APPLIED COGNITIVE PSYCHOLOGY, VOL. 6, 1-48 (1992) A Brief History of Applied Cognitive Psychology ROBERT R. HOFFMAN Adelphi University and KENNETH A. DEFFENBACHER University of Nebraska at Omaha SUMMARY Currently, applied cognitive psychology seems to be a “hot topic’. What are the origins of this area of specialization? In this article we survey the history of applied cognitive psychology. beginning with the earliest applied psychological research of the late 1800s, through the impact, on psychology of the World Wars. through the advent of the information processing view of the 1950s. and up to the recent flurry of work on topics in cognitive science, such as human-computer interaction. We also consider recent changes in the structure of American professional societies. economic changes and funding patterns. and other factors that have contributed to the advent of this new field. Although our discussion is largely descriptive. ‘we point to some of the influences on applied psychology. such as the practical concerns that have arisen outside the laboratory. Our discussion is best characterized as « historically contextualized cautionary tale that asserts the values of neofunctionalism for applied cognitive psychology. Applied cognitive psychology could be defined as that area of research in which methods and theories from experimental psychology (including cognitive psychology) are used in an attempt to: (1) gain a scientific understanding of cognitive phenomena that occur in the real world of human experience and activity, and (2) solve the practical problems that arise in education, business, industry, and government, Cur- rently. applied cognitive psychology seems to be a “hot topic’. Here are some bits of evidence for this claim: In a 1984 survey of cognitive psychology. Eysenck expressed a concern about the lack of ‘ecological validity’ in much of the modern research (ch. 13), and he pointed to the possibilities for an applied cognitive psychology: "There is no doubt that cognitive psychologists are increasingly concerned that their work should have relevance to cognition in everyday life’ (p. 373). Articles on a variety of topics falling under the purview of applied cognitive psychology have graced the pages of the Journal of Experimental Psychology with increasing frequency since the issuance of Bourne's (1975) editorial opinion that ‘demonstrating how psychological research can be used is just as important as communicating among ourselves on a theoretical level’ (p. 2). Since 1977, the Journal of Applied Psychology. primarily a journal for the work of industrial/organizational psychologists, has been publishing several arti- 0888-4080/92/010001-48824.00 Received 11 January 1989 © 1992 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Revised 15 August 19892 RR Hoffmanand K. A. Deffenbacher cles a year on a particular topic in applied cognitive psychology—the psychology of the eyewitness (e.g. Bothwell, Deffenbacher, and Brigham, 1987). The journal Applied Psycholinguistics was instituted in 1980, and more recently. the journal Human Learning was renamed Applied Cognitive Psychology, its editorial policy revised such that the journal would seek to publish “the best of contemporary appli- cations of cognitive theory to phenomena and events of the real world’. Over the past decade, a number of international meetings on topics in experimental psychology have had titles that clearly stress applications, such as “The design of information for perceiving and acting’ (Lappin. Bransford, and Franks, 1983) and ‘The inter- national conference on applied aspects of memory’ (Gruneberg, Morris, and Sykes, 1978, 1988). Regional meetings on topics in human factors and ergonomics are gaining in popularity and attendance (e.g. Mark, Warm, and Huston, 1987a). For example, Adelphi University has instituted an annual conference on applied experimental psychology. which has had considerable success. The 1985 report of the American Psychological Association's (APA) Task Force on the Employment of Psychologists in Industry (APA, 1985a) included an appendix on applied cognitive psychology. in which it was asserted that the application of cognitive psychology to problems of human-computer interaction is a new and rapidly evolving area. Finally, perhaps most heraldic is the fact that edited volumes are beginning to appear which focus entirely on applied cognitive psychology (e.g. Berger, Pezdek, and Banks, 1987). OUR GOALS AND PERSPECTIVES The major purpose of this article is to summarize the history of applied cognitive psychology, from its roots in work conducted in the late 1800s, up to the current Zeitgeist that seems to underlie all the “bits of evidence’ cited above, Numerous threads of events and discoveries could be culled from the broad history of psychology and placed into a tapestry depicting the historical progression leading up to modern applied cognitive psychology. Indeed, the relevant literature is overwhelming. Any historical account, whether brief or detailed, is bound to be selective and is bound to omit mention of the work of some noteworthy individuals.' It is not our intention to be parochial. However, we focus on applied cognitive psychology as it has developed in the U.S. (since that is what we know best) and in Britain. As we will show. discussion of the origins of experimental psychology and applied psychology in Europe is also important, but we respectfully leave it to others to delve into the details of the history of applied cognitive psychology in various nations, As one would expect, applied cognitive psychology has its origins in the history of experimental psychology. the history of applied psychology, and the history of ' For further details on the history of psycholinguistics, cognitive psychology. and cognitive science, sve Allport (1955, pp. 467-530). Baars (1986), Blumenthal (1970), Cofer (1978, 1979), Gardner (1985), Haber (1974), Hilgard (1987, chs 6 and 7). Hoffman, Cochran, and Nead (1989), Hoffman & Senter (1978), Kessei and Bevan (1985), Knapp (1986), Newell (1983), Newell & Simon (1972, pp. 873-889), Paivio (1975), Posner and Shulman (1979), Postman (1985), and Wiener (1948, ch. 1). For more details ‘on the history of applied psychology and human factors psychology. see Altmaier and Meyer (1985). Chapanis (1986), de Montmollin and Bainbridge (1985), Gilgen (1982). Hilgard (1987, chs 13, 17, and 19), Howell (1985), and Smith (1988).History 3 cognitive psychology. Certainly, applied cognitive psychology should choose its ancestors carefully—canonizing only those whose research was both cognitive and applied in nature. However, to really understand the history of applied psychology it is necessary to consider classic research in applied psychology (e.g. industrial psy- chology) that may not be regarded as very ‘cognitive’. For example, the ‘task analysis method that is now widely used in applied cognitive psychology (as well as ergo- nomics) originated in research on the use of a pocket-watch and research on the use of shovels—not very ‘cognitive’. Conversely, it is also necessary to consider classic work in cognitive psychology that may not be regarded as very ‘applied’. For example, the use of the ‘think out loud’ method in the study of problem-solving was created in order to address basic questions, but is now used in the study of problem-solving in numerous practical contexts (cf. Chi, Glaser. and Farr, 1988), A chronological list of publications that were apparently cognitive/applied would make little sense apart from an awareness of the underlying influences (e.g. who taught whom, who influenced whom and when, etc.). Although our account is largely descriptive, we do ferret out some of the forces involved in the history of applied cognitive psychology. Any account such as this is dependent upon the views and goals of the historian, and will be ‘revisionist’ to some extent. In this regard the present article is probably best characterized as a historically contextualized caution- ary tale that asserts the values of neofunctionalism for applied cognitive psychology. We admit that we are somewhat casual in our occasional use of Kuhn's (1965) concept of a ‘paradigm’, and we admit that we over-rely on the “Zeitgeist” historio- graphic concept. Neither of these concepts actually explains anything. A great deal of historical research will be needed to disclose the *hows’ and ‘whys" of all the events and trends we will discuss.* Overall. the purpose of this article is to recount the major historical developments. those that most applied cognitive psychologists would agree form the important threads in a history of applied cognitive psychology. The organization of this article Starting with the earliest psychological research which could be labelled ‘applied’, conducted in the late 1800s, we show how applied psychology, and applied cognitive psychology in succession, carved out their respective niches within experimental psychology. We discuss. in chronological order. a number of historical sources of the modern conception of applied cognitive psychology: applied psychological research of the late 1800s to the early 1900s; the impact of World War I on psychology: the focus during World War II on topics relevant to training and ‘man-machine interaction’: the postwar impact of computer science and technology: recent changes in psychology’s professional societies; recent trends in economics and research fund- * Given our focus and goals, and given the necessary restrictions of brevity, selectivity, and revisionism, any account such as this would probably be in some ways unsatisfying to historians of science, Furthermore, ome experimental psychologists are already intimately familiar with the history of applied psychology ‘and the history of cognitive psychology. However, in our experience most psychologists are not—herein lies the major motivation of this article. A number of leading psychologists have recently bemoaned the general lack of historical knowledge and scholarship, especially among those trained after the develop- ‘ments in applied psychology in the years following World War II (cf. Gorfein and Hoffman, 1987), Many recent Ph.D.s have not even had a history of psychology course. The present article is intended to benefit all those who have an interest in applied cognitive psychology.4 RR Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher ing in the U.S., and recent theoretical debates concerning foundational issues in cognitive psychology. THE EARLIEST APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY Some of the earliest research in psychology could be considered to be applied and to have a direct relevance to cognitive psychology. In addition, the rise of the “functionalist” attitude played a role in the early development of applied psychology. Early European work In 1892 the French Academy of Sciences commissioned Alfred Binet to study a mental calculator. That work was published in a monograph (Binet, 1894) detailing the results of his experiments, which also assessed the methods and memory perform- ance of a mnemonist and a number of expert chess players (Brown and Deffenbacher, 1988). In addition to Binet’s studies of the development of perception (1890) and memory for connected discourse (Binet and Henri. 1894). he also conducted studies of suggestibility (1900), relevant to eyewitness testimony. As is well known, Binet and Theophile Simon (1905a,b) developed mental tests for school children and intro- duced the concept of ‘mental age’. A surprising amount of research by early European experimental psychologists related to applied problems. In an effort parallel to Binct’s, Ebbinghaus (1897) employed a sentence-completion task in his mental test for school children. This test built upon Ebbinghaus” basic research on learning (1885), which was heralded as much for the elegant use of statistics as for the pathfinding studies of memory tasks and learning phenomena. Rarely discussed, however. is Ebbinghaus’ interest in the development of intelligence and school psychology. reffected in his experiments on the memorization of poetry, a common classroom task (Hoffman, Bringman, Bamberg, and Klein, 1987), Also in Germany. Karl Marbe and Narziss Ach conducted studies of thinking, which revealed reasoning biases (doubts, vacillation. hesitations) and ‘mental sets’ (e.g. Ach, 1905: see Marbe, 1936/1961). Oehrn (1885) studied the effect of fatigue and monotony on mental work. At the University of Paris, L. E. Javal (1878) observed the eye movements during reading. documenting the small movements or ‘saccades that occur, Swiss psychologist Edouard Claparéde, who helped found the Archives de Psychologiv, developed the ‘method of spoken reflection’ that is now commonly used in the study of problem-solving (i.e. the ‘think out loud’ problem-solving task and protocol analysis) (Claparéde. 1902, 1906), and in 1912 he founded the Rousseau Institute, which supported research on school age children (Claparéde, 1917. 1930/ 1961). In England, George Romanes (1884) developed a test of reading comprehension. Francis Galton’s work on anthropometrics, statistics. and inheritance (e.g. Galton, 1869) had a major impact on psychology. and ultimately on applied psychology (Paterson, 1940), especially through the work of Charles Spearman on mental testing and factor analysis (1904, 1914, 1930/1961). All of this early European research, and much more, was on topics that would today be called ‘cognitive’, and was also of considerable practical relevance. Indeed,History 5 many early experimental psychologists were ‘delighted by the idea of an applied psychology’ and had a ‘definite wish to improve the conditions of daily life’ (Clapar- éde, 1930/1961, p. 84) Functionalism In discussing early American psychology. English-language history of psychology texts emphasize the importance of the ‘pragmatic spirit’ of America during the emer- gence of the American university (1870s to the mid-1890s) and during the Industrial Revolution (1860s to World War I) (see Blumenthal. 1980a; van Hoorn and Verhave, 1977). Following the Civil War there was both growth and reform in American universities (i.e. the shift from fixed curricula to the electives system). American universities, as well as a number of federal and state agencies, were at least nominally committed to the support of research. especially in fields such as chemistry. engineer- ing, and geology (Kelves, Sturchio, and Carroll, 1980). There was also an interest in educational research and in improving the training of teachers. Graduate pro- grammes in psychology were established at Clark University, Harvard University, Johns Hopkins University. and the University of Chicago. All were modelled to some extent on the European (i.e. German) universities, where teaching was combined with research laboratory work (Dunlap, 1932: Watson, 1963/1978. ch. 16) Among the prominent early American psychologists. G. Stanley Hall was inclined towards applied research, especially on topics in human development. At Johns Hopkins University, Hall instituted a course which he described in his letters «ts ‘practical work in experimental and observational methods’ (Pauly, 1986). It was he. the first president of the American Psychological Association, who founded the Journal of Applied Psychology in 1917. James McK. Cattell, another prominent American psychologist, conducted a great deal of research on “mental testing’. a term which he coined (Cattell, 1890). His study of Gulton’s writings, and his personal meetings with Galton in London, strengthened Cattell’s interest in exploring individual differences (Diamond, 1977). Cattell’s early research at Johns Hopkins. then later at Wundt’s Leipzig laboratory, involved intensive studies of a variety of reaction time tasks. including word associa- tion reaction time. This work culminated in studies of reading, and the discovery of what would come to be called the ‘word superiority effect” in letter recognition (ie. it is easier to recognize letters if they appear in words than in non-word letter strings—Cattel. 1885). In America, Cattell helped institute standardized testing of college students. He also conducted research on industrial psychology and consulting psychology (Hilgard, 1987, ch. 20). Cattell’s major ambition was to promote applied psychology and to professionalize the study of individual differences. William James (1890) also had an important and lasting influence on psychology in America (cf. Claparéde, 1930/1961; Ferrari, 1932; Paterson, 1940: Tinker, Thuma, and Farnsworth, 1927). James’ psychology of behaviour emphasized such things as habits and adaptation—concepts that were often cited in later discussions of the psychology of work (cf. Poffenberger, 1942, ch. 21). James” psychology of mind emphasized the practical significance of mental operations, and he actively pursued ideas in clinical and abnormal psychology. The views of Hall and James were extended and developed by their students, such as John Dewey and James R. Angell. and became identified as ‘functionalism’6 RR Hoffinanand K, A, Deffenbacher (Angell, 1907; Dewey, 1886), a viewpoint which came to be widely held. Functionalism ‘was a movement ‘that embraced a large number of psychologists who had certain principles in common’ (Carr. 1930, p. 59). For example, in his History of experimental psychology. E. G. Boring (1929/1950, p. 559) asserted that the early French psycho- logists (Ribot, Binet, Henri, Claparéde, Piaget) were highly influenced by function- alism, if not allegiant to it. Going even further, Boring (p. 560) asserted that all of the pioneering American psychologists were functionalists and that all of the ‘new’ fields of psychology (developmental. comparative, educational, vocational, industrial. and abnormal psychology) were functionalist and practical. In her early history of psychology text. Seven psychologies. Heidbreder (1933) asserted that: “Functionalism, frankly joining hands with common sense, was from the first inter- ested in [utilitarian values} ... it was inevitable therefore that functionalism should run over into applied science’ (p. 203) A student of Angell, Walter Bingham, was a key figure in the professionalization of applied psychology (see Bingham, 1952). In 1915 he established the Division of Applied Psychology at the Carnegie Institute of Technology (now Carnegie-Mellon University). The Carnegie programme involved both research and training (of applied psychologists and life insurance salesmen). The Carnegie group included L. L. Thur- stone, also a student of the University of Chicago functionalists (cf. Thurstone, 1923), Thurstone developed and patented an early motion-picture projection system and worked for a time in Thomas Edison’s laboratory. Related to his training as an engineer was a fascination with the psychological aspects of machine design. This led to psychological research, for example. on the process of learning how to operate a Linotype machine. Early work at the Carnegie Division of Psychology led to the precursor of the Army Alpha intelligence test that would be developed for use during World War I. Beginning with his association with Carnegie, and continuing across his career. Thurstone made major contributions to attitude scaling, intelligence testing, and psychometric theory (Thurstone, 1952). Also with the Carnegie group was Edward K. Strong, a Cattell student. who adapted ranking methods to the study of advertisement (1922), and later created tests of occupational interest (called the Strong Vocational Interest Blank) (Strong, 1943) Hugo Miinsterberg Along with Hall, Cattell, James, and their students, Hugo Miinsterberg of Harvard University was regarded as one of the leading psychologists in the United States in the years prior to World War I (Cattell, 1903a.b; Moskowitz, 1977: Visher, 1947). After receiving a Ph.D. in physiology under Wilhelm Wundt, and then an M.D., he became an instructor at the University of Freiburg and began writing a four-volume work on general experimental psychology (1889). Although that work was widely criticized in Germany, he was elected to a higher teaching post. James admired Miinsterberg's style, and there were similarities in their respective theories of emotion. At James’ invitation. Miinsterberg eventually came to Harvard to be its Professor of Psychology. Prior to coming to the United States, Miinsterberg had conducted research on the mental testing of school children (1891) and also a study of the efficiency of a simple task, the use of a pocket-watch (Miinsterberg, 1892). In the U.S., Miinster~History 7 berg continued to study work efficiency. He was quite intent on bringing complex and realistic problems into the laboratory as ‘tasks in miniature’. He created a number of laboratory "games’ that could measure attention, judgement, and reaction time, basing the tasks and apparatus upon analyses of the tasks of railway motormen, of telephone operators, and of ship officers during emergency situations. From such research would ultimately come the basic ‘task analysis’ method that is widely used in modern human factors engineering, Miinsterberg went on to establish the Division of Applied Psychology in the Harvard psychology laboratories in 1908, and engaged in research in many areas of applied psychology. such as the psychology of advertising (Miinsterberg, 1913), and legal psychology. In 1907, Miinsterberg was involved in a criminal case, in which he presented the defendant (accused of a mass murder) with a word association test. The results convinced Miinsterberg that the defendant was not lying. Pursuing this, research was conducted at Harvard on the use of the pneumograph, sphygmo- graph, and mylograph—reported prematurely in the press as a ‘machine that could detect lies’ (Miinsterberg. 1908, 1922: see also Benussi, 1914: Moskowitz, 1977). Miinsterberg also developed an interest in the biases in jury decision-making, Further- more, he promoted psychotherapy and worked as a therapist (Miinsterberg, 19092). Miinsterberg’s views were eclectic. On the one hand he had a ‘falling out” with his mentor Wilhelm Wundt over mechanistic versus voluntaristic approaches and over Wundt's reliance on one particular method for introspection (Hale, 1980; Miinsterberg, 1899, p. 124). Wundt was highly critical of Miinsterberg's early research and theories (Danziger. 1980). However, Miinsterberg’s views included Wundtian mentalism. On the other hand, Miinsterberg’s views also included notions that we would now attribute to functionalism or even behaviourism (Hale, 1980). even though he rejected pure pragmatism (Moskowitz, 1977: Miinsterberg, 1909b). In the days prior to John Watson. phrases such as “the experimental attitude’ and ‘functionalism” and the “behavioural attitude’ were not only widely debated, but were often used interchangeably. Prior to Watson (1914), such phrases generally indicated the advocation of determinism along with an experimental or empirical method. Miinsterberg preferred the term “objectivism’ to denote the goal of “predict- ing and explaining behaviour’ (Morawski, 1983; Moskowitz, 1977), a phrase that is still used as hard cash in most English-language general psychology texts. There can be little doubt that Miinsterberg’s objectivism, his ‘action theory’ of movement (1900), and his search for a ‘psychotechnic’ solution to social problems (1914a) were a source of inspiration for students and faculty at Harvard, such as Knight Dunlap (1932), E. B. Holt (1914), E. C. Tolman (1952), and R. S. Yerkes (1932). Knight Dunlap criticized introspection methods and personally felt most akin to function- alism, and it was he who dissuaded Watson of his remaining mentalistic notions (e.g. ‘mental images’) and urged him to ‘study behaviour’ (Dunlap, 1932. p. 45; Watson, 1936/1961). Thus, in Watson one sees the sprouting of “seeds planted by Miinsterberg’—to make psychology practical (Dunlap, 1932, p. 44), Miinsterberg ‘profoundly altered the course of American psychology’ in that most of the early trends in applied psychology can be traced to him as their father (Dunlap. 1932, p. 42). He popularized the concept of ‘psychotechnics’ (the International Associ- ation of Applied Psychology began as the International Psychotechnical Association). He wrote the first text with ‘applied psychology’ in its title (Miinsterberg, 1914c). He had a great impact on his American students who went on to become leading8 — RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher applied psychologists, such as Richard M. Elliott and Walter Bingham (see Hale, 1980). Miinsterberg’s research and writing also had an impact on British and Euro- pean applied psychologists, especially industrial psychologists (see Hearnshaw, 1964, Viteles, 1967). Miinsterberg “broke ground in psychotherapeutics, in juristic psy- chology, and industrial psychology. In a sense, he “founded” applied psychology’ (Boring, 1929/1950. p. 428). FORCES Looking across the earliest years of applied experimental psychology. a number of forces seem to have been at work. One was the force named Wilhelm Wundt, the mentot of most of the first generation of American psychologists. Other apparent influences included attitudes within academia, and practical problems and concerns coming from outside the laboratory. Wilhelm Wundt and the situation in Germany Apparently, some early experimental psychologists regarded the applied psycho- logists as ‘mavericks’. especially since many of them (e.g. Hall, Cattell. Miinsterberg) had been trained in basic experimental psychology by Wilhelm Wundt (Hilgard, 1987, p. 704). Some reminiscences Irom the Leipzig laboratory convey an attitude that was antagonistic to applied research. However. some do not. For example, Judd (1932, p. 219) reflected that Wundt, if anything, was overall more of a function- alist than a ‘structuralist’ (a name given his view by E, B. Titchener and W. James). tis not clear that Wundt regarded the pragmatic viewpoint of his American students with derision, as brash (or ‘entirely American’) as they apocryphally appeared (Hilgard, 1987, ch. 20). Wundt was often regarded as being dogmatic and autocratic. but this may have been a reflection of the paternalistic nature of the German university training system (Ash, 1980), or a reflection of Wundt's feelings of inferiority and frustrations of his ambitions (Rieber, 1980, ch. 1), or a reflection of the ‘enormous range of facts that Wundt had at his command when he expressed at judgement’ (Judd, 1932, p. 216). Apart from his personal style, Wundt did not oppose applied psychology per se. Indeed, Wundt himself began to study reaction time, around 1861. because of his interest in a practical problem—the individual differences in reaction time that had been noted in the record-keeping of astronomers (Diamond, 1980; Stagner. 1979; Wundt. 1862a,b). Wundt did not have a ‘distaste’ for applied research (cf. Ash, 1980). What ‘distressed’ Wundt about applied psychology (Benjamin, 1979) was its relation to academia (see Wundt, 1914). In Wundt's view, applications follow from basic research. Like many other German academics, Wundt believed that applied psychology did not belong at universities, but at technical institutes. Graduate study ‘was not regarded as a mechanism to generate applied technologies or results (Blumen- thal, 1908b, p. 132). Thus, when Wundt assigned research topics to his students, he generally assigned basic research topics (Wundt, 1909). However, Wundt did not prohibit studies which had applied aspects. The work of James McK. Cattell is a good case in point. Cattell conducted research in Wundt's laboratory for three years, and completed his Ph.D. with Wundt. Cattell’s programme of research had been conceived in 1883. prior to his arrival at Leipzig. Wundit accepted all of Cattell’s initial proposals for studies on reaction time—studies that wouldHistory 9 lead to examinations of the legibility of letters and words, and examinations of word association reaction time, Both were relatively ‘applied’ topics in the context of Wundt’s programme. Apparently, Cattell himself chose to conduct a basic research project (simple and choice reaction time) for his thesis. Though Wundt was busy writing and supervising students, Cattell had a close relationship with the Wundt family. and in a letter from Wundt to Cattell’s family, Wundt praised Cattell’s research precisely because it shed light on practical questions (Sokal, 1980) Like Cattell, many students of Wundt came to Leipzig already holding a function- alist or pragmatic viewpoint and an interest in applied problems. Charles Spearman from England, whose interest in intelligence testing was initially stimulated by Galton. obtained his Ph.D. from Wundt for a thesis on visual perception—the year afier publishing his first results supporting a two-factor theory of intelligence (Spearman, 1904), ultimately a major contribution to the development of correlational and factor analytic methods. Although students came away from Wundt’s laboratory trained in basic scientific methods. their applied interests were not diminished (Judd, 1932, p. 218). A good example would be the work of George M. Stratton. His basic research began while he was a student in Wundt’s laboratory, and involved the use of special inverting prism goggles (1897). Although much of his work represented the paradigm of basic psychophysics (cf. Stratton, 1902, 1911), his research with the inverting prisms was a favourite of the functionalists, due to the demonstration of an adaptation process Furthermore, Stratton went on to conduct applied research on perception and eye movements (1906, 1911) Charles H. Judd came to Leipzig an open advocate of James’ functionalism, yet conducted basic research on space perception in Wundt’s laboratory, translated a number of Wundt’s books, and remained loyal to Wundt. Nevertheless, Judd went on to study the transfer of training, to use motion picture cameras to record eye movements (Judd, 1908, 1932), and to become a leading educational psychologist. E. W. Scripture, also a functionalist, conducted basic research in Wundt’s laboratory on introspection and association, but went on to develop methods for recording speech (pitch, stress, rhythm) to assist in research on phonetics, phonology, and speech disorders (Scripture, 1936/1961). Miles A. Tinker studied in Wundt’s labora- tory, but went on to conduct research on reading (Tinker and Paterson, 1928), and research on the effect of illumination, which led to standards for school lighting (Tinker, 1939). Lightner Witmer conducted basic research in Wundt's laboratory on form perception, but went on to establish in 1896 the first American clinic for children with learning difficulties (Witmer. 1907) Some of Wundt's German students were also regarded as ‘heterodox’ in that they “fled the camp for the applied field’ (Murray, 1983, p. 222). For example. like Miinster- berg, Karl Marbe went on to study the psychology of advertising, aptitude testing, and legal psychology (Marbe, 1936/1961). According to Judd (1932), a number of Wundt’s students felt that ‘fundamental research in psychology can be carried on best by workers who are concerned . .. with applications’ (p. 234).’ Looking beyond the influence of Wundt. the overall situation in Germany was complex (Ash, 1980). Because of the structure of German universities and their ties to the government (i.e. the political/funding system), funding was scarce for faculty For a discussion of Wundt's views about the early research that could be called “psycholinguistics’, see Blumenthal (1970).10 RR Hoffmanand K. A. Deffenbacher positions and psychology laboratories. Psychology was generally regarded as a branch of philosophy, and if it were to embark upon an experimental course, akin to physio- logy and natural science, then philosophy would become much more expensive. ‘Also, German universities had a tradition in which there was a single funded pro- fessorship for each fundamental discipline. (The salaries of many faculty came largely from student fees.) If psychology were to rise within philosophy, it would mean that there would be fewer positions to go around for ‘pure’ philosophers. (For a discussion of the similar situation in Italy at the time, see Ferrari, 1932.) Many philosophers marshalled to protest against the rise of experimental psychology. In response to the ‘crisis in psychology’, psychologists protested to education ministries that chairs reserved for psychology were being filled by ‘pure’ philosophers and educators. Ministries of education encouraged psychologists to generate ‘con- cretely applicable results’, especially in fields such as the examination of witnesses in court, the determination of insanity, and the assessment of intelligence in school children (Goldschmidt, 1912. p. 96; Stern. 1930/1961, p. 362). However, the emergence of applied psychology could not help but be a source of additional problems of identity and status in a discipline which had gotten its start in Germany by oricnting itself to pure’ science and to philosophy (Ash, 1980, p. 283). Nevertheless, an interest in applied psychology was growing in Germany. The Society for Experimental Psychology counted among its most influential members a number of psychologists who were conducting applied research, such as Ach and Marbe. An Institute for Applied Psychology was formed by the Society in 1906. The Zeit- schrift fir angewandte Psychologie (applied psychology) was founded by the Institute in 1907 by William Stern. one of the key figures in the establishment of the Institute. Stern had been a student of Ebbinghaus, and had conducted a thesis on analogical reasoning (1893). Stern pioneered the study of individual differences (or ‘differential psychology’) (1900, 1914) and conducted research on intelligence testing, children’s memory, and language development in preschool children (1902, 1904, 1912: Stern and Stern, 1907). In 1900 Stern pronounced that the psychology of individual differ- ences would be ‘the problem of the twentieth century’ (p. 146), and in a 1903 paper he laid out the theoretical foundations of applied psychology. It was he who coined the term ‘psychotechnics’, and it was he who introduced the notion of the ‘intelligence quotient’ (Bringmann, 1983). Throughout Europe, academic psychologists were conducting applied research For example, Guilio Ferrari, founder of the first psychology laboratory in Italy in the late 1890s, had been highly influenced by James’ Principles of psychology (1890), was directly influenced by Binet, and concentrated his own research efforts on intelligence testing. Up until the various upheavals of the 1930s, there were organ- izations involved in applied psychological work in Germany, France, Switzerland, Spain, Russia, Japan, and Australia (Poffenberger, 1942, ch. 1). “Following World War I there would be an even stronger sentiment in Germany for universities to focus on applied research and practical training (Blumenthal, 1977, p. 19; see also Stern, 1932/1961). The call for making psychology a separate discipline was made strongly by W. Stern, Kari Buhler, and others in 1929, based largely on the rise of applied psychology (Ash, 1980). Although the traditional barrier of one chair per discipline would be broken at the turn of the century, it would not be until after World War II that a significant transformation would occur in German psychology, in part as ' result of the need of methods for selecting and training aeroplane pilots (Ash, 1980).History Attitudes in American and British academia From some discussions of the history of psychology, one gets the impression that applied research was not encouraged at universities in the period 1870-World War 1 (with the possible exception of schools of engineering, business, and education). Inthe US.: Not all departments of psychology were hospitable and some were down- right antagonistic. This spirit and attitude, unfortunately, continues to pre- vail here and there today, especially among those who [emphasize] the fundamentals of pure research (Paterson, 1940, p. 7). C. C, Pratt (1939), who conducted basic psychophysical research, expressed the ‘purist’ view adamantly: psychologists can be most useful by staying in their labora- tories. Edward B. Titchener, a student and outspoken supporter of Wundt, was also a purist, and regarded psychology as the study of the mind using his particular method for introspection, divorced from both practical goals and from philosophy (O’Donnell, 1979). According to a reminiscence by Titchener’s student E. G. Boring (1961, p. 33), Titchener asserted that Miinsterberg had ‘debased’ psychology. It was Titchener’s attitudes that ultimately led Boring to rule out any significant discussion of applied psychology in his highly influential treatise The history of experimental psychology (Boring, 1929/1950; O'Donnell, 1979). For example. Boring regarded men- tal testing as largely irrelevant to the history of experimental psychology, because “a test is not an experiment’ (Boring, 1929/1950, p. 570). While Boring praised Miin- sterberg for founding applied psychology, Boring also asserted that Miinsterberg “regressed” after he went to Harvard and pursued applied topics. “Almost nothing of importance in experimental psychology is connected with Miinsterberg's name” (p. 428). Apparently, an ‘anti-applied’ attitude persisted. and not just in the U.S. In England, Charles S. Myers. director of the psychology laboratory at Cambridge, found that: Many of my scientific colleagues .. . considered that I had taken a retrograde step by “going into business’, when I gave up a secure academic position at Cambridge for the development of an Institute of Industrial Psychology (1936/1961, p. 230). Even as late as 1930, applied psychology had only gained a ‘weak tochold’ in acad- emia. Prestige still rested with the traditional fields of basic psychology (Hilgard, 1987, ch. 19). However, many academic psychologists conducted research on applied problems. For example, research on reading comprehension and eye movements continued to be a popular topic, especially in the U.S. (cf. Quantz. 1897), related to a shift in focus from basic psychology of reading to the problems of teaching, testing, and teacher education (Venezky, 1977). A number of researchers studied eye movements during various perceptual tasks, including reading (Huey. 1908; Judd, 1908; Stratton, 1902, 1906). Erdmann and Dodge's classic experiments on eye move- ments during reading (1898) culminated in Dodge and Cline’s (1901; Dodge, 1907) invention of the method of recording eye movements via corneal reflections.12 RR Hoffmanand K, A, Deffenbacher All this work, and more. would seem to belie the notion that early universities were thoroughly unsupportive of applied psychology. As far as we can tell, many of the leading early psychologists, certainly most of the Americans, encouraged their students to consider conducting research with practical implications, and to enter applied positions upon graduation. In effect, the applied psychologists were saying: “the cloistered psychologist, when he did finally decide to emerge, would do so with empty hands’ (Paterson, 1940, p. 7) Influences from outside academia Much of the earliest applied psychological research was initiated by concerns coming from outside academia. Examples are Binet’s work on intelligence testing for the French Ministry of Public Instruction, and Ebbinghaus’ research on memory testing of children for the Breslau Schoo! Board. While applied psychology in America got much of its spirit from the academic functionalist and ‘experimentalist’ attitudes, its triggering impetus also often came from outside academia. The American spirit, with its focus on utility, efficiency, and productivity, is perhaps best illustrated by the early research on industrial psychology (which today might be called ‘ergonomics’). Frederick Taylor was a mechanical engineer who would later be called the ‘father of scientific management’ (Copley, 1923: van Hoorn and Verhave. 1977). Beginning in the early 1880s (published in 1911), Taylor conducted observations of steelworkers in which he examined efficiency of work with shovels of various sizes and shapes. Workers’ performance was assessed in terms of producti- vity and efficiency (the elimination of unnecessary motions or actions). By analysing worker's actions into component operations of particular durations, Taylor was able to determine which shovel shape yielded the optimal load for particular types of materials (today this would be called a “task analysis’). Taylor's basic motion study technique was relied upon heavily by the ‘efficiency experts’ such as Frank Gilbreth (1909a,b). Gilbreth (also an engineer), and his wife Lillian (a psychologist) used motion study to derive ‘rules for motion economy’, enabling them, for example, to increase the efficiency of bricklayers, and to design special chairs for different types of work (Gilbreth and Gilbreth, 1916). Although Taylor's and the Gilbreths* work came from outside academia, it clearly had an impact on early academic applied psychologists (cf. Poffenberger. 1942, ch. 19). For example, Miinsterberg’s summaries of their research helped him lay out the foundations of industrial psychology (1913, ch. 4). Basic research which had been conducted on reaction time and “mental work” (e.g. chen, 1895) was criticized for its lack of validity relative to industrial tasks and physical work (Ellis and Shipe, 1903), and studies of such tasks were undertaken in industries such as mining, steel production, und railroading. The railroad industry. for example, stimulated the growth of psychology (Viteles. 1925), just as it stimulated the growth of chemistry and geology (Kelves ef al., 1980). The classic research by W. L. Bryan (a student of G. S. Hall) and N. Harter (1897) on the learning of Morse code was supported by the Wabash Railway and Western Union. Miinster- berg’s research on the decision-making of electric railway motormen (1913) was supported by the Boston Electric Elevated Company. G. M. Stratton was known for his basic perception research (1897, 1911). However, he also conducted a studyHistory 13 of the perception of railroad signals, In that research he relied on the technology of the early psychology laboratory to imitate the rapid perceptual tasks and judge- ments that motormen performed (i.e. the detection and identification of rapidly mov- ing small coloured lights representing signal lamps) (Stratton, 1909). This research included not only laboratory studies using special apparatus, but also night-time field studies and observations from trains—all with the support of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company Business interests also stimulated applied psychology. illustrated in the early research on the acquisition of typing skills (Book, 1908; Pyle, 1914; see also Viteles, 1967). The psychology of advertising can be traced to the turn of the century, when H. S. Gale (another student of Wundt) used advertisements to illustrate principles of perception and attention in his lectures at the University of Minnesota (Gale, 1900: Hollingworth. 1913). Walter Dill Scott (also a student of Wundt) took up the psychology of advertising while at Northwestern. In 1901 he was asked by an advertising executive to present some lectures to business groups on advertising and public speaking. These talks were published in advertising magazines, in annual reviews in Psychological Bulletin, and in his two early books (1903, 1907). Like the U.S.. Britain was also fertile ground for the development of applied psychology. Indeed, it can be argued that psychology arose as a separate academic and institutionalized discipline in England largely because of the pressure for appli- cations (Rose, 1985). Numerous companies, factories, government offices, and mili- tary offices were eager for applied psychological research, especially related to education, criminology. vocational assessment, mental testing, military psychology. and industrial psychology (Burt, 1952). This takes us up to World War I. That war, and the years immediately following it, witnessed a rapid increase in the amount of applied psychological research that was being conducted WORLD WAR I ‘A number of the prominent prewar applied psychologists actively sought ways to contribute to the wartime effort, and many other psychologists were drawn into the effort. John Watson studied the effectiveness of a training film (‘Fit to Fight”) about venereal disease (Pauly, 1986). For the Air Service Medical Board, Watson and Knight Dunlap studied the effects of fatigue and oxygen deprivation on aviators. For the Committee on Personnel of the Army. Watson developed a programme for testing candidate aviators. Carl E. Seashore had been influenced by functionalism during his graduate studies under E. W. Scripture, and later became a pioneer in applied psychology. During the war he served in the National Research Council Division of Anthropology and Psychology, and served as Chairman of the Committee on Acoustic Problems. He helped identify gifted students for rapid training for war service. At the Carnegie Institute of Technology, Raymond Dodge (1917) studied the effects ‘of monotony and fatigue and the loss of motor control in eye movements, and the effects of alcohol on motor control. For the National Research Council he devel- ‘oped a device for the selection and training of gun pointers (Dodge, 1930/1961).14 RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher E. L. Thorndike, a student of James and Cattell, conducted research on the testing and selection of cadet acroplane pilots. His analysis of the ratings of cadets by their trainers and supervisors led to the discovery of the ‘halo effect’ (Thorndike, 1920, 1936). Walter Bingham brought W. D. Scott to Carnegie’s Division of Applied Psychology, where Scott was made the first Professor of Applied Psychology and developed programmes in salesmanship and employee training. During the war. Scott was director of the Committee on Classification of Personnel. He and Bingham managed the Army’s personnel placement system. Their goal was to ‘put the right man in the right place’ (Paterson, 1940). Under Scott's supervision, psychologists such as Knight Dunlap and Louis Terman developed numerous tests, interview tech- niques, and survey techniques. Robert Yerkes played an important role in the wartime effort. Yerkes was highly regarded by his peers, and was president of the APA in 1916-1917. He was a compara- tive psychologist at heart (his dissertation was on the sensory physiology of jellyfish). He conceived of an institute for comparative psychobiology very early in his career, and in the years following World War I, he would become famous for his research on primates (e.g. Yerkes, 1916a.b). During the war he served as chairman of the Subcommittee on Survey and Planning of the National Research Council's Emerg- ency Committee. The Committee, which included E. G. Boring, discussed ways in which psychology could contribute to the war effort. Yerkes also served as director of the Division of Psychology in the Surgeon General's Office. Prior to World War I. he had conducted some research on intelligence testing (Yerkes, Bridges, and Hardwick, 1915), work which he continued during the war (Yerkes, 1921; Yoakum and Yerkes, 1920), with the assistance of L. M. Terman, E. L. Thorndike, R. S. Woodworth, and others. The U.S. Army needed a test that could be administered to large groups. could be scored easily, and that would have a special form for illiterates, By the end of the war the Committee on Classification of Personnel was responsible for the rating and classification of 1,700,000 men. In Britain a number of psychologists contributed to the war effort of the Army Medical Corps and other branches of the military. For example. Cyril Burt, who followed the path laid out by Galton and Pearson (intelligence testing and statistical methods), helped direct wartime psychological research under the auspices of the Industrial Fatigue Research Board's Committee on the Health of Munition Workers. The research of C. S. Myers, M. H. Vernon and others on this Committee (and its successor after the war, the Industrial Health Research Board) produced a number of valuable reports dealing with the length and spacing of work shifts, length and spacing of rest periods, and the nature of fatigue and its effects on productivity (Burt, 1952; Dana, 1927/1980). For instance, C. S. Myers conducted a movement study of workers in an iron foundry. Such research led to improvements in the design of several types of machines, including those used in the manufacture of shoes, textiles, sheet metal, and. of course, munitions (Anastasi. 1979. ch. 7). Charles S. Myers—who was director of the Cambridge psychology laboratory, co-founder of the British Journal of Psychology, and teacher of F. Bartlett. C. Burt, B. Musico, and others—also worked during World War I on the problem of treatment for ‘shell shock’ and the problem of selecting submarine hydrophone operators. “On demobilization I returned to Cambridge. fired with the desire to apply psychology to medicine, industry, and education’ (Myers, 1936/1961, pp. 224-225).History 15 THE IMPACT OF THE WARTIME EFFORTS Myers’ sentiment expressed the fact that research conducted from the late 1890s through the immediate post-World War I years served to chart out a course for applied psychology. marking the ‘adolescence’ of the field (Paterson, 1940). The early texts on applied psychology (Miinsterberg, 1913, 1914c: Scott, 1903, 1907, 1910; Viteles, 1932: Yerkes, 1921) expressed the goals of the field, summarized suc- cinetly in Poffenberger’s (1942) Principles of applied psychology The problem of applied psychology is to adjust differentially endowed indi- viduals by training them, by selection of their environment, and by the control of their environment, that they may attain the maximum of social productivity and the maximum of personal satisfaction (p. 13). It would probably be safe to say that, by the end of World War I, a majority of the methods and techniques that were used in psychological research had been initially developed out of a need to solve particular practical problems (see Jastrow. 1930). The growth of applied psychology after 1917 can be largely attributed to the success of the wartime industrial psychology research, testing programmes. and personnel classification systems (Poffenberger. 1942. ch. 1). The consequence of the wartime success was broad in scope, however. The war experience taught psychol- ogists how to pool their efforts and cooperate with others (physicians, engineers, line officers. etc.) in carrying out large-scale projects. Echoing Myers (1936/1961). Paterson (1940) expressed the feeling of American psychologists: Military psychologists returned to civilian life with a deep-seated ambition to put psychology to work in everyday life ... coupled with a conviction that psychological techniques would merit application in a variety of practi- cal applications (p. 3). Also marking the adolescence of applied psychology was the institutionalization of the field: It is not surprising that the postwar development of applied psychology was characterized by the rise of organized psychological service. This trend is so pronounced that we can sketch the history of applied psychology during the past 21 years... by naming well-known services (Paterson, 1940, p.3) Included in Paterson’s lengthy list of American organizations is the Scholastic Apti- tude Test Division of the College Entrance Examination Board, the Research Division of the U.S. Civil Service Commission, the Institute for Educational Research at Columbia University, and the Personne! Research Federation. Paterson went on to list the names of over 100 applied psychologists (in academia, life insurance com- panies, etc.) who were active in the postwar years.16 RR Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher BETWEEN THE WARS Between the world wars there was a great deal of growth in applied psychology, in both academia and in applied settings. Outside academia In the years prior to World War II, between one-third and one-half of all the members of the APA were engaged in non-academic work that could be called applied psychology (Poffenberger, 1942). The growth of applied psychology in this period is perhaps best illustrated by industrial psychology (cf. Musico, 1920, 1921), including research on such topics as worker productivity: the effects of fatigue and boredom; the psychology of advertising: and personnel selection, classification, and training, For example, M. S. Viteles (a student of L. Witmer) conducted research on the selection of railway motormen for the Milwaukee Electric Railway and Light Com- pany (Viteles, 1921, 1925). His selection test involved a tabletop model train and a panel of lights that depicted the status of switching circuits. H. E. Burtt (a student of Miinsterberg). conducted studies of rhythmic movements during job-related tasks (1929). Time-motion analysis continued to be used in the study of factory tasks (e.g, Barnes, 1940), and in Russia, Stakhanov conducted an analysis of work efficiency in coal mines. leading to a drastic increase in productivity, stimulating a change in Russian industrial practices (MacGregor. 1936; see also Viteles, 1938, 1967). Industrial and personnel psychology were topics at the 1929 International Congress of Psychology, presided over by J. McK. Cattell. Reviews of industrial psychology by M.S, Viteles in The Psychological Bulletin (1926, 1928, 1930) and his Industrial psychology (1932) (regarded as the “bible” of the field: Murray, 1988, p. 392) included over 1000 citations of research that was being conducted in various nations. In his autobiography. Viteles mentioned that he was quite impressed with the scope of the programme in industrial psychology in Germany and England (1967, p. 428). In Britain, C. S. Myers gave lectures on applied psychology (circa 1918) and pre- pared a book on the topic (Mind and work, 1921). His interests led him to affect a change in the constitution of the British Psychological Society, to embrace special- interest groups. including industrial psychology. Beginning about 1919, discussions were held to form an Institute for applied psychology. and in 1921 Myers went to London to direct the new National Institute of Industrial Psychology (Boring, 1929/1950; Hearnshaw. 1964; Viteles, 1967), which included Frederic Bartlett, Charles Spearman, and Cyril Burt among its advisors. The goal of the Institute was to conduct, practical research on ‘the human factor in factories’ (Myers, 1936/1961, p. 226). Under the Institute's auspices, research went beyond the World War I studies of fatigue, to examine the effects of the workplace, the nature of work accidents, and to develop methods for worker selection and training. The Institute began a journal, Occupational Psychology. in 1922 (taken over by the British Psychological Association in the 1970s and retitled Journal of Occupational Psychology). In the U.S., Walter Scott left Carnegie to set up the Scott Company, the first personnel consulting firm, offering to businesses the kinds of job selection and place- ment testing services that had been rendered for the Army during the war. Scott Company research set the standard for application forms, letter of recommendation, and the format for job interviews. In 1921 J. McK. Cattell helped establish theHistory 17 Psychological Corporation, a non-profit organization dedicated to the advancement of psychology and the promotion of applied research. basically a clearing house for applied psychological services. These two corporations began a tradition of applied psychology that would grow over the years. Applied psychological research of this period is perhaps best illustrated by the ‘legend of the Hawthorne Works’ (Viteles, 1967). The National Research Council of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences instituted research, initially supervised by C. E. Snow of MIT, which was essentially an illumination engineering project. It was conducted at the Hawthorne Works of the Western Electric Company in Chicago. In the initial studies (1924-1927), worker productivity seemed to increase whether the illumination was improved or reduced. That was the demonstration of ‘the Hawthorne effect’. Subsequent studies were conducted from 1927 to 1932. by Elton Mayo (an Australian engineer with some background in psychology). the engineering staff at Western Electric, and researchers from the Harvard Business school (Mayo, 1930, 1933; Roethlisberger and Dickson, 1939). Environmental vari- ables such as temperature, humidity, illumination, length and spacing of rest periods, and length of work day were all manipulated, and seemed to have predictable effects on worker productivity—a comfortable, well-lit environment made a positive differ- ence. The confounding ‘effect’. a general rise in productivity. appeared to be due to changes in morale and attitude in the experimental group those who were being observed by a researcher rather than supervised by a foreman. Hence. it became clear that major effects on productivity could be brought about by changes in attitudes. Between the wars in academia After World War I there was a ‘visible cadre’ of applied psychologists at work in academia in the U.S. (Paterson, 1940). The study of eye movements and reading comprehension continued to be a popular topic in Germany (e.g. Schumann, 19: see Woodworth. 1938, ch. 28) and in the U.S. (e.g. Tinker and Paterson. 1928) Another popular topic was research which related learning and intelligence testing to education and vocational success (e.g. Judd, 1908, 1915. 1927: Spearman, 1927: Thorndike, 1924a,b, 1928, 1934; Viteles and Keller. 1938). Academic psychologists continued to conduct research relevant to business and industry. Examples would be: research on the acquisition of typing skills (Book, 1924. 1925: Seashore, 1930), research on the relation between performance at laboratory motor skills tasks and performance of trainees in operating knitting machines (Seashore, 1932), research on job requirements and selection tests for naval ship personnel. research on the development of tests for selecting operators of electrical substations. and research on accident prevention for cab drivers (see Viteles, 1921. 1930. 1967). In the area of legal psychology, research on the development of ‘lie detectors’ advanced significantly, going beyond studies of association reaction time (Marston, 1920) and respiration rate (Burtt, 1921; Larson, 1923, 1932) to studies of the psycho- galvanic response (Landis and Hunt. 1935) and studies of the electroencephalogram (Oberman, 1939). Methodological advances also occurred in the study of eyewitness testimony. In 1902 William Stern, now regarded as a founder of legal psychology. had formalized the ‘Aussage’ (testimony) method. The basic idea came from the German criminology professor von Lizst—an unexpected incident is staged in a18 RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher classroom, and witnesses (i.e, students) are questioned about it afterwards. Stern’s approach was systematic. He presented school children with pictures and assessed their memory (1904: see also Miinsterberg, 1908, pp. 40-50: Stern, 1939). In a similar vein, the British psychologist B. Musico (1916) asked people leading questions about an event that had been depicted using a motion picture. Within American academia, interest seemed to centre around the concept of indivi- dual differences (cf. Bingham, 1932: Bingham and Davis, 1924; Poffenberger, 1942, ch. 35; Viteles, 1967), including intelligence testing, human development, personality assessment, and vocational assessment (e.g. Bingham and Moore, 1941: Paterson and Darley, 1936). The individual differences theme was manifested, for example, in the work of the students of G. S. Hall. Louis Terman developed numerous mental tests, including the Stanford—Binet intelligence test, and instituted a long-term longi- tudinal study of gifted children (1924, 1926). Arnold Gesell contributed to educational psychology, child psychology, and paediatrics through his precise observations of infant and child behaviour and his discussions of the concept of ‘maturation’ (1925, 1928, 1952), Complaints about the need for the American Psychological Association to embrace the interests and concerns of applied psychologists reached a chorus in the 1930s (Paterson, 1940). The American Association for Applied Psychology was founded in 1937 by academic applied psychologists, clinicians, counsellors, and business/ industrial psychologists. The Subcommittee on Survey and Planning of the National Research Council recommended a restructuring of the APA, and in the early 1940s E. G. Boring, R. S. Yerkes. and others helped revise the constitution of the APA to resolve the controversies. (The interests of applied psychologists would be repre- sented as Divisions within the APA in 1945.) By 1940 the major complaint of «pplied psychologists seems to have been that: Our academic departments of psychology ... do not seriously grapple with the basic problems of preparing graduate students in psychology to enter business and industry as technologically trained representatives of their profession and their science (Paterson, 1940, p. 6). The solving of this training problem would be one of the next steps in the development of applied psychology THE IMPACT OF WORLD WAR II As early as 1941 the Emergency Committee of the U.S. National Research Council wanted a book ‘which would show what psychology had accomplished and could offer the armed services’ (Dallenbach, 1946, p. 526). Boring and Van de Water (1943) produced a popularization of military psychology called Psychology for the fighting man, a book which represents psychology’s early involvement in World War Il A dramatic expansion of applied psychology occurred as a consequence of the war, both in Great Britain and the United States. In many ways, World War II set the agenda for psychology. The basic idea behind what would become ‘engineering psychology’ had been foretold in the work of the British Industrial Fatigue Research Board in the yearsHistory 19 immediately following World War I. Many machines require ‘frequent manipulation of a release or control or some other manual operation in which ... the worker and machine form a single system’ (Legros and Weston, 1926, p. iii). In the U.S., Taylor and Miinsterberg had discussed the idea of fitting people into positions accord- ing to their ‘mental types’. L. L. Thurstone had a long-standing interest in the psycho- logical aspects of machine design, dating back to the 1910s (Thurstone, 1952). In addition, the postwar job placement testing and labour relations work conducted by the Scott Company had suggested that one must study ‘the worker in his work’ asa unit (Ferguson, 1976). In his foreword to Bray's (1948) report on the activities of the Applied Psychology Panel of the U.S. National Defense Research Committee of the Office of Scientific Research and Development, L. P. Smith defined applied psychology as ‘the scientitic method applied to making machines suitable to man’ (p. v). Indeed, the Applied Psychology Panel and the National Research Council's Committee on Aviation Psychology arose from the need of the U.S, Navy to develop methods for training sonar operators and for selecting aeroplane pilots (Viteles, 1967). The Applied Psychology Panel soon embraced other research activities of the Defense Department. and had purview over research on aptitude testing, personality testing, and job training. The research on personnel selection and training revealed many instances of soldiers’ misuse of equipment, or their lack of preparation for using equipment. As a result, psychologists became involved in improving equipment and in changing operating procedures (Bray, 1948, ch. 1; Stevens, 1946). Soon, psychologists were involved in the preparation of training and operations manuals, the design of radar and sonar consoles, gunsights, communications systems. aircraft instrument panels, and many other things (Christensen, 1958; Fitts, 1951: Gibson, 1967: Viteles, 1967) By 1942 the U.S. government was the largest single employer of psychologists (Bray, 1948). By the end of World War II, in 1945. 1700 psychologists had served in the armed forces, and hundreds of others had contributed as civilians (Capshew. 1985). Many British psychologists were engaged in similar wartime research and develop- ment efforts. Research was conducted under the auspices of various governmental agencies such as the Flying Personnel Research Committee, the Medical Research Council, and the Army Operational Research Group. Prominent in this wartime effort was the group of psychologists at Cambridge University under Frederic Bart- lett, with Kenneth Craik contributing in a major way to the productivity of the Cambridge laboratory (Craik, 1944; Sherwood. 1966) As a result of the impetus from World War II, there was created a generation of psychologists who specialized in the analysis of training procedures and human- machine interaction. One of the new field’s paradigmatic research methods was the “critical incident technique’ wherein human errors were surveyed and analysed in order to improve the design of operating controls (Fitts, 1951). The paradigmatic research topic was the design of aircraft instrument consoles, Knobs, dials, and the like (Schultz and Schultz, 1984, ch. 11) ‘Actually, there was considerable overlap of the postwar topics of applied psycho- logical research with those of the prewar era (looking across the years, compare Crane (1938), Poffenberger (1942), Maier (1946), and Burtt (1957)). There was, for example, a continued interest in individual differences, personnel selection, and train- ing, However, the human-machine element was largely new:20 RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher Probably the most important contribution of the psychologists of World War II was to demonstrate that the man-machine, rather than the machine alone, is the fundamental fighting unit (Bray, 1948, p. 224). The human factors work of the postwar era did involve research that addressed basic questions, such as the nature of the ‘psychological refractory period’ in motor control tasks (Craik. 1947; Hick, 1948). However, the major goal for most research was an applied one—the development of design standards and guidelines (Fitts, 1951). The guidelines would enable one to optimize performance (i.e. efficiency and safety) by having the workplace (environment, machine, product, or system) fit with the human’s capabilities and needs (Fitts, 1951; Lynch, 1984: Mark ef al., 1987a). (This still stands as a good definition of human factors psychology and ergonomics; see Christensen. Topmiller, and Gill, 1988: and Hoffman and Deffenbacher, 1990.) From the research that was conducted during and immediately after World War I there emerged a new set of topics to be added to applied psychology’s prewar roster. For each of its new topics, listed below, we provide citations of early paradig- matic research. 1. The design of visual displays. Display element detectability, identifiability, and discriminability (e.g. Bartlett, 1947; Chapanis, Garner, Morgan, and Sanford, 1947; Grether and Williams. 1947; Hick, 1948; Williams, Bartlett, and King, 1948), 2 The design of auditory displays. Signal discriminability and the effect of noise: aptitude in pitch and rhythm discrimination (e.g. Seashore, Kurtz, Kendler, Stuntz and Rappoport, 1944; Miller, Wiener. and Stevens. 1946; Viteles and Smith, 1946). 3. The design of control manipulanda and control systems. The effect on performance of the shape coding of control knobs (e.g. Jenkins, 1947): human movement, control in tracking and steering tasks (e.g. Ellson, Hill, and Gray, 1947: Helson and Howe, 1943): the effect of movement feedback on control tasks (e.g. Craik, 1947); research on eye movements (e.g. Tinker, 1946); research on the effect of the arrangement of instruments on eye-hand coordination (e.g. Fitts and Simon, 1950). 4. The design of training methods and programmes. The effects of knowledge of results (Keller, 1943; Lindsley. 1945); positive and negative transfer effects (c.g. Gagne, Foster, and Crowley. 1948; Harlow, 1949); the effects of variability of practice (e.g. Seashore er al., 1944): the effectiveness of various kinds of training aids (c.g. Lindsley, 1945; Wolfle, 1945). In the years immediately following World War II, human factors psychology and miilitary/industrial research remained closely affiliated. It was not long before a new field was announced, variously called ‘engineering psychology’ and later ‘human factors engineering’. with the term ‘ergonomics’ preferred outside the U.S. Human factors psychology and ergonomics Although the journal begun by the British National Institute of Industrial Psychology was titled The Human Factor during the 1930s, the institutionalization of the new field (as distinct from occupational or industrial psychology) did not occur until after the war, The British Medical Research Council established the AppliedHistory 21 Psychology Unit at Cambridge University in 1944, with Kenneth Craik as its first Director (Bartlett, 1946). There followed in 1949 the founding of the Ergonomics Society. The first issue of its journal Ergonomics appeared in 1957. In the U.S. the Society of Engineering Psychologists was founded by Paul Fitts and others, and incorporated into the APA in 1956 (Hilgard, 1987). One year later the Human Factors Society was founded, with the first issue of Human Factors appearing in 1958, During the 1950s, doctoral programmes in human factors psychology were established at a number of American universities, including Ohio State University. the University of Michigan, the University of Illinois, Johns Hopkins University, and Tufts University (Altmaier and Meyer, 1985), The professionalization of human factors psychology following World War IT helped solve the training problem that had been noted by Paterson (1940) in the years following World War I. The new agenda—the study of human-machine interac- tion—received an additional impetus in the next phase of the development of applied cognitive psychology. INFORMATION THEORY AND COMPUTER SCIENCE In the late 1940s and early 1950s experimental psychology was given a new impetus by theories, mathematical methods, and technological advances that all developed out of the applied wartime efforts: 1, Information theory (Shannon, 1938, 1948; Weaver, 1949) arose out of wartime research on communication and electronic circuitry. 2. Cybernetics, or the theory of control systems (Wiener. 1948) arose out of wartime research on the control of combat aircraft via servomechanisms and switching circuits (e.g, Pitts and McCulloch, 1943; Shannon, 1938). 3. Signal detection theory (Smith and Wilson, 1953; Tanner and Swets, 1953) was initially developed as a mathematical technique for analyzing the performance of radar systems in detecting targets (Nicely and Miller. 1957), but was soon applied to the analysis of human performance in perception tasks (especially vigilance tasks). 4, Computers (i.e, general-purpose linear digital computers) were a product of wartime efforts to build machines to crack codes and calculate the trajectories of projectiles. In a relatively short time, flow charts (boxes and arrows) became common in psychological theories. Human decision-making and neural systems were described in information processing terms, that is, using the metaphor of formal logic and information flow as a representation of ideas and mental processes (Pitts and McCul- loch, 1943; Rosenblith, Wiener, and Bigelow, 1943: Simon, 1944). Donald Broadbent, a student of F. C. Bartlett, is regarded as ‘the contemporary father of information processing psychology’ (Knapp, 1986). for having integrated the ideas that came out of wartime research into a ‘fresh language’ (Haber. 1974). Broadbent is also regarded as a founding father because he was one of the first to apply the information processing notions to psychological research, research on auditory attention using such tasks as dichotic listening (Broadbent, 1954, 1958; Cherry. 1953). The approach that came to be called “information processing’ was first spelled22 RR. Hoffman and K, A, Deffenbacher out in 1955 in an edited volume by Quastler, and in a 1958 article on problem-solving by Newell, Shaw. and Simon. Information processing notions were utilized in research on perceptual-motor skills (Fitts and Deninger, 1954; Hick, 1952) and research on pattern perception (Attneave, 1954, 1959; Craik, 1947; Garner, 1962). They were also utilized in the experimental investigation of phenomena of language. speech, memory, and problem-solving (e.g. Miller, 1953, 1956: Miller and Frick, 1949). Rely- ing on information processing notions, Saul Sternberg (1969) was able to reinterpret, and improve upon, the reaction time methodology first used in the nineteenth century (c.g. Cattell, 1885, 1886; Donders, 1863/1969). Sternberg thereby opened up the possi bility that stages in human information processing could be explored chronometri cally (Pachella, 1974). THE PSYCHOLINGUISTIC AND COGNITIVE REVOLUTION Within a relatively brief time the work on ‘information processing’ gave rise—largely at the hands of the students of the World War II-generation psychologists—to what has come to be called the ‘cognitive’ or *psycholinguistic’ revolution, which is gener- ally regarded as having been a scientific revolution in a Kuhnian (1965) sense. The work of a number of prewar psychologists influenced the individuals who were involved in the revolution. Among those who are most often cited (cf. Humphrey, 1951) are Edward Tolman and Egon Brunswik for their work on purposive behaviour, Frederic Bartlett for his naturalistic studies of memory and reading, and psychologists within the Gestalt school (such as Otto Selz, Karl Duncker. N. R. F. Maier, and Max Wertheimer) for their studies of problem-solving. All of these prewar psychol- ‘ogists had expressed a willingness to talk about, and do research on, things that g0 on ‘inside the head’. Their research and theorizing fit in some ways with the new information processing viewpoint (see Newell and Simon, 1972, pp. 873-889; Postman, 1951). In the early 1950s a new field called “psycholinguistics’ announced itself (Miller, 1951; Osgood and Sebeok, 1954), and psycholinguistic research started to appear ‘on such topics as meaning (e.¢. Brown, 1957) and sentence comprehension (Jenkins, 1966: Miller and Isard, 1963). At the same time there was a growing dissatisfaction with the dominant neo-behaviouristic approach to learning and language, and a renewed interest in thinking and problem-solving (Bruner. Goodnow, and Austin, 1956) At first, some of psychology’s behaviouristic notions, such as operant conditioning and the effect of reinforcement, were interpreted in terms of information theory and cybernetic feedback mechanisms (Leavitt and Mueller, 1951; Miller, 1951: see also Estes, 1969, 1973). It was not long, however. before such accommodations were left behind. As early as 1948, E. R. Hilgard said ‘It may be that the stimulus-response language has outlived its usefulness’ (p. 349) (compare Hilgard (1948) to Hilgard (1956) Conferences on ‘verbal behaviour’ in the late 1950s and early 1960s (e.g. Cofer, 1961; Cofer and Musgrave, 1963) still showed a clear influence of neobehaviourism and associationism (e.g. research on verbal habits, research on the effect of word ‘meaningfulness on paired-associate learning), but they also showed an undercurrent of dissatisfaction with ‘verbal behaviour’, and the rising influence of informationHistory 3 Processing psychology (e.g. research on concept formation, research on the acqui- sition of syntactical rules, research on computer models of learning). It was not long before the psycholinguists’ discontent with neobehaviourism became explicit (see Dixon and Horton, 1968; Jenkins, 1961, 1968. 1974: Shepard, 1963; Verhave and van Hoorn, 1987). For example, research on ‘associative mediation strategies’ in paired-associate learning (e.g. McGhee and Schultz. 1961: McNulty, 1966; Postman. 1962; Russell and Storms, 1955) provided just the precedent for studying imagery and for legitimizing research on mentalistic topics such as the effectiveness of mnemonic techniques (e.g. Paivio and Olver. 1964: Smith and Noble. 1965; Wallace, Turner, and Perkins, 1957; for a review, see Hoffman and Senter. 1978). Psycholinguistics was given additional impetus by the ideas of linguist Noam ‘Chomsky. including his work on syntax (1957) and his criticism of the neobehaviour- istic approach to language (1959) (Jenkins. 1968). Developments in computer science In the late 1950s and early 1960s, rapid development was also occurring in computer science itself, largely uninfluenced by academic psychology and the debate «ibout S-R psychology (Knapp, 1986, p. 27). Up until the mid-19S0s the idea of the ‘com- puter’ had relatively less impact on psychology than the ideas of cybernetics and information theory. But once computers became available, and programming lan- guages were developed (i.e. Information Processing Language | and FORTRAN). the brain-mind-computer analogy really ‘took off (cf. MacKay, 1956: Newell. 1955: Quastler. 1955: von Neumann, 1958) Computer simulations of perceptual learning were attempted in the late 1950s (Rosenblatt, 1958: Selfridge, 1959: Selfridge and Neisser, 1960). Programs for proving theorems, playing chess, and simulating neural nets were also created in the mid to late 1950s (Feigenbaum, 1959: More, 1957: Newell, 1955: Pitts and McColloch. 1943: Widrow and Hoff, 1960). General theories of concept formation and problem- solving appeared (e.g. Hunt, 1962; Newell, Shaw, and Simon, 1958; Reitman, 1965) and these also gave expression to the general view called ‘information processing psychology”. In the mid to late 1950s. conferences and summer seminars were held at Dartmouth, the Carnegie Institute of Technology, and the RAND Corporation in California (e.g. McCarthy, 1956: Minsky, 1961). These were instrumental in spread- ing the new ideas about information processing and the notion of ‘artificial intelli- gence’ (AI) (Hilgard, 1987. ch. 7). Cognitive psychology By the early 1960s, experimental psychology was being heavily influenced by the information processing theories and computer work. For instance, the work of Newell et al. (1958) had a great impact on Miller, Galanter. and Pribram’s classic psychologi- cal monograph (1960) Plans and the structure of behavior. It is generally felt that cognitive psychology was “born’ a decade later, in 1967, with the publication of Neisser’s seminal text, Cognitive psychology. Though he acknowledges a debt to Frederic Bartlett, Neisser is generally credited with giving the field an identity—by virtue of his having integrated the research of the previous two decades within an24 RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher information processing framework in which cognitive processes and structures were compared to computer programs (1967, ch. 1). Even as the ‘arrival’ of the field was being announced, numerous new research efforts were well under way. For example, attempts were being made to process natural language by computer (Wino- grad. 1971; Woods. 1969). As computer technology advanced. and computers became a part of life and the workplace, the World War II concept of ‘man-machine interaction’ gave way to human-computer interfacing’, an enterprise which accounts for much. if not most, of the current human factors work (cf. Berger, Pezdek, and Banks, 1987; Hollnagel and Woods. 1983 Norman, 1984, 1986: Salvendy. 1984; Woods and Roth. 1988). The introduction of automation into man-machine systems may have led to some reductions in tusk loads and complexities, but more recently the introduction of complex information processing capabilities into workstation systems has, if any- thing, led to increases in task loads and complexities. Over the years, the focus of engineering psychology and human factors psycholozy has shifted in accordance with the development of new computer systems (Bennett. Degan. and Spiegel. 1963) to focus more and more on the cognitive factors involved in the use of computers. The design of all aspects of computer interfaces—commands, menus, graphics, the interactive aspects—relies heavily on a knowledge of the cognitive capabilities of the users (APA, 1983b. p. 25) The discussion up to this point covers the ‘ancient’ history. but itis not the whole story. There is much that has not yet made it into any of the history books. RECENT CHANGES IN PSYCHOLOGY'’S PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS Certain events of the past few years have definitely played a role in the rise of applied cognitive psychology in the U.S. One facet of the current Zeitgeist is the changing pattern in psychology’s professional societies. Psychologists have formed numerous specialized research societies, such as the Society for Research on Child Development. the Cognitive Science Society. the Society for Neurosciences, the Society for Judgment and Decision-Making, the Society for Information Display, and so on. The rate at which new specialized societies have appeared seems to have accelerated over the past decade. to the chagrin of some. to the delight of others. The field of inquiry called ‘cognitive science” was planned in the mid-1970s to be an interdisciplinary merger of specialists in cognitive psychology, neuropsycho- logy. philosophy of mind, linguistics, and AI. with the goal of furthering the computa- tional approach to cognition (Abelson er al., 1976; Bobrow and Collins, 1975). Graduate and undergraduate programmes in cognitive science have multiplied and are now thriving, with well over 25 universities and colleges having programmes (Kelley. 1985). Despite its interdisciplinary nature. cognitive science is a highly specia- lized field. In part, the recent rapid growth in special-interest groups reflects the growth of psychology and science as a whole, with greater manpower available to devote effort to specialized topics. But there are other factors involved. Coincident with their +A textbook called Cognitive psychology was written in 1939 by T. V. Moore, but seems to have escaped everyone's notice in 1967.History 25 becoming more involved in specialized societies, experimental psychologists have also become less involved in the APA, in comparison with clinical psychologists and other practitioners, In recent years only about 20-30 per cent of new Ph.D.s in experimental psychology have joined the APA (about 70-80 per cent of new clinical psychology Ph.D.-s join), making experimental psychology one of the smallest specialized subfields in the APA. Furthermore, the proportion of new Ph.D.s in industrial-organizational psychology who join the APA has been declining from its high of 90 per cent in 1972 to less than 70 per cent today (APA. 1985b). Of those who have been resigning their memberships in the APA, the majority are psychologists who work in academia (i.e. in traditional experimental psychology) and those who work in business, government, and other applied settings. What's left?—the health services. Over 65 per cent of all APA members are providers of health services. (All this is based on an analysis of statistics up to 1984, the most recent summary statistics available.) Today. a minority of new psychology Ph.D.s join the APA, and a great majority of those who do are in the health services. In the years since 1980 the annual convention of the APA (one of the world’s larger conventions) has devoted less and less time to topics in experimental psychology and more time to topics in the health services. ‘As some of our colleagues have succinctly asserted in informal discussions, the APA is regarded as having become a professional society for clinical psychologists. The discontent on the part of experimentalists has been clearly manifested within the APA by the formation of special committees charged with developing schemes for reorganization (APA, 1985b; Hayes, 1987): “The Association has been examining the possibility of restructuring for several years because of the swing in its membership from scientist-academicians to practitioners’ (Fisher. 1987. p. 1). This action on the part of the APA may be too late, however. A splinter group has already formed, the Association for Scientific and Applied Psychology (Hayes. 1987). According to discussions we have had with experimental psychologists, most agree that the APA performs worthwhile functions. It supports psychology as a profession by advocating the interests of psychologists in political matters (such as health legisla- tion and research funding). by serving as a voice for psycholoyy’s conscience, and by publishing some of psychology’s leading journals. Nevertheless. many experimen- tal psychologists feel that the Psychonomic Society and the specialized societies serve a the major organizations for scientific psychology. Many of these same experimental psychologists have stated that the APA membership dues are too high given that the organization's values seem increasingly to be those of the health service providers —persons who generally accept the concepts of intuitionism, holism, and ideographic lawfulness, as opposed to the concepts of objectivism. elementism, and nomothetic lawfulness (Kimble, 1989). RECENT ECONOMIC TRENDS Changes at a political/economic level. including changes in funding patterns, have also played a role in shaping the current Zeitgeist in the U.S. Throughout the 1970s there was a decline in the number of available academic positions in psychology. The number of new Ph.D.s in experimental psychology peaked in the 1970s and has been declining ever since, reaching only 40 per cent of its 1970 level in 198526 RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher (APA, 1985b). On the other hand, there has been an increase in the number of applied psychology programmes and doctoral degrees awarded (Altmaier and Meyer, 1985, ch. 1). Over half the people with new Ph.D.s in experimental psychology in the U.S. go into non-academic jobs (APA, 1985b). Numerous types of employment opportunities for experimental psychologists (including cognitive psychologists) have been advertised over the past decade or so in the pages of the Human Factors Society Bulletin, opportunities in interface design, avionics, transportation safety, consumer protection, industrial ergonomics, display systems design and evaluation, training systems, telecommunications, and many other areas as well (cf. Geyer, Pond. and Smith, 1986). Federal agencies such as the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the National Institutes of Mental Health (NIMH) have a long tradition of supporting both basic and applied research on topics in cognitive psychology (learning, perception, motor skills, language, problem-solving, education, etc.). So too do Department of Defense (DOD) agencies such as the Air Force Office of Scientific Research, the Office of Naval Research, and the Army Research Institute for the Behavioral Sciences. Each of these directs a number of research laboratories at which psychological research is conducted on both basic and applied topics In recent years there have been drastic changes in various budgets: some decreasing, some increasing. According to the | 988 report of the Division of Scientific Resources Studies of the NSF (NSF, 1988), total federal funding for applied psychological research (by the DOD, NSF. NIMH. NASA. etc.) is greater than that for basic research, The specific changes in federal support for basic research and training programmes in cognitive psychology are difficult to document. Summary statistics that allow one to separate cognition-related applied research from the rest of experi- mental psychology are not available. either from the APA offices or from the NSF offices that compile and publish statistics about research funding (see Cooley and Hsiung, 1988; Grucza, 1987). But there can be little doubt that there have been deep cuts in programmes that fund cognitive psychology (Cooley and Hsiung, 1988) For example. the NSF Program in the Behavioral and Neural Sciences began in 1975 with a budget of about $20 million. It grew by about $3.4 million per year until 1981, when cuts mandated by the Office of Management and Budget reduced Program funding to about $32 million (a cut of about 14 per cent) (Loutitt, 1988). Although Program funding is now up to S44 million, that figure represents what the budget would have been in 1982 had the cuts not occurred! Not coincidentally. over the same period of time various branches of the military began to fund more psychological research than they had previously (for example, see Mark, Warm and Huston, 1987b). The shift in funding patterns—with declining support for basic research (i.e. the NSF. the NIH) and increasing support from branches of the Department of Defense—and the political agenda behind the shift, are documented and explained in Abelson (1982), Bok (1981), Brooks (1987), Gray (1982), Smith (1981). and Walsh (1980). Research psychologists who once occupied themselves with basic work are also turning to applied problems in the private sector. For example, Richard Harris, a pathfinder in the area of basic psycholinguistic research on memory and comprehen- sion of metaphor (cf. Harris, Lahey, and Marsalek, 1980), has launched a programme of research on people’s memory for advertising (Bruno and Harris, 1980; Harris, Dubitsky. Perch, Ellerman, and Larson, 1980).History 27 In the case of AI, the economic factor has been manifested in a number of ways: for example, the intensive research effort on robotics for applications in industry. There has also been pressure from Al's primary funding source, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, to make AI ‘pay off in terms of applications (Newell, 1983), such as voice recognition systems to assist pilots of jet aircraft, and the Army’s ‘Autonomous Land Vehicle’. RECENT THEORETICAL DEBATES Another aspect of the current American Zeitgeist is a change in the outlook of many cognitive psychologists. Psychology has never been bereft of debates about contrasting points of view, so the mere existence of debate, even debate about funda- mental theoretical or methodological issues, does not necessarily indicate that any- thing as large in scope as a ‘paradigm shift’ (Kuhn, 1965) is taking place. Nevertheless. current debates in experimental psychology and cognitive science seem to be wide- spread and also seem to share two themes. One theme is a cautionary tale about the overextension of mentalistic concepts the other theme is the advocacy of a functionalist approach to cognitive psychology. A cautionary tale In what may be an over-reaction to the influence of behaviourism and the early criticisms of introspection, modern cognitive psychology has had a penchant for mentalistic, philosophical speculation (cf. Estes, 1978; Roediger, 1980; Underwood, 1972). A good example is the flurry of papers, and quite a few books, on issues involving the notion of ‘mental representation’ (e.g. Anderson. 1979: Fodor, 1981: Palmer, 1979; Pylyshyn, 1981). In the late 1970s and early 1980s, psychology journals were filled with debate that was more akin to philosophy of mind than to experimental psychology. Cognitive science has been similarly characterized—as having remem- bered its roots in the philosophy of mind, but having forgotten its roots in experimen- tal psychology (Hoffman, 1987: McCarthy, 1983, 1984). ‘A number of leading psychologists have questioned the status and accomplishments of cognitive psychology. Allan Newell argued in 1972 that cognitive psychology had bogged down. According to Newell, cognitive psychology consists essentially of two collections, one a collection of phenomena, the other a collection of theoretical concepts. The phenomena include such things as short-term memory chunking, the visual ‘icon’, release from proactive inhibition, clustering in free recall, the moon illusion, the von Restorif effect, and the serial position effect. among others. The collection of theoretical concepts includes nature versus nurture, continuous versus all-or-none learning, serial versus parallel processing, analogue versus digital process- ing, grammars versus associations, short-term versus long-term memory, and other distinctions. Most of these phenomena and concepts predate modern cognitive psychology, but over time the two collections have become ‘an ever-increasing pile sues, which we weary of or become diverted from. but never really settle’ (Newell, 1972, p. 289). Ralph N. Haber, an early advocate of information processing psychology. announced the ‘demise of the icon’ in 1983, and wondered whether the traditional28 RR. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher information processing theory was not ‘entirely wrong’ (p. 10). At the recent “Ebbinghaus Centennial Conference’ (Gorfein and Hoffman, 1987), a number of participants expressed a sentiment that seems to be current in cognitive psychology. The sentiment is based on the observation that, over recent years, cognitive psychol- ogists have brought back into psychology all of the mentalistic concepts and meta- phors of the introspectionists, the ‘act’ psychologists. faculty psychology, and other mentalistic psychologies of the pre-behaviourist era—and they have added a great many new ones, the computer metaphors. This worries some people. Estes (1978), Eysenck (1977), Roediger (1980), and Underwood (1972) have all lamented the proli- feration of mentalistic terminology and metaphors (e.g. tags, nodes. kernels, etc.) The sentiment harkens back to functionalism: The new vocabulary [is] speculative abandon ... Ebbinghaus’ approach to specifying cognitive processes was a great deal more disciplined ... psy- chology was mentalistic «t the time and had not yet sustained penalties for developing theories that extended beyond the capacity of available methods of verification. ... Ebbinghaus did not permit his conclusions to get far ahead of his data. ... Our metatheorists must be directed at establish- ing more rigorous guidelines for drawing inferences about cause-effect rela- tions in cognitive processes and contents (Bahrick, 1987. pp. 388-391). This caution about the overextension of mentalism traces itself back to MacCor- quodale and Meeht’s (1948) distinction between hypothetical constructs and interven- ing variables. Since that distinction was introduced, advances in computer science, combined with the general comparison of minds to information processing systems. have provided a worthwhile starting point for making inferences about cognition, and there is general agreement that psychologists can and should make such infer- ences. The ability of researchers to test such inferences has been significantly aided by methodological advances—for example, Sternberg's (1969) work on reaction time and the ‘release from proactive inhibition’ procedures (Wickens. 1970}—and also by advances in theory such as the ‘levels of processing” framework (Craik and Lock- hart, 1972). However, the history of cognitive psychology research shows that virtually every major conclusion has been challenged by subsequent investigators ... the second and third generations of studies in each domain failed to yield greater certi- tude, let alone more precision. This was an indication that the methods had been overextended so that cognitive inferences could not provide defini- tive answers to the questions being asked. Such challenges per so do not, constitute an indictment of cognitive psychology ... [but] failure to narrow the inferential gap is likely to leave us with an accumulation of unmanage- able cognitive theory. reminiscent of our introspective and philosophical past (Bahrick, 1987. pp. 392-393), Neo-functionalism ‘A second theme to recent debates involves a movement of the philosophical pendulum back towards the pragmatist pole. In cognitive science and AI there have been calls for researchers to take a more experimental approach in concocting their processing models (¢.g. Buchanan, in press; McCarthy, 1983; Hoffman, 1987). Within experi-History 29 ‘mental psychology, the current Zeitgeist involves the rising popularity of views that have been called contextualism (Hoffman and Nead, 1983: Rosnow and Georgoudi, 1986), neofunctionalism (Bahrick, 1987; Gibson, 1982), and ecological psychology (Gibson, 1979; Mace, 1983; McCabe and Balzano, 1986; Neisser. 1987), all of which have a pragmatic spiri In the area of learning and memory, Bahrick (1987) has observed that a neofunc- tionalist approach seems to be gaining in popularity. According to Bahrick. this approach emphasizes the establishment of parsimonious relations between manipu- lated variables and memory performance, without necessarily reaching conclusions about cognitive processes. An example would be recent research on context effects in memory (e.g, Bahrick, 1979; Gorfein, 1987: Glenberg, 1987: Wickens, 1987). True to its origins (e.g. Angell, 1904), neofunctionalism emphasizes the study of cognitive phenomena that relate to actual experience and activity (Hoffman, 1986). Neofunctionalists rely heavily on the notion of the ‘ecological validity’ of research. As originally defined by perception researcher Egon Brunswik (1955), ecological validity refers to the strength of the correlation between a perceptual cue and a corresponding physical dimension of an object. Thus, presenting naturalistic stimulus displays allows more realistic estimates of the boundaries of human perceptual per- formance. A number of modern cognitive psychologists (Claxton, 1980; Neisser, 1982a) have expressed the concern that much cognitive research lacks ecological validity: itis artificial and removed from everyday events and concerns (cf. Bahrick, 1979; Kintsch, 1974). Here is how Eysenck (1984) put it: Of the 59 basic cognitive phenomena listed by Newell (1972). only wo have immediate relevance, one relates to chess playing, and the other to looking at the moon. ....If « researcher wants to explore some facet of, say, human memory, then an attempt is usually made to decouple the memory system from other cognitive systems, and to minimize the impact of motivational and emotional factors on performance. Even if it is possible to study the memory system in isolation, it is manifestly obvious that the memory system usually operates in interaction with other functional sys- tems; accordingly, the more successful we sre in examining part of the cognitive system in isolation, the less our data are likely to tell us about cognition in everyday life (pp. 363-364) The neofunctionalist plea for ecologically valid research does not involvea categori- cal rejection of laboratory research (cf. Eysenck, 1984, p. 373: Hoffman and Palermo, in press; Neisser, 1987). Laboratory work in which variables are manipulated and controlled does not necessarily preclude the operation of the same effects and inter- actions that occur in naturalistic settings. Laboratory work should certainly be able to verify effects that are strong in natural settings. In addition, laboratory work may be needed to establish the existence of phenomena or effects that may be counter- intuitive, The current Zeitgeist The two themes—cautious mentalism and neofunctionalism—have appeared much more than once in the recent literature, and they often appear together, as illustrated30. R.R Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher by the works of Harry P. Bahrick, who in 1987 made a plea for ‘narrower theories and broader methods’ in the psychology of learning. Psychology of learning Another example of a leading learning researcher whose recent theorizing has expressed both the themes is James Jenkins. Originally trained in applied psychology by Donald Paterson, Jenkins’ research spanned the era of ‘verbal mediation’. and he contributed to the psycholinguistic revolution. Looking back on that revolution, Jenkins (1980) expressed his concern about whether cognitive psychology could be ‘fruitful’, citing Newell's (1972) dissatisfaction with traditional flow diagrams. To set the stage for his cautious mentalism and his plea for ecological validity. Jenkins pointed to some salient failures of psychology—such as the failure of learning research ‘of the 1930s to 1950s to yield a *grand" theory, and the failure of the research on probability learning to lead to cumulative knowledge. Jenkins’ approach is clearly pragmatic and functionalist. He begins by recognizing that the experimental tasks and stimuli used in cognitive research, as dictated by ‘one or another theory or model, force the research participants to adopt certain strategies, which can then make them behave ‘as if a particular process were going on: When one looks at the models psychologists build, one discovers. in fact, that they are not models of the mind, but rather models of the task being performed by the subjects. ...I do not want to suggest that experiments are ‘untrue’ or ‘invalid’ or worthless. Obviously they do tell us that subjects can behave in certain ways under certain circumstances. This will be of interest to us if the circumstances are interesting, or important, or highly frequent. But if these circumstances occur only in the laboratory, the experi- menter must take on considerable burden of justification if he or she desires our interest (Jenkins, 1980. pp. 217-222). Jenkins developed a practical description of learning research, in which experiments are analyzed in terms of the four aspects of experiments which induce participants to behave ‘as if particular processes were going on: The materials, the orienting tasks, the criterial tasks, and the participant's degree of expertise (Jenkins, 1978). In describing his approach, Jenkins commented that the spirit of functionalism returning to participant's psychology ‘with vigor’ (1980, p. 236). Cognitive science The two themes of the Zeitgeist, cautious mentalism and a neofunctionalist outlook, have also been expressed by researchers who ally themselves with cognitive science, Donald Norman presented “twelve issues for cognitive science’ (1981), such as the neglect of social, cultural, motivational, and emotional factors in cognition. He feels. that information processing psychology shows a: lack of consideration of the special problems and issues confronting an animate organism that must survive as both an individual and a species. These considerations have accumulated until they finally have forced themselves on me....I have studied memory for years, yet am unable to answer even simple questions about the use of memory in everyday life (pp. 226, 271).History 31 He then considers the implications for cognitive theory of research in such areas as education, skilled motor performance, and the role of gestures in conversation. He is making a plea for ecological validity research efforts should cease now and then for pause and reflection ... in the fun of the race. in the excitement of overcoming technical difficulties, ‘one may forge off in directions of little concern to anyone (p. 292). As one might expect from the above, Norman rejects the traditional information processing view, the ‘conventional flow chart’: ‘For [real] events. perception. knowl- edge, and language must be called into play—essentially. all the mechanisms of the Pure Cognitive System’ (p. 274). Despite his rejection of the ‘conventional flow chart’, he retains most of the information processing metaphors and the premise that cognition is symbol manipulation—his is definitely a cautious mentalism. Psychology of perception In the area of perception, the research and theorizing of the ‘ecological’ psychologists (see Gibson. 1979; Johansson, 1950) also reflect the cautionary tale and a neofunction- alist spirit (Hoffman and Nead, 1983; Mace, 1983: Reed and Jones, 1985; Warren and Shaw, 1985). Known for their insistence on ecological validity in research, cco- logical psychologists also share a cautious mentalism, which shows in their refusal to ‘take out loans on intelligence’ in order to explain perception and the purposive control of action (Turvey and Carello, 1981). Ecological psychologists such as Ulric Neisser (1982a, 1987) share the spirit of functionalism in their scepticism of any assumption or concept that undercuts the philosophy of realism, or that ignores the ecology. Furthermore, the affinity of ecological psychology with applied psychology and human factors psychology has often been pointed out (cf. Flach, 1988; Gibson. 1967; Hoffman and Palermo, in press: Mark and Dainoff. in press). Indeed, Gibson's programme for ecological psychology arose out of his wartime research on aviation (see Gibson, 1967; Reed and Jones, 1985). General contextualisn Some researchers have claimed that a general ‘world view" is emerging in social science, including cognitive psychology (Hoffman, 1986: Jenkins, 1974). social psychology (McGuire, 1983; Rosnow and Georgoudi, 1986; Sarbin, 1976), develop- mental psychology (Baltes, Dittman-Kohli, and Dixon. 1984: Lerner, Hultsch, and Dixon, 1983), and ecological psychology. This general view. called ‘contextualism’ in a tradition established by philosopher Stephen Pepper (1942). offers promise in so far as it invokes creative or challenging alternatives to traditional issues and concepts, and to research results and methods. Ecological science and general contextualism do call into question a number of concepts that lie at the heart of the Western heritage of experimental psychology (cf. Gibson, 1979. ch. 14; Hoffman and Nead, 1983; Mace, 1977: Warren and Shaw. 1985, ch. 1). For example, Gibson argued that perception is not based on processes. of unconscious inference in which impoverished stimulus cues are analysed and pro- cessed $0 as to yield memory copies and representations of the world. Rather, the description of stimuli in terms of ecological optics shows that the information for perception is rich enough to permit ‘direct perception’.32 R.R. Hoffman and K. A. Deffenbacher On the side of information processing, there are staunch advocates of the strong claim that all psychological activity must be calculational and representational in nature (e.g. Fodor, 1981; Pylyshyn, 1986). This has set the stage for a debate over paradigms, a debate that has the potential for having an impact on applied as well as general cognitive psychology. This debate concerns, among many other things, the relation between the ecological psychologists’ notion of ‘direct perception” and all of the ‘indirect’ processes that information processing psychologists have claimed are necessary in order to explain language and cognition (meaning, inference-making, and so on). How can a piece of research inform us of the degree to which a given process is “direct” or “indirect”? Certainly, a great deal of research in both laboratory and real-world settings will be needed to allow us to link perception and action with language (meaning) and inference (Neisser. 1982a,b. 1987: Verbrugge. 1985). CONCLUSION Applied cognitive psychology has a rich history, ranging all the way from European work in experimental psychology in the late 1800s up to modern debates about mentalism and functionalism. Throughout its history there has been an interplay between practical concerns and basic laboratory science. Thus, many of the tech- niques that are used today in applied fields such as human factors engineering can be traced to early research in experimental psychology. Conversely. many of the techniques that are used in basic experimental psychology can be traced to practical problems. Included among the sources of applied cognitive psychology is research on topics in industrial, business, and legal psychology conducted throughout the 1900s, und research related to practical needs during the two World Wars. Of course, critical in the development of applied cognitive psychology was the rise of cognitive psychology—following the era of ‘verbal behaviour’ of the post- World War II years. Information processing research of the 1950s-1970s (which grew out of wartime accomplishments), psycholinguistic research of the 1960s-1970s (which was stimulated by work in linguistics), and ‘cognitive science’ research of the past decade (concerned largely with human-computer interaction) all represent a dramatic resurgence of interest in topics and theories that would traditionally be called “mentalistic’. However, the now-entrenched cognitive point of view has recently come under fire. in debates about mentalism which harken to the ideas of the functionalists, including the advocation of ‘real-world’ research. Other impor- tant recent influences include economic trends and changes in professional societies. It is within this general Zeitgeist that applied cognitive psychology has become a field in its own right. In our exploration of the history of applied cognitive psychology we have cited some of the literature in which researchers refer to a supposed difference between “basic” and ‘applied’ research. Although the question of the relation of basic and applied science is often addressed in applied psychology texts, we found to our surprise and chagrin that this important distinction has not really been addressed with much analytical vigour. As a consequence, the question “What is applied cognitive psychology?” is not an easy one to answer. Given the historical background we have presented here—replete with examples of research that would be considered to be applied cognitive psychology—we are in a position to ponder the nature ofHistory 33 applied cognitive psychology. This is the topic of a second article (Hoffman & Deffen- bacher, 1990) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS, The authors would like to thank Coleman Paul of Adelphi University. Harry P. Bahrick of the Ohio University, historians of psychology Graham Richards and Wolfgang Bringmann, and also Graham Davies and Doug Herrmann of this journal, for their detailed comments on earlier versions of this article, and their suggestions about various plights we encountered. Four anonymous reviewers also offered many helpful suggestions. All of the commentators expressed their own views on the history and nature of applied cognitive psychology. and the authors very much appreciate receiving their suggestions. We have taken the liberty of expressing their concerns, especially in our initial section where we describe our perspective and goals. Thanks also go to Claire Virgile and Richard Klein, both at Adelphi. for helping us track down references. REFERENCES Abelson, P. H. (1982). Prospects for support of R&D in fiscal 1983. Science. 216. 9. Abelson, R. F. (with 51 others) (1976). Proposal for a Particular Program in Cognitive Sciences Proposal, Alfred P. 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