti,or iccha in the very being of the absolute.
Most important, however, is a difference regarding the role and function of
language in the two systems, and this difference can be clarified by bringing
together the linguistic-aesthetic dimension of Abhinavagupta's thought with
the theosophical. For Abhinavagupta what appears to be important is the
fullness or one might even say the "concretion" of the ultimate or absolute,
which sublimates subjectivity and objectivity, is nirvikalpa and is actively
present throughout the manifested or reflected world on all levels. Such an
ultimate or absolute can only be suggested or evoked, and hence it was probably
no accident that Abhinavagupta was preoccupied with that dimension of the
vikalpa-realm which comes closest to evoking or manifesting the ultimate-
namely, the aesthetic or suggestive use of language as found in poetry and
drama. With the rasa-dhvani theory Abhinavagupta was able to point to a
function of language which opens, enriches and expands our awareness, not in
the direction of abstraction but rather in the direction of a resonant fullness
wherein ordinary differentiations of time, space, ego, and so on, are sublimated.
For Advaitins, on the other hand, what appears to be important is the vacuity,
emptiness, or sheer abstraction of the ultimate or absolute, which is nirvikalpa
but radically discontinous with the manifest world. Advaita appears to move
in a direction of rigid, numerical oneness purged or purified of all distinctions.55
It was probably not an accident, therefore, that Advaitins generally rejected the
theory of dhvani or vyahjana as a function of language and were rather pre-
occupied with the problem of identity-propositions. Advaitins, for example, as
Kunjunni Raja points out, were quite interested in the variety of metaphor
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384 Larson
I have tried to show in this article that (1) Abhinavagupta not only appropriates
but reworks the views of the older grammarian philosophers and alamkirikas
in terms of developing the notion of vyanjana and rasa-dhvani and that this
notion has important implications for his overall theoretical position; (2) that
he makes use of the homology between rasivada and brahmisvdda while
carefully refusing to reduce one to the other, thereby maintaining an interesting
dialectic between spiritual experience and other kinds of experience; and (3) that
he develops a monistic, theosophical perspective that appropriates and trans-
mutes the Advaitin position in an important way. Let me conclude by suggesting
that the force of his overall theoretical position appears to be that language,
art, and philosophy are important components in any adequate religious
anthropology. Each operates in a separate sphere and at the same time provides
valuable input into the fullness of what a person is and into the fullness of what
the ultimate is. A kind of conversation appears to take place in his intellectual
vision between the various aspects of culture, and the result of that conversation
is a vigorous affirmation of the value of man's total cultural life.
It is appropriate, I think, to close with the words of Abhinavagupta himself.
The person who comes thus to realize that knowledge (jhdna) and activity
(kriyd) are solely manifestations of the svatantryaand that these manifestations
are inseparable from oneself and from the very essence of the ultimate, whose
form is the Lord (Isvararupa)-a person "resonating" in such a fashion (iti
parimrsan), not partially (but completely), and who has come to see that
knowledge and activity are really one-whatever such a person desires, just
that he or she comes to show and do. Such a person is solely given over to the
practice of "total abiding" (samavesa), even though still accompanied by a
body. To be sure, such a person, while still in the body, is ajivanmukta; but such
a person is even more than that; for when the ultimate realization has come,
there is only paramesvara!58
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385
NOTES
1. S. K. De, History of Sanskrit Poetics (Calcutta, 1960; 2d rev. ed.), vol. 2, pp. 139-212;
E. Gerow and A. Aklujkar, "On Santa Rasa in Sanskrit Poetics," Journal of the American Oriental
Society 92, no. 1 (Jan.-Mar., 1972): 80-87; R. Gnoli, trans., The Aesthetic Experience according
to Abhinavagupta(Varanasi, 1968; 2d rev. ed. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, vol. 47), passim;
Subramania Iyer, Bhartrhari(Poona, 1969; Silver Jubilee Series, 68), pp. 106ff., 128ff., 142ff., 147ff.;
J. L. Masson and M. V. Patwardhan, Santarasa and Abhinavagupta's Philosophy of Aesthetics
(Poona, 1969; Bhandarkar Oriental Series, no. 9), passim; V. Raghavan, The Number of Rasas
(Adyar, 1940), passim; D. S. Ruegg, Contributions&I'histoirede la philosophie linquistiqueindienne
(Paris, 1959; Publications de l'Institut de Civilisation Indienne (hereafter PICI), fas. 7), passim;
and Gaurinath Sastri, The Philosophy of Word and Meaning (Calcutta, 1959; Calcutta Sanskrit
College Research Series, no. V), see especially pp. 1-82.
2. Gopinath Kaviraj, "The Doctrine of Pratibha" in Aspects of Indian Thought(Burdwan, 1966),
pp. 1-44; K. C. Pandey, Abhinavagupta. An Historical and Philosophical Study (Varanasi, 1963;
2d rev. ed. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, vol. 1), pp. 289-460, 461ff.; Andre Padoux, Recherches
sur la symboliqueet l'energie de la parole dans certains textes tantriques(Paris, 1963; PICI, fas. 21),
passim; and Lilian Silburn, trans., Le Paramarthasdra(Paris, 1957; PICI, fas. 5), pp. 5-56.
3. M. A. Stein, ed. and trans., Kalhana's RajatarahginT(1900; reprint ed.; Delhi, 1961), and see
in addition to the text itself the useful collateral material provided by Stein in vol. 1, pp. 1-145;
and volume 2, pp. 273-494.
4. For useful surveys of the history of the various religious traditions in Kashmir, see the
following (in alphabetical order): P. N. K. Bamzai, A History of Kashmir(Delhi, 1962), pp. 84-107,
226-279; S. C. Banerji, Cultural Heritage of Kashmir (Calcutta, 1965), pp. 106ff.; Edward Conze,
A Short History of Buddhism(Bombay, 1960), pp. 41ff., 64ff., and 87ff.; and S. C. Ray, Early History
and Culture of Kashmir, 2d ed. (New Delhi, 1970), pp. 168-174.
5. Conze, op. cit., p. 42.
6. J. C. Chatterji, Kashmir Shaivism (Srinagar, 1962), pp. 1-14.
7. Bamzai, op. cit., pp. 108-136.
8. K. C. Pandey, op. cit., pp. 5-6.
9. Ibid., pp. 151ff.
10. Chatterji, op. cit., pp. 15-42; K. C. Pandey, op. cit., pp. 154ff.; and Silburn, Le Para-
marthasira, op. cit., pp. 6ff.
11. For useful treatments of the Saiva traditions generally, see the following (in alphabetical
order): R. G. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems (reprint; Varanasi,
1965), pp. 102ff.; Arabinda Basu, "Kashmir Saivism" in The Cultural Heritage of India (Calcutta,
1956), vol. 4, pp. 79ff.; J. C. Chatterji, Kashmir Shaivism, op. cit., pp. 15ff.; J. N. Farquhar, An
Outline of the Religious Literature of India (reprint; Delhi, 1967), passim; J. Gonda, Visnuismand
Sivaism (Oxford, 1970), passim; S. Kumaraswamiji, "Virasaivism" in Cul. Heritage of India, op.
cit., vol. 4, pp. 98ff.; K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, "An Historical Sketch of Saivism" in The Cultural
Heritage of India, vol. 4, pp. 63ff.; L. N. Sharma, Kashmir Saivism (Varanasi, 1972); and K. Siva-
raman, Saivism in Philosophical Perspective (Delhi, 1973).
12. Chatterji, op. cit., pp. 15ff.
13. For a useful summary of Kalhana's description of political events from Avantivarman to
Queen Didda, see Bamzai, op. cit., pp. 109-136. For Kalhana's own account, see Stein, op. cit.,
vol. 1, pp. 186ff.
14. K. C. Pandey, op. cit., pp. 3-26.
15. Ibid.
16. P. V. Kane, History of Sanskrit Poetics 4th ed. (Delhi, 1971;), pp. 236-243.
17. K. C. Pandey, op. cit., pp. 27-77; and for a good summary of Pandey's longer discussion,
see Lilian Silburn, Le Paramirthasira, op. cit., pp. 9-19. Editions of primary sources consulted
for this paper are the following: (1) philosophical: Abhinavagupta's Isvarapratyabhijhavivrtivimar-
sin (Bombay, 1938-1943; Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies (hereafter KSTS), nos. 60, 62, and
65); Abhinava's Isvarapratyabhijnavimarsini or LaghvTvrtti(Bombay, 1918 and 1921; KSTS, nos. 22
and 33); Abhinava's Paramirthasara in Lilian Silburn's edition, op. cit.; and in L. D. Barnett,
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386 Larson
trans., "The Paramarthasara of Abhinavagupta," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, parts 3-4 (1910): 707-747; (2) aesthetic: portions of Abhinavagupta's Dhvanyaloka-
locana and AbhinavabhiratTas found in Masson and Patwardhan, op. cit., passim, and in R. Gnoli,
op. cit., pp. 3-114; (3) philosophical tantra: Abhinavagupta's Tantralokawith the commentary of
Jayaratha called the Viveka(Bombay and Srinagar, 1918-1938; KSTS nos. 3, 28, 30, 36, 35, 39, 41,
47, 59, 57, and 58).
In addition to the works of Abhinavagupta, the following works of the Kashmir Saiva tradition
have also been consulted: Ksemaraja's Pratyabhijiihrdaya in K. F. Leidecker, trans., Pratyabhij-
iihrdayam: The Secret of Recognition (Adyar, 1938), and in J. Singh, trans., Pratyabhijhihrdayam
(Delhi, 1963); Ksemaraja's Pardpravesika (Bombay, 1918; KSTS, no. 15); and the following
translations and studies of Lilian Silburn: Vatulandtha-sutra,Le VijhanaBhairava, La Bhakti dans
le Sivaisme du Kashmir (Stavacintdmani), La Mahdrthamanjart(Paris, 1959, 1961, 1964 and 1968
respectively; PICI, fas., 8, 15, 19, 29). Finally, mention must be made of K. C. Pandey's copious
textual notices in Appendix A of his Abhinavagupta,op. cit., pp. 733-907. The latter are invaluable
and essential for any serious study of the vast corpus of Abhinavagupta.
18. E. C. Dimock, Jr., et al., The Literaturesof India. An Introduction(Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press; 1974), pp. 136-143.
19. Kashmir Saivism combines a strong emphasis on philosophy with an equally strong emphasis
on mystical insight and tantric ritual. It, thus, transcends the usual notion of philosophy in India
(for example, Samkhya, Yoga, Vedanta, etc.) as well as the usual notion of theology (a la Ramanuja,
et al.). Insofar as it provides a foundation or structure for dealing with most of the traditional
issues in Indian philosophy, it can be called a "metaphilosophy." Insofar as its notions are finally
inseparable from elaborate rituals and mystical intuitions, it can be called a "theosophy."
20. For a useful discussion about the relation between worldviews and aesthetic vision, see
Eliot Deutsch, Studies in ComparativeAesthetics (Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii, 1975),
preface, pp. 1-19, 39-74.
21. Masson and Patwardhan, op. cit., p. xvii.
22. F. Edgerton, "Dominant Ideas in the Formation of Indian Culture," Journal of the American
Oriental Society 62, pp. 151ff.
23. Masson and Patwardhan, op. cit., pp. 1-24; and Gnoli, op. cit., pp. xx-xxvi.
24. Gnoli, op. cit., p. xxvi, and for Sanskrit, see p. 48.
25. Ibid., pp. 45-48, and for Sanskrit, see p. 10.
26. See Masson and Patwardhan's excellent collection of passages on the issue, op. cit., pp. 60ff.
27. Gnoli, op. cit., p. 82.
28. Ibid., p. 47.
29. It appears to be the case that Abhinavagupta passed through three phases in his career: a
tantric phase, an aesthetic phase and a philosophical phase. See K. C. Pandey, op. cit., pp. 41ff.;
and Silburn, Le Paramarthasara,op. cit., pp. 9-19.
30. G. Sastri, The Philosophy of Word and Meaning, op. cit., pp. 172ff.; K. Kunjunni Raja,
Indian Theoriesof Meaning, 2d ed. (Adyar, 1969), pp. 191ff.
31. Ibid.
32. G. Sastri, op. cit., pp. 224ff.
33. Kunjunni Raja, op. cit., pp. 95-148; Subramania Iyer, op. cit., pp. 86ff.; and John Brough,
"Theories of General Linguistics in the Sanskrit Grammarians" and "Some Indian Theories of
Meaning," both of which are in J. F. Staal, ed., A Reader on the Sanskrit Grammarians(Cambridge,
Mass., 1972), pp. 402-414, and 414-423. For a useful survey of the philosophy of language in India,
see J. F. Staal, "Sanskrit Philosophy of Language" in T. A. Sebeok, ed., CurrentTrendsin Linguistics
5 (Mouton, 1969), pp. 499-531.
34. Gopinath Kaviraj, op. cit., pp. 1-44.
35. Kunjunni Raja, op. cit., pp. 275-315; and for an excellent discussion of the theory of rasa-
dhvani, see Dimock, et al., The Literatures of India, op. cit., pp. 136-143, 216-227.
36. Masson and Patwardhan, op. cit,, passim, and summarized, pp. 161-164; and Gnoli, op. cit.,
pp. xiv-lii.
37. Ibid.
38. Gerow and Aklujkar, op. cit., p. 82.
39. Ibid.
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